From 1933 to 2015, the Rockefeller family developed, owned, and occupied 19 buildings across 22 acres in midtown Manhattan known as Rockefeller Center. The many tentacles of the Rockefeller Standard Oil octopus were housed in the General Electric building inside the family office known as Room 5600.

The United Nations was conceptualized inside Room 5600, alongside the IMF, World Bank, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and even the Trilateral Commission. David Rockefeller and Henry Kissinger formulated their scheme for the depopulation of the Third World from this office, and the plan to open China was concocted inside the vast 56th-floor office that housed the most dangerous American family in the nation’s 250-year history.

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The new regulations revealed by the Financial Conduct Authority include several technical traps which crypto software providers need to watch for to avoid sanctions

What to know:

• The U.K. Financial Conduct Authority has proposed detailed “cryptoasset perimeter” guidance that would bring most crypto activities under the Financial Services and Markets Act by October 25, 2027.
• Under the plan, any firm holding client crypto assets for more than 24 hours, or with the ability to override client authority, would be treated as a regulated custodian and require a full safeguarding license.
• Validators, node operators and stablecoin issuers face tighter rules, including loss of tech-only exemptions when offering added-value features and a requirement that U.K.-based issuers control the full stablecoin lifecycle, with firms given a five-month window from Sept. 30 to apply for authorization.

The U.K.’s Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) is proposing crypto rules that could quietly expand the definition of custody, potentially sweeping in platforms and software providers that don’t consider themselves custodians.

The FCA published its Cryptoasset Perimeter Guidance on Wednesday, which includes a few technical traps for firms handling clients’ crypto assets.

The rules draw a red line at the 24-hour mark for custody. Any firm or crypto platform or app holding client assets for longer than a day during trade settlement will likely fall under the regulated custodian classification, which triggers a requirement for a full safeguarding-license.

Validators and node operators also need to proceed with caution. The regulator warned those involved in those activities will lose their pure tech exemption the moment they provide “added value” features. That includes things like user dashboards, yields or reward-compounding tools. In those cases, they must seek full approval for arranging staking.

“Our new perimeter gives us the tools to strengthen protections for consumers and support fair, transparent and orderly markets as the sector matures,” the FCA stated in the paper.

Also noteworthy is that for the first time, the FC has addressed the “shadow custody” issue. The financial watchdog made it clear that if a crypto service provider allows it to theoretically override a client’s authority, it is officially a custodian even if it guarantees it will never exert that power.

“The fact that an arrangement involves smart contracts, public blockchains or some elements of decentralisation does not determine the perimeter position or place the arrangement outside of regulation,” the document noted.

For stablecoin issuers, the mandate is equally blunt as it considers issuance legal only if the issuer is established in the United Kingdom and manages the entire lifecycle. That includes everything from the initial offering to redemption and reserve maintenance.

The FCA requested views on these proposals until the consultation closes on June 3, 2026, it said in a separate statement Wednesday. The regulator intends to publish finalized rules in policy statements this summer, followed by the final perimeter guidance in September.

The roadmap forces all entities providing crypto services to transition from the current money-laundering registrations systems to a more strict approval regime under the U.K.’s Financial Services and Markets Act (FSMA).

Firms intending to continue in business under the new regulations face a five-month application window from Sept. 30 of this year to Feb. 28, 2027. Missing this deadline exposes them to potential fines and suspensions as well as permanent closures.

Only those who apply during the application period will benefit from the so-called “savings provisions” that allow them to keep operating while the regulator deliberates.

The post The 24-hour trap: Why the UK’s new crypto rules could catch some firms off guard appeared first on Activist Post.

Enshrining age verification laws nationwide presents a series of perilous privacy concerns.

(Liam Dawe) We’ve covered here before on individual US states setting up their own age verification laws, and now a new US Congress bill has been proposed for it. If passed, this would then potentially set it all up to be nation-wide across the entirety of the US.

The bill was introduced on April 13th and has been referred to the US House Committee on Energy and Commerce. It’s being sponsored by the Democratic party’s Josh Gottheimer, with it being co-sponsored by Republican Elise M. Stefanik so it has bipartisan support.

The current concerning thing – is that the actual bill text doesn’t seem to have been provided yet. All we know is the main introduction title of: “To require operating system providers to verify the age of any user of an operating system, and for other purposes”.

It could go either way with it simply asking for people to enter their date of birth or more concerning is actual proper verification using some form of ID. The other bit about it being for “other purposes” also leaves me with a rather uneasy feeling. These types of bills we’ve seen elsewhere are always a first step towards something worse. They all mean less privacy, less freedom, more tracking and a potential for more security problems when things inevitably get leaked somewhere.

This appears to be part of the “Parents Decide Act” announced earlier in April by Gottheimer, as just one step in the process. So expect a lot more to come. Some bullet point plans from it:

• Require operating system developers like Apple and Google to verify users’ ages when setting up a new device, rather than relying on self-reported ages.
• Allow parents to set age-appropriate content controls from the start, including limiting access to social media, apps, and AI platforms.
• Ensure that age and parental settings securely flow to apps and AI platforms, so content is tailored appropriately for children.
• Prevent children from accessing harmful or explicit content — including inappropriate AI chatbot interactions — by creating a consistent, trusted standard across platforms.

Currently, the bill is only in the introductory stage so it hasn’t yet passed and become law, so if this is important to you in the US you may want to speak to your representatives.

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A report on the human rights situation in Gaza

It was 93 degrees in Gaza on Wednesday, and the best that most survivors of Israel’s war there could manage was to find shade under a tent. The Israeli air force, unchallenged by anti-aircraft defenses, has damaged or destroyed 92 percent of the territory’s homes and apartment buildings, leaving the Palestinian survivors of the war lucky, but surely not grateful, to have a tent over their heads.

The Israeli bombing of Gaza has now gone on for more than thirty months. It began immediately after Hamas’s attack on Israel of October 7, 2023. Hamas’s goal was to snatch vulnerable Israeli soldiers as hostages. The gates separating Israel from south Gaza were down and hundreds of frustrated Gazans, who had been suffering in a subjugated society for decades, poured into Israel seeking revenge. Both US and Israeli intelligence services had warned for months that Hamas was planning a major assault inside Israel, but those reports, which included translated US intercepts of communications from Hamas training sites and reached senior levels of the Israeli government, were ignored or not believed.

More than 1,200 Israelis, including young attendees of an all-night rave near the border with Gaza, were murdered on October 7, and 250 men and women, many of them serving in the Israeli military, were taken hostage. Unanswered questions remain today about the ignored intelligence warnings and the slow response of the Israel Defense Forces.

There were a few Americans with military and intelligence ties to Israel who tried and failed in those early days to stop Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu from his all-out bombing response. One American thought was to convince Hamas, whose senior officers planned the attack, to turn over the leaders to stand trial. It was a nonstarter for both parties. Netanyahu had moved closer to the extreme right out of political necessity and took up a policy of all-out retaliation. He was then on trial on corruption charges that, as it was reported at the time, were more than convincing. But under Israeli law as long as he was prime minister he could stay in office if convicted and delay going to prison by appealing the verdict. It has been no secret in Israel that avoiding prison was one of his motives in turning to collective punishment from the air in Gaza. The war delayed the trial and kept him in office. Two US presidents, Joe Biden and Donald Trump, have done nothing to restrain the Israeli prime minister, and supported and supplied him in the war.

The IDF now controls close to 60 percent of Gaza. Hamas is still alive and still a threat, if a much subdued one. The Palestinian survivors living in tents fight the elements, with more available food than earlier in the war but still lacking health care and decent sanitation. They are under the watch and control of the IDF, who shoot to kill if a Palestinian father or son, even one searching for firewood, strays even a few feet from the constantly narrowing borders of the tent camps.

I’ve been watching the mainstream coverage of Gaza since the beginning of the war. The stagnant situation there has inevitably become a humdrum story for the Western media unless a stray bomb wipes out a family or a widely publicized plan by a member of the Trump family emerges to turn Gaza, once the Palestinian issue is resolved—no specifications about that—into a $25 billion luxury resort and skyscraper business complex. Sometimes there is a flash of coverage when, as happened last month, Al-Jazeera reported the torture by a group of Israeli soldiers of an 18-month old Gazan boy. Cigarette burns and nail punctures were part of an effort to get the child’s father to confess to unspecified actions. (It should be noted here that the US and international press corps has been thoroughly reporting on the increasing violence against Palestinians in the West Bank by Israeli settlers, their murder and seizure of long-held Palestinian property, all with the IDF looking on.)

I have previously reported on the remarkable work of Francesca Albanese, an Italian legal scholar who is now in her second three-year tour as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Gaza and the West Bank. She does not mince words when it comes to the continuing escalation of torture and mistreatment of the Palestinians.

“Torture has always been a central feature of the dispossession of Palestinians by Israel,” Albanese writes in her current report, which was released on March 23. Since the Hamas attack in October of 2023: “Israel has employed torture on a scale that suggests collective vengeance and destructive intent. . . . The escalation of torture in Israeli detention centers is a coordinated plan” that has been coordinated by Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s minister of national security. Albanese finds that since the October 7 attack, “the systematic torture of Palestinians has been an integral component of the settler-colonial genocide perpetrated by Israel, functioning as an instrument of annihilatory violence directed at the Palestinians as a people. When torture is perpetrated across an entire territory, against a population as such and sustained through policies that destroy the conditions of life, the genocidal intent is apparent.”

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The couple argued, according to hotel staff and were separated. Despite confirming Ashly Robinson died by suicide, police said they are still investigating her death.

What to know:

• Tanzanian authorities are investigating the death of U.S. influencer Ashly Robinson in Zanzibar and have ordered her fiancé, crypto investor Joe McCann, to remain in the country while the case is reviewed.
• Police say Robinson, 31, died by suicide after a heated dispute with McCann at the Zuri Zanzibar resort, but her family disputes that conclusion and has launched a GoFundMe campaign to cover related expenses.
• McCann, a prominent crypto hedge fund manager whose Asymmetric Liquid Alpha Fund was recently shut down after steep reported losses, has had his passport withheld as police await forensic autopsy results.

Joe McCann, founder of crypto investment firm Asymmetric, is being probed by authorities in Tanzania, following the alleged death by suicide of his fiancée, U.S. influencer Ashly Robinson, during a trip to Zanzibar.

Robinson, 31, a Miami-based lifestyle creator also known as Ashlee Jenae, was found unresponsive on April 9 in a private villa at luxury resort Zuri Zanzibar, where the couple had been celebrating her birthday and recent engagement. She was later pronounced dead at a hospital.

According to an NBC News report, Zanzibar police investigating the death of Robinson confirmed she died by suicide following a “misunderstanding” between the couple.

Police confirmed the couple had been involved in a heated dispute before being separated twice by hotel staff and sent to separate rooms. However, police said Robinson’s death is still being investigated and have therefore withheld McCann’s passport, according to the news outlet.

Police have questioned McCann and have asked him to remain in the country while they receive the forensic results from Ashly’s autopsy.

The hotel said it was “deeply saddened” by what happened. “Our sincerest thoughts and sympathies go out to the family and loved ones during this painful time. We are providing our full cooperation to the local authorities and the U.S. Embassy,” the hotel said in a statement.

Robinson’s family, who said they doubt she died by suicide, have set up a GoFundMe page seeking to raise $50,000 to help with travel costs, arrangements and other unexpected expenses, they said. They have raised more than their target.

McCann, with an estimated net worth of $45 million, is a prominent figure in institutional crypto, leading Asymmetric, a hedge fund and venture firm backed by investors including Andreessen Horowitz co-founders Marc Andreessen and Chris Dixon.

However, in December, he announced he would shut down Asymmetric’s Liquid Alpha Fund following claims of massive financial losses throughout 2025. McCann’s decision to wind down the fund followed unconfirmed social media chatter that the liquid fund was down 78% this year.

Robinson and her fiancé, McCann, traveled to Zanzibar on April 4, according to a translated video statement from Tanzanian police.

CoinDesk called Zanzibar police several times, but the staff answering the phones immediately hung up, refusing to answer any questions. The Tanzania Police Force has also not responded to an email request for information.

The U.S. State Department said it had no further comment, only offering its condolences to the Robinson family.

“The Trump Administration has no higher priority than the safety and security of Americans,” a State Department spokesperson said.

“Due to privacy and other considerations, we have no further comment. For additional questions about any investigation, we refer you to local authorities. We offer our sincerest condolences to the family of Ms. Robinson and her loved ones on their loss.”

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Bint Jbail, South Lebanon – Israel has announced its intent to militarily occupy South Lebanon with its eyes set on the symbolic town of Bint Jbail. In preparation for this land theft, the Lebanese resistance group Hezbollah have put up a stiff resistance and managed to inflict a large number of casualties amongst enemy soldiers.

During the last large-scale Israeli invasion of Lebanese territory in 2006, its armed forces had managed to reach the Litani River area, some 32 kilometers from the border within thirty days. In over 40 days of fighting, this time around, they have largely failed to move much further than a few kilometers deep into South Lebanon.

Desperate to make an impact and inflict a psychological blow upon the population of Lebanon and break Hezbollah’s morale, Israel has chosen to cover its failure to advance deep into the country by assaulting the village of Bint Jbeil instead.

The village’s significance dates back to the year 2000, when the former Secretary General of Hezbollah, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, delivered what was perhaps his most historic speech from a small soccer stadium there to address the Lebanese nation on May 26 of that year to mark the liberation of the South, which had been under Israeli occupation for nearly a decade.

Seyed Nasrallah declared the following:

“Israel, with its nuclear weapons and most advanced warplanes in the region, I swear by God, is actually weaker than a spider’s web… Israeli society lacks the resilience to endure a bloody conflict or suffer casualties. Israel may appear strong from the outside, but it’s easily destroyed and defeated.”

In 2006, Israel set it as an objective that they would conquer Bint Jbeil and set an Israeli flag at the site where Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah had delivered his speech, but failed to seize control of the village; due to the fierce resistance it faced from Hezbollah’s fighters. The “spiders web theory”, about Israel’s weakness, has long occupied the minds of Israel’s top military officials, who continuously attempt to dispute the statement.

Former Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, would later visit Bint Jbeil as part of his 2010 trip to Lebanon. From that very same stadium where Nasrallah once spoke, Ahmadinejad delivered a speech in which he asserted that:

“Occupied Palestine will be liberated from the filth of occupation by the strength of resistance and through the faith of the resistance,” drawing outrage from the Israeli political leadership.”

However, today the Israeli military quickly claimed to have completely encircled Bint Jbeil, while some media outlets have disseminated maps showing what is purported to be the situation on the ground.

Yet, the concept of Israel totally capturing areas in Lebanon is misleading for a number of reasons.

During the 2006 Lebanon-Israel war, Israeli Brigadier General Gal Hirsch had declared publicly that Israel had “complete control” over Bint Jbeil. This claim was later discredited after the evidence emerged to show that three separate pushes to seize the village had failed, despite a heavy Israeli presence surrounding it.

Similarly, we see a similar pattern this time around. Major announcements are made, regarding the Israeli advance and how they have the area surrounded. What this actually means is that Israel has cut off all the main public roads, but doesn’t indicate that Hezbollah supply routes are closed, nor does it mean that there aren’t Lebanese fighters operating in the territory Israel claims to have “captured”.

Another example of where this has been on full display is in the case of Khiam, a border village located in south-east Lebanon. Since 1977 the Israeli military has attempted to control the village area’s mountainous terrain, failing five times to do so. In its sixth attempt to seize the territory, it also announced that Khiam was surrounded and almost entirely under their control, yet Hezbollah fighters routinely carry out attacks on the positions they claim to have already occupied.

Hezbollah’s Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem commented, following Israel’s 2024 attempt to seize the village, that the reason Lebanese fighters had foiled the invading army’s plots was that it maintained a series of undetected supply lines.

Although Israel did not claim to have seized the village of Bint Jbeil in 2024, the “spiders web” speech was still very much on the minds of the Israeli media and its senior officials. Israel Hayom, a newspaper owned by Miriam Adelson and close to PM Benjamin Netanyahu, had even run an article in September of that year, entitled “Spider Web Theory Unravels”.

Believing that focusing its efforts on seizing Bint Jbeil, will demoralize Hezbollah and constitute a major victory, Israel recently launched airstrikes against the soccer stadium where the famous Nasrallah speech was issued.

The airstrikes against a small stadium were even addressed by Israel’s 98th Division Commander Guy Levy, who boasted that “Bint Jbeil 2000: Someone here spoke and boasted about webs and spiders..Today, that man no longer exists, the stadium is gone, and his words are worth nothing.”

In the realm of Israeli propaganda, this is presented as an achievement. Contrary to this point of view, the strategy of Hezbollah has always been to draw Israel’s forces deep into Lebanese territory, in order to ambush them and wage a guerilla war that eventually forces the occupying army to retreat.  Hence Nasrallah’s warning to Israel in July of 2024, that in the event Israel invades “you will have no tanks left”, after which he said that southern Lebanon would drown the Israeli army.

Washington-based pro-war think tank, the Foundation for Defence of Democracies (FDD) recently offered the following analysis as to why the IDF cannot achieve its stated military goals in southern Lebanon:

“Israel would have to occupy hostile, unpacified terrain over extended lines while simultaneously pushing north through south Lebanon, up the coast toward Dahiyeh, and along Lebanon’s northeastern border with Syria—all while remaining undermanned and over committed across other vital active fronts, and prepared for additional theaters to ignite. Air power alone cannot disarm Hezbollah. Israel’s sustained aerial campaign over the past 15 months hindered, but didn’t halt, Hezbollah’s comprehensive regeneration.”

Similarly, the strategy implemented by the Palestinian resistance in Gaza sought to achieve the exact same outcome. Israel typically sends its soldiers into areas it invades, in tanks and heavily armoured vehicles without infantry accompanying them, to reduce deaths. What this also means is that it does not fully clear areas it enters, nor does it ever fully control them. The difference between Gaza and Lebanon is that the Lebanese terrain is more difficult to traverse, and Hezbollah is far superior to Hamas as a military force.

Speaking to ABC news last August, Gabi Siboni, an Israeli colonel and military expert, working for the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security think tank, stated that the war in the Gaza Strip could take a whole decade to complete its objectives.

With all the relevant facts considered, there is a low likelihood that Israeli ground forces will successfully achieve their objectives of preventing Hezbollah fire into the northern settlements and to permanently occupy southern Lebanon. Meanwhile, proving the “spiders web” theory of Hezbollah’s former leader, Mayors representing Israeli population centers along the border are frequently accusing their leadership of failing to protect residents and warning of an exodus from the area.

Watch my latest livestream: https://youtu.be/5qsiYyPQCeA?si=4ybJv8QdO04lCybE

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Visa has just unveiled a new suite of artificial intelligence tools designed to overhaul how credit card disputes are handled, and once again this is being presented as a simple evolution toward efficiency and improved customer experience, yet when you step back and examine the scale of what is unfolding, this is clearly part of a much broader structural shift within the financial system toward centralization and automation.

The numbers alone should make that obvious, with Visa processing over 106 million disputes globally in 2025, representing a 35% increase since 2019, and that type of exponential growth is not something that can be resolved through incremental improvements, it requires a complete restructuring of how the system functions, which is precisely what Visa is now implementing.

They are introducing six AI-driven tools split between merchants and financial institutions, designed to intercept disputes before they even occur, automate responses, and consolidate the entire process into a unified framework where decisions are guided by network-wide data rather than individual judgment, and once you move into that framework, the human element is steadily removed and replaced by algorithmic consistency.

Every transaction, dispute, and outcome begins to follow the same predictive logic, and that is where the real transformation begins. Once behavior is standardized across a global financial network, control naturally follows.

This is exactly the progression I have warned about for years when discussing the digitization of money, because people continue to look at these developments as isolated improvements rather than understanding that they are components of a much larger system, where transactions become digital, then tracked, then analyzed, and ultimately controlled, and Visa’s expansion into predictive dispute management clearly places the system into that analytical phase moving toward control.

The introduction of AI models removes discretion. Document analysis tools that auto-generate responses eliminate interpretation, and centralized platforms that unify workflows create a single point of oversight, all of which together form the infrastructure necessary for a fully automated financial system where decisions are no longer case-by-case but system-wide.

This ties directly into what I have said about central bank digital currencies, because the real objective behind these systems has never been convenience but visibility, as governments and institutions cannot regulate or control what they cannot see, and once all transactions are processed digitally within centralized frameworks, that visibility becomes absolute.

Visa itself is not a central bank, but it operates at the core of the global payments system, and what is being constructed here is the foundational infrastructure that governments will inevitably leverage as they move toward broader monetary control systems, since a CBDC cannot function without the ability to monitor, analyze, and influence transactions in real time, and this is precisely the type of system being built.

While this is being marketed as a way to simplify disputes or improve efficiency, the broader implication is that the financial system is being transformed into a closed-loop network where every transaction is monitored, analyzed, and ultimately governed by machine logic. This is not the final stage but rather a transition toward a system where control over capital becomes increasingly centralized as confidence in traditional structures continues to decline.

The post The Rise of AI in Payments Is Not About Convenience appeared first on Activist Post.

“In individuals, insanity is rare; but in groups, parties, nations and epochs, it is the rule.”— Friedrich Nietzsche

One week after posting a profanity-laced Easter message threatening to wipe out the entire civilization of Iran, Donald J. Trump, the 47^th president of the United States, spent the night of April 12 and into the early morning hours unleashing a barrage of AI-generated images, threats and insults.

One post depicted Trump as Jesus, imbued with divine power, healing the sick.

Another imagined a Trump-branded hotel on the Moon.

Yet another lashed out at Pope Leo XIV as weak on crime, suggesting he owed his papacy to Trump and “should get his act together as Pope, use Common Sense, stop catering to the Radical Left, and focus on being a Great Pope, not a Politician.”

After significant outcry—including from his own evangelical and MAGA supporters—Trump deleted the post but refused to apologize for it.

Blasphemous. Profane. Threatening. Self-aggrandizing.

These posts are not anomalies.

They are part of a pattern—one that appears to be escalating.

What was once dismissed as erratic now feels increasingly unhinged. What was once provocative now borders on delusional. What was once ego now approaches outright megalomania.

Consider the trajectory.

In May 2025, after returning from the funeral of Pope Francis, Trump posted an AI generated image of himself as pope.

In December 2025, he posted more than 160 times over a five-hour period.

In January 2026, another late-night posting binge featured what the Poynter Institute described as “false economic claims, election conspiracies and political attacks.”

In February 2026, Trump shared a racist video depicting Barack and Michelle Obama as apes—while casting himself as the king of the jungle.

This is not normal.

Nor is it merely rhetorical excess.

It is behavior that mirrors the governing style: impulsive, self-serving, detached from reality, and increasingly dangerous.

The same egomania driving Trump’s online persona is shaping his presidency.

He has alienated allies, threatened the sovereignty of other nations—including Canada, Greenland and Cuba—and pushed the country toward ill-advised wars with devastating human and financial costs.

Having inherited one of the strongest economies in the world, he has overseen policies that have left average Americans struggling to stay afloat, even as his allies and corporate partners grow richer.

Whether driven by ego or manipulation—by flattery, spectacle or greed—the result is the same: America is being hollowed out while the president redecorates it in gold.

Literally.

Operating on the philosophy that it’s easier to ask forgiveness than permission, Trump bulldozed the East Wing to construct a lavish ballroom. He has proposed monuments in his own honor, covered the White House in gold embellishments, affixed his name to national institutions, and floated renaming major landmarks after himself.

He is even staging a UFC fight on the White House lawn on his 80^th birthday as part of the nation’s 250^th anniversary celebrations.

All of this while Americans struggle with rising grocery costs, unaffordable healthcare, and economic instability driven by his reckless policy decisions.

This is not serious governance. This is spectacle.

This is not rational.

This is not presidential.

And yet, despite widespread fatigue, desensitization, and normalization of this behavior, there must come a point when we acknowledge what is plainly visible: something is deeply wrong with the president.

This is no longer a matter of partisan disagreement or political style.

To any objective viewer, Donald Trump’s behavior—which has always been erratic at best—has become increasingly unstable.

As the New York Times reports:

“Trump seems even less restrained and more incoherent at times. He uses more profanity, speaks longer and regularly makes comments rooted in fantasy rather than fact. He keeps saying that his father was born in Germany when in fact he was born in the Bronx. He repeats an invented story about his uncle, an M.I.T. professor, telling him about teaching the terrorist known as the Unabomber. He wanders off into odd tangents — an eight-minute ramble at a Christmas reception about poisonous snakes in Peru, a long digression during a cabinet meeting about Sharpie pens, an interruption of an Iran war update to praise the White House drapes. He has confused Greenland with Iceland and more than once boasted of ending a fictional war between Cambodia and Azerbaijan, two countries separated by nearly 4,000 miles.”

As the oldest person elected to the White House, Trump—who turns 80 this year—oscillates between vicious politicking, relentless self-idolatry, and serving as the sleight-of-hand prop for what increasingly resembles an organized crime operation—one that operates behind the floodlights to consolidate power and wealth while robbing the American electorate blind.

Trump’s self-mythologizing is unprecedented in modern American politics.

As journalist Peter Baker notes, Trump “regularly depicts himself in a heroic, almost godly fashion, as a monarch, as a Superman, as a Jedi knight, as a military hero, even as a pope in a white cassock.”

“His picture has been splashed all over the White House, on multistory banners on the side of federal buildings, on annual passes to national parks and maybe even soon on a one-dollar coin. His name has been etched on the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, on the U.S. Institute of Peace, on federal investment accounts, special visas and a discount drug program and, if he has his way, on Washington Dulles International Airport, Penn Station in New York and the future stadium of the Washington Commanders.”

Baker’s catalogue of Trump’s efforts to brand himself as the face of a new America is expansive, ranging from a 15-foot-tall gold-covered “Don Colossus” statue to a new class of battleships and adding his face to Mt. Rushmore. Trump even toyed with the idea of renaming the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of Trump.

This is not branding.

It is the architecture of a cult of personality.

“This is a man drunk on power with an already enormous ego,” said Sarah Matthews, deputy White House press secretary during the first Trump administration. “It reinforces the perception that this presidency is more about elevating one man than serving the country.”

As always, history points the way.

Cults of personality are hallmarks of authoritarian regimes—not constitutional republics. They are associated with figures like Stalin, Mao, Mussolini and, more recently, Vladimir Putin.

The parallels are difficult to ignore.

So, too, are Trump’s similarities to the megalomania of Saparmurat Niyazov, the former dictator of Turkmenistan, whose own cult of personality gave rise to policies based on his changeable whims, pet peeves and ego.

As Slate reports, Niyazov not only outlawed beards, lip syncing, and gold teeth but also installed a 350 foot, rocket-shaped monument­—the Arch of Neutrality—topped with a golden statue of Niyazov that rotated so it constantly faced the sun.

But such power does not exist in a vacuum.

It is enabled.

While Niyazov was, indeed, a megalomaniac, it was his cult of personality—the hard-core followers who formed his base—that empowered him to act as a dictator.

Likewise, Trump’s personality cult has, as the New York Times Editorial Board noted, “transformed the Republican Party from a political organization into a cult of personality”—one that reinforces and amplifies his excesses.

We are, as Pope Leo XIV warned, mired in a “delusion of omnipotence” that “is becoming increasingly unpredictable and aggressive.”

Which brings us to the unavoidable question: what happens when the president appears unable to discharge the duties of his office in a rational, coherent, and responsible manner?

In other words, what can we do when the president appears to be losing his mind?

This is a constitutional crisis.

And the Constitution provides a remedy.

The 25^th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, ratified in 1967 in the wake of John F. Kennedy’s assassination, provides a process by which the government continues to function should the president be unable to carry out his duties.

There are four clauses to the amendment, which outlines the procedure for “replacing the president or vice president in the event of death, removal, resignation, or incapacitation.”

Section 4 is explicit:

“Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.”

A growing chorus of individuals—a lineup of the usual Trump critics, as well as some of his onetime defenders—have loudly called to invoke the 25^th Amendment, insisting that the president is not fit for office.

Yet as Gaby Hinsliff concludes in The Guardian:

“In practice, constitutional safeguards are only as strong as the resolve of a leader’s inner circle—people often devoted to keeping them in power at all costs—to expose the boss publicly at his or her most vulnerable… But it’s precisely to override such emotional dilemmas that, in the case of political leaders, constitutional safeguards exist. For without them, we’re all potentially just passengers in some superpower’s speeding truck: watching helplessly from the back seat as the driver weaves all over the road, and wondering just how close we have to get to crashing before someone speaks up.”

Notably silent among those calling to invoke the 25^th Amendment: anyone in Trump’s cabinet or among those who would benefit most from keeping Trump as a figurehead, including the Republicans in Congress (minus Thomas Massie).

History suggests this is not unusual.

There has long been a tendency to shield those in power from scrutiny, to conceal frailty in the name of stability, and to protect the office even at the expense of the public.

That instinct—to cover up rather than confront—can be as dangerous as the instability itself.

This was never supposed to be about politics.

It was never supposed to be about ideology.

It is about constitutional capability.

Yet the same voices that once called for invoking the 25th Amendment against Joe Biden have fallen silent—or worse, attempted to dismiss Trump’s instability as authentic and refreshingly unfiltered.

But there is no filter for this level of dysfunction.

Somewhere between Trump’s attempts to overthrow the 2020 election and his threats of war crimes against civilians, we crossed a line—from controversial leadership into dangerous incapacity.

“What’s alarming is how the rate of Trump’s bizarre speech and political decisions have been increasing,” said Harry Segal, a senior lecturer in the Psychology Department at Cornell University and in the Psychiatry Department at Weill Cornell Medicine. “Trump has shown evidence of dementia … as indicated by his strange gait, phonemic paraphasia—when he begins a word and can’t finish it—and decline in the complexity of his words and concepts… he is avoiding events where he has to respond coherently and spontaneously … he has become more impulsive, another sign of incipient dementia.”

Even those within Trump’s orbit have acknowledged the risk.

As former White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci observed, “It was at this point that our Founders thought the best thing to do would be to remove a mad man who has the executive office. It became more formalized with the 25th amendment, but more people now should be calling for this man’s removal.”

Yet again, the troubling parallels to America’s nascent beginnings are hard to ignore.

King George III—believed to have suffered from severe mental instability, including manic episodes and delusions—lost the American colonies in part because of his inability to govern rationally.

Two hundred fifty years later, America once again finds itself charting dangerous territory.

Yet even so, this moment is about so much more than one man and his cult of personality.

Because while the president may be unraveling in plain sight, the machinery of the American Police State continues to expand—quietly, relentlessly, and with bipartisan support.

Surveillance is expanding.

Policing is becoming more militarized.

Power is becoming more centralized and less accountable.

And unlike the presidency, there is no 25th Amendment for the police state.

No mechanism to declare it unfit.

No procedure to remove it.

Or is there?

After all, isn’t that what the Declaration of Independence was—a formal recognition that a ruler was no longer fit to govern, followed by a blueprint for replacing that power with something accountable to the people?

The American Revolution was, at its core, a judgment: that unchecked power must be resisted.

That principle still stands.

As I make clear in Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, the answer is not violence, but vigilance.

Not chaos, but constitutional resistance.

If the government has become unfit—whether through madness, corruption or unchecked power—then it is up to “we the people” to hold it accountable.

Because if we fail to act, we may soon find that the problem is no longer one unstable leader—but a system that no longer answers to the people at all.

WC: 2187

The post Unfit to Govern: We Need a 25th Amendment for the American Police State appeared first on Activist Post.

Freddie Ponton
21st Century Wire

JD Vance claimed that more aid is entering Gaza now than at any point in the last five years. The public documentary record from the UN and frontline humanitarian agencies, as reflected in the updates of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) for the occupied Palestinian territory) points in the opposite direction. JD Vance said Gaza aid is better than ever. The record says otherwise.

The record clearly says otherwise, and taken together, the documents we are providing today show a shrinking flow of humanitarian cargo, collapsing health and food systems, and a ceasefire that is failing on its own terms rather than delivering a surge in relief.

VIDEO: Clip from Vice President JD Vance’s remarks at the Turning Point USA (TPUSA) event “This Is the Turning Point Tour,” Akins Ford Arena at the Classic Center, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia, April 14, 2026. (Source: Caught On The Hill  | Drope Site) 

Vice President JD Vance — complicit in the deliberate restriction of essential food, shelter, and medicine to 2 million Palestinian civilians, including a million children— falsely claimed yesterday that more aid is entering Gaza now than at any point in the last five years.… https://t.co/fZJtHnVNVS pic.twitter.com/ibUUlXIqum

— Drop Site (@DropSiteNews) April 16, 2026

The Trump administration is not a bystander to Gaza’s starvation campaign; it is its political guarantor, and Vance is one of the slickest salesmen for the siege. Once Washington helps seal the crossings, arm the enforcers and whitewash the hunger, complicity no longer fits because this is cover for engineered starvation.

OCHA shows the trend

The first test for Vance’s claim is simple. Has humanitarian access to Gaza actually improved over recent months, or has it deteriorated? OCHA April 20026 situation reports give a clear answer. In early 2026, UN‑tracked humanitarian cargo entering Gaza did not rise to record levels. It declined from January to February and declined again in March, while the reach of food assistance also dropped after January.

Earlier in the ceasefire period, the picture was different. At the end of January, OCHA reported a stronger week in which large volumes of pallets were offloaded and collected through both Kerem Shalom and Zikim, with both crossings functioning for aid.

Another January update noted that in the first three months after the ceasefire, Gaza received roughly 54,000 metric tons of aid a month, about three times the average monthly volume during the seventy‑eight‑day blockade that preceded it, underlining that even the “good weeks” were only a rebound from near‑total closure, not a five‑year high.

When the regional escalation began at the end of February, that fragile improvement quickly reversed. In March 2026, OCHA reported that only 3,424 pallets of UN and partner aid were offloaded between 27 February and 5 March, a sharp drop that shows just how thin the pipeline became once restrictions tightened again.

Later reports (April 2026) describe a narrowing corridor. By March, Kerem Shalom was left as the only cargo crossing consistently available for humanitarian agencies, and OCHA noted that the closure of other routes was limiting the volume of aid that could enter the strip.

Based on the 2 April 2026 situation report on ReliefWeb, across the period from October 2025 to the end of March 2026, OCHA counted roughly 380,000 pallets of humanitarian cargo collected in Gaza and stressed that less than one per cent of UN‑tracked consignments were intercepted or looted in transit.

The pattern is unmistakable. Within the ceasefire period itself, access did not steadily improve. It moved from a relatively better January, with multiple crossings operating and volumes recovering from a total blockade, to a tighter system in March and April that relied largely on a single gate.

Against that background, the idea that Gaza is experiencing the best aid access of the past five years (‘thanks to the US’) reads less like optimism and more like a denial of the UN’s own reporting.

WHO shows what that trend does to bodies

OCHA’s graphs become real when you look at the World Health Organization (WHO) description of Gaza’s health system. In its 4 March flash update, WHO says that almost half of essential medicines and around two-thirds of medical consumables in Gaza were already completely out of stock. At the same time, the WHO reports that hundreds of pallets of lifesaving medical supplies were waiting outside Gaza or stuck at the crossing, approved on paper but not yet available to the hospitals that needed them.

WHO also records a halt in fuel entry to Gaza at the end of February, just as health facilities, which rely almost entirely on fuel for electricity, were trying to maintain basic services, as the same 4 March 2026 WHO flash update makes clear. It notes that fuel had to be rationed from existing stocks to keep critical functions running.

A later OCHA update released on April 10 confirms that some diesel entered in early April but describes continued constraints and stop‑start deliveries, underscoring that fuel access is episodic and politically controlled, not steadily improving. On top of this, medical evacuations through Rafah and Kerem Shalom were suspended, despite tens of thousands of patients needing treatment that simply does not exist inside Gaza, from advanced surgery to cancer care. OCHA’s April reporting adds that a brief evacuation on 5 April moved just 17 patients and 33 caregivers through Rafah, before WHO suspended its support to medical evacuations again on 6 April after a contractor providing services to the organisation in Gaza was killed.

These are not abstract supply‑chain issues, as they translate into postponed operations, equipment failures, and patients turned away because there is nothing left to give them. When a politician then tells the public that aid is flowing better than ever, he is not just getting the trend wrong. He is smoothing over a documented reality in which people are being denied medicines and evacuations that could keep them alive.

WFP shows how hunger is engineered

The same logic appears in food. In March, the World Food Programme (WFP) warned that it had been unable to bring new food supplies into Gaza for weeks because the crossings were closed to both humanitarian and commercial cargo.

Inside Gaza, only a limited amount of food remained, while a far larger quantity of WFP food was positioned outside the strip, ready to move if the authorities allowed it in. This was clearly articulated and described in the WFP story “Risk of famine across all of Gaza, May 2025 report. That gap between available food and blocked entry is the core of the story. Families in Gaza were cutting rations and facing soaring prices, not because the world had run out of food, but because the system controlling the borders was preventing it from reaching them.

WFP’s market observations describe exactly what you would expect in that situation, with the cost of basic staples spiking and ordinary people forced to spend far more for far less, as described in the WFP Palestine Food Security Analysis – Market Monitor, March 2026. A concurrent OCHA update issued in April adds that damage to the electricity line supplying southern desalination sharply reduced drinking water for about 500,000 people, while cooking gas shortages forced nearly half of Gaza’s population to burn waste for cooking, a measure of how far basic living conditions have regressed. A follow‑up situation report released by the World Food Programme in early April described the same pattern of obstacles and shortages, showing that the late‑March crisis was not a brief anomaly but an ongoing restriction regime.

Anera, the American Near East Refugee Aid field reporting, brings the same reality down to a more granular level. Its March 2026 situation report describes Kerem Shalom as the only goods crossing and says it is still not operating at the scale required to meet needs.

In an April infographic, Anera summarises its work since October 2023, listing large cumulative totals for meals, water, and consultations, but it also shows only nine trucks in the pipeline at that moment, a revealing snapshot of how thin the near‑term lifeline really is.

A system that leaves food and supplies waiting outside Gaza while the price of flour and gas explodes inside is not a system that can credibly be described as delivering unprecedented relief. It is a system that manufactures scarcity, then asks the world to believe that scarcity is somehow a sign of progress.

The scorecard delivers the verdict

To understand how all these threads fit together, it helps to look at the joint humanitarian scorecard compiled by major aid groups such as Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), Oxfam, Save the Children, Refugees International (RI) and Danish Refugee Council (DRC). Rather than applying an external ideological test, it measures the ceasefire against its own written promises, including minimum aid levels, restored basic services, and improved movement (as set out in the report.

DOCUMENT: Humanitarian Scorecard – Six Months in, Gaza Ceasefire is Failing” (Source: Save the Children’s Resource Centre)

The result is a failing overall score and a zero for humanitarian access, after examining months of performance since the ceasefire took effect.

The scorecard notes that the supposed minimum standard of hundreds of humanitarian trucks a day has not been met, and that commercial entries, while sometimes rising, are not a substitute for monitored relief, a dynamic emphasised in the UN posting of the report on the UN Question of Palestine website. It also stresses that key crossings remain closed or heavily restricted, leaving Kerem Shalom as the single inconsistent entry point for most cargo.

In describing looting and diversion, it concludes that only a tiny fraction of aid has been intercepted, undermining claims that chaos inside Gaza is the main reason supplies fail to reach people (as reflected in the ReliefWeb mirror “Humanitarian Scorecard – Six Months in, Gaza Ceasefire is Failing” at ReliefWeb).

UN reporting echoes this, stating that less than one percent of UN‑tracked aid has been intercepted or looted during the ceasefire period, reinforcing the point that the main brake on relief is policy, not theft (see OCHA’s Gaza Humanitarian Response Situation Report No. 66).

What this document provides is not fresh outrage, but an audit. It connects the shrinking cargo volumes that OCHA records, the medical collapse that WHO describes, and the hunger that WFP warns about, and it asks whether the ceasefire is delivering what it promised. It answers that it is not.

Once that conclusion is on the table, it becomes much harder to treat any glowing description of the situation as a simple error or a difference of opinion. It starts to look like a deliberate refusal to acknowledge an evidence‑based verdict.

When words erase suffering

All of this leads back to Vance’s statement. This is not about his personality, but truly about what happens when a senior official describes a besieged population as if it were finally being relieved, precisely while the most authoritative reports show the opposite.

Nor did the ceasefire bring normality. OCHA reported on 10 April that airstrikes, shelling, and gunfire were continuing across Gaza and that 736 Palestinians had been killed since the ceasefire was announced in October 2025, while the UN human rights office said six months on that Palestinians across Gaza remained unsafe as Israeli attacks continued. At this stage, we must assume that the effect is not merely to misinform, but to dull public sensitivity to deprivation that has already been measured and recorded in painstaking detail.

What makes JD Vance’s remarks so repellent is not only that they are false. It is that they cheapen the suffering of people trapped inside a catastrophe that has been documented again and again by doctors, aid workers, and the very institutions tasked with tracking hunger, collapse, and death.

To look at that record and still suggest things are getting better is not a harmless political exaggeration. It is moral cowardice.

There is something especially rotten about using power and distance to talk over the pain of people who have neither. Undermining someone else’s suffering is among the lowest forms of dishonesty. It reveals not just indifference, but a serious failure of integrity, and a willingness to treat human misery as a communications shield.

If Vance does not know the facts, that is ignorance of a shocking kind for a man in his position. If he does know them and says this anyway, that is worse. In either case, the result is the same. The truth is buried, the public is misled, and the suffering of Palestinians is made easier to dismiss.

The people of Gaza are not living inside a talking point. They are living inside the realities described in these documents, where crossings close, medicines run out, food is held at the border, and promises on paper dissolve at the first test. For health, that now includes not only WHO but also Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), whose staff describe critical shortages of supplies across Gaza’s hospitals, and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), which warns of famine risks for children across the strip.

That is why claims like Vance’s cannot be allowed to pass unchallenged, because the record exists. The numbers are already written, and pretending otherwise is not just bad politics; it is an erasure of lives that are already hanging by a thread.

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The post JD Vance’s Gaza ‘Miracle’ Is a Statistical Lie appeared first on Activist Post.