Qasim Cheema

چہروں کا دیباچہ اور میرا ابتک کا آخری سفر

2014-04-18T12:29:00.002+05:00

Courtesy: Azam Nasir (Student of PUCIT)
مڈ ٹرم ایگزام ختم ہوتے ہی میں نے گھر کا رخ کیا۔بسوں میں رش ہونے کی وجہ سے کنڈکٹروں کے مزاج بھی بگڑ چلے تھے۔ میں نے بادل نخواستہ لوکل ٹرانسپورٹ کا راستہ ناپا۔ پہنچ کر دیکھا تو ایک بس روانگی کیلیے تیار تھی۔ میں نے جھٹ سے کرایہ دیکر بیٹھنا مناسب سمجھا۔ اب وہاں بیٹھے ہتھیلی پر ٹھوڑی سجا کر مفکر اعظم کا احساس حاصل کرلینے کے بعد کسی ایسے سنگین پہلو کی تلاش شروع کی جسکا میں دوران سفر حل تلاش کر سکتا۔ اسی دوران اپنی حالت مجموعی کو برقرار رکھتے ہوئے بس میں داخل ہونے والے ہر شخص پر قیاس کرتا کہ یہ بندا اس بس میں سفر کرےگا یا نہیں۔ (چونکہ لوکل بس تھی اسی تعصب سے اکژ لوگ بیٹھنا گوارہ نہیں کررہے تھےوگرنہ بس کی حالت دگرگوں سے قدرے مناسب تھی ، اور موسم کے قطع نظر ائر کنڈیشنڈ ہونے کا دلاسا بھے موجود تھا( یہاں یہ امر قابل ذکر ہے کہ میرے اکژقیاس درست ثابت ہو رہے تھے۔ یوں مجھے سفر کا سہارا اور میرے مضمون کا دلارا راجمکار "موضوع" مل چکا تھا اور میں نے وہاں بیٹھے بٹھائے چہرے پڑھنے کا فن سیکھ لیا تھا۔ اب بس ایک فنکار کی طرح مجھے کمال فن کے اظہار کیلیے کچھ دو ایک مثالیں بنانی تھیں تا کہ انہیں بنا سنوار کر اور پانی میں مدھانی کی مماثلت پیدا کرتے ہوئے میں اس پر پوری کتاب لکھ سکتا! ، لہٰذا چہروں پر لکھے جانے والی میری پہلی کتاب کا دیباچہ میں نے ذہن میں ہی تیار کرنا شروع کیا۔ چونکہ بیالوجی کے کسی تجربے کی طرح یہ کوئ جان لیوا تجربہ نہیں تھا ، اس لیئے میں نے خود اپنے چہرے سے ابتداء کی۔ یقین مانیے اس روز پہلی دفعہ مجھے احساس ہوا کہ میرا حلیہ کتنی مضحکہ خیز چیز رہی ہوگی۔ سر کے بالوں کی سفیدی سے شروع ہو کر باریش کے سنہرے بالوں تک تو میں اپنے بارے میں یہ قیاس کر چکا تھا کہ میں نوجوان تو ہرگز نہیں ہو سکتا اور ان 21 سالوں کی یاد داشت جو مجھے سونپی گئی ہے، سے پہلے بھی میرا وجود کہیں ٹپکتا رہا ہوگا۔ مگر تھوڑی تسلی تب ملی جب مجھے ناک پر نکلنے والے مہاسوں کا خیال آیا، جنہیں حکما ء بعض اوقات جوانی سے تشبیہ دیتے ہیں۔ اسکے بعد ان موٹر سائیکل سے گرنے کے باعث لگنے والی بعض چوٹیں یاد آئیں جن میں میں نے " منہ پہ کھائی " تھی۔ بہر کیف یہی تجربہ مختلف لوگوں پر دہرا لینے کے بعد میں دیباچہ لکھنے کیلئے جو فہرست منتخب کی وہ کچھ یوں تھی۔ "چہرہ انسانی درج ذیل چیزوں پر مشتمل ہوتا ہے۔ 1-آنکھ 2-ناک 3-ہونٹ 4-کان 5-بھنویں 6- باریش (اگر میسر ہو( 7-مونچھیں (اوپر والی شرط کے ساتھ( 8- سر کے بال " آٹھواں نقطہ میں اس صورت شامل کرتا اگر میری کتاب کو ہیڈ اینڈ شولڈرز کی طرف سے پبلسٹی ملتی۔ اب چونکہ میں سائیکالوجی سے بھی نا واقف تھا اسلئیے فہرست میں آنے والے تمام اعظاء کے صرف طبی مصارف اور اثرات ہی بیان کر سکتا تھا اسلئیے میرا کتاب لکھنا بھی بد تہذیبی تھی۔ میری اسی مایوسی کے دوران میں بس نے چلنا شروع کیا اور مجھے نیند نے اپنی آغوش میں لے لیا۔ دو گھنٹے بعد میں نے آنکھ کھولی تو دیکھا کہ بس پتوکی ٹول پلازہ سے گزر رہی تھی حالانکہ وہاں تک کا سفر پون گھنٹہ تک کا بھی نہ تھا۔ دل ہی دل میں میں نے ڈرائیور کو بہت سی گالیاں دیں اور "بد تہذیبی" والی سوچ کا اثر یوں ذہن سے نکلا کہ جب ڈرائیور نے ایکطرف منہ کیا تو مجھے سائیڈ ویو سے انکے چہرے کی بناوٹ سے " لعنت " لکھا ہوا محسوس ہوا جس میں بحرحال "ل" کا سٹروک کچھ عجیب سا تھا مگر ناک بھرپور "ع" کی شکل بنا رہا تھا ، "ن "کیلئے ناک سے ہونٹوں تک اور "ت " کیلیئے ہونٹ سے نیچے ٹھوڑی تک لفظ مکمل ہو رہا تھا ۔ " ل" کیلئے میں نے خیال کیا کہ شاید ماضی بعید کے کسی خطاط کو لعنت لکھنے کیلئے "ل" کو "عنت" کی ہی سیدھ میں لکھنے میں دلچسپی رہی ہو۔ "ن" اور "ت " کے نکات کی غیر موجودگی ابھی بھی پریشان کن تھی۔ اور یہ کمی تب پوری ہوئی جب تین گھنٹے میں اوکاڑہ پہنچ کر ڈرائیور نے اعلان کیا کہ ، "ہم آگے نہیں جائیں گے ، جنہیں آگے جانا ہے وہ باقی کا کرایہ واپس لے سکتے ہیں!" اور لوگوں نے اس شخص کو بس سے نکال کر تھپڑوں سے بجانا شروع کیا۔ میں نے صرف تین تھپڑوں تک ہی دیکھنا گوارا کیا کیونکہ مجھے "ن" اور "ت" کیلئے صرف تین نکتوں کی ضرورت تھی اور مجھے گھر بھی پہنچنا تھا۔ یوں میں نے پورے ہاتھ سے ڈرائیور کو بڑی جدوجہد سے مکمل ہونے والی "لعنت" کا اشارہ کیا اوربقیہ کرایہ پکڑتے ہوئے اگلی بس کی طرف بڑھ گیا!

Why I oppose Musharraf??

2014-01-12T20:46:00.005+05:00

Writer: Muhammad Umair Cheema
Courtesy: ARY Blog http://blogs.arynews.tv/why-i-oppose-musharraf/
If I did something, I must accept that, no matter what will be my fate then because I am not coward. But I am really disappointed on what Mr.Musharraf did.First he violated the constitution two times in October 1999 and in November 2007 but now he is running away from this, "Come on commander it is not your style." His complete era is full of his mistakes; I want to point out those mistakes one by one:
1) He violated constitution two times in his era.
2) His behavior was not good to his opponents.
3) His biggest mistake dismissal of Justice Iftikhar.
4) His blind confidence on his advisers which made him a usual ruler having nothing for people.
5) He did not follow his 7 points agenda which he presented after quo.
6) He distanced himself from people by picking corrupt people confronting his agenda.
7) Lal masjid issue whatever it was but not solved with intelligence and dealt wrongly.
8) His behavior towards our civilization and culture made us worse in many ways.
9) Referendum idea was a stupid and idiot idea which he followed.
10) He always tried to solve problems with power not with strategy and political way.
These are the points which made him weaker and unacceptable to the nation and I'm surprised he is still believing people like Dr.Amjad who did all this with him. He must think about his friends who are no where now. He must not insist on blunders. He would have realized all these deceptions on his welcome day in Pakistan but he has not.
One last thing he is head of a political party so he should try political ways but he is still trying to get army involved in all this stuff then how can a Pakistan take him as a leader??
About Muhammad Umair Cheema
Umair Cheema is a student of University Of engineering and technology Lahore. He always write on issues what he thinks are right or wrong according to the situations.

Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema

2012-12-07T19:47:00.000+05:00

Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema is delivering speech at Ahrar Conference Muntan

Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema (عبداللطیف خالد چیمہ, born May 12, 1956) is Secretary General of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam and Central convener of Muttahida Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat Rabitta Committee. He is also the head of Darul Uloom Khatm-e-Nubuwwat (an Islamic institution) in Chichawatni. He was born in Chichawatni Pakistan.

Religious and political career

He started his religious and political career in 1966. Tehreek-e-Talba-e-Islam selected him as a candidate for student union election in 1971. He led a movement against the Qadianis. In 1999, he was selected as a Secretary Information of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam Pakistan. In May 2007, He was arrested because he was imprisoned for an anti-government religious speech. In 2008, the central shoorah of Majlis-e-Ahrar selected him as a Secretary General of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam Pakistan. He founded Muttahida Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat Rabitta Committee in October 18, 2008. He is also the central convenor of this committee. In March 2012, Central shoora of Majlis-e-Ahrar again selected him as ''Seretary General'' of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam, Pakistan. In November 2012, the Government of Pakistan banned Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema, from delivering a speech in the Chichawatni and district Sahiwal area due to the security situation in Muharram.

Law and Order in Muharram 2012

2012-11-30T18:40:00.002+05:00

In November 2012, the Government of Pakistan banned Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema, leader of Tehreek-e-Khatm-e-Nubuwwat and secretary general of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam, from delivering speech in the Chichawatni and district Sahiwal area due to the security situation in Muharram. The president of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam Pakistan Syed Ata-ul-Muhaimin Bukhari also banned from delivering speech for three months in Multan, Sahiwal, Raheem Yaar Khan, Gujrat and Jhang.

Politics and freedom of press

2012-08-12T17:35:00.004+05:00

Freedom of the press is the freedom of communication and expression through vehicles including various electronic media and published materials. While such freedom mostly implies the absence of interference from an overreaching state, its preservation may be sought through constitutional or other legal protections.
With respect to governmental information, any government may distinguish which materials are public or protected from disclosure to the public based on classification of information as sensitive, classified or secret and being otherwise protected from disclosure due to relevance of the information to protecting the national interest. Many governments are also subject to sunshine laws or freedom of information legislation that are used to define the ambit of national interest.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference, and impart information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers"

This philosophy is usually accompanied by legislation ensuring various degrees of freedom of scientific research (known as scientific freedom), publishing, press and printing the depth to which these laws are entrenched in a country's legal system can go as far down as its constitution. The concept of freedom of speech is often covered by the same laws as freedom of the press, thereby giving equal treatment to spoken and published expression.

Besides legal definitions, some non-governmental organizations use other criteria to judge the level of press freedom around the world:

Reporters Without Borders considers the number of journalists murdered, expelled or harassed, and the existence of a state monopoly on TV and radio, as well as the existence of censorship and self-censorship in the media, and the overall independence of media as well as the difficulties that foreign reporters may face.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) uses the tools of journalism to help journalists by tracking press freedom issues through independent research, fact-finding missions, and firsthand contacts in the field, including local working journalists in countries around the world. CPJ shares information on breaking cases with other press freedom organizations worldwide through the International Freedom of Expression Exchange, a global e-mail network. CPJ also tracks journalist deaths and detentions. CPJ staff applies strict criteria for each case; researchers independently investigate and verify the circumstances behind each death or imprisonment.
Freedom House likewise studies the more general political and economic environments of each nation in order to determine whether relationships of dependence exist that limit in practice the level of press freedom that might exist in theory. So the concept of independence of the press is one closely linked with the concept of press freedom.

Status of press freedom worldwide

Freedom of the press worldwide according to Reporters Without Borders.
Every year, Reporters Without Borders establishes a ranking of countries in terms of their freedom of the press. The Worldwide press freedom index list is based on responses to surveys sent to journalists that are members of partner organisations of the RWB, as well as related specialists such as researchers, jurists and human rights activists. The survey asks questions about direct attacks on journalists and the media as well as other indirect sources of pressure against the free press, such as non-governmental groups. RWB is careful to note that the index only deals with press freedom, and does not measure the quality of journalism.
In 2010, the countries where press was the most free were Finland, Iceland, Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. The country with the least degree of press freedom was Eritrea, followed by North Korea, Turkmenistan, Iran and Myanmar (Burma).

Freedom of the Press

Freedom of the Press is a yearly report by US-based non-governmental organization Freedom House, measuring the level of freedom and editorial independence enjoyed by the press in every nation and significant disputed territories around the world. Levels of freedom are scored on a scale from 1 (most free) to 100 (least free). Depending on the basics, the nations are then classified as "Free", "Partly Free", or "Not Free".
In 2009 Iceland, Norway, Finland, Denmark, and Sweden topped the list with North Korea, Turkmenistan, Myanmar (Burma), Libya, Eritrea at the bottom.

Non-democratic states

According to Reporters Without Borders, more than a third of the world's people live in countries where there is no press freedom. Overwhelmingly, these people live in countries where there is no system of democracy or where there are serious deficiencies in the democratic process. Freedom of the press is an extremely problematic problem/concept for most non-democratic systems of government since, in the modern age, strict control of access to information is critical to the existence of most non-democratic governments and their associated control systems and security apparatus. To this end, most non-democratic societies employ state-run news organizations to promote the propaganda critical to maintaining an existing political power base and suppress (often very brutally, through the use of police, military, or intelligence agencies) any significant attempts by the media or individual journalists to challenge the approved "government line" on contentious issues. In such countries, journalists operating on the fringes of what is deemed to be acceptable will very often find themselves the subject of considerable intimidation by agents of the state. This can range from simple threats to their professional careers (firing, professional blacklisting) to death threats, kidnapping, torture, and assassination. Reporters Without Borders reports that, in 2003, 42 journalists lost their lives pursuing their profession and that, in the same year, at least 130 journalists were in prison as a result of their occupational activities. In 2005, 63 journalists and 5 media assistants were killed worldwide.
The Lira Baysetova case in Kazakhstan.
In Nepal, Eritrea and China (mainland only), journalists may spend years in jail simply for using the "wrong" word or photo. The Georgiy R. Gongadze case in Ukraine According to the Press Freedom Index for 2007, Iran ranked 166th out of 169 nations. Only three other countries - Eritrea, North Korea and Turkmenistan - had more restrictions on news media freedom than Iran. The government of Ali Khamenei and the Supreme National Security Council had imprisoned 50 journalists in 2007 and had all but eliminated press freedom. Reporters Without Borders (RWB) has dubbed Iran the "Middle East's biggest prison for journalists."

Regions closed to foreign reporters

Chechnya, Russia
Myanmar (Burma)
Jammu & Kashmir, India
Waziristan, Pakistan
Agadez, Niger
North Korea

History

England

The Glorious Revolution of 1688 in England established parliamentary sovereignty over the Crown and, above all, the right of revolution. A major contributor to Western liberal theory was John Locke. Locke argued in Two Treatises of Government that the individual placed some of his rights present in the state of nature in trusteeship with the sovereign (government) in return for protection of certain natural individual rights. A social contract was entered into by the people.

First page of John Milton's 1644 edition of Areopagitica
Until 1694, England had an elaborate system of licensing. No publication was allowed without the accompaniment of a government-granted license. Fifty years earlier, at a time of civil war, John Milton wrote his pamphlet Areopagitica. In this work Milton argued forcefully against this form of government censorship and parodied the idea, writing "when as debtors and delinquents may walk abroad without a keeper, but unoffensive books must not stir forth without a visible jailer in their title." Although at the time it did little to halt the practice of licensing, it would be viewed later a significant milestone as one of the most eloquent defenses of press freedom.
Milton's central argument was that the individual is capable of using reason and distinguishing right from wrong, good from bad. In order to be able to exercise this ration right, the individual must have unlimited access to the ideas of his fellow men in “a free and open encounter." From Milton's writings developed the concept of the open marketplace of ideas, the idea that when people argue against each other, the good arguments will prevail. One form of speech that was widely restricted in England was seditious libel, and laws were in place that made criticizing the government a crime. The King was above public criticism and statements critical of the government were forbidden, according to the English Court of the Star Chamber. Truth was not a defense to seditious libel because the goal was to prevent and punish all condemnation of the government.
John Stuart Mill approached the problem of authority versus liberty from the viewpoint of a 19th century utilitarian: The individual has the right of expressing himself so long as he does not harm other individuals. The good society is one in which the greatest number of persons enjoy the greatest possible amount of happiness. Applying these general principles of liberty to freedom of expression, Mill states that if we silence an opinion, we may silence the truth. The individual freedom of expression is therefore essential to the well-being of society.
Mill’s application of the general principles of liberty is expressed in his book On Liberty: "If all mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and one, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind".

India

The Indian Constitution, while not mentioning the word "press", provides for "the right to freedom of speech and expression" (Article 19(1) a). However this right is subject to restrictions under sub clause (2), whereby this freedom can be restricted for reasons of "sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, preserving decency, preserving morality, in relation to contempt, court, defamation, or incitement to an offense". Laws such as the Official Secrets Act and Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (PoTA) have been used to limit press freedom. Under PoTA, person could be detained for up to six months for being in contact with a terrorist or terrorist group. PoTA was repealed in 2006, but the Official Secrets Act 1923 continues.
For the first half-century of independence, media control by the state was the major constraint on press freedom. Indira Gandhi famously stated in 1975 that All India Radio is "a Government organ, it is going to remain a Government organ..." With the liberalization starting in the 1990s, private control of media has burgeoned, leading to increasing independence and greater scrutiny of government. Organizations like CNN-IBN, NDTV and Times Now have been particularly influential, e.g. in bringing about the resignation of powerful Haryana minister Venod Sharma.

Nazi Germany (1933-1945)

In 1933 Freedom of the Press was suppressed in Germany by the Reichstag Fire Decree of President Paul Von Hindenburg, just as Adolf Hitler was coming to power. Hitler largely suppressed freedom of the press through Joseph Goebbels' Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda. As the Ministry's name implies, propaganda did not carry the negative connotations that it does today (or did in the Allied countries); how-to manuals were openly distributed by that same ministry explaining the craft of effective propaganda. The Ministry also acted as a central control-point for all media, issuing orders as to what stories could be run and what stories would be suppressed. Anyone involved in the film industry—from directors to the lowliest assistant—had to sign an oath of loyalty to the Nazi Party, due to opinion-changing power Goebbels perceived movies to have. (Goebbels himself maintained some personal control over every single film made in Nazi Europe.) Journalists who crossed the Propaganda Ministry were routinely imprisoned or shot as traitors. The Sicherheitsdienst and other Nazi police organizations also created a network of internal, domestic spying, so that for example, the White Rose Society was in constant fear of discovery and execution.

Poland and Lithuania

Freedom of Press laws are first passed in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1539.

Sweden

The world's first Freedom of the Press Act was introduced in Sweden in 1766.

Denmark-Norway

Between September 4, 1770 and October 7, 1771 the kingdom of Denmark-Norway had the most unrestricted freedom of press of any country in Europe. This occurred during the regime of Johann Friedrich Struensee, whose first act was to abolish the old censorship laws. However, due to the great amount of mostly anonymous pamphlets published that was critical and often slanderous towards Struensee's own regime, he reinstated some restrictions regarding the freedom of press a year later, October 7, 1771.

Implications of new technologies

Many of the traditional means of delivering information are being slowly superseded by the increasing pace of modern technological advance. Almost every conventional mode of media and information dissemination has a modern counterpart that offers significant potential advantages to journalists seeking to maintain and enhance their 'freedom of speech'. A few simple examples of such phenomena include:
Satellite television versus terrestrial television: Whilst terrestrial television is relatively easy to manage and manipulate, satellite television is much more difficult to control as journalistic content can easily be broadcast from other jurisdictions beyond the control of individual governments. An example of this in the Middle East is the satellite broadcaster Al Jazeera. This Arabic language media channel operates out of Qatar, whose government is relatively liberal with respect to many of its neighboring states. As such, its views and content are often problematic to a number of governments in the region and beyond. However, because of the increased affordability and miniaturisation of satellite technology (e.g. dishes and receivers) it is simply not practicable for most states to control popular access to the channel.
Web-based publishing (e.g., blogging) vs. traditional publishing: Traditional magazines and newspapers rely on physical resources (e.g. offices, printing presses) that can easily be targeted and forced to close down. Web-based publishing systems can be run using ubiquitous and inexpensive equipment and can operate from any global jurisdiction. To get control over web publications, nations and organisations are using Geolocation and Geolocation software[citation needed].
Voice over Internet protocol (VOIP) vs. conventional telephony: Although conventional telephony systems are easily tapped and recorded, modern VOIP technology can employ sophisticated encryption systems to evade central monitoring systems. As VOIP and similar technologies become more widespread they are likely to make the effective monitoring of journalists (and their contacts and activities) a very difficult task for governments.
Naturally, governments are responding to the challenges posed by new media technologies by deploying increasingly sophisticated technology of their own (a notable example being China's attempts to impose control through a state run internet service provider that controls access to the Internet) but it seems that this will become an ever increasingly difficult task as journalists continue to find new ways to exploit technology and stay one step ahead of the generally slower moving government institutions that attempt to censor them.
In May 2010, U.S. President Barack Obama signed legislation intended to promote a free press around the world, a bipartisan measure inspired by the murder in Pakistan of Daniel Pearl, the Wall Street Journal reporter, shortly after the September 11 attacks in 2001. The legislation, called the Daniel Pearl Freedom of the Press Act, requires the United States Department of State to expand its scrutiny of news media restrictions and intimidation as part of its annual review of human rights in each country.

Human rights in Pakistan

2012-02-01T12:47:00.002+05:00

Pakistan’s human rights record has dramatically improved since the reforms that took place after the tenure of President Zia-ul-Haq in 1988. The situation of human rights in Pakistan is a complex one, as a result of the country's diversity, large population, its status as a developing country and a sovereign, Islamic republic as well as an Islamic democracy with a mixture of both Islamic and colonial secular laws. The Constitution of Pakistan provides for fundamental rights, which include freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of the press and the right to bear arms. These clauses are generally respected in practice. Clauses also provide for separation of executive and judiciary, an independent judiciary and freedom of movement within the country and abroad.

The founder of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a moderate secular state blended with some Islamic values and principles. No Pakistani Government has ever come up with a detailed conclusion on what he exactly meant by this. Nevertheless, Pakistan's status as an Islamic Republic should not be confused or compared with other Islamic Republics in the region, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran. Unlike Iran, Pakistan is not a theocracy, but rather an Islamic democracy where elections regularly takes place on time and are mostly free and fair. Most of Pakistan's laws are secular in nature, most of which were inherited from the United Kingdom's colonial rule of modern-day Pakistan before 1947. In recent times, there has been increasing pressure on Pakistan to amend or replace some of its outdated laws made during the time of the British Empire.

Although the government has enacted measures to counter any problems, abuses remain. Furthermore, courts suffer from lack of funds, outside intervention, and deep case backlogs that lead to long trial delays and lengthy pretrial detentions. Many observers inside and outside Pakistan contend that Pakistan’s legal code is largely concerned with crime, national security, and domestic tranquility and less with the protection of individual rights.

The 2009 Freedom in the World report by Freedom House gave Pakistan a political rights rating of 4 (1 representing free and 7 representing not free), and a civil liberties rating of 5, earning it the designation of partly free.

Political abuse of human rights

Provincial and local governments have arrested journalists and closed newspapers that report on matters perceived as socially offensive or critical of the government. Journalists also have been victims of violence and intimidation by various groups and individuals. In spite of these difficulties, the press publishes freely, although journalists often exercise self-restraint in their writing.

The 1997 Anti-Terrorism Act, which established Anti Terrorism Court, and subsequent anti-terrorist legislation, has arisen concerns about protection of fundamental rights.

In 2002 citizens participated in general elections, but those elections were criticized as deeply flawed by domestic and international observers. Societal actors also are responsible for human rights abuses. Violence by drug lords and sectarian militias claims numerous innocent lives, discrimination and violence against women are widespread, human trafficking is problematic, and debt slavery and bonded labor persist.

The government often ignores abuses against children and religious minorities, and government institutions and some Muslim groups have persecuted non-Muslims and used some laws as the legal basis for doing so. The Blasphemy Law, for example, allows life imprisonment or the death penalty for contravening Islamic principles, but legislation was passed in October 2004 to eliminate misuse of the law.

Furthermore, the social acceptance of many these problems hinders their eradication. One prominent example is honor killings (“karo kari”), which are believed to have accounted for more than 4,000 deaths from 1998 to 2003[citation needed]. Many view this practice as indicative of a feudal mentality and as an anathema to Islam, but others defend the practice as a means of punishing violators of cultural norms and view attempts to stop it to as an assault on cultural heritage.

Pakistan was recommended by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) in May to be designated as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) by the Department of State because of its government’s engagement or toleration of systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom.

Enforced disappearances (missing persons)

Main article: Missing persons (Pakistan)

This section requires expansion.

In Baluchistan ISI and police use to arrest or kidnap political leader demanding for more autonomy or freedom from Pakistan. They also arrested student activist and teachers who were protesting against the exploitation of Pakistan government. Many human-right activist in Pakistan have protested against force disappearances and kidnappings.

Humanitarian response to conflict

Violence in Pakistan and the Taliban conflict with the government have heightened humanitarian problems in Pakistan. Political and military interests have been prioritised over humanitarian considerations in their offensives against the Taliban, and issues likely to get worse as people are encouraged back home prematurely and face once again being victims of the insurgents.Displacement is a key problem and humanitarian organisations are failing to address the basic needs of people outside displacement camps, nor are they able to address issues such as the conduct of hostilities and the politicisation of the emergency response. Researchers at the Overseas Development Institute argue that aid agencies face dilemmas with engaging with the government, as this does not always produce the desired results and can conflict with their aim of promoting stability and maintaining a principled approach.A principled approach limits their ability to operate when the government emphasises political and security considerations.

Internally displaced people

There were over 500,000 people displaced in 2008, mainly from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) on the border with Afghanistan, and a further 1.4 million from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa in May 2009.[3] By mid-July 2009, Pakistan’s National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) put the total of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) at just over 2m, while unofficial figures are as high as 3.5m. Most of those displaced (up to 80%) were taken in by relatives, friends and even strangers - Pashtun communities in particular have displayed great efforts in assisting the displaced despite their own high levels of poverty. Still others use schools, but only a small minority live in approximately 30 official camps, mainly in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.

There is little support for those living outside of camps, official support consists only of some food and non-food items and government cash grants.Many of those who have been taken in are looked after by political and religious groups providing assistance in return for membership or support. The government has been struggling to provide support to an area traditionally marginalised and remote and is also keen to downplay the scale of the crisis.Before military operations are undertaken, little preparation is made for the predictable increase in displaced peoples in order to avoid attracting the attention of opposing forces.There are also suggestions that help given to IDPs is informed by cultural and political expediency, as in the case of a $300 family cash grant.

The international community's assistance is marginal in comparison to local efforts due to the rate and scale of displacement; the scattering of displaced populations among host families and in spontaneous settlements; access difficulties due to insecurity and the role of the military in the relief effort. International humanitarian organizations have focused on camp-based populations and this limited interaction has hampered their attempts to analyse the full complexity of the situation, the context, its different actors and their interests – all of which are key to ensuring that the humanitarian imperative is achieved in this complex operating environment.

The cluster method often used for the coordination and funding of humanitarian responses to IDPs have been criticised many agencies have bypassed the UN cluster, such as OFDA and DfID. However, operational agencies also indicated that donors have also been slow to challenge government policy due to their overall support to the Pakistani counter-insurgency effort, as well as lack of influence.

The government has come under criticism also for downplaying the crisis, but also for weakening the position of the UN though the ‘One UN Approach’ in Pakistan, leaving a UN unable to function properly. Furthermore, in an effort to force refugees back to the areas the have fled (in order to create a sense of normalcy), the government has cut off power and water supply to the IDP camps.

"Friends of Pakistan"

Many donors see the conflict as an opportunity for more comprehensive engagement in an effort to promote stability in the region, to promote a legitimate government and curtail transnational threats. The ‘Friends of Pakistan’ group, which includes the US, the UK and the UN, is key in the international community's drive to promote stability. The US has adopted a joint ‘Af-Pak’ (Afghanistan and Pakistan) strategy in order to suppress the insurgency and defend its national security interests. This strategy seeks engagement with the government and the military intelligence communities, develop civilian and democratic governance, for instance through the provision of services and support in ‘cleared areas’ in FATA and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and increasing assistance including direct budget support, development aid and support with counter-insurgency work. The UK equally sees an opportunity to counter instability and militancy through a combined military and 'hearts and minds' approach, through judicial, governance and security sector reform. The UNDP/WFP takes a similar line.

Yet the success of this approach is by no means clear, as both the government and society at large are not welcoming of foreign interference. USAID takes into account political as well as humanitarian dimensions in its decision making process. Many civilians see little distinction between aid agencies, the military operations and "western interests"; ‘you bomb our villages and then build hospitals’. Many humanitarian organisations thus avoid being too visible and do not mark their aid with their logos. friends of Pakistan must come forward to assist in her committment.Religious intolerance against Pakistani Christians by Islamists

Controversial blasphemy laws

In Pakistan, 1.5% of the population are Christian. Pakistani law mandates that any "blasphemies" of the Quran are to be met with punishment. On July 28, 1994, Amnesty International urged Pakistan's Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto to change the law because it was being used to terrorize religious minorities. She tried, but was unsuccessful. However, she modified the laws to make them more moderate. Her changes were reversed by the Nawaz Sharif administration which was backed by Religious/Political parties.

Ayub Masih, a Christian, was convicted of blasphemy and sentenced to death in 1998. He was accused by a neighbor of stating that he supported British writer, Salman Rushdie, author of The Satanic Verses. Lower appeals courts upheld the conviction. However, before the Pakistan Supreme Court, his lawyer was able to prove that the accuser had used the conviction to force Mashi's family off their land and then acquired control of the property. Masih has been released.

On September 22, 2006, a Pakistani Christian named Shahid Masih was arrested and jailed for allegedly violating Islamic "blasphemy laws" in Pakistan. He is presently held in confinement and has expressed fear of reprisals by Islamic Fundamentalists.

On October 28, 2001 in Lahore, Pakistan, Islamic militants killed 15 Christians at a church. On September 25, 2002 two terrorists entered the "Peace and Justice Institute", Karachi, where they separated Muslims from the Christians, and then executed eight Christians by shooting them in the head.

On September 25, 2002, unidentified gunmen shot dead seven people at a Christian charity in Karachi's central business district. They entered the third-floor offices of the Institute for Peace and Justice (IPJ) and shot their victims in the head. All of the victims were Pakistani Christians. Karachi police chief Tariq Jamil said the victims had their hands tied and their mouths had been covered with tape. Pakistani Christians have alleged that they have "become increasingly victimised since the launch of the US-led international war on terror."

In November 2005, 3,000 militant Islamists attacked Christians in Sangla Hill in Pakistan and destroyed Roman Catholic, Salvation Army and United Presbyterian churches. The attack was over allegations of violation of blasphemy laws by a Pakistani Christian named Yousaf Masih. The attacks were widely condemned by some political parties in Pakistan. However, Pakistani Christians have expressed disappointment that they have not received justice. Samson Dilawar, a parish priest in Sangla Hill, has said that the police have not committed to trial any of the people who were arrested for committing the assaults, and that the Pakistani government did not inform the Christian community that a judicial inquiry was underway by a local judge. He continued to say that Muslim clerics "make hateful speeches about Christians" and "continue insulting Christians and our faith".

In February 2006, churches and Christian schools were targeted in protests over the publications of the Jyllands-Posten cartoons in Denmark, leaving two elderly women injured and many homes and properties destroyed. Some of the mobs were stopped by police.

In August 2006, a church and Christian homes were attacked in a village outside of Lahore, Pakistan in a land dispute. Three Christians were seriously injured and one missing after some 35 Muslims burned buildings, desecrated Bibles and attacked Christians.

Based, in part, on such incidents, Pakistan was recommended by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) in May 2006 to be designated as a "Country of Particular Concern" (CPC) by the Department of State.

Discrimination against Hindus

There have been severe persecution of Hindus by Muslims in Pakistan since its formation in 1947.The increasing Islamization has caused many Hindus to leave Hinduism and seek emancipation by converting to other faiths such as Buddhism and Christianity. Such Islamization include the blasphemy laws, which make it dangerous for religious minorities to express themselves freely and engage freely in religious and cultural activities

Minority members of the Pakistan National Assembly have alleged that Hindus were being hounded and humiliated to force them to leave Pakistan. Hindu women have been known to be victims of kidnapping and forced conversion to Islam. Krishan Bheel, a Hindu member of the National Assembly of Pakistan, came into news recently for manhandling Qari Gul Rehman.

Hindus in what is now Pakistan have declined from 23 % of the total population in 1947 to less than 2% today. The report condemns Pakistan for systematic state-sponsored religious discrimination against Hindus through bigoted "anti-blasphemy" laws. It documents numerous reports of millions of Hindus being held as "bonded laborers" in slavery-like conditions in rural Pakistan, something repeatedly ignored by the Pakistani government.

Forced and coerced conversions of religious minorities to Islam occurred at the hands of societal actors. Religious minorities claimed that government actions to stem the problem were inadequate. Several human rights groups have highlighted the increased phenomenon of Hindu girls, particularly in Karachi, being kidnapped from their families and forced to convert to Islam.

Kidnapping charges were pending against a Muslim man who abducted a fifteen-year-old Christian, Samina Izhaq, and forced her to convert in August 2004.

On September 2, 2005, Ghulam Abbas and Mohammad Kashif reportedly drugged and kidnapped Riqba Masih, a Christian woman, from the village of Chak, Punjab, and took her to Lahore. The kidnappers repeatedly raped Masih and threatened to kill her and her family if she did not convert to Islam but Masih refused. On September 3, 2005, another unidentified accomplice took Masih into custody and detained her until September 6, 2005, raping her repeatedly. Later that day, the kidnappers took Masih to Faisalabad and abandoned her at a bus stop from where she made her way to her parents' home. Police arrested Ghulam Abbas and Mohammad Kashif and charged them with kidnapping and rape. Following an October 24, 2005, hearing in which a Faisalabad court denied bail, Kashif escaped from the courtroom and remained at large at the end of the reporting period. Abbas remained in police custody, and police are attempting to find Kashif.

On October 18, 2005, Sanno Amra and Champa, a Hindu couple residing in the Punjab Colony, Karachi, Sindh returned home to find that their three teenage daughters had disappeared. After inquiries to the local police, the couple discovered that their daughters had been taken to a local madrassah, had been converted to Islam, and were denied unsupervised contact with their parents.

Sectarian tensions and riots between ethnic Muslims

Several minority Muslim communities, such as the Mojahir and the Ahmadiyya have been attacked in pogroms in Pakistan over the years. Plus, the ethnic Balochi have allegedly been severely discriminated against, leading them to start a secessionist movement under Nawab Akbar Bugti called the balochistan Liberation Army.

The human rights violation of the Ahmadiyya have been systematic and state-sponsored. The religious establishment in Pakistan does not approve of the reformatory nature of the Ahmadiyya Movement, and it considers it heretic. Politicians have often found it politically attractive to support the mulla in his anti-Ahmadiyya agitation. The first countrywide violence erupted in 1953. Majlis-e-Ahrar leader's Syed Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari, Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar, Sheikh Hissam-ud-Din, Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari, Syed Abuzar Bukhari etc. were created this violence. A high level judicial inquiry subsequently found and declared that political considerations and exigency were the main cause of the spread of the Anti-Ahmadiyya violence. Many years later, Mr. Bhutto found it politically advantageous in 1974 to have Ahmadis declared a non-Muslim minority. This was done after another countrywide violent anti-Ahmadiyya agitation conceived and engineered by the government and carried out by mullas. Ahrar leader's Syed Abuzar Bukhari, Syed Ata-ul-Mohsin Bukhari and others created Voilence in Rabwah (Now, Chennab Nagar) in 1976. Minority status was an innovation, in that, while other groups were a religious minority by their own profession, Ahmadis were forcibly declared a minority through legislation.

Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam, Jamat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ullema-e-Islam created voilence in 1984. General Zia, the military dictator of Pakistan, went many steps further in 1984, when to gain the support of Islamic fundamentalists in Pakistan, he promulgated the notorious anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance XX that added Sections 298-B and 298-C in Pakistan Criminal Code. Through this Ordinance, Ahmadis were deprived of most of their basic human rights and their freedom of faith. Under the provisions of this ordinance, an Ahmadi could be given rigorous imprisonment of 3 years and fined any amount. An Ahmadi can be easily charged for profession of his faith or for ‘posing’ as a Muslim. The ordinance was a green signal for anti-Ahmadiyya elements to open the floodgates of tyranny with the help of the State. The ordinance provides a ready and convenient tool in the hands of fundamentalists and the government to incriminate Ahmadis on flimsy grounds and petty excuses. In November 2012, the Government of Pakistan banned Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema, leader of Tehreek-e-Khatm-e-Nubuwwat and secretary general of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam, from delivering speech in the Chichawatni and district Sahiwal area due to the security situation in Muharram. The president of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam Pakistan Syed Ata-ul-Muhaimin Bukhari also banned from delivering speech for three months in Multan, Sahiwal, Raheem Yaar Khan, Gujrat and Jhang.

Good Governance

2011-11-10T08:56:00.001+05:00

Good governance is an indeterminate term used in development literature to describe how public institutions conduct public affairs and manage public resources in order to guarantee the realization of human rights. Governance describes "the process of decision-making and the process by which decisions are implemented (or not implemented)". The term governance can apply to corporate, international, national, local governance or to the interactions between other sectors of society.

The concept of "good governance" often emerges as a model to compare ineffective economies or political bodies with viable economies and political bodies. Because the most "successful" governments in the contemporary world are liberal democratic states concentrated in Europe and the Americas, those countries' institutions often set the standards by which to compare other states' institutions. Because the term good governance can be focused on any one form of governance, aid organizations and the authorities of developed countries often will focus the meaning of good governance to a set of requirement that conform to the organizations agenda, making "good governance" imply many different things in many different contexts.

Forms

In international affairs, analysis of good governance can look at any of the following relationships:

between governments and markets,

between governments and citizens,

between governments and the private or voluntary sector,

between elected officials and appointed officials,

between local institutions and urban and rural dwellers,

between legislature and executive branches, and

between nation states and institutions.

The varying types of comparisons comprising the analysis of governance in scholastic and practical discussion can cause the meaning of "good governance" to vary greatly from practitioner to practitioner.

Reform and standards

Three institutions can be reformed to promote good governance: the state, the private sector and civil society.However, amongst various cultures, the need and demand for reform can vary depending on the priorities of that country's society. A variety of country level initiatives and international movements put emphasis on various types of governance reform. Each movement for reform establishes criteria for what they consider good governance based on their own needs and agendas. The following are examples of good governance standards for prominent organizations in the international community.

IMF

The International Monetary Fund declared in 1996 that "promoting good governance in all its aspects, including by ensuring the rule of law, improving the efficiency and accountability of the public sector, and tackling corruption, as essential elements of a framework within which economies can prosper." The IMF feels that corruption within economies is caused by the ineffective governance of the economy, either too much regulation or too little regulation. To receive loans from the IMF, countries must have certain good governance policies, as determined by the IMF, in place.

The UN flag

The United Nations emphasizes reform through human development and political institution reform.[9] According to the UN, good governance has eight characteristics.Good governance is:

Consensus Oriented

Participatory

following the Rule of Law

Effective and Efficient

Accountable

Transparent

Responsive

Equitable and Inclusive

World Bank

Main article: Worldwide Governance Indicators

The World Bank is more concerned with the reform of economic and social resource control. In 1992, it underlined three aspects of society which they feel affect the nature of a country's governance:

type of political regime;

process by which authority is exercised in the management of the economic and social resources, with a view to development; and

capacity of governments to formulate policies and have them effectively implemented.

International humanitarian funding

Good governance defines an ideal which is difficult to achieve in full, though it is something development supporters consider donating to causes. Major donors and international financial institutions, like the IMF or World Bank, are basing their aid and loans on the condition that the recipient undertake reforms ensuring good governance . This is mostly due to the close link between poor governance and corruption.

Democratization

Because concepts such as civil society, decentralisation, peaceful conflict management and accountability are often used when defining the concept of good governance, the definition of good governance promotes many ideas that closely align with effective democratic governance. Not surprisingly, emphasis on good governance can sometimes be equated with promoting democratic government.

Example

A good example of this close association, for some actors, between western democratic governance and the concept of good governance is the following statement made by Hillary Clinton in Nigeria on August 12, 2009:

Again, to refer to President Obama’s speech, what Africa needs is not more strong men, it needs more strong democratic institutions that will stand the test of time. (Applause.) Without good governance, no amount of oil or no amount of aid, no amount of effort can guarantee Nigeria’s success. But with good governance, nothing can stop Nigeria. It’s the same message that I have carried in all of my meetings, including my meeting this afternoon with your president. The United States supports the seven-point agenda for reform that was outlined by President Yar'Adua. We believe that delivering on roads and on electricity and on education and all the other points of that agenda will demonstrate the kind of concrete progress that the people of Nigeria are waiting for.

Role of Political Parties

Researchers at the Overseas Development Institute have criticised past studies of good governance to place tool little importance on developing political parties, their capacity and their ties to their grassroots supporters. While political parties play a key role in well-functioning democracies, elsewhere political parties are disconnected from voters and dominated by elites, with few incentives or capabilities to increase the representation of other voters. Political parties can play a key role in pivotal moments of a state's development, either positively (e.g. organising and instigating violence) or negatively (e.g. by leading dialogue in a fractured society). While differences in the electoral system play their role in defining the number of parties and their influence once in power (proportional, first past the post, etc.), the funding and expertise available to parties also plays an important role not only in their existence, but their ability to connect to a broad base of support. While the United Nations Development Program and the European Commission have been providing funding to political parties since the 1990s, there are still calls to increase the support for capacity development activities including the development of party manifestos, party constitutions and campaigning skills.

Criticism

According to Sam Agere "The discretionary space left by the lack of a clear well-defined scope for what governance encompasses allows users to choose and set their own parameters."In the book, "Contesting 'good' governance" Eva Poluha and Mona Rosendahl contest standards that are common to western democracy as measures of "goodness" in government. After applying political anthropological methods, they feel that governments believe they apply the concepts of good governance when executing their activities, however, cultural differences result in conflict with the standards of the international community.

The Ahmadiyya Chanda Fraud

2011-11-04T15:54:00.004+05:00

Which word is mentioned with the same frequency as the word “salah” in the Noble Qur’an? No prizes for guessing “Zakah“, unless you’re Ahmadiyya top brass, in which case you’d really want it to be “chanda“. And what is chanda aam, other than a 6.25% tax on your income? Well, it’s bid`ah of course, an innovation, as according to the Ahmadiyya, it’s obligatory. It’s an alteration of the shari`a and is therefore totally unIslamic.

But it’s actually worse than that. Why? Well there’s an argument that if chanda was used for the benefit of the membership, that it’s not such a bad thing, but is it for the benefit of the membership? That remains to be seen. Let’s now have a look at how the Ahmadiyya defines its activities for the benefit of the Charities Commission:

Of particular interest to us is the bottom line. “Assistance to deserving and needy”. I’m fairly certain that in years past, they had a provision for helping the deserving and needy amongst its membership, and given that they have Humanity First as an outfit that takes care of those last two lines, the question of redundancy for the purposes of deception does arise.

In Britain, the needy have access to Job Seeker’s Allowance, Incapacity Benefit and Income Support. That is how the State looks after the needy. The State is of course funded by the taxpayer. That’s you and I. It’s by and large a very useful system, preventing the weakest members of society from total financial breakdown, without needlessly incentivising them to remain unemployed for long periods. It isn’t a massively dissimilar system to that of zakah in a truly Muslim society. As such, it should be praised.

Now I can tell you from personal experience that it’s very hard to live on Job Seeker’s Allowance. The way I managed in 2004 was to sell almost everything of value that I owned. I ate cheap, packet noodles for most meals and I just about got by. Alhamdulillah. If it hadn’t been for the odd bit of help from family and friends, it would have been impossible. I was in genuine need and the State stepped in and helped me. On a side note, I praise Allah for this period of my life. It was tough, but I learned a lot.

From previous experience, I didn’t expect the jama’at to assist. I was not in the least bitter about this, I just accepted it as the way things were. In the early 90s when I was previously in a tight spot, Mirza Tahir recommended that I buy some Premium Bonds when I asked him for a short-term, interest-free loan off the back of the thousands in chanda I had previously paid. Being the gullible cultee that I was, that’s exactly what I did. I bought an investment that is riba-based.

So in 2004, despite being by far the highest chanda contributor for years to the North London jama`at, at times happily paying £200 per month, I didn’t ask, and I didn’t expect. In fact, I never told the jama’at about my financial difficulties and just upped my involvement, doing more security duty and going to more meetings. I was in genuine need, but I relied on Allah (SWT). Thank God then, for the Welfare State.

Now, leaving aside the high number of Ahmadis who engage in paid cash work whilst claiming benefits (as my late father always lamented)there is the bigger issue of the Ahmadiyya making chanda payments obligatory, whether you are employed or not. In fact, chanda is payable even if you are on benefits. That’s right. The Ahmadiyya taxes its poorest members. The Welfare State helps poor Ahmadis and the Ahmadiyya taxes them. Don’t believe me? The Khuddam web-site states clearly what “net income” means:

* In this context when we talk about net income it means the following:

1. Income from Employment and State Benefits

- This includes (i) Salaries and Wages, (ii) Pensions from former employer/s, (iii) State Pension, (iv) Child Benefit (v) Social Security Benefit including Unemployment Benefit, Income Support, Family Credit etc (vi) Any other regular income

I wonder how long before they close this site down? No worries. I have it archived and cached. I recommend that everybody else does the same.

They take money from the poor, the sick and the old. It’s so breathtakingly wrong, that you almost can’t believe your eyes. Other than the rank-and-file Ahmadi knowing about the reality of the situation, there is also a plainly visible chanda calculator. The gall of this is breathtaking. No Zakah calculator is available on any Ahmadiyya site that I am aware of, only a chanda calculator. Now, I don’t know how much JSA is nowadays, but in 2004 it was £55 per week. Based on that figure, The amounts payable are in the tables extracted from the site below:

(As a Khuddam (aged 15-40) you’d have to pay £277.58 per year. Note, the amount isobligatory and it’s about 10% of income! )

That is bread from the mouths of hungry children. If these poor people aren’t the ones who are supposed to be helped as “deserving and needy”, then who are?

One might ask how this collection is enforced? Most sincere Ahmadis know exactly how. They get an unbearable office-bearer (it used to be me!) calling them up demanding money. I don’t recall an office bearer ever calling up for anything other than “where’s your chanda?” or to advise of a meeting, where the question was asked. Direct debits are encouraged. Non-compliance can lead to the cruel practice of excommunication, which robs you of your community connections and is a pretty brutal effective boycott. In reality, this rarely happens, but the threat is usually sufficient to make people comply. This is not the issue though. The Ahmadiyya makes it very clear that chanda is obligatory on every earning and non-earning member. the British taxpayer is subsidising the expansion of the Ahmadiyya’s property base and poor Ahmadis are losing out.

Why are ordinary Ahmadis not allowed to say anything about this? Simply because dissent within the Ahmadiyya is ruthlessly suppressed. If you sound like you might be turned into a troublemaker, you’re excommunicated. People are so enmeshed in the cult that they daren’t say anything in public. That’s where I come in. I’m not saying anything more than what I know a lot of Ahmadis are thinking, and talking about privately, but are too frightened to complain about. Believe it or not, I am the voice of the downtrodden Ahmadi, who has my complete sympathies.

The operation of zakah is not always clear to the lay-person, but there are some easy to understand precepts. Zakah is collected from eligible Muslims and is then used to help the needy. In terms of utility, there is a lot of overlap between zakah and chanda, which rather begs the question of why the Ahmadiyya couldn’t function with just zakah. Obviously, with a Welfare State in Britain, Muslim organisations don’t give money to everyone on JSA, butneither do they ask for collections or donations! In fact, if you have debt, or even if you don’t and your income is low, you pay no zakah! That is Islam. Ahmadiyya is not Islam. It is a heretical movement that taxes the poor to promote itself. Why take money from the British taxpayer to fund your expansion? It is outright theft!

Ahmadiyya is not just a fringe movement with questionable theology, it is a de facto cult that keeps its victims mentally, spiritually and financially enslaved. It’s about time it got investigated.

Energy Crisis

2011-10-31T18:22:00.000+05:00

An energy crisis is any great bottleneck (or price rise) in the supply of energy resources to an economy. In popular literature though, it often refers to one of the energy sources used at a certain time and place, particularly those that supply national electricity grids or serve as fuel for vehicles. There has been an enormous increase in the global demand for energy in recent years as a result of industrial development and population growth. Supply of energy is, therefore, far less than the actual demand.

Causes

Market failure is possible when monopoly manipulation of markets occurs. A crisis can develop due to industrial actions like union organized strikes and government embargoes. The cause may be over-consumption, aging infrastructure, choke point disruption or bottlenecks at oil refineries and port facilities that restrict fuel supply. An emergency may emerge during unusually cold winters due to increased consumption of energy.

Pipeline failures and other accidents may cause minor interruptions to energy supplies. A crisis could possibly emerge after infrastructure damage from severe weather. Attacks by terrorists or militia on important infrastructure are a possible problem for energy consumers, with a successful strike on a Middle East facility potentially causing global shortages. Political events, for example, when governments change due to regime change, monarchy collapse, military occupation, and coup may disrupt oil and gas production and create shortages

Historical crises

1970s energy crisis - caused by the peaking of oil production in major industrial nations (Germany, United States, Canada, etc.) and embargoes from other producers

1973 oil crisis - caused by an OPEC oil export embargo by many of the major Arab oil-producing states, in response to Western support of Israel during the Yom Kippur War

1979 oil crisis - caused by the Iranian Revolution

1990 oil price shock - caused by the Gulf War

The 2000–2001 California electricity crisis - Caused by market manipulation by Enron and failed deregulation; resulted in multiple large-scale power outages

Fuel protests in the United Kingdom in 2000 were caused by a rise in the price of crude oil combined with already relatively high taxation on road fuel in the UK.

North American natural gas crisis

2004 Argentine energy crisis

North Korea has had energy shortages for many years.

Zimbabwe has experienced a shortage of energy supplies for many years due to financial mismanagement.

Political riots occurring during the 2007 Burmese anti-government protests were sparked by rising energy prices.

Emerging shortages

Kuwait's Al Burqan Oil Field, the world's second largest oil field, will be depleted within 40 years.

Crises that exist as of 2008 include:

2000s energy crisis - Since 2003, a rise in prices caused by continued global increases in petroleum demand coupled with production stagnation, the falling value of the U.S. dollar, and a myriad of other secondary causes.

2008 Central Asia energy crisis, caused by abnormally cold temperatures and low water levels in an area dependent on hydroelectric power. At the same time the South African President was appeasing fears of a prolonged electricity crisis in South Africa.

In February 2008 the President of Pakistan announced plans to tackle energy shortages that were reaching crisis stage, despite having significant hydrocarbon reserves,. In April 2010 Pakistan government announced the Pakistan national energy policy, which extended the official weekend and banned neon lights in response to a growing electricity shortage.

South African electrical crisis. The South African crisis, which may last to 2012, led to large price rises for platinum in February 2008 and reduced gold production.

China experienced severe energy shortages towards the end of 2005 and again in early 2008. During the latter crisis they suffered severe damage to power networks along with diesel and coal shortages. Supplies of electricity in Guangdong province, the manufacturing hub of China, are predicted to fall short by an estimated 10 GW. In 2011 China was forecast to have a second quarter electrical power deficit of 44.85 - 49.85 GW.

It has been predicted that in the coming years after 2009 that the United Kingdom will suffer an energy crisis due to its commitments to reduce coal fired power stations, its politicians' unwillingness to set up new nuclear power stations to replaces those that will be de-commissioned in a few years (even though they will not be running in time to stop a full blown crisis) and unreliable sources and sources that are running out of oil and gas. It is therefore predicted that the UK may have regular blackouts like South Africa.

Social and economic effects

Energy economics

The macroeconomic implications of a supply shock-induced energy crisis are large, because energy is the resource used to exploit all other resources. When energy markets fail, an energy shortage develops. Electricity consumers may experience intentionally engineered rolling blackouts during periods of insufficient supply or unexpected power outages, regardless of the cause.

Industrialized nations are dependent on oil, and efforts to restrict the supply of oil would have an adverse effect on the economies of oil producers. For the consumer, the price of natural gas, gasoline (petrol) and diesel for cars and other vehicles rises. An early response from stakeholders is the call for reports, investigations and commissions into the price of fuels. There are also movements towards the development of more sustainable urban infrastructure.

In 2006, survey respondents in the United States were willing to pay more for a plug-in hybrid car

In the market, new technology and energy efficiency measures become desirable for consumers seeking to decrease transport costs.[10] Examples include:

In 1980 Briggs & Stratton developed the first gasoline hybrid electric automobile; also are appearing plug-in hybrids.

the growth of advanced biofuels.

innovations like the Dahon, a folding bicycle

modernized and electrifying passenger transport

Railway electrification systems and new engines such as the Ganz-Mavag locomotive

variable compression ratio for vehicles

Other responses include the development of unconventional oil sources such as synthetic fuel from places like the Athabasca Oil Sands, more renewable energy commercialization and use of alternative propulsion. There may be a Relocation trend towards local foods and possibly microgeneration, solar thermal collectors and other green energy sources.

Tourism trends and gas-guzzler ownership varies with fuel costs. Energy shortages can influence public opinion on subjects from nuclear power plants to electric blankets. Building construction techniques—improved insulation, reflective roofs, thermally efficient windows, etc.—change to reduce heating costs.

See also: Green building and Zero-energy building

Crisis management

An electricity shortage is felt most by those who depend on electricity for heating, cooking, and water supply. In these circumstances, a sustained energy crisis may become a humanitarian crisis.

If an energy shortage is prolonged a crisis management phase is enforced by authorities. Energy audits may be conducted to monitor usage. Various curfews with the intention of increasing energy conservation may be initiated to reduce consumption. To conserve power during the Central Asia energy crisis, authorities in Tajikistan ordered bars and cafes to operate by candlelight. Warnings issued that peak demand power supply might not be sustained.

In the worst kind of energy crisis energy rationing and fuel rationing may be incurred. Panic buying may beset outlets as awareness of shortages spread. Facilities close down to save on heating oil; and factories cut production and lay off workers. The risk of stagflation increases.

Mitigation of an energy crisis

The Hirsch report made clear that an energy crisis is best averted by preparation. In 2008, solutions such as the Pickens Plan and the satirical in origin Paris Hilton energy plan suggest the growing public consciousness of the importance of mitigation.

Energy policy may be reformed leading to greater energy intensity, for example in Iran with the 2007 Gas Rationing Plan in Iran, Canada and the National Energy Program and in the USA with the Energy and Security Act of 2007. Another mitigation measure is the setup of a cache of secure fuel reserves like the United States Strategic Petroleum Reserve, in case of national emergency. Chinese energy policy includes specific targets within their 5 year plans.

Andrew McKillop has been a proponent of a contract and converge model or capping scheme, to mitigate both emissions of greenhouse gases and a peak oil crisis. The imposition of a carbon tax would have mitigating effects on an oil crisis.[citation needed] The Oil Depletion Protocol has been developed by Richard Heinberg to implement a powerdown during a peak oil crisis. While many sustainable development and energy policy organisations have advocated reforms to energy development from the 1970s, some cater to a specific crisis in energy supply including Energy-Quest and the International Association for Energy Economics. The Oil Depletion Analysis Centre and the Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas examine the timing and likely effects of peak oil.

Ecologist William Rees believes that

“ To avoid a serious energy crisis in coming decades, citizens in the industrial countries should actually be urging their governments to come to international agreement on a persistent, orderly, predictable, and steepening series of oil and natural gas price hikes over the next two decades. ”

Due to a lack of political viability on the issue, government mandated fuel prices hikes are unlikely and the unresolved dilemma of fossil fuel dependence is becoming a wicked problem. A global soft energy path seems improbable, due to the rebound effect. Conclusions that the world is heading towards an unprecedented large and potentially devastating global energy crisis due to a decline in the availability of cheap oil lead to calls for a decreasing dependency on fossil fuel.

Other ideas concentrate on design and development of improved, energy-efficient urban infrastructure in developing nations. Government funding for alternative energy is more likely to increase during an energy crisis, so too are incentives for oil exploration. For example funding for research into inertial confinement fusion technology increased during 1970s.

Energy economists theorize that declining energy availability will result in a higher price for energy and that this will attract investment to procure new sources of energy that may be substituted. However as Michael Lardelli and others have pointed out, this hypothesis does not include the concept of Energy Returned on Energy Invested, which is important for example, when considering biofuels as an alternative to conventional energy supplies. The theory also assumes that capital investment in the substitution sector will be available even if a financial downturn caused by higher energy prices happens. Nor does the theory account for the fact that the most easily obtainable energy is extracted from reserves first because it provides the most profit leaving the smaller, harder to reach and more expensive to produce reserves.

Future and alternative energy sources

In response to the petroleum crisis, the principles of green energy and sustainable living movements gain popularity. This has led to increasing interest in alternate power/fuel research such as fuel cell technology, liquid nitrogen economy, hydrogen fuel, methanol, biodiesel, Karrick process, solar energy, artificial photosynthesis, geothermal energy, Space-based solar power, tidal energy, wave power, and wind energy, and fusion power. To date, only hydroelectricity and nuclear power have been significant alternatives to fossil fuel.

Hydrogen gas is currently produced at a net energy loss from natural gas, which is also experiencing declining production in North America and elsewhere. When not produced from natural gas, hydrogen still needs another source of energy to create it, also at a loss during the process. This has led to hydrogen being regarded as a 'carrier' of energy, like electricity, rather than a 'source'. The unproven dehydrogenating process has also been suggested for the use water as an energy source.

Efficiency mechanisms such as Negawatt power can encourage significantly more effective use of current generating capacity. It is a term used to describe the trading of increased efficiency, using consumption efficiency to increase available market supply rather than by increasing plant generation capacity. As such, it is a demand-side as opposed to a supply-side measure.

Predictions

Although technology has made oil extraction more efficient, the world is having to struggle to provide oil by using increasingly costly and less productive methods such as deep sea drilling, and developing environmentally sensitive areas such as the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

The world's population continues to grow at a quarter of a million people per day, increasing the consumption of energy. Although far less from people in developing countries, especially USA, the per capita energy consumption of China, India and other developing nations continues to increase as the people living in these countries adopt more energy intensive lifestyles. At present a small part of the world's population consumes a large part of its resources, with the United States and its population of 300 million people consuming far more oil than China with its population of 1.3 billion people.

William Catton has emphasised the link between population size and energy supply, concluding

“ The faster the present generation draws down the fossil energy legacy upon which persistently exuberant lifestyles now depend, the less opportunity posterity will have to live in anything like the same way or the same numbers. Yet most contemporary political proposals for solving problems of economic stagnation or inequity amount to plans for speeding up the rate of drawdown of non-renewable resources. ”

David Pimentel professor of ecology and agriculture at Cornell University, has called for massive reduction in world populations to avoid a permanent global energy crisis. The implication is that cheap oil has created a human overshoot beyond Earth's carrying capacity, which inevitably led to an energy crisis.

Energy balance (disambiguation) and Tragedy of the Commons

For nearly 60 years the US dependence on imported oil has grown significantly.

Matthew Simmons and Julian Darley amongst others, have examined the economic effects of an energy crisis. Historian, and sociologist Franz Schurmann links an energy crisis with a deflating American dollar. He has stated that

“ If a dollar free-fall should take place, Americans will confront an energy crisis that will make the October 1973 oil shortage seem a mild nuisance. ”

According to Christopher Falvin, geopolitical factors have made the current fossil fuel-based energy system a risk management issue that undermines global security.[citation needed] As the major source of greenhouse gas emissions that accumulate in the atmosphere, fossil fuel energy is increasingly viewed as socially irresponsible. Joseph Tainter, an expert on societal collapse and energy supply, draws attention to the complexity of modern society and our ability to problem solve the wider issue of environmental degradation.

National population suffering from undernourishment as percentage.

Agriculture

According to Kenneth S. Deffeyes, agricultural production depends heavily on hydrocarbons for energy, in the form of:

Petroleum to power machinery and transport goods to market

Natural gas to produce fertilizer and sometimes to power irrigation

Between the late 1940s and early 1980s, as the Green Revolution transformed agriculture around the globe, world grain production increased by 250%. Energy for the Green Revolution was provided almost always by fossil fuels.[citation needed] The 20th century population explosion is strongly correlated with the discovery and extraction of hydrocarbons.

The decision to develop a biofuel industry through subsidies and tariffs in the USA increased food costs globally. Lester R. Brown states that by converting grains into fuel for cars

“ ..the world is facing the most severe food price inflation in history as grain and soyabean prices climb to all-time highs, ”

World power usage, 1965–2005

See also: Food security and Food vs fuel

Catastrophe

Some experts including Howard Odum and David Holmgren have used the term energy descent to describe a post-peak oil period of transition. Ron Swenson has described a looming peak oil crisis as a calamity unparalleled in human history. The peaking of world hydrocarbon production, known as peak oil may test Malthus critics. Michael C. Ruppert has discussed energy crises in relation to the petrodollar, oil imperialism and police states.

Cultural references

Fictional scenarios have been explored in;

Frontlines: Fuel of War, a first-person shooter game that depicts a global energy crisis in 2024 leading to war between Western Coalition (EU and USA) against Red Star Alliance (Russia and China) over the last remaining natural resources

Ice, online comic

Mad Max, depicts an energy starved post-apocalypse world

Oil Storm, a 2005 television docudrama that portrays a future oil-shortage crisis in the United States

Soylent Green, a film about a dystopian future in which overpopulation leads to depleted resources

The Man Who Broke Britain, a BBC docudrama

The Running Man, a fictional film depicts the effects of a global economic collapse.

Monsters Inc., a Pixar animated film that takes place in a fictional world called "Monstropolis," for which Monsters, Inc. supplies power by extracting energy from children's screams. Monstropolis is in the middle of an energy crisis because children are harder to scare than they used to be.

National Integrity

2011-10-29T22:10:00.000+05:00

India has many races, nationalities, castes, subscastes and communities but so far the hear of India is concerned it is one. It is true that societies that have been integrated into bonds of unity have always enjoyed peace, stability, prosperity and permanence. And those torn by mutual distruptive tendencies among various sections of the society have always been short lived and become non- existent. The national integration is the process of uniting different people from all walks of life into a single whole. The most serious problem being faced by India in present circumstances is, how to develop an atmosphere of national consciousness among so varied a people.

Indians already have suffered for long periods, the pangs of enslavement and servitude. It is India in the whole world which has to suffer under foreign rulers for more than seven hundred years. The separatist tendencies among people and kings have always resulted in the fall of our kingdoms. Our country was always divided into large number of small kingdoms which were mostly at daggers end. There has been a lack of national consciousness. The internal disputes among the Rajput kings allowed Muslim invaders to establish their foothold here. Then the Britishers were able to create rifts between various kings and princes and thus established their supremacy. It was only overthrown when Indian nationhood joined together by unparalled acumen of some great Indian leaders who became creators of history.

There is a need to make efforts for creating emotional integration or a sense of unity. The need of the hour is national integration. It should be taught at the very beginning, in all schools and colleges all over the country that India is one and only one. The difference between various cultures are just superficial and basically it is only one. What is needed is superior interpretations, synthesis of the power of the mind that can give rise to a vision of the whole and oneness. The school and college teaching material should be suitably revised wherein importance and need of oneness should be emphasised. From one end of the country to the other end, regular long distance tours must be conducted so as to foster emotional integration among the young students of our country. Steps must be taken to see that, there are no sectional appeals so that disunity among the people does not increase manifold.

To bring about national integration, there are many techniques. It can be forced out, or can be made to strengthen from within the core of hearts. The result by way of exercise of power would always be weak, unsuccessful and it would be for a temporary phase only. But when the sense of national integration stems from within, it would be strong stable and ever-lasting.

British government brought about national integration by way of their needs. For the first time during the British rule, the whole of India came to be governed from one centre and all regions of the country from West to East and South to North obeyed instructions and advice from the central power. This was because the God of freedom was the same and realized all over the country. The national unity became more emotional when the country fought a united struggle for freedom. Emotional integration is the basic foundation on which the main structure of national integration can be created.

There is a rich cultural heritage in India. All of us are inheritors to several grand treasurers in the fields of music, dance, drama, fine arts and paintings, sculpture and theatre. Our seers and sages have left behind a tradition of piety, penance, conquest of passion and spiritual greatness. Our cultural unity is further exemplified by the great temples of the South, the caves of Khajuraho and Ajanta and Ellora which are glittering examples of proficiency of India in the field of architecture and sculpture. India classical music is built on the concept of ragas and talas. Each raga is regarded appropriage to a certain emotion, a certain mood suitable for a specified time of the day or night. In the modern times, people like Pandit Ravi Shanker have taken the Indian music to great heights in the whole world and thus have bridged the gap between the East and the West in the field of music.

Today the intellectuals of Indian society can give the right direction as the country is standing at the crossroads of failures and achievements. The intellectuals must come out of their narrow cells of detachment and awake up to their responsibilities towards the general masses. Through national integration, we will prosper and flourish and dominate the others who are characterized by divisive forces. We will carry with us, a power and strength, solidity and solidarity and an element of cohesiveness which will impart to us further permanence and stay in present struggling world.

Failure of democracy in Pakistan

2011-09-04T16:33:00.000+05:00

Democracy can be defined as the government of the people by the people and for the people. It is an ideal form of the government in which all the strata of the population has great say in the internal and external affairs of the country. Significance of the democracy can be gauged from the fact that in the countries where it works and exists full well, they have well organized or disciplined states before and mostly peaceful political, social weather is prevailed so farm. However, it is rather unfortunate that democracy is derailed every now and again since the inception of Pakistan by dint of certain causes. Bad governance is the first and the foremost reason responsible behind the non delivering of the democracy in the country. It is the bad governance that had been paving the way for the emergence of military regime after the establishment of Pakistan. Furthermore, mass illiteracy and feudal system being both present in the country, the democracy is reduced to an empty show. Lack of democracy has pushed the country into a vicious circle by landing it into the state of quandary and arising multidimensional crises on the surface. Due to weak democracy, the character of Pakistan has been blackening in the world comity and putting the national integration at stake. In short, lack of democracy, eats up into the vitals of the nation by plunging it in the state of uncertain. Therefore, good governance should be restored to deliver democracy or true democratic system in the country. Literary rate should be raised in the multitudes to make them politically educated. Democracy is the only solution to the internal or external problems of the country and is the only way whereby the nation can attain positive amendment or amelioration by all accounts.

To begin with, after the demise of the Father of the Nation, QUAID E AZAM Pakistan had been becoming the barren and sterile in the terms of leadership. Politics became a bad game or an effective means to promote vested interests. Just after the getting independence, corruption soon took hold of the society. The Rehabilitation Department accepted the fake claims of the Muslims coming from across the Indian border that gave stimulus to the forces of bribery and other social vices. In the sequel, justice became a rare commodity in the Pakistan's society and paralyzed people had to purchase justice through bribery. The Muslim league fell a prey to internecine intrigues that gave birth to the political and economic scramble. All of the above gifts of bad governance had been making the avenue for the emergence of the military government. Thus, in 1957 for the first time Material Law took place and democracy was derailed.

In this wise, delay in the constitution making played a paramount part to non delivering of democracy in Pakistan in the early years. The case of India can positively and sufficiently be mentioned in this manner. The democracy has dug its roots deep in India because the constitution there was enacted soon after its establishment that resulted in democratic process by making India a well democratic state. In Pakistan, however, the constitution making body became a tool in the hands of the knavish politicians who were engaged in palace intrigues making and dissolving the cabinets. The sacred or prime task of framing a workable constitution was thus crucified at the altar of power politics which ultimately leaded to the derailing of democracy in the country Furthermore, feudalism is one of the greatest barriers responsible behind the failure of democracy in Pakistan to a large extent. Institutions can not work freely or independently in the presence of feudalism. Moreover, in feudalistic societies democracy represents a specific group of society that is ruling class that is why democracy never delivers in Pakistan. Feudal system stops the way of new leadership which comes from gross root level by perpetuating its hold and rule, so the existence of workable and true democracy in the presence of feudalism is not at cards.
Similarly, illiteracy fosters mediocrity. Much of Pakistan's inhabitants are illiterate and live below the line of poverty or squalor. In fact, democracy is reduced to an empty show if the citizens or the multitudes behave like dumb driven cattle and develop crowd mentality of being driven which every way the leader direct. On the other hand, illiterate masses can hardly select a solemn candidate for themselves on the confidence of their own. They hardly think out of the four walls of their village so that they choose the leader what their landlord chooses often. Therefore, mass illiteracy reduces the standard of the democracy by choosing shaky leadership.
Besides it, lack of sense of responsibility and self aggrandizement among the politicians and the ruling class, corruption, terrorism, unemployment, economic inequality, favoritism in politics and other social injustice have reduced the confidence of the masses and the classes from ruling class. Even coming government is shackled with its interests of own and no any relief delivers to the poor or indigents. Therefore, the name of democracy is reduced to its name only.

Imbalance role of media has not put any good show to make Pakistan a democratic state by favoring the rulers frequently. The media is the greatest source whereby the people can know truth of every thing, so the media of the present is a great propaganda missionary. However, in our country it is always utilized as a weapon. Since the birth of the Pakistan it has been dancing to the tune of ruling regime. The masses can not express themselves according to their wants. Thus, democratically process is there hardly experienced. All of that have made democracy ineffective in Pakistan. That is why democracy is merely named here not in working.
The first and foremost effect of derailing of democracy is that it had seceded East Pakistan from this Pakistan. It was lack of democracy that separated the right arm of Pakistan and held it into meager small holdings. On the other hand, poverty line instead the showing signs of diminution had been swelling upward. Corruption was let loose in every profession of life. Various socio economic sins stand firmly entrenched in the home soil. Moreover, the smaller provinces stand fort the true kind democracy while the military government rather dividend the gulf between the provinces by arising certain misgivings on the surface. In short, military government not only separated our organs but also thrown national integration on the horns of dilemma.

Secondly, lack of democracy in the country has been burying Pakistan under the debris of host of problems. Series of crises grip Pakistan at the present because of failure of democracy in the past. Bereft of democracy Pakistan's institutions had been crippling and crippling of institutions is the predicament of Pakistan. In times of dangers and uncertainty institutions help the country to overcome different types of crises by contributing to stability to the country. The weakness of Pakistan lies in having emaciated institutions which have not been allowed to grow and sustain themselves overtime, by the rulers- especially by military rooftops. All of that has made Pakistan hollow from within and like a malnutrition body.

Besides, might governs the country, it has become an orphan child and its dependence on foreign funds and it has become a hub or centre of terrorists activities of outlawed outfits are all the effects of failure of democracy and are the gifts of bad governance, on the part of Pakistan. Non existence of the democracy in the Pakistan has made it a beggar country in the eyes of the world and has loss its reputation that has been built by our ideals in the world. Moreover; Pakistan is not safe place to live and to do business in. the general public has been becoming the victim of fire started by the terrorists. Therefore, the foreign investors and traders do not want to invest in the Pakistan to launch any business so that all has weakened the economy of Pakistan.
In this way, to make the country vibrant, viable and burgeoning, drastic measures should be applied. The education should be circulated from the topmost corner to the bottommost corner of the country. It should be had equal for the rich and poor one all alike as education is the only becoming means through which we can attain our cherished goal by making prosperous developed and progressive Pakistan. As the literary ratio is increased in the country, the true democracy and an effective democratic political process would be dispensed.

Good governance should be restored to make institutions stabilized and to dig roots of democracy deep in the corners of the countries. Bereft of good governance in Pakistan, our nation can not establish its supremacy in the world comity. It is this good governance that can make democracy at cards in the successive futures.
Moreover, feudal system should be razed by the roots to make fair and square elections and whole of the rural and urban inhabitants can choose the confidant able candidate for themselves.

The media of radio press or television should play its key role to aware the people about democracy by airing news, views truthfully. It should ever support and second the truth and justice by delivering the reality to the classes of society. All of the realities and facts can be supplied at the door step by the means of effective media in the country. Therefore, it should play its part as best as it can.

In the conclusion, it can be said that democracy is the way of running statecraft on the sound lines. it is the only democracy through which we can put Pakistan out of the hole which had been digging its back by military regime in the remote past.

Election of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam (2011-2015)

2011-08-06T18:48:00.000+05:00

Office Beares Session (2011-2015)

President/Ameer

*Syed Ata-ul-Muhaimin Bukhari (Multan)

Vice President's

*Syed Muhammad Kafeel Bukhari (Multan)

*Professor Khalid Shibbir Ahmad (Chanyot)

*Malik Muhammad Yousuf (Lahore)

General Secretary

*Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema (Chichawatni)

Depty General Secretaries

*Doctor Muhammad Umar Farooq (Tala-Gang, Chakwal)

*Qari Muhammad Yousuf Ahrar (Lahore)

*Maulana Muhammad Mugheerah (Chennab Nagar)

Secretory Information

*Mian Muhammad Awais (Lahore)

Depty Information Secretories

*Hafiz Abid Masood Dogar (Chichawatni)

*Yasir Abdul Qayyom (Lahore)

From:Media Section of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam,Pakistan

http://www.Ahrar.org.pk

http://www.Alakhir.com

The liberal ‘problem’

2011-04-30T23:56:00.002+05:00

Pakistan’s intelligentsia are worried about the direction in which the country is headed, and they should be, given that they form the intellectual elite who are supposed to be the custodians of the thoughts and emotions which dictate how this society should be managed and governed.

However, it is the reason why they are worried which is disappointing and which brings in to question their ability as thinkers and whether they are actually connected to the masses. The dilemma of the intelligentsia today is the growth of extremism and society’s march towards the right; to be more precise the increasing belief and conviction among the masses that Islam should form the basis of the political organisation of society.

For them the right is winning, the left losing. But what is disappointing on the part of liberals (who form the core of the intelligentsia in Pakistan) is the absence of a sincere attempt to understand the “extremist” viewpoint, a willingness to engage in dialogue, the courage to subject their own ideas to scrutiny and the imagination to accept the possibility of their solution being wrong.

The liberals have convinced themselves that it’s the other side that is not sincere in dialogue, likes to kill ideological rivals, and won’t give up its ideas. They believe this is the natural attitude of a faith-based ideology which pushes and mobilises people with the force of emotions. Is there a better example than the Taliban?

However, by choosing the Taliban, a fringe element from amongst the right wing, the liberals have chosen the easiest ideological enemy. In fact, this choice seems quite deliberate. The liberal mantra is: This is what the Taliban believe, and if you don’t want the Taliban’s version of society, you should switch over to the liberal side – This is equivalent to adopting a propagandist approach rather than engaging in a dialogue.

So at the intellectual level there really isn’t any debate all. Because what the liberals want to do is to prove themselves right and their strategy for showing the strength of their ideas is to package it as an alternative to the Taliban’s violent extremism. Hence, the liberal strategy for ideological debate hinges on the weakness of the opponent’s ideas, not the strength of their own. This is the classic “bogey man” approach.

Moreover, this approach has alienated liberals from the masses at large to the extent that they have become frustrated and angry at the extent of radicalisation being witnessed in society. But the liberals need to understand that the Taliban are not the intellectual elite of the right wing. Even the right wing would gladly concede that. By insisting on making the thought of the Taliban the defining debate on Pakistan’s outlook, the liberals are running away from the debate. In fact, we can perhaps, with some degree of accuracy, now suggest that the liberals have reached a stage of intellectual stagnation where they have trapped themselves in a static intellectual framework; everything is Zia’s fault.

The Muslim world has been transformed. The reformist Islamic politics of the ‘60s, ‘70s and ‘80s, the idea of Islamising the secular state is dead, at least clinically. The Zia era embodied this current of Islamic thought, which focused on working within the ambit of democracy and gradually Islamising the state by working through the secular constitutional framework.

Politics in the Muslim World, Pakistan included, is changing. The idea that the present system is inherently incapable of reform or resurrection has taken deep roots within society. This has consequently led to a debate about the revival of the caliphate, a governance model radically different from and in direct contradiction with the present system implemented in Pakistan.

Zia is history, even for the rightwing. So what is the post-Zia response of the liberals? How do they respond to the changing dynamics in the Muslim World? Whom do they take on in the battle of ideas? The caliphate or the Taliban?

Debating the caliphate as a governance model is by far the greater intellectual challenge for a number of reasons. Firstly, because the Islamic caliphate enjoyed stupendous success as a governance model for many centuries in the Muslim world. Perhaps the strongest argument against it is that it doesn’t exist and with the idea of Westphalian sovereignty having taken root across the globe, it is unfathomable, for some, to imagine the resurrection of a pan-Islamic state.

Again, this argument tells nothing about the strength of the ideas, it merely talks about practicality. While talking about governance models, the liberals would have to put their own ideas on the table as well. So are they ready to debate democracy, pluralism, capitalism, freedom, the abolition of the separation of state and religion?

Finally the liberals are the forces of the status quo. Since the abolishment of the caliphate, the Muslim world has been ruled by ideas, systems and constitutions inherited from the colonialists with the liberals forming the ruling elite. In Pakistan since its independence from the British Raj, governance models based on liberal thought were implemented consistently.

True that dictatorship and democracy alternated but the thought which forms the cornerstone of both systems is the same. The law which formed the basis of court rulings was the same – the economic models the exact replicas, the foreign policy consistent (and subservient to the US). It is this failure of liberal thought, to address the problems faced by society which has catalysed our march towards radicalisation.

Will the liberals then engage in a sincere debate? Or will they opt for David Cameron’s “Muscular Liberalism”?

Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam (Full History)

2011-04-15T11:46:00.000+05:00

Syed Ata-ul-Muhaiman Bukhari is president of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam (Pakistan).

History of the Movement

The Majlis-e-Ahrar-ul-Islam , were a short lived separatist political movement who were former Khilafat movement. They differed with the Indian National Congress over certain issues and afterwards announced the formation of their party in a meeting at Lahore in 1931. Freely funded by the Congress, the Ahrar were also opposed to the policies of the Muslim League. They declared that their objectives were to guide the Muslims of India on matters of nationalism as well as religion. Majlis-e-Ahrar-ul-Islam spearheaded movement to declare Ahmadiyya community as non-Muslims. By the early 1930s, the Majlis-i-Ahrar-Islam (hereafter MAI) had become an important political party of Muslims in the Punjab. Its agitation in the princely states, and mobilisation on socio-religious issues, earned it an important position in regional politics. Besides these campaigns, the MAI also participated in the mainstream political developments of British India between 1931 to 1947. Its political career can be divided into two parts; the MAI’s response to political and constitutional issues, and its performance in electoral politics. An examination of its role in these two areas can help in addressing the question as to whether the Majlis was a provincial party or an all-India organisation. Its leadership, political programme and its role in and outside the legislature are vital for this investigation. Such inter-connected issues may help us locate the debate on Indian nationalism, Muslim identity politics and the developments within Punjab, the political heartland of the MAI.

Introduction

The MAI strategy was the mobilization of the Muslim masses through the advocacy of emotional and topical issues. However, it did not miss the opportunity of participating in any movement, or commenting on any issue, that was likely to influence the future of India or that of Indian Muslims. Their main constituencies were the Sunni Muslims, and particularly those living in Punjab. Constitutional issues did not evoke as much interest in its ranks, as social and religious issues; which meant that the clerics and not the lawyers set the agenda. Theanti-colonial and determinedly pro-Muslim attitudes were reflected in the MAI’s reaction to the constitutional issues. Soon after its formation, it aimed at projecting itself as an anti-colonial and pro-Indian National Congress (hereafter INC) party by actively participating in the civil disobedience movement of the 1930s, championed by Mahatma Gandhi. It supported the Red Shirts Movement led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the passing of the India Act of 1935, and efforts for an agreement among different communities in India. The MAI maintained contacts with all the political parties and responded positively to other opposition groups, though its pro-INC leanings remained quite explicit. After its initial political ventures in Kashmir, Kapurthala and Alwar, the MAI turned its attention to its organisational and institutional outreach.

Constitutional Issues

The major contemporary constitutional issues hinged on resolving India’s complex political challenges, and coincided with the formation of the MAI. The Ahrar leaders boycotted the Simon Commission in 1927-28, and subsequently rejected its recommendations; which included a federal political system for India, and separate electorates for Muslims.1 The All-Parties National Convention held at Calcutta in December 1928, adopted the Nehru Report. The adoption of this Report led to a division of the nationalist Muslims into two groups; one group, to which a majority of the future Ahrar leaders belonged, wanted its acceptance with some amendments; while the other group favoured its unconditional acceptance.2 The Nehru Report was still being debated when the INC held its annual session at Lahore in December 1929, and abandoned the Report, while adopting complete independence as its ultimate objective.3 The independence resolution appealed to the anti-imperialist sentiments of the MAI, and brought it closer to the INC. When the latter launched its civil disobedience movement, after the rejection of its demand by the British government, the MAI shelved its organisational work, and enthusiastically participated in the non-cooperation movement. Meanwhile, theBritish Government had convened the Round Table Conference (hereafter RTC) in November 1930, to work out an agreed constitutional formula for India;4 but the MAI, in line with the INC policy, opposed the RTC.5 The first RTC reached a consensus on a federal system for India, and after spelling out the principles of the future constitution, set up eight sub-committees. However, the MAI stuck to its original objectives and at its all-India conference in July 1931, reiterated that, “the chief aim and object of the Majlis will be complete independence for India”.6 The British government realised the futility of framing a constitution without the INC, as did the other political parties that had participated in the first RTC. During the INC-led civil disobedience movement, many of its leaders and activists had been imprisoned. When the British government realised the importance of associating the INC with the constitutional negotiations, it approached its leadership. Wedgwood Benn, the Secretary of State, wrote to the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, about the desirability of coming to terms with the Congress. In order to call off the civil disobedience movement and attend the second RTC, Gandhi was released unconditionally, and the Viceroy held negotiations with him. These negotiations climaxed with the signing of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact on 5 March 1933;7 and consequently, Gandhi decided to attend the second RTC in London. The MAI felt the INC had bypassed it. Maulana Habib-ur-Rahman and Syed Ataullah Shah Bukhari (the leaders of Ahrars) rushed to Bombay to persuade Gandhi not to attend the RTC.8 They argued that the nationalist leaders should not engage in constitutional discussions with the colonialists because it would be a ‘futile’ exercise. However, they failed to convince Gandhi, and his decision to participate in the RTC resulted in the ‘parting of ways’ between the INC and MAI. The blind faith and trust that the MAI leadership had so far reposed in the INC, was shattered.9 Henceforth, it did not openly share a common platform with the INC.10 The INC’s participation in the second RTC made the London Conference more representative, although the participants, failed to evolve an agreed formula to resolve the communal differences, or agree on the future politicalmap of India. Consequently, on 16 August 1932, the British Prime Minister, Ramsay Macdonald, announced a Communal Award on behalf of the British Government, which was to be followed by the India Act of 1935.

Communal Award and the India Act of 1935

The Communal Award not only retained the principle of separate electorates for Muslims, but was extended to other minorities as well. Weightage for minorities was also maintained, which was given equally to the Muslims in Hindu majority provinces, and to Sikhs and Hindus in the Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal. Hence, the Muslim representation in Punjab and Bengal was less than their ratio in the population. In Punjab, where the proportion of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs was 57.10%, 27% and 13% of the total population respectively; they were given 49%, 27% and 18 per cent of the provincial seats in the Assembly. Similarly, in Bengal, where the percentage of Muslims and Hindus was 55 and 43 respectively, they were given 48 and 43 per cent of the total seats in the legislature.11 The lowering of property qualification for voters increased their numbers, although it was still a far cry from universal suffrage. Sindh, following a long-standing demand, was separated from Bombay and constituted into a separate province. Non-Muslims in Sindh were given more seats than their number warranted. Similarly, in the constitutional reforms carried out in the NWFP, non-Muslims got heavier weightage, which meant that they could play a critical role in case of division among its Muslim members. The Communal Award, in an emphatic way, widened the gulf between the rural and urban Muslims in the Punjab, by offering more representation to the landlords.12 This worked to the greater benefit of the Unionist Party, since it favoured the rural classes, as did its trans-communal composition. The Communal Award was not popular with any of the communities. The Muslim League was displeased, because it did not meet the Muslim demands for 56 per cent representation in the Punjab Assembly,13 and nor did it provide them with amajority in Bengal. The reaction of the Punjabi Hindus and Sikhs was also negative; and they declared that any system of government in Punjab and Bengal under the Communal Award, would amount to a British-imposed ‘Muslim Raj’ in these provinces. The Mahasabha dominated Hindu politics in the Punjab, and was more influential than the Congress. In fact, the Congress had little support among the Punjabi Hindus, who looked towards the Mahasabha for safeguarding their interests.14 The Punjab Mahasabha’s aggressive advocacy of Hindu interests, embittered communal relations. Their relations sank to an all-time low on the issue of separate electorates. Sikh agitation against the Communal Award was equally hostile. They had demanded 24 per cent of total representation in the Punjab Assembly, whereas they were only provided 18 per cent seats in the provincial legislature. They opposed separate electorates, and the provision of a possible Muslim majority in the assembly;15 they organised demonstrations and set up a council of action to achieve their objectives.16 On 2 August 1932, the council reportedly gathered more than one hundred thousand Sikhs in Lahore, and demanded treatment similar to that of Muslim minorities in the Hindu majority provinces. Earlier, Hindus, Sikhs and Christians had organised a joint Minority Conference to oppose adult franchise. They demanded division of the Punjab province, in case their demands were not met; which was perceived by the Muslims as a plan to subvert Muslim majority in the province. The communal division of Punjab seemed pre-ordained.17 The MAI had tried to mobilise the Muslim masses in support of joint electorates at the time of the Nehru Report, but found it difficult. Their campaign for joint electorates convinced them of the growing demand for a “separate Muslim identity”, and they gradually came to accept the importance of the system of separate electorates for Muslims. Their participation in the Congress-led civil disobedience movement and severance of their links with that party in 1931, brought home the realisation that Muslims constituted a ‘political entity separate’ from the Sikhs and Hindus.18 Secondly, the MAI was dissatisfied with the weightage provided for the minorities in the Communal Award,which gave the Muslim community a thin majority in the Punjab legislature. They felt that the Award had not awarded to the Muslims their due share in the Punjab Assembly,19 and believed that a solution acceptable to all the communities could still be found. They proposed that Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims should sit together, and work out an agreed formula for the representation of various communities in the Punjab; an alternative to the Communal Award.20 However, they warned that if any community attempted to solve the communal problem by force, Muslims would be justified in fighting back for the protection of their interests.21 They also criticised the Communal Award, because it was silent on the long-standing Muslim demand of 33 per cent Muslim share in the central legislature.22 The MAI was disappointed by the reaction from Hindus and Sikhs in the Punjab, and began to take an equally communal line. They took out processions and rallies in many towns of the province, in support of their position.23 With the passage of time, they adopted a more oppositional attitude, not only towards the British, but also against the Hindus and Sikhs.24 It was alleged that the Sikhs had enlisted 100,000 men to challenge the Muslims, and that the government was supporting the Sikhs, with the objective of precipitating a conflict between the two communities. The MAI called on the Muslims to carry swords to defend themselves, particularly in those districts where the Sikhs carried kirpans. They set up an action committee in the Punjab, to counteract the activities of a similar body established by the Sikhs.25 The MAI made Amritsar the centre of their activities over the issue of Communal Award, and from September to December 1932, it organised several public meetings in the Punjab.26 At a Provincial Ahrar Conference held on 4-5 December 1932, the MAI formed a sub-committee to suggest a formula for the Communal Award. It was to be discussed at the Allahabad Conference, scheduled for March 1933.27 But no agreed formula could be worked out at these sessions, and the MAI was thus left with no option but to accept the Communal Award. The All-India Muslim League Council, in a meeting in Delhi on 2 April 1934, accepted the Communal Award till abetter alternative was found. The Majlis also formally accepted the Communal Award at an All-India Communal Award Conference in Dacca, on 24 March 1935.28 B. R. Ambedkar, the leader of the Scheduled Castes, was persuaded by Gandhi to renounce separate electorates for the ‘Untouchables’.29 The response of the three communities in the Punjab to the Communal Award strengthened communal identities, intensified competition among them, and thus proved the last proverbial straw. The British Government issued a White Paper after the third Round Table Conference in March 1933. The Conference appointed a Joint Select Committee, which finalised its report in November 1934, and was subsequently debated in Parliament.30 The Report consisted of recommendations for the future government of India. It also discussed the issue of communal representation, and provided a basis for the British government to introduce Communal Award. When the Indian Legislative Assembly debated this report in February 1935, the INC moved a resolution for the total rejection of the report, condemning it as one of the ‘usual imperialist devices’ “to deprive the Indian people of the power to assume charge of their affairs”.31 M. A. Jinnah, then the leader of the Independent Party, disagreed with the INC, and moved an amendment that was finally accepted.32 The MAI supported Jinnah’s position on the White Paper, and also the report of the Joint Select Committee.33 The British Parliament passed the Government of India Act 1935 on 2 August 1935, which provided for a federal political system for the sub-continent.34 Its important features were that it defined provinces as separate legal entities, and lowered property qualifications for voting, thus enlarging the provincial franchise. The Muslim elite had always been apprehensive of a centralised government dominated by the Hindu majority, and the danger of being turned into a ‘permanent minority. The MAI, like all other Muslim political parties, was concerned about the federal part of the constitution, though it preferred to wait and watch. However, this part did not come into operation, since the required number of states did notaccede to the federation. This similarity of views on constitutional issues was an important factor that brought the MAI closer to the All-India Muslim League (AIML). In 1936, the MAI allied itself with the Muslim League, and its leaders accepted membership of the Central Muslim League Parliamentary Board, although this alliance was also short-lived.

Electoral Politics

The MAI decided to participate in the electoral process in the 1930s, without modifying its ultimate objective of complete independence from the British colonial rule. There were several reasons behind this decision. The MAI wanted to influence the constitution-making and law-making processes;35 and after the severance of its relations with the INC and the formulation of its own platform and programme, it wanted to prove its own separate and distinct existence. Its spectacular performance in the agitation against the rulers of the three princely states gave it confidence.36 The MAI, which was primarily an urban political party, like other Muslim political parties, had supported the Communal Award. As the anti-Communal Award campaign of the Mahasabhites and the Akali Sikhs intensified, the MAI felt that it could counter that pressure by participating in the elections, and asserting its Muslim credentials. They also harboured the dream of leading the Muslim urban lower and middle classes, through a sustained struggle. The increasing communalism in politics had spawned the creation of a number of political groups jostling to capture the leadership of urban Muslims in Punjab, and MAI was emerging as the most influential voice. The Majlis might have contested the August 1930 elections, but boycotted them as a result of its decision to participate in the INC-sponsored civil disobedience movement. Their first electoral activity was in 1933, in the three bye-elections to the Punjab Legislative Assembly. Then in 1934, the MAI put up candidates in two constituencies, in the elections to the Central Legislative Assembly; and in 1937, it took part in the elections to the provincial assemblies under the Government ofIndia Act of 1935, and supported candidates for the provincial assemblies of the Punjab, Bihar and Bombay.

Bye-elections of 1933

The working committee of the MAI, in a meeting at Lahore on 12 June, 1933, took the decision to participate in the three bye-elections for the Punjab Assembly.37 It selected three prominent MAI figures as its candidates to contest these polls. One of its candidates was the patron-in-chief of the MAI, Chaudhry Afzal Haq, who decided to contest the rural Muslim seat from the Hoshiarpur and Ludhiana districts of East Punjab. He was an experienced political figure of Muslim politics in the Punjab. He had been elected twice to the Punjab legislature; in the 1924-27 and the 1927-30 periods. The second candidate, Chaudhry Abdur Rahman Khan, was a prominent member of a Rajput family of Jallundhar, who had led the Ahrar agitation in Kapurthala. He was selected to contest the Muslim urban seat from the Sheikhupura, Ludhiana, Gurdaspur and Jallundhar’s area.38 The third candidate was also a senior Ahrar leader, Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar, who contested the seat vacated by Sheikh Din Muhammad from Gujranwala.39 He had also been a member of the Punjab Legislative Council from 1924 to 1930. One of his opponents in this urban Muslim constituency was the prominent lawyer from Lahore, Malik Barkat Ali.40 The MAI participated in these bye-elections with a high profile, and aimed at building its image as a formidable political force. Other than demanding independence, its economic, social and political programme promised the welfare of the poor and underprivileged Muslim masses. Like its counterparts in the field, it championed their interests as if it was their only saviour.41 The MAI had established its credentials by fighting for the civil rights of the Muslim community in the princely states, and their anti-Qadiani stance, had established them as a sectarian party in Indian politics. With a strong anti-feudal stance, the MAI promised to reform the society in a way that would ensure an equitable social and economic environment for the poorMuslim community of India. They advocated Muslim nationalist causes, but also supported secular anti-imperialism of the INC. The MAI believed in direct interaction with the masses, and used mosques for their election campaign, converting them into their main centres of publicity; but they also used corner meetings as a method of campaigning. They also organised rallies and public meetings, where their leaders spoke in support of the MAI programme and its candidates. While newspapers, according to Afzal Haq, ‘are tools in the hands of the capitalists’, the MAI was blessed with orators who were a “source of their propaganda.”42 In addition, all the three candidates were notable and well-established Muslim figures of the Punjab. The result was a resounding Ahrar victory in all the three bye-elections; Afzal Haq secured 1800 votes,43 Mazhar Ali Azhar obtained 2920 out of 6633 votes,44 while the third candidate secured more than 1500 votes.

The MAI and the Elections of 1934

The next round of elections contested by the MAI was
for the Indian Legislature, held in January-February 1934. These
elections were due in 1933, but the Assembly’s three-year term
had been extended by another year. These elections were
conducted under the Government of India Act of 1919 with a
limited franchise. The MAI nominated or supported candidates
on only two out of 127 seats in the general elections of 1934; one
in the Punjab and the other in the UP. The Working Committee
of the MAI decided to support Khalid Lateef Gauba in the
Punjab, who was a recent convert to Islam.Gauba had
supported the MAI during their agitation in the Kapurthala
state.He contested the election from the Central Assembly
(Muslim) constituency, which incorporated three districts of
Ludhiana, Amritsar and Lahore.The Unionists put up Haji
Rahim Bukhsh, a retired Kashmiri civil servant and a judge, in
order to tap the large number of Kashmiri voters who resided in
Amritsar and Lahore. The MAI’s other candidate was Qazi
Muhammad Ahmad Kazmi, an advocate by profession, who was
to contest the Muslim rural seat for Central Assembly from the
Meerut Division in the United Provinces.
Kazmi had defended those who were tried in the Madh-e-Sahaba cases in the UP; and this had earned him a great deal of political support. He had also
been a dynamic figure in Muslim politics of Allahabad, but from
the Congress platform.
Like other bye-elections, the MAI used mosques to
launch K. L. Gauba, a relatively new entrant in politics. It also
used this platform to collect funds for the election campaign,
enlist new members for the party, and to organise corner
meetings. It had meager funds for the election campaign, and
depended mainly on its muballighs rather than the print media,
to gain public support. The Ahrar speakers, like Ataullah Shah
Bukhari, Sheikh Hissamuddin and other religious leaders,
campaigned vigorously in the main cities of the Punjab. Their
impassioned oratory, for the expulsion of the farangis from
India, and the Ahmadis from Islam, appealed to the Muslim
masses. The uniformed volunteers of the Majlis, paraded the
streets while carrying axes, which, like the spades of the
Khaksars, was the Ahrar symbol of defiance and force. They
tried to enlist voters by offering a vision of a liberated India, free
of foreigners, feudals, and the Ahmadis. The MAI highlighted
Gauba’s conversion to Islam, and his authoring of a book on the
life of Holy Prophet, as a sublime achievement. They appealed
to the urban Muslims to vote for him, and assert their Islamic
identity.They propagated that a Muslim convert should be
supported, because it ‘is the duty of a Muslim’ to encourage a
nau-Muslim.The MAI also used its Shoba-e-Tabligh for .
Gauba’s election campaign.Both the Ahrar candidates, Gauba
and Kazmi, eventually won the elections; a big achievement for
a new party.

The Elections of 1937

The next spate of elections that the MAI contested were those of the provincial assemblies under the Government of
India Act of 1935. The MAI realised that it had to broaden its
electoral platform in the Punjab, as it could not face the Unionist
Party alone. It looked towards M. A. Jinnah and the Muslim
League as its natural allies. It had supported Jinnah and his
Independent Party in the Central Legislative Assembly. The
MAI leaders and the Punjab Leaguers, including, Allama
Mohammad Iqbal, had jointly struggled for the welfare of the
Kashmiri Muslims, and had similarity of views on the Ahmadis.
Jinnah himself had been active in resolving the Shahidgunj
dispute, and had visited Lahore several times for this purpose.
Therefore, when the AIML, under Jinnah’s leadership, decided
to contest the elections, and Jinnah visited the Punjab in search
of partners, he held talks with the Ahrar leaders. He knew that
the MAI was a popular political force among the urban Muslims;
and his abortive attempt to win over the Unionists led by Mian
Fazl-i-Husain, had further strengthened his desire to woo the
MAI.
The Ahrar leaders held several meetings with Jinnah,
who, following the AIML’s Bombay session in April 1936, had
been authorised to constitute a Central Parliamentary Board on
the eve of the 1937 provincial elections.Jinnah convened a
meeting of the Muslim leaders in Delhi on 26 April, to negotiate
for a pre-election alliance; and two Ahrar leaders, Afzal Haq and
Maulana Habib-ur-Rahman, were invited to attend the meeting.
Jinnah asked the Ahrar leaders to participate in the provincial
elections under the League umbrella. They were initially
receptive to the idea, but hesitant in signing an agreement to the
effect. They laid down two conditions for an alliance: firstly, the
alliance should have ‘complete independence’ as its primary
objective; and secondly, the League would expel all Qadianis
from its ranks. Jinnah remarked that he could not support
complete independence, since the AIML constitution only had
provision for responsible government. As for expelling Qadianis,
that would have to be decided by the General Council of the
AIML.They agreed to continue these parleys in Lahore. Jinnah
visited Lahore in May 1936, to hold further talks with the
political parties, but his negotiations with Mian Fazl-i-Husain
did not succeed. The Unionist leader had declined to be part of
the Central Muslim League Parliamentary Board; earlier, he had
refused to accept Jinnah’s request to preside over the all-India
session of the AIML.Jinnah’s talks with the leaders of the
MAI and Majlis-i-Ittehad-i-Millat were successful, and Iqbal
provided the requisite help in this context.Jinnah focused on
Muslim issues, and used the same arguments that he had used
with their colleagues in the UP, in his effort to establish a crossparty alliance in India.
Jinnah visited the head office of the MAI, and then held
an exclusive meeting with its leaders at Abdul Qavi Luqman’s
residence. They requested him to preside over a public meeting
in Lahore. Subsequently, the MAI arranged the function, which
its volunteers guarded with their symbolic axes.After the
meeting, Jinnah left for Srinagar, where he met Kashmiri leaders,
including Mirwaiz Muhammad Yusuf, who apprised him of the
Ahrar contribution towards the cause of the Kashmiri Muslims.
While in Srinagar, Jinnah announced the formation of the AIML
Parliamentary Board; and four members of the MAI, Abdul Aziz
Begowal, Afzal Haq, Sheikh Hissamuddin and Ghulam Hussain,
were included in the Board. The MAI president accepted these
nominations, and announced that they would participate in the
proceedings of the Board.Soon, the MAI incurred the
displeasure of the Unionists, particularly of Mian Fazl-i-Husain,
for associating themselves with Jinnah; as he was viewed as a
political foe by the Unionist leader. The MAI had to face the
Unionist animosity in the Punjab, though the motivating factor
for their alliance with the AIML was Jinnah’s sincerity and
integrity, and his concern for the welfare of the Muslim
community The MAI’s association with the AIML did not last long;
soon the conflict started over the selection of candidates for the
Central Parliamentary Board. The Punjab Parliamentary Board
required the applicants for the ticket to give 500 rupees as a nonrefundable contribution, and an additional sum of 150 rupees for
the ticket. This amount was more than the Ahrar candidates
could pay,and the Ahrar leaders argued that it was a pretext to
keep their candidates out from the electoral contest.The Ahrar
dissociated themselves from the activities of the Muslim League
Provincial Board in Punjab. The Unionist pressure played some
role in making the MAI revise its alignment; but the Ahrar
insistence that there should be a clause in the oath for the AIML
candidate, that he would struggle for the expulsion of Ahmadis
from the Muslim community, was a major point of
disagreement.Interestingly, the Unionists were not willing to
accept that as well, because they did not wish to lose the support
of the British. Still another point of conflict was that in some
cases, candidates of both the parties, wanted to contest the same
constituencies in urban areas. When the MAI’s conflict with the
provincial Muslim League leadership heated up, they approached
Jinnah for its resolution, but by then the conflict was too
advanced. The pro-Unionist Muslim press in the Punjab played a
significant role in aggravating the MAI-AIML differences.
Finally the Majlis broke the alliance on 25 August 1936, putting
the blame on the Punjab League leadership; and decided to
contest the elections from its own platform.
The all-India working committee of the Majlis
authorised provincial branches to select and field their own
candidates. On 30 August, the Punjab MAI appointed a fifteenmember parliamentary board, which included its three Members
of the Legislative Council.The board invited applications by
mid-September 1936, and considered the names of twenty-four
candidates for the Punjab Legislative Assembly.After
considerable consultations, it selected candidates for ten out of a
total of eighty-six seats.The MAI also supported one
independent candidate, Syed Mohammad Habib, in the
Rawalpindi constituency.Breaking from the tradition of earlier
elections, the MAI put up one female candidate on a rural
Muslim seat in the Punjab.The nine male candidates were
given tickets in constituencies spread all over the Punjab. They
included Shaikh Hissamuddin (Amritsar), Chaudhry Afzal Haq
(Hoshiarpur), Mazhar Ali Azhar (Sialkot), Chaudhry Abdur
Rahman (Jullundur), Ghulam Husain (Jhang), Ghulam Haidar
(Ferozpur), Ghulam Rasul (Daska), Sardar Mohammad Shafi
(Qasur), Mazhar Nawaz Khan (Multan), and Khwaja
Mohammad Yusuf (Ludhiana).These candidates included the
top leadership and activists, known as, ‘dictators’ and ‘salars’.
Besides Punjab, the MAI aimed at contesting elections in the UP,
Bombay and Bihar. Initially, the MAI boycotted the polls in the
UP, because of its civil disobedience movement in connectio
with the Madh-e-Sahaba movement. Later on, when the
movement was called off, the provincial MAI fielded its
candidates for the elections. The Bombay Provincial MAI put up
one female candidate, in addition to three male candidates.
Similarly, its provincial organisation in Bihar also fielded
candidates.
The MAI in the Punjab had not only to fight against the
AIML and Majlis-i-Ittehad-i-Millat candidates, but also faced
strong opposition from the Unionist candidates.After the death
of Mian Fazl-i-Husain in 1936, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan (1892-
1942), his political successor, led the Unionists in the elections.
While every Unionist candidate wielded influence in his
constituency, the Unionist Party also enjoyed the tacit support of
the provincial administration. The MAI organised a more
systematic campaign in this election than it had in the elections
of 1933 and 1934, and started a campaign to persuade
prospective voters to register themselves for polls.It issued a
new election manifesto that reiterated a commitment to basic
social and economic problems of the lower and middle classes,
like the fixation of minimum wages. It also appealed to these
classes by mobilizing their anti-elite emotions. They were
against lumbardars, Sahukars, and hawaldars. It called for the
exemption from land revenue of agricultural income up to 500
rupees per year; a minimum wage of 30 rupees per month for
workers, to relieve them from the burden of inflation; reduction
in salaries of highly paid government servants; abolition of
zamindari and jagirdari systems; nationalisation of industries; a
ban on interest or usury in accordance with Islamic values;
protection of peasants and factory workers from the traditional
moneylenders, and free elementary education for all. It also
promised military training to improve the health of youth;
expansion of industries to create opportunities for employment,
to bridge the gulf between the rich and the poor; and equality
before law. The Ahrar manifesto promised prohibition of
prostitution and the abolition of discrimination on the basis of
caste, creed and race. It also promised the establishment of
Islamic courts, along with the commitment to enforce Islamic
law of inheritance and protect the religious places.
The MAI leaders publicised their party’s socio-economic
programme, but when the Unionists put them on the defensive
by highlighting their indifferent attitude over the Shahidganj
Mosque issue, they began to aggressively focus on the
Qadianis.With insufficient funds and practically no press, the
MAI candidates depended on the Ahrar firebrand speakers, who
included Syed Ataullah Shah Bokhari, Shaikh Hissamuddin,
Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar, Sahibzada Faizul Hasan, Qazi
Ahsan Ahmad Shujahabadi, Maulana Habib-ur-Rahman
Ludhianwi and Maulana Daud Ghaznawi. The MAI often took
out long processions characterised by uniformed ‘jayush’ and
cavalry of the MAI volunteers carrying swords and hatchets. The
provincial elections in the Punjab were held on 16-25 January
1937, and about one million polled during the closing four days.
Fifty thousand Muslim women participated in the voting process,
an unprecedented number.Considering the limited resources of
the MAI, the results were not discouraging, although some of its
prominent figures lost the elections. Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar,
Chaudhry Abdul Rahman Khan and Khwaja Ghulam Husain
won urban Muslim seats;while Mazhar Ali Azhar’s victory
was at the expense of Malik Lal Khan, the general secretary of
Majlis-i-Ittehad-i-Millat.Three of its members were elected to
the Bihar Legislative Council,and two were elected to the UP
Legislative Council.The MAI president, one salaar, one Ahrar
‘dictator’ and one ex- Member Legislative Council lost to the
Unionist candidates. Ghulam Jannat, the only female candidate
who contested from the outer Lahore Muslim women’s
constituency, lost to Begum Shah Nawaz, who stood on the
Unionist ticket.A Unionist candidate, Rana Nasrullah,
decisively defeated Afzal Haq, the MAI president, in the urban
Muslim constituency of Ferozpur and Hoshiarpur districts. Later,
he again suffered defeat in a bye-election for a Muslim urban
seat of Amritsar, where the AIML candidate, Sheikh Sadiq
Hasan, won with the ‘support and approval of the Unionists’.
Two members of the Punjab Legislative Council, and one
member in the Indian Legislative Assembly, stayed loyal to the
party till the dissolution of the legislatures for the 1945-6
elections.A contemporary analysis of the election results gives a
general picture of the political situation prevailing in the
province. The MAI gives the impression of a party not interested
in electoral politics, which is evident in its selection of a small
number of candidates, despite the fact that a large number of
voters had been enfranchised in the 1930s.Propaganda in the
press remained strongly in favour of the Unionists in Punjab,
because they had political control over the provincial
government funds, and were able to organise a favorable
campaign. All the Urdu newspapers were owned by individuals
and not by organizations. The Inqilab and Zamindar led a severe
propaganda campaign against the MAI candidates, especially
Afzal Haq. The Unionist Party being in power was able to
influence the voters in an impressive way. Consequently, when
the MAI won in urban constituencies like Amritsar, where it had
held a big rally, their victory was considered ‘a noble success’.With the enlargement of franchise, political parties needed more funds than were available, and often candidates had
to fend for themselves. Since the MAI candidates mostly came
from the lower middle class, they found it difficult to pay for
transport, food and other facilities.It was further handicapped
by the biradri-based electioneering,for instance, Afzal Haq
being a Rajput, was opposed by non-Rajputs in his hometown.Since Jinnah failed to rally the Muslims of Punjab to a joint
platform, a united front against the Unionist Party could not be
established. It resulted in the disintegration of Muslim votes, and
since the Unionists were organised and had official patronage,
they managed to get 88 seats in a House of 176.On the eve of
these elections, the MAI was busy in rehabilitation work for the
survivors of the Quetta earthquake, which had destroyed this
garrison town in 1935. For the MAI, the social cause was more
important than their political and electoral activism. Their focus
on social service for the victims of the earthquake was to
establish the MAI’s reputation for being concerned with the
plight of the poor and the deprived.

Performance in Assemblies

As the above account shows, the MAI had a very small
representation in the legislatures, and being a new party, that was
not surprising. It had three seats in the Punjab Assembly in the
1933-1937 period, as a result of the bye-elections. It won two
seats in the Central Legislative Assembly in 1934, one from
Punjab and a second from the UP. In the 1937 elections to the
provincial assemblies, three MAI members were elected to the
Punjab Assembly, two in the UP Assembly and three in the
Bihar Assembly. Its presence in the provincial assemblies and
the central assembly was so small, that it was not in a position to
form its own parliamentary party in any of the assemblies, and
usually sat with the opposition.The strength of the MAI in the assemblies dwindled over a period of time. In the central assembly, one of its two
members, K. L. Gauba, resigned from his seat to contest the
provincial elections of 1937, and won it.94From 1934 to 1945,Muhammad Ahmad Kazmi remained an Ahrar member of the Indian Legislative Assembly. He had supported Jinnah’s Independent Party within the Assembly, during the initial period of his.Parliamentary career. A member in the Punjab Assembly,
Ghulam Hussain from Multan, lost his seat to Zain ul Abidin
Shah, because of an election petition against his eligibility. The
remaining two members stayed with the Party till the very end.
All five Ahrar members joined the Muslim League in the UP and
Bihar Assemblies.Muhammad Abdur Rehman played an active role in the Punjab Legislative Assembly for the MAI,in its anti-recruitment drive during the 2nd World War, while the other member was imprisoned for one and a half years for participating in that drive.The MAI members made their
presence felt in the assemblies on several economic, political and
social issues in spite of their small numbers. They voiced their
opinion through questions, sponsored bills and motions of
adjournment, and participated in the budget debate.
K. L. Gauba, an Ahrar member from the Punjab, raised
the issue of the Indo-UK trade agreement. The government was
not ready to reveal all the details of this agreement, and this
attitude of the government was severely criticised by the MAI.
K. L. Gauba introduced an adjournment motion that,‘this
Assembly, after duly considering the agreement between His
Majesty’s Government in the UK and the Government of India,
signed on 9 June 1935, is of the opinion that in as much the said
agreement is unfair to India, the Government of India should
terminate it forthwith.’ His criticism was against the ‘procedural
secrecy’, of the government.The MAI supported the
opposition stance that this agreement was a continuation of the
fiscal policy of the past, and had nothing new in it. Gauba’s
motion, that the matter needed a discussion in the House, was
adopted.The MAI members in the Punjab Assembly usually
criticised any increase in the salaries and allowances of the
MLAs, on the plea of austerity.Since 1937, the opposition had
been criticising the suggested raise in the salaries of the Prime
Minister and his ministers.They also questioned the high rate
of taxes and revenues on agriculture in the Punjab, the ‘granary’
of British India. However, they failed to influence the fiscal
policy of the Punjab Government, although they actively
participated in the budget sessions.For instance, in March
1933, Khwaja Ghulam Hussain congratulated the finance
minister, yet demanded of him that the special development
funds should be devoted to removing illiteracy. In contrast, the
INC and a few Unionists members criticised the budget, for not
containing proposals for improvement in any direction.Two issues were the focus of MAI’s criticism in the Punjab Assembly; one related to the political prisoners issue and the other, related to it, was about jail reforms.Since joining the assemblies, the MAI members apprised the British
Government and the Punjab administration of the pitiable
conditions in jails, and the torture of political prisoners.The
MAI Patron Afzal Haq had made some contribution in bringing
about jail reforms. The MAI’s anti-colonial policies and
agitational politics had often landed them in jails in large
numbers, so they knew the conditions prevailing in them. The
were imprisoned so frequently, that they considered jails as their
second homes.During their movement in the state of
Kashmir, more than forty thousand Ahrar leaders and workers
were interned. The number was even larger during the civil
disobedience movement of 1930-31 and 1939. Some of its
leaders took special pride in going to jails.They were often
arrested without any warrants, or even before the completion of
legal requirements.Most of the time they were given ‘C’ class
jails; where they had to perform unpaid physical labour, such as
grinding jute manually, spinning, weaving, brewing, and like all
other prisoners, were served unhygienic food.Afzal Haq had
been the unofficial member of the Committee for Jail Reforms in
the Punjab Assembly during 1927-30, and had made
recommendations for the jail manual.He had resisted the
mistreatment of prisoners by the jail officials,and mobilised
other prisoners into nonviolent resistance.The MAI leaders were treated as opponents of the British as well as the Punjab government, so they were subjected to punishments like shackles, or kept hungry for long
durations.They were given unauthorised prolonged detention
because of their anti-recruitment campaign, since the campaign
discouraged Indians from joining the armed forces.They were
never given ‘A’ class in jails, which was their right as political
prisoners, except when they were arrested along with their INC
colleagues.They were also refused contact with the outside
world through correspondence and newspaper facilities.When
the newspapers in Punjab and the UP published stories of torture
and illegal detention of the MAI leaders during the antirecruitment campaign, the ministers for jails in the assemblies denied that this was happening. The trumped-up cases against the Ahrar orators, such as Ataullah Shah and Hissamuddin,diminished the popularity of the Unionist government in the province.The MAI claimed to have arranged hunger strikes,
defied the jail administration, and held political meetings with
the non-political prisoners whenever there was an opportunity.
Their method of hunger strike always shook the administration,
not only at the provincial level, but at the centre as well.
Belonging to the lower strata of society, the MAI volunteer
could bear the hunger and torture longer than the others. The
stories of their torture in jails were well covered in the Urdu
dailies and weeklies, which helped mobilise support outside the
jails.During the INC-led civil disobedience and antirecruitment campaign, even some Hindu newspapers had publicized their case. Afzal Haq, Shorish Kashmiri and Janbaaz Mirza were some of the activists who had successfully mobilised the jail inmates. Their demands were for the basic rights of jail
inmates; including ‘A’ class for political prisoners, better food,
the right to meet and correspond with relatives, and perform
religious rituals.After the 1920s, the jails were viewed as
‘political schools’, where politicians were trained in schemes to
dislodge the British from India; and the British colonial
administration tried to curb these ‘training camps’.
The physical health of the MAI internees was affected;
and Afzal Haq’s suffering during incarceration resulted in his
death in 1942. Ghulam Nabi Janbaaz lost his right shoulder
because of police torture during the Maclagan College episode in
Lahore.They have acquired fame in the annals of the freedom
movement, for their forbearance and suffering. They did not
meet with much success, but continued to struggle to raise
awareness on the issues of torture, corruption and living
conditions in jails. The MAI also advocated the repeal of the
Criminal Law Amendment Bill, which had been imposed in the
Punjab during elections, without the approval of legislators.
Explaining the necessity for legislation, Nawab Muzzafar Khan,
the Revenue Member and the mover of the bill said, that the
offence of slandering one’s political opponents during elections
was becoming frequent, and the existing procedure for
prosecution in such cases had been ‘slow, cumbersome and
uncertain.’ He argued that it was desirable to make the procedure
quicker and more effective, given that there was a wider
franchise in the new Constitution. The MAI members resisted
the bill at the provincial level as well as at the centre.
Muhammad Ahmad Kazmi and Khwaja Ghulam Hussain took
the lead in this, and moved a resolution to repeal the Punjab
Criminal Law Amendment Bill, under which central and
provincial governments had acquired infinite powers.They
argued that in the presence of the Government of India Act 1935,
there was no need for such new draconian laws.The issue was not resolved until 1940.During the Punjab Assembly sessions of 1939-42, the
MAI’s ‘questions’ about the deteriorating political situation
following the anti-recruitment campaign, had been generally
supported by the INC, but were disallowed for any discussion.
When the Anti-Recruitment Law was promulgated in 1941,
Muhammad Ahmad Kazmi described it as the crushing of a
‘moral revolt’ and tried to highlight the British government’s
discrimination against Muslims in the Indian Legislative
Assembly.The MAI member, Khwaja Ghulam Husain, tabled
a no-confidence motion against the Sikandar Hayat Khan in the
Punjab Assembly, and vigorously sought the right of Muslims to
take possession of their holy places of worship. Shahidganj was
an old mosque in Lahore, which had been occupied by the Sikhs
since 1850s, and who tried to rebuild it as a gurdwara in July
1934. A committee had been formed under the leadership of
Maulana Zafar Ali Khan to acquire the site, and restore the
mosque. Initially, the MAI remained aloof from the dispute, but
subsequently raised the issue both inside and outside the
assemblies. They differed with the opinion and policy of
Sikandar Hayat Khan, the Prime Minister of Punjab on the law
and order situation in the province caused by the Shahidganj
issue.The MAI also spoke on religious, educational and other
issues of concerns to Muslims, including the Muslim Personal
Law.Several amendments to this law, issues relating to
blasphemy,the Sahidganj Masjid dispute in Lahore, and the
references to a proposed Shariat Bill, were some of their areas of
concern.The MAI’s major contribution in the central legislature
was its proposed amendments to the Shariat Bill. Muhammad
Ahmad Kazmi, who had suggested several amendments in the
text during 1939, supported the Bill till it became a law in
1941.The Assembly took up the bill moved by Muhammad
Kazmi, to consolidate and clarify the provision for the
dissolution of marriage by women under Muslim Law.He
demanded that it should be mandatory that a Muslim Judge
should be present in any hearing of Muslim divorce case.The
provision dealing with apostasy in the bill was one of the main
concerns of the MAI. They raised the issue of the impending
execution of Abdul Qaiyum in Karachi in 1934, who had
murdered a Hindu because of his blasphemous remarks.The House rejected it. The accused was sentenced to death.The police held his funeral in Karachi where the Muslim participants were mistreated. At that time Jinnah took serious note of measures taken by Henry Craig, the Home member for the
maintenance of law and order in Karachi. He criticized at length
the route plan and arrangements for a funeral procession, and the
government decision to open fire on a peaceful gathering; as a
result of which more than thirty Muslim participants were
killed.The Ahrar members pursued issues of general welfare in
the Punjab assembly, such as the health policy,and lobbied for more dispensaries and doctors for their respective
constituencies.Their other social concern was the ‘subordination
of Muslims in educational services’.Mazhar Ali Azhar was
the longest serving member of the Punjab Legislature, and had
been there since 1924.He questioned matters that fell under the
jurisdiction of the government; like the share of the Muslim in
the civil services, and the granting of licensees to official
contractors for public transport in Amritsar.On a few
occasions he put the Home Member on the defensive, by asking
a number of questions relating to motorcar accidents in the
province, and the role of police. He wanted to improve
legislation on these issues.The Ahrar members were more active in the central legislature in presenting bills and raising questions. K. L.
Gauba’s questions dealt mostly with the employment opportunities for Muslims in the Railways Department, or were about taxes, service criteria and the share of Muslims in foreign and political services.The MAI members often voted with the AIML in the Central Assembly; while Gauba frequently raised the issue of police torture on Muslims, and the law and order situation in Karachi after the communal riots.His speeches were never transformed into legislation, but he remained a vocal critic of the official policies.Gauba made a useful contribution in the Assembly, and his departure in 1937, when he joined the Ittehad-i-Millat party in Punjab, was a blow to the MAI.

Conclusion

While examining the role of the MAI representatives in
the assemblies, two features were prominent: they opposed
imperial control; and concentrated on social issues and human
rights. Despite having a low representation in the assemblies,
they still managed to have a high profile. They attempted to stay
aloof from the Shahidganj Masjid dispute, but were vigorously
engaged in legislation pertaining to blasphemy, conditions in
jails and other social issues. During 1933-4, the Party was quite
visible in the assemblies, but after the setback of the 1937
elections, the MAI took its cause to the public at large. With the
outbreak of the Second World War the Ahrar focus, like that of
others, shifted to the campaign against recruitment for the
military in the Punjab.

Activity of Terrorist Qadiani In Paksitan

2011-03-21T11:20:00.001+05:00

Media Section of MAJLIS-E-AHRAR-E-ISLAM Pakistan

Ummat Publications

2011-03-16T11:59:00.000+05:00

Ummat Publications

2011-03-03T21:48:00.000+05:00

Ummat Publications

Deception of the Qadianis

2011-01-16T15:44:00.000+05:00

All Muslims are warned that the Qadiyanis (so called Ahmadiyya) are not Muslims. They are misguiding
people through the internet, T.V, literature and advertisements. The Qadiyanis deceive Muslims with words
such as peace, loyalty, freedom, respect, and love.
The Qadiyanis are followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani (1840-1908). Mirza Qadiyani has claimed to be
a Nabi, a Rasool and Muhammad (Sallalahualayhiwasalam) himself! Aside from that he has claimed to be God,
Imam Mahdi, Maryam and Isa ibn Maryam. He had enmity and hatred for Isa (Alayhiwasalam) as he repeatedly
insulted him. He also abused other prophets including Muhammad (Sallalahualayiwasalam) and his companions
(Ridhwanullahi Ajmaeen). He has sworn at the ulama who are the inheritors of the prophets. Mirza Qadiyani
has made false accusations towards Allah (Subhaanawata’ala) and his Rasool (Sallalahualayhiwasalam).
It is because of the aforementioned reasons that:
1.The scholars have called them Kaafir and out the fold of Islam.
2.The Muslim World League in 1974 in Makkah Mukaramah declared them Kaafir.
3.The Pakistani Parliament declared them as a non-Muslim minority in 1974. Many institutions and courts
have also declared them to be Kaafir.
4.Indonesia, Malaysia and Gambia have taken action against some of their activities.
The Qadiyanis have started to advertise on buses and distributing leaflets with the slogans peace, loyalty,
freedom, respect, and love and have launched a website (www.loveforallhatredfornone.org). But how can they
be peaceful when they don’t condemn the acts of Mirza Qadiyani? How can they claim to be loyal when they
abandoned the final messenger (Sallalahualayhiwasalam) of Allah (Subhaanawata’ala)? How can they support
freedom when they do not allow their followers to question the acts of Mirza Qadiyani? How can they have
respect when they follow a man who has insulted and claimed to be previous prophets? How can they claim to
love all when they follow a man who hated Rasoolullah (Sallalahualayhiwasalam)? They are not peaceful and
have no respect because they blind follow a man who was very abusive, offensive and blasphemous against
Allah (Subhaanawata’ala), his Rasool (Sallalahualayiwasalam) and Islam. Instead they are the ones who are
causing hatred and disunity.
Beware of their literature, adverts, MTA TV channel (787) and websites such as www.alislam.org and many
others. Educate yourself on this issue and warn all your friends and family. If you already follow Mirza Ghulam
Ahmad Qadiyani then please research the history and find out the reality of Qadiyanism.
Please make copies and distribute, also display on Masjid notice boards.
For further information and references please use our website or contact us below:
http://www.Khatmenubuwwat.org
http://www.Ahrar.org.pk

A HISTORIC LETTER

2011-01-16T15:29:00.008+05:00

Ahmadis are traitors both to Islam and to India
(Allama Iqbal’s letter to Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru)

Lahore
June 21, 1936
My dear Pandit Jawaharlal,
   Thank you so much for your letter which I received yesterday. At the time I wrote in
reply to your articles I believed that you had no idea of the political attitude of the
Ahmadis. Indeed the main reason why I wrote a reply was to show, especially to you,
how Muslim loyalty had originated and how eventually it had found a revelational basis
in Ahmadism. After the publication of my paper I discovered, to my great surprise, that
even the educated Muslims had no idea of the historical causes which had shaped the
teachings of Ahmadism. Moreover, your Muslim admirers in the Punjab and elsewhere
felt perturbed over your articles as they thought you were in sympathy with the
Ahmadiyya movement. This was mainly due to the fact that the Ahmadis were jubilant
over your articles. The Ahmadi Press was mainly responsible for this misunderstanding
about you. However I am glad to know that my impression was erroneous. I myself have
little interest in theology, but had to dabble in it a bit in order to meet the Ahmadis on
their own grounds. I assure you that my paper was written with the best intentions fro
Islam and India. I have no doubt in my mind that the Ahmadis are traitors both to
Islam and India.
I was extremely sorry to miss the opportunity of meeting you in Lahore. I was very ill in
those days and could not leave my rooms. For the last two years I have been living a life
practically of retirement on account of continued illness. Do let me know when you
come to the Punjab next. Did you receive my letter regarding your proposed Union for
Civil Liberties? As you do not acknowledge it in your letter I fear it never reached you.

      Your Sincerely
   Muhammad Iqbal
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Proof

The Iqbalities, in Pakistan have not published this letter in any collection of Iqbal’s letters
which speaks for itself about the Ahmadis effects.
This letter has been copied from a book “A BUNCH OF OLD LETTERS” published by
Asia Publishing House, Bombay, Calcutta, New Dehli and Madras.
Zindarood By Jawaid Iqbal S/O Sir Allama Mohammad Iqbal (p.554

Mirza Ghulam's views on Prophet Jesus by event horizon

2010-12-22T19:23:00.000+05:00

Mirza Insults the Family of Jesus(pbuh)

"Jesus's three paternal and maternal grandmothers were fornicators and prostitutes, from whose blood Jesus came into existence." (Anjam-i-Atham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 11, P. 291, addenda; Anjam-i-Atham, P. 9, appendix)

"You may have tried to find a solution to my claims about the Messiah's parental and maternal grandmothers. I am tired of thinking. Up to now, no nice solution has occurred to me. What a glorious god is he whose paternal and maternal grandmothers are of such repute?"

(Nur-ul-Quran, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 9, P. 394; Nur-ul-Quran, Vol. 2, P. 45)

"Islam, unlike Christianity, does not teach us that God was born of a woman - and was fed by sucking blood from the womb of his mother for nine months - the blood which had the qualities of prostitutes like the daughters of Saba, Tamar, and Rabah."

(Anjam-e-Athum, P. 41)

"Jesus had an inclination for prostitutes perhaps due to his ancestral relationship with them..."

(Anjam-i-Atham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 11, P. 291, addenda)

Mirza Insults Mary(RA)

* "Mary's eminence is such that she put off her marriage for a long time, but after constant pressure of the community leaders, and due to her pregnancy, she accepted to get married. However, people raise objection about how she could have been married while pregnant, that being against the teachings of the Torah. People also object to Mary breaching the oath of celibacy. People also question why Mary set the foundation of polygamy. In other words, why did Mary agree to marry Joseph the carpenter, despite his being already married." (Kasthi-i-Nuh, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 19, P. 18; Kasthi-i-Nuh, P. 26)

"Mary's hanging out with her fiancee Joseph before wedlock is a strong testimony of an Israelite custom.... Going out with fiancees among people in some frontier tribes had exceeded the limits to such an extent that sometimes pregnancy comes before wedlock, yet it is not looked down upon."

(Ayyam-ul-Sulh, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 14, P. 300)

"... Because the Messiah, son of Mary, had worked as a carpenter with his father Joseph for twenty two years, we know that he was able to invent different sorts of machines and instruments."

(Azalah-i-Auham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 3, P. 254)

"Jesus's three paternal and maternal grandmothers were fornicators and prostitutes, from whose blood Jesus came into existence." [See: Mirza Insults the family of Jesus(pbuh)]

(Anjam-i-Atham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 11, P. 291, addenda)

Jesus(pbuh) accused of Promiscuity

* "Jesus had an inclination for prostitutes perhaps due to his ancestral relationship with them, otherwise no pious man could allow a young prostitute to touch his head with her filthy hands, and massage his head with the unclean perfume purchased with the earnings of adultery, and rub his feet with her hair. Let the intelligent judge what sort of character such a person must possess."

Jesus(pbuh) called an Impostor

* "A cunning and wicked (person) who had the soul of Messiah from head to toe."

(Zamimah Anjam-i-Atham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 11, P. 289)

* He (Jesus) had nothing to his credit except cunning and deceit."

(Anjam-i-Atham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 11, P. 291, addenda)

* "A most shameful thing is that the sermon on the mount, which is the essence of the Bible, Jesus plagiarized from Talmud."

(Anjam-i-Atham, Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 11, P. 290, footnote)

Jesus(pbuh) called Immoral

* "Then surprisingly hazrat Eisa (Jesus), peace be upon him, did not practice the moral teachings himself."

(Roohany Khazaen, Vol. 20, P. 346)

http://irshad.org/exposed/tirade2.php

There are more quotes from Mirza's foul mouth about Prophet Jesus in the link provided. However, I think this selection of rantings shows what kind of degenerate Mirza was.

What amazes me is that some Muslims do not seem the least bit bothered by the teachings of the founder of Qadianism. Indeed, many Muslims would take the opportunity to side with Qadianis even as Qadianis denigrate the scholars of Islam as 'mad mullahs' and the like.

One should be informed of some of the deviant sects in 'Islam' - and I use that term loosely because Ahmadis are clearly out of the fold of Islam.

آگ سے بچ جائیے !آگ نہ کھائیے

2010-12-22T19:14:00.000+05:00

تین بہن بھائی یتیم بچے اور ان کی بیوہ ماں بلبلا رہے تھے۔ بچوں کے چچا نے ان کے سر چھپانے کے کچے مکان پر قبضہ کر لیا تھا۔ دوسری برادری اور مقامی وڈیروں نے اسے سمجھایا مگر یتیم بچوں کو ان کے سر چھپانے کی جگہ واپس لے کر نہ دے سکے۔ باپ ایک طویل عرصہ بیمار رہ کر داعئ اجل کو لبیک کہہ چکا تھا۔ اس کی وفات پر اور تیجے اور چالیسویں کے ختم پر چچا نے دیگیں پکوا کر برادری کی دعوت کی تھی اب وہ کہہ رہا تھا میں نے اپنا خرچہ تو واپس لینا ہے۔

بیوہ قرآن پاک پڑھنا اور پڑھانا جانتی تھی ۔ اس نے اسی مکرم پیشے کو اپنا لیا۔ گاؤں کے بچے بچیاں پہلے بھی قرآن پڑھنے اس کے پاس آتے تھے ۔ تکمیل قرآن پر کوئی کچھ دے دیتا اللہ کی عطا سمجھ کر وہ لے لیتی۔ بچوں کو فاقوں کا پتا نہ چلنے دیتی، خود چاہے جتنے فاقے آ جاتے ۔

ایک سال کی طویل بیماری پر مزدور کی ساری بچت بھی خرچ ہو چکی تھی اور اب تو گھر میں استعمال ہونے والی کئی ضروری چیزیں مثلاً چارپائیاں ، برتن، صندوق بھی بیچے جا رہے تھے۔ اس نے اپنی آپ بیتی مختصر کر کے سنائی ۔

میں سوچ میں پڑ گیا، کیا ختم ،درود، تیجا، ساتا،داسا، چالیسواں اتنی ہی ضروری چیزیں ہیں ۔کیا یہ شرع محمدی کا حصہ ہیں کیا؟

ام المؤمنین خیر النساء سیدہ خدیجۃ الکبریٰ رضی اللہ عنہا کی وفات پر سرور دو عالم صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم نے یہ تقریبات منعقد کی تھیں۔ کیا ’’اَفْضَلُ بَنَاتِیْ سَیِّدۃ زینب‘‘ بنت النبی ۔احسن الزوجان سیدہ رقیہ اور چھوٹی بیٹی سیدہ ام کلثوم کی وفات پر آقا صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم نے ختم اور تیجے اور چالیسے کیے تھے؟

عزو�ۂ احد کے مقدس ۷۰ شہداء پر کیا ۷۰ گھروں میں ماتم ہوا تھا،ختم و درود کی محفلیں ہوئی تھیں،سید الشہداء حضرت حمزہ کی شہادت پر کیا تیجا چالیسا ہوا تھا؟سیدنا عمر فاروق اعظم،سیدنا ذی النورین عثمان غنی اور امیر المؤمنین سیدنا علی اور ان کے بعد سیدنا حسن کی وفات اور سیدنا حسین کی مظلومانہ شہادت پر کیا دیگیں پکوائی گئی تھیں؟

ام الحسنین سیدہ فاطمہ رضی اللہ عنہا کی وفات پر کیا سیدنا علی رضی اللہ نے تیجا ساتا کیا ختم دلوائے تھے؟ کیا یہ ختم درود نبی اور اصحاب نبی اور آل نبی علیہم السلام کی سنت ہیں؟اگر واقعی ایسا ہے تو ہم جان و جگر سنت پر قربان کرنے کو ہمہ وقت تیار ہیں ۔ آیا یہ ساری رسوم و رواج ہم نے ہندوؤں اور ایرانیوں سے تو نہیں لیے؟

گھر کا بیٹا فوت ہوتا ہے تو جس کے قبضے میں جو آتا ہے توہ اسے اپنا سمجھتا ہے، ناک رکھنے کے لیے پہلے دن پھر تیجے کے ختم پر دیگیں۔ مرحوم کے ترکہ سے پکتی ہیں۔ بڑے بھائی کو پگڑی باندھی جاتی ہے ۔پھر اسے پوچھنے والا کوئی نہیں ہوتا۔ یتیم نابالغ بچوں بچیوں کی نانِ شبینہ کی کسے فکر؟

بس وہ مرنے والے کا غم کھاتے رہیں۔ خون کے آنسو پیتے رہیں۔ مر جائیں گے تو ان کا بھی تیجا چالیسا کرا دیا جائے گا۔ بیوہ کیسے یتیموں کا پیٹ پالے۔ خود تو بھوکی رہ لے گی۔ بچوں کے آنسو تو اس سے برداشت ہی نہیں ہوتے مگر ترکہ ہڑپ کرنے والوں کو اس کی کیا فکر!بہنیں بھی خاموش کہ اگر ترکہ میں سے حصہ مانگ لیا تو ساری زندگی بھائی کا منہ دیکھنا نصیب نہ ہو گا۔ جب کہ بہنوں کے لیے بھائیوں کو دیکھ لینا ہی بڑی کائنات ہوتی ہے۔ بہنوں کو یہ معلوم ہے ۔ وہ خود ہی رات کو رو دھو کر اگلی صبح اعلان کر دیتی ہیں ’’ہم نے اپنا حصہ بھائیوں کو معاف کر دیا ہے۔ ‘‘ جی ہاں! ’’آسن قبراں تے پوسن خبراں‘‘اپنے پیٹوں میں یتیموں کا مال آگ ہی تو ہے۔(القرآن)

یہ دیگیں پکوانے والے تو جائیداد پر بھی قبضہ کر چکے ہیں، اب تعزیت کے نام پر آنے والوں سے نیوتہ بھاجی بھی لیں گے کہ یہ بھی ہمارے مشرک ہندو آباء کا غیر متروک ترکہ ہے مگر یہ جو دیگیں کھانے والے ہیں یہ گناہ بے لذت میں کیوں شامل ہو رہے ہیں؟ کیا تمام ورثاء نے خوشدلی سے ترکہ میں سے دیگیں پکوائی ہیں؟

ترکہ کی تقسیم سے پہلے تو مرنے والے کی جیب میں پڑی الائچی بھی استعمال کرنے کی اجازت نہیں۔ اور کیا نابالغوں سے بھی اجازت لی گئی ہے؟ نابالغ یتیم بچوں بچیوں کی اجازت کا تو اللہ رسول نے اعتبار ہی نہیں کیا۔ صاف فرمایا ہے ’’یَاکُلُوْنَ فِیْ بُطُوْنِہِمْ نَاراً‘‘یتیموں کا مال نہیں،وہ لوگ جہنم کی آگ کھا رہے ہیں۔ ایصال ثواب سے کوئی منع نہیں کرتا مگر اپنے ذاتی مال سے کیجیے۔ جب تک ترکہ تقسیم نہ ہو اسے منہ نہ لگائیے۔ آگے سے بچ جائیے۔

قانونِ توہینِ رسالت اور ہمارے حکمران

2010-12-22T19:10:00.005+05:00

written by:Syed Muhammad Kafeel Bukhari

تمام انبیاء و رسل کااحترام اور ان کے بر حق ہونے پر ایمان ہر مسلمان کا عقیدہ ہے اس عقیدے کی بنیاد قرآن، حدیث اور سنت ہے اس لیے کوئی مسلمان کسی نبی و رسول کی توہین نہیں کر سکتا۔ اور نہ ہی کسی کو اپنے نبی صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کی توہین کی اجازت دے سکتا ہے۔

قانونِ توہینِ رسالت سپریم کورٹ، فیڈرل شریعت کورٹ، اور قومی اسمبلی کے فیصلوں کے تحت پاکستان کے آئین کا حصہ بنا۔ ایک عرصہ سے اس قانون کو ختم کرنے یا غیر مؤثر کرنے کی سازشیں ہو رہی ہیں اور اس کے لیے نہایت سطحی اور گھٹیا باتیں بطور دلیل کے پیش کی جا رہی ہیں۔ دراصل اس قانون کو ختم کرانے یا غیر مؤثر کرنے کے پس منظر میں یہودی اور عیسائی ہیں۔ یورپ و امریکہ باقاعدہ حکومتی سطح پر اس قانون کو آئینِ پاکستان سے ختم کرانے کے لیے مسلسل دباؤ ڈال رہے ہیں۔۔۔ہمارے حکمران دیگر قومی مسائل کی طرح اس حساس ترین مسئلے پر بھی امریکی و یورپی طاقت کے خوف کا شکار ہیں۔ حالیہ دنوں میں ننکانہ کی ایک عیسائی خاتون آسیہ پر توہینِ رسالت کے جرم میں سزائے موت کے فیصلے کے بعد شور و غل ہوا۔ یہ ایک عدالتی فیصلہ ہے مجرمہ نے دورانِ تفشیش دو بار اعترافِ جرم کیا ہے۔ علاوہ ازیں تفشیش اور عدالتی کارروائی کے مرحلوں سے جرم ثابت ہوا ہے۔ اصولاً اس فیصلے کے ردّ و قبول میں بھی آئینی طریقہ ہی اختیار کرنا چاہیے۔ مجرمہ ہائی کورٹ اور پھر سپریم کورٹ میں اس فیصلے کے خلاف اپیل کر سکتی ہے۔صدر یا وزیر اعظم کو اس فیصلے کو تبدیل یا ختم کرنے کا اختیار ہی نہیں۔

قادیانیوں کے بانی مرزا قادیانی ملعون نے حضور خاتم النبیین صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کی توہین کی ہے۔ اپنی کتابوں میں حضرت عیسیٰ علیہ السلام کو گالیاں دی ہیں ۔ قانونِ توہینِ رسالت کی زد میں سب سے پہلے وہی آتے ہیں اسی لیے وہ اس قانون کو ختم کرانا چاہتے ہیں۔ یہی حال این جی اوز کا ہے یہ سب امریکہ و یورپ کا مال کھاتے ہیں اور انھی کے مفادات کے لیے کام کرتے ہیں۔حکومت کو بیرونی دباؤ ہرگز قبول نہیں کرنا چاہیے۔

یہ ہر گز امتیازی قانون نہیں ہے اور نہ ہی اس کی وجہ سے پاکستان میں رہنے والی اقلیتیں خوف کا شکار ہیں۔ قانون توکوئی بھی ہواس کے تحت سزا کا خوف ہی جرم کو روکتا ہے۔ قرآن و حدیث کے علاوہ تورات و انجیل میں بھی انبیاء بنی اسرائیل اور سیدنا مسیح علیہ السلام کی توہین پر موت کی سزا ہے۔ یہ ایک پروپیگنڈہ ہے جس کا مرکز تل ابیب ،واشنگٹن اور لندن ہے۔ ہمارے نام نہاد دانشور اس کا شکار ہو کر زبان درازیاں کر رہے ہیں۔ اصل مسئلہ قانون کا نفاذ ہے۔ اس کے لیے بہتر سے بہتر طریقہ وضع کر کے اور اس پر عملدر آمد کر کے معاشرے کوپرامن بنایا جا سکتا ہے۔ یہاں صرف قانونِ توہینِرسالت کو ہدف بنا کر تنقید کی جا رہی ہے۔ حالانکہ چوری ،ڈکیتی ، قتل، اغوا، زنا اور دیگر جرائم کے جھوٹے الزامات لگا کر ہزاروں بے گناہوں پر ظلم ہو رہا ہے اس پر کوئی تنقید نہیں کرتا۔ اس سے بڑی جہالت کیا ہو گی کہ کسی قانون کو اس کے غلط استعمال کی بنیاد پر ختم کر دیا جائے۔ اگر یہی معیار ہے تو پھر کیا ملک کا آئین بھی ختم کر دیا جائے؟ یہ بات انتہائی لغو ہے کہ جھوٹے الزام کی بنیاد پر کسی بھی شخص کوتوہینِ رسالت کا مجرم بنایا جا سکتا ہے۔

ناقدین کے تحفظات ان کے اپنے نہیں بلکہ یوریپیئن ایجنڈے سے مستعار ہیں۔ لاقانونیت ، مذہبی جنونیت اور معاشرتی بگاڑ کا سبب قانونِ توہینِ رسالت نہیں بلکہ یہ قانون اِن قباحتوں کے راستے میں ایک بڑی رکاوٹ ہے۔ یورپ میں سیدنا مسیح علیہ السلام کی توہین قابلِ سزا جرم ہونے پر انھیں کیوں اعتراض نہیں؟وہاں لاقانونیت اور معاشرتی بگاڑ کا سبب توہینِ عیسیٰ علیہ السلام کا قانون کیوں نہیں؟

قانونِ توہینِ رسالت باقی رہنا چاہیے۔ چودہ سو سال سے اس بات پر امت کا اجماع ہے۔ خود نبی کریم صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کے عہد مبارک میں توہینِ رسالت کے جرم میں دس سے زائد افراد کو آپ کے حکم پر قتل کیا گیا۔

کعب بن اشرف یہودی کو محمد بن مسلمہ انصاری رضی اللہ عنہ نے قتل کیا۔ ایک گستاخ کو حضرت زبیرنے، ایک گستاخ عورت کو سیدنا خالد بن ولید نے اور ایک شخص نے اپنے والد کو توہین رسالت کے ارتکاب پر قتل کیا۔ اس قانون کے عملی نفاذ کو بہتر بنانے اور ظلم و ناانصافی کے کسی متوقع سانحے کو روکنے کے لیے علماء کی رہنمائی میں طریقۂ کار میں تبدیلی ہو سکتی ہے سزا ختم نہیں کی جا سکتی۔

قانونِ توہینِ رسالت کو ضیاء الحق مرحوم کے آمرانہ ذہن کی اختراع قرار دینا دجل و فریب ، جھوٹ اور دھوکے

کے سوا کچھ نہیں۔ ضیاء الحق کے خلاف تو فیڈرل شریعت کو رٹ میں ممتاز قانون دان محمد اسمٰعیل قریشی نے رٹ دائر کی اور شریعت کورٹ کے فیصلے کو قومی اسمبلی نے ۱۹۸۴ء میں آئینی ترمیم کے ذریعے قانونی شکل دے کر منظور کیا۔ ضیاء الحق کی اسمبلی میں موجودہ وزیر اعظم سید یوسف رضا گیلانی اور وزیر خارجہ شاہ محمود قریشی بھی تھے۔ پیپلز پارٹی اور مسلم لیگ کے ارکان بھی تھے۔بلکہ پیپلز پارٹی کے ارکان سب سے زیادہ تھے انھوں نے اس وقت تو اعتراض نہ کیا۔ اب کیوں کر رہے ہیں؟ یہ قانون پاکستان ہی نہیں دنیا بھر کے مسلمانوں کے ایمان و عقیدے کا مسئلہ ہے۔ اسے چھیڑا گیا تو ملک کی بنیادیں ہل جائیں گی۔

تفتیش کے طریقۂ کار کو بہتر بنا کر اور قانون پر صحیح معنوں میں عمل در آمد کر کے بے گناہ لوگوں کو بچایا جا سکتا ہے۔ لیکن ملعونہ آسیہ بے گناہ نہیں۔ گورنر پنجاب سلمان تاثیر نے ایک سزا یافتہ مجرمہ کے پاس خود جا کر جس طرح اس کی حوصلہ افزائی اور وکالت کی ہے اس کی مثال دنیا میں کہیں نہیں ملتی۔

ہمارے حکمران پاکستان کی بیٹی عافیہ صدیقی کو تو امریکی جیل سے رہا نہیں کرا سکے لیکن ملعونہ آسیہ کو رہا کر کے امریکہ بھجوانے کے لیے بے تاب ہیں ان کے اس طرزِ عمل کو کسی طرح بھی درست قرار نہیں دیا جا سکتا۔

Agha Shorish Kashmiri

2010-11-13T16:49:00.000+05:00

Agha Shorish Kashmiri Mujahid-e-Khatm-e-Nubuwwat and X secretory Jonerel All India Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam

Poetry of Agha Shorish Kashmiri

2010-11-09T18:54:00.002+05:00

Bycotte Qadiani Product ''Shezan''

2010-11-09T18:51:00.000+05:00