https://ajis.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/ajis <p>Andalas Journal of International Studies is a journal published by the Andalas Institute of International Studies (ASSIST) as a platform dedicated to a better understanding of international issues that aims to craft alternatives in international studies. Andalas Journal of International Studies focuses on publishing original research articles related to international and global studies, international relations, international development, diplomacy, global political economy, global politics, local and global relations, regional politics, international organization and other relevant topics.</p><p>As it aims to provide better and alternative understanding in international studies, Andalas Journal of International Studies welcomes researchers, academicians, professionals, and students to submit their original works. Andalas Journal of International Studies accepts articles written in English or Bahasa Indonesia.</p><p>Andalas Journal of International Studies was accredited by the Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education of Indonesia and indexed in Science and Technology Index (SINTA) 2 from Volume 7 Number 2 (2018) to Volume 11 Number 1 (2023).</p><p>For more information, please contact ajis.unand@gmail.com</p> Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND en-US Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 2301-8208 <p>1. License</p><p>The non-commercial use of the article will be governed by the Creative Commons Attribution license as currently displayed on <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License</a>. </p><p>2. Author’s Warranties</p><p>The author warrants that the article is original, written by stated author(s), has not been published before, contains no unlawful statements, does not infringe the rights of others, is subject to copyright that is vested exclusively in the author and free of any third party rights, and that any necessary written permissions to quote from other sources have been obtained by the author(s).</p><p>3. User Rights</p><p>AJIS wants to share articles published as free as possible. Under the Creative Commons license, it permits users to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work for non-commercial purposes only. 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Miscellaneous</p><p>AJIS will publish the article (or have it published) in the journal if the article’s editorial process is successfully completed and Andalas Journal of International Studies or its sublicensee has become obligated to have the article published. It may conform the article to a style of punctuation, spelling, capitalization, referencing and usage that it deems appropriate. The author acknowledges that the article may be published so that it will be publicly accessible and such access will be free of charge for the readers.</p> https://ajis.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/ajis/article/view/955 Bolsa Família is usually seen as one of Brazil’s leading anti-poverty programs. Its significance, however, has not remained within Brazil’s welfare system. Over time, the program also became part of Brazil’s external engagement, especially through the circulation of social policy expertise in South-South cooperation and global social protection debates. Drawing on Bolsa Família, this article examines how a social policy from the Global South can enter foreign policy practice. The study uses a qualitative case study and process-tracing approach, based on official documents, cooperation records, international organization reports, and relevant academic studies. The analysis identifies two connected patterns. When Brazil’s social policy agenda was closely aligned with domestic coalitions and foreign policy priorities, Bolsa Família circulated mainly through coordinated policy transfer, including technical cooperation, training, study visits, and policy artifacts. When this alignment weakened, the program did not disappear from global policy debates. Its circulation continued through indirect diffusion supported by international organizations, development banks, expert networks, and instrument constituencies. In this second pathway, learning, emulation, and selective adaptation became more visible than direct state orchestration. Anita Afriani Sinulingga Asrinaldi Asrinaldi Muhammad Saeri Aidinil Zetra Copyright (c) 2026 Anita Afriani Sinulingga https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 2026-06-01 2026-06-01 15 1 10.25077/ajis.15.1.1-14.2026 https://ajis.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/ajis/article/view/889 The influence of China has weakened Taiwan's position in global diplomacy. China emphasizes that countries that establish diplomatic relations with Taiwan will lose relations with China. In response, Taiwan introduced the New Southbound Policy (NSP) as a hedging strategy to counteract diplomatic isolation through cooperation. This policy seeks to strengthen economic, cultural, and technological relations with countries in South and Southeast Asia, including Indonesia. Taiwan and Indonesia have enhanced trade relations through programs promoting people-to-people connectivity involving individuals and civil society networks. A key aspect of this cooperation is the employment of Indonesian migrant workers in Taiwan, which relates to the New Economics of Labor Migration. NELM is a theory that puts emphasis on the impact of migrant labor and remittances on the trade balance of a country. This paper will analyze the effect of the existence of Indonesian Migrant Workers on remittances and the trade balance of Taiwan in the ensuing NSP. Quantitative approach used by utilizing simple linear regression to sharpen the result based on the data that were identified using the official government websites, datasets, journal articles, and others. Results indicate that there are impacts caused by the existence of Indonesian workers on Taiwan’s trade balance by 55.5% and remittances 32.7%, respectively. Although other reasons, including Indonesian visitors, also contribute to the process. NSP was launched to balance geopolitical tensions and link trade, technology, education, labor, and cultural exchange. Rahma Sintya Devi Septyanto Galan Prakoso Ihya Pradnya Sayoga Hasna Dherin Syakira Copyright (c) 2026 Rahma Sintya Devi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 2026-04-06 2026-04-06 15 1 175 189 10.25077/ajis.14.2.175-189.2025 https://ajis.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/ajis/article/view/891 This article narrates the condition of global geopolitical turbulence stemming from a foreign policy event between the United States and China following President Donald Trump's tariff policy, which has created a new map in systemic relations. Whether it is in foreign policy interactions or the patterns of state alliances beyond the contestation of global power. This momentum coercively tests the strength of world nations, including Indonesia, in responding to global uncertainty. At the same time, this geopolitical turbulence creates a vacuum in leadership profiles on the global stage that provide solutions to the environmental crisis and also presents an imbalance in the availability of the Supply Chain with the energy transition. Indonesia actually has a structure within domestic entities that should strengthen the nexus of Indonesia's environmental diplomacy in facing that turbulent period. Especially by taking lessons from ancient Chinese history. This article finds that a state's strength amidst geopolitical turbulence to endure and increase its bargaining power does not always stem from material factors, but from perceptions that shape the state's identity. Therefore, this article is conceived using an interpretative qualitative design. Specifically, by using the thoughts of Katzenstein (holistically) and Wendt (systemically) in layers, without mixing the ontology of both within the realm of constructivist international relations thought. The theoretical and practical implication is that when environmental diplomacy and geopolitics are able to mutually reinforce and positively shape each other. Yunita Asmawati Copyright (c) 2026 Yunita Asmawati https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 2026-04-03 2026-04-03 15 1 156 174 10.25077/ajis.14.2.156-174.2025 https://ajis.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/ajis/article/view/908 One of the important topics in international relations is international development cooperation, particularly good governance. Good governance has long been a crucial pillar of international development cooperation. However, there has been little discussion on the effectiveness of development cooperation in the area of good governance. This paper focuses on global achievements and Indonesia’s experiences in development cooperation, especially in good governance program. It argues that the most successful sector in the agenda of good governance globally is related to electoral assistance. Meanwhile, the decentralization, human rights and rule of law agendas have been shown to have positive, albeit limited, impacts. Here, Indonesia can be categorized not only as a recipient but also as a donor of aid. This allows Indonesia to play a role as a bridge between donor and recipient countries. This paper uses a qualitative methodology with a narrative approach and incorporates the concepts of international development cooperation, good governance and the role of new emerging donors. Jörn Dosch Albert Triwibowo Copyright (c) 2026 Albert Triwibowo https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 2026-02-12 2026-02-12 15 1 138 155 10.25077/ajis.14.2.138-155.2025 https://ajis.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/ajis/article/view/921 This article examines why legal recognition of Indigenous land rights has expanded globally while material control over land and resources remains constrained. Drawing on a comparative analysis of Indonesia, the Philippines, and Aotearoa New Zealand, the study analyzes how international Indigenous rights norms—particularly UNDRIP and related international standards often associated with ILO Convention No. 169—are domesticated through distinct configurations of state authority, market integration, and legal pluralism. Using an interpretive comparative policy analysis of legal texts, policy documents, judicial decisions, and multilateral reports (2010–2024), the article shows that recognition reforms increasingly operate as instruments for regulating Indigenous territories within green developmental and market-oriented governance frameworks. While legal recognition expands formally, it simultaneously re-scales Indigenous authority into administrative and market-compatible forms. Conceptually, the article advances the notion of accumulation through recognition to capture a specific mechanism through which legal acknowledgment of Indigenous land rights enables new forms of assetization, investment eligibility, and ecological commodification without substantive redistribution of territorial sovereignty. This finding contributes to debates in agrarian political economy and critical international political economy by showing how rights-based reforms can become embedded within contemporary regimes of green capitalism. Virtuous Setyaka Fajri Rahman Copyright (c) 2026 Virtuous Setyaka https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 2026-01-29 2026-01-29 15 1 122 137 10.25077/ajis.14.2.122-137.2025