Asia-Pacific Reporting Blog

Small States: What Is Their Place in a Shrinking World?

2012-07-17T03:51:00.000-10:00

Since its 2006 coup, Fiji has demonstrated that Australian power and influence in the South Pacific can be challenged by its smaller neighbors. But, in today’s piece for ISN Zurich (funded by ETH and the Swiss Department of Defence), I examine whether Fiji will overplay its hand? (And, the systemic reasons why Australia's response has been somewhat muted.)

ISN: "Fiji: Carving Out Its Own Political Space"

Current State of Australia-Fiji Relations

2012-07-08T04:54:00.000-10:00

Last week, I sat down with Ambassador Winston Thompson to discuss the current state of Australia-Fiji relations for an upcoming article commissioned by a security studies publication. The ambassador was very open to discussing a wide range of issues related to the topic. I have since posted a few excerpts from our conversation over on my blog. I have included two audio sound clips as well to gauge reader interest in audio verses text postings for future interviews. As always, I welcome your feedback on the interview and upcoming publication.

Takasaki Provides Spicy Ramen Fix on Way to Nagano

2012-07-04T19:47:00.003-10:00

Taking the Shinkansen from Tokyo to Nagano can be a bit of a drag. Sure, it’s a thrill to take the bullet train for the first time. But, after a few round trips, the allure wears off. So, if you are looking to spice up your next trip, I recommend taking a break in Takasaki.

To be frank, Takasaki is no tourist mecca. Sure, it offers nice parks (especially during cherry blossom season) and a few notable festivals (including the annual Daruma Market at Shorinzan Temple). But, the real reason that it is worth the layover: Kannana Ramen.

A local ramen shop that doesn’t cater to tourists, Kannana Ramen simply offers the best spicy ramen in all of Gunma Prefecture. And, when I say spicy, I mean wake-up your sinuses spicy. If you want something to break-up the monotony of travel, this is it.

The good news: Ordering at Kannana Ramen is a simple three step process. First, choose your base (Tonkotsu, Shōyu, or Miso). Then, add your garnishings (they offer three pre-set mixes). Finally, choose your spice level (one to four).

Of the three, the spice is what makes Kannana Ramen special. I promise: Level four, just say “geki kara,” will make your visit to Takasaki truly memorable. It’s what spicy ramen is all about - that mouth numbing sensation warning the brain: "The spice is about to kick-in!"

So, how do you get there? If you are looking for Kannana Ramen on Google, stop right now. Unless you know Japanese, you’re not going to find it. In fact, I had to solicit the help of a close friend who used to work in Takasaki just to get the address. This is a place that expatriates find through friends not Yelp. I just hope it stays that way.

Mango ChaCha: Taipei's Best Mango Snow Ice

2012-06-25T05:53:00.002-10:00

There’s few better ways to cool down in Taipei than a large bowl of mango shaved ice. But, it’s hard to pick a favorite among the hundreds of bao bing scattered around town. That is until you make your way to Mango ChaCha.

What makes Mango ChaCha’s bao bing special is their use of export quality Irwin mangoes. Unlike other shops which rely on mango syrup and condensed milk to sweeten their offerings, Mango ChaCha rejects such shortcuts. Mango ChaCha then goes the extra mile, offering the perfect mango compliment: imported sea salt.

As for the shaved ice, it too exceeds expectation. Unlike some shops, whose ice is heavy after being laden with syrups, Mango ChaCha’s ice is light as a feather. Yet, it somehow retains the full body flavor of the base, which is offered in two flavors - mango or brown sugar. This provides a special shaved ice experience.

My only gripe: Mango ChaCha is rather expensive compared to other options in Taipei. But, the old adage rings true - You get what you pay for. And, in the case of Mango ChaCha, that's the best mango shaved ice in town.

Searching for the Best Airline to/from Asia

2012-06-25T03:41:00.000-10:00

One of the major challenges of being a foreign correspondent is having to spend a lot of time in the air between destinations. This makes airlines a regular topic of conversation between reporters as we seek to find the best ones to meet our travel needs. While no airline is perfect, some certainly exceed expectations while others disappoint.

When I travel, I try to stick to World Airline Awards recipients as much as possible. Given that my travels typically take me from the States to Asia-Pacific, this is pretty easy. All of the airlines on the list - which is composed entirely of Asian and Middle Eastern carriers at this point - fly extensively throughout the region.

In the last few months, I have been testing out new airlines as I plan to change frequent flier programs next year. So far, I have flown three of the airlines on the list as well as two that are not: Air France/KLM and Korean Air. Here are my thoughts on each of those experiences - in order of preference.

Etihad Airways: Above and Beyond

Etihad consistently ranks as one of the world’s top airlines. So, I was excited to have the chance to try it out on a long-haul route from Asia to the United States. The experience did not disappoint. The staff were courteous and attentive throughout flight operations. The seating aboard the plane was spacious and the entertainment system was sufficient for my needs. Plus, Abu Dhabi provided a clean and entertaining (although slightly inefficient) transit airport. The airline even provided an option of a much needed 14-hour layover in Abu Dhabi. I used this time to book into a hotel, get some much needed rest, and enjoy a nice meal at a local restaurant. In the end, the airline over-delivered on my expectations without question or reservation. I would not hesitate to recommend Etihad in the future.

Korean Air: Nice Surprise!

Korean Air might not be on the World Airline Awards list, but it should be based upon my experience. The onboard experience was simply magnificent. The crew was attentive and hard-working. Meals were provided on-time and drink service was provided regularly throughout our long-haul flight from the States to Asia. The seats were extremely comfortable and the airplane was amazingly clean. Seoul Incheon airport also provided an exceptional on-the-ground experience - on par with the best airports in the world. There's not much more that one could ask for in an airline - especially when Korean Air was the lowest price fare available for my itinerary.

Air France/KLM: Far From Perfect

The Air France/KLM experience is difficult to sum up. On one hand, the airline exceeds expectations with nice amenities, including Champagne and fresh bread aboard their flights. The lounges, particularly at Paris - Charles De Gaulle, are also top notch. However, the service is spotty at best. To be fair, the inflight Air France and KLM crews were extremely nice and displayed incredible attention to detail. And, the staff on the ground at Amsterdam Airport Schiphol were also above average. The problem was the on-the-ground staff at Paris - Charles De Gaulle. The layout of CDG also makes it extremely difficult to connect between international and domestic flights. In the end, I would recommend Air France / KLM. But, I would do so with some bias toward KLM, whose service appears better to me than Air France.

Turkish Airlines: An Anomaly?

A few years ago, I flew Turkish for the first time and was pleasantly surprised. This time, the airline did not live up to my expectations. To be fair, my flight was the second leg of a long-haul flight in which the majority of the original passengers had disembarked en route to the final destination. But, the airline had not cleaned up their mess. The crew also appeared exhausted and the interior of the plane was extremely worn. This was surprising given the Airlines strong record of customer service awards, including “Best Airline Europe.” On the plus side, the crew was incredibly kind and approachable. They engaged in pleasant conversation with passengers throughout the flight and provided exceptional in-flight service. This helped to compensate for the flight’s other shortcomings.

Singapore Airlines: Major Disappointment

For an airline that has been at the top of the world’s best list for years, I was severely disappointed with my experience on Singapore. Three of my six legs on a long-haul trip between the States to Asia were marred with problems. Only a few hours into what would be a 30+ hour outbound trip, a stewardess dumped a drink all over me while I was sleeping. I then had to sit in these wet pants for a few hours until we reached our next destination. At that time, I was provided a sleep outfit to change into which was two sizes too small for my frame. Eventually, the ground staff retrieved another set of clothes which was a size larger (but still not long enough to cover my wrists and ankles). Then, on my return trip, the airline took away my assigned seat and moved me to an inferior seat during boarding. Later, on another leg, the airline ran out of two of the three meal selections. Finally, on the last leg, a steward again dumped a drink in the aisle. Fortunately, this time I escaped incident. In the end, the pleasure of Changi Airport and other inflight comforts could not compensate for such poor in-flight service. This was only compounded by a poor experience with Singapore Airlines customer service following the flight.

Kao Chi: Yongkang’s Best Dim Sum

2012-06-22T03:27:00.000-10:00

You hear a lot of great things about food in Taiwan. But, I have to admit that my primary mission in Taipei was to find the best xiao long bao (小籠包) for the money in town. In the end, Kao Chi on Yongkang Street (永康街) topped my list.

Located right next door to the world famous Din Tai Fung, Kao Chi offers a large selection of Shaghai and Canton dim sum, along with an equally wide array of soups, meats, and seafood dishes. My favorites include the fried and steamed xiao long bao, stir fried eel, and steamed crab meat dumplings.

So, what makes Kao Chi better than the rest? Attention to detail. The food is portioned appropriately so guests can enjoy multiple dishes without breaking the bank. The staff is also attentive, including refilling guests’ tea without request. And, most importantly, the food is out of this world. (No soy sauce or vinegar needed.) This makes Kao Chi my go-to place for affordable dim sum in Taipei.

Hokkaido Ramen Santouka: Worth the Wait in Taipei?

2012-06-21T15:18:00.002-10:00

When I arrived at Hokkaido Ramen Santouka in the basement of SOGO Department Store Fuxing, I was shocked to find Tokyo Disney length queues stretching the entire length of the food court. Having heard from reliable sources that their ramen was worth the wait, I took my place and awaited my turn. It turned out to be an epic wait - 90 minutes from start to finish.

A basement food court provides few distractions to help pass the time. So, I perused the menu being offered in lieu of people watching and quickly honed in on Tokusen Toroniku Ramen as my choice for lunch.

According to Santouka, the dish features Toroniku Cha-shu (AKA simmered pork cheek meat), which is very rare (i.e. only 200-300g can be taken from each pig). It also provided the option of a large serving, which (along with imported Japanese beer) helped psychologically justify the long queue.

So, was it worth it? That of course is an extremely relative and subjective question.

My take: The ramen lived up to my expectations. There was just the right amount of salt in the broth to bring out the full flavor of the pork and noodles without overpowering either.

That said, it is always hard to justify the wait unless you absolutely live for ramen. Fortunately, I do. So, it was worth it for me to sacrifice half the afternoon. But, I can see how some would disagree. I therefore recommend arriving when SOGO first opens to avoid having to endure the long lines if you are hesitant.

Yilan's I-Lan Bakery a Winner

2012-06-21T10:06:00.002-10:00

In my month of sampling Taiwanese bakeries, Yilan Cake Food Company (I-Lan) in Jiaosi Township (Yilan County) came out on top.

The bakery is world renowned for its signature I-Lan cake. This elongated, super thin biscuit is offered in a wide array of flavors, including honey, onion, milk, black sesame, and seaweed.

Another unique product offered by the bakery is an oval shaped cake filled with a variety of sweet fillings, including locally farmed kumquat. This cake is so good that I left the store with two boxes.

While the bakery offers traditional staples, including pineapple cakes, these do not provide a compelling reason for foodies (or journalists) to make the 90-120 minute trek by rail from Taipei Main Train Station. That said, if you are already in Jiaosi for the hot baths, I can’t imagine that you could go wrong with any of their products.

My only complaint: The staff do not appear well-versed in English, which is further compounded by the fact that the store does not offer an English language product catalogue. For those familiar with travel in Taiwan, this is not a huge obstacle as many of the products are available for sample. You just will need to rely on hand gestures to communicate your request and make some educated guesses as to what is being offered.

Journo Foodie Takes on Africa and Asia

2012-06-21T09:45:00.002-10:00

In the last few months, an increasing number of colleagues have been asking for restaurant recommendations prior to heading off on assignment in Africa and Asia. To be honest, I have no idea why - I am by no means an established food critic. I am just an amateur lover of all things digestible, from inswa to dragon fruit to foie gras. I guess this has given me a reputation of sorts as the food guide for places where Yelp and Zagat reviewers seldom go.

Although I certainly don’t consider my record on par with the likes of Andrew Zimmerman, I admit that I am not one to shy away from a new taste, smell, or texture - as long as it doesn’t risk an emerging infectious disease. This appetite for trying new things has led me done a path of ruin more than once, including collapsing with food poisoning following bat sate at an Indonesian warang. But, it has also expanded my culinary horizons far beyond what would have been possible in the good ole’ USA. So, I have no problem sharing my picks in private. I have just shied away from publishing any reviews as such reporting is far outside my field of expertise and professional interest.

That said, a good friend recently recommended that I start sharing my culinary experiences here on my reporting blog. So, moving forward, I will endeavor to do so - starting with my latest trip to Taiwan. I hope that you enjoy my unadulterated thoughts on the places that I visit. I only ask that you take a moment to share your own experiences as well.

Ambassador Interviews on Arctic and Asia-Pacific Affairs

2012-06-21T03:52:00.003-10:00

Over the last year, I have had the privilege of conducting one-on-one interviews with many DC ambassadors whose countries maintain important security and trade interests in the Arctic and Asia-Pacific. Please find a living repository of those interviews below:

Australia - Ambassador Kim Beazley

How Australia Sees America (The Diplomat)
How Australia Sees America - Part II (The Diplomat)

New Zealand - Ambassador Mike Moore

New Zealand in Asia (The Diplomat)

Fiji - Ambassador Winston Thompson

Fiji: A Bottle Half-empty or Half-full? (Al Jazeera English)

Fiji Explores Its Options (The Diplomat)

Denmark - Ambassador Peter Taksoe-Jensen

How Denmark Sees Asia (The Diplomat)

Norway - Ambassador Wegger Chr. Strommen

How Norway Sees the Arctic (The Diplomat)

Strategic Implications of an Open Arctic – Part 2 (CSIS CogitAsia)

Strategic Implications of an Open Arctic – Part 1 (CSIS CogitAsia)

Taiwan - Representative Jason C. Yuan

Taiwan Presses Forward (The Diplomat)

Nepal - Ambassador Shankar Sharma

Nepal's Economy has Big Mountains to Climb (The Lowy Interpreter)

Nepal Balances Interests (The Diplomat)

Nepal Re-emerging on the International Scene (Al Jazeera English)

Sri Lanka - Ambassador Jaliya Wickramasuriya

Looking Forward in Sri Lanka (The Diplomat)

Chile - Ambassador Arturo Fermandois

Latin America’s Pacific Gateway (The Diplomat)

Peru - Ambassador Harold Forsyth

Peru's Place in the Triangle of Asia-Pacific Security (Al Jazeera English)

Pacific Day 2012: US-China Competition in Asia-Pacific (Panel Presentation)

2012-05-24T22:39:00.000-10:00

On May 23, 2012, the New Zealand Embassy hosted Pacific Day 2012 in collaboration with the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). The event is Washington’s largest annual event celebrating Pacific issues, culture and cuisine. It is supported by the Ambassadors and Representatives of American Samoa, Australia, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Guam, Hawaii, Marshall Islands, Nauru, New Zealand, Northern Mariana Islands, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu.

The day kicked-off with a keynote address by New Zealand’s Foreign Minister, Murray McCully, who spoke on New Zealand's foreign policy engagement in Asia-Pacific. Dr Esther Brimmer, Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, then provided a reply, which summarized America's renewed commitment to the region. The educational portion of the event concluded with a panel discussion involving experts across a range of topics, such as small island state issues, climate change, biodiversity and major power relations in the Pacific.

I am happy to report that I was selected to provide the panel remarks on major power relations in the Pacific. While I will be drafting an OpEd on the topic at a later date, I wanted to quickly outline the intended takeaways in case anyone is interested:

Pacific countries cannot think of their security interests independent of Asia. The two security complexes are deeply integrated and therefore require a comprehensive policy approach.

Pacific countries will need to figure out how to take advantage of competition between China - US/JPN/AUS/NZL without destabilizing themselves and region. This is the region's top security puzzle.

Pacific Island Forum countries could be active participants in developing and promoting formal security / economic architectures in Asia-Pacific. A first step would be to strengthen the existing security / economic frameworks in the Pacific.

US continues to strengthen engagement with Asia-Pacific to dissuade China from further challenging international order (ex. South China Sea and East China Sea incidents.) As a result, US bilateral and multilateral cooperation and coordination with NZL/AUS/JPN on Pacific is growing.

US/JPN/AUS regional strategy is aimed at dissuading China from challenging the status quo in the Pacific. This is very different from containment or area denial, even though containment is often used to describe Chinese and American strategies in Asia-Pacific.

All the major powers have interests in Pacific countries' natural resources. This provides a great mechanism to demand beneficial aid packages, especially aid that promotes economic growth (i.e. innovation and entrepreneurship programs).

Pacific countries need to be more open and honest in feedback to major powers on their activities in region. Through such feedback, PIF countries could play a major role in reinforcing rules-based order with China - especially with respect to voicing concerns with Chinese development aid practices. PIF countries also could be more forceful with US on trade access and revision of development aid agreements.

Pacific countries must take advantage of current high-level of interest in region to secure long-term security and economic commitments from major powers, particularly the United States and Japan.

As you can imagine, I am truly honored to have been asked to speak at such an important event for Pacific Affairs. I must therefore thank the New Zealand Embassy (Ambassador Mike Moore, Gina Anderson, and Michael Appleton), CSIS (Ernie Bower), and Pacific Forum CSIS (Ralph Cossa and Brad Glosserman) for the opportunity.

The West and the Asia-Pacific Region

2012-05-21T11:33:00.000-10:00

It has been awhile since I last made a post to the blog! To make omens, I am posting this moth in review post to catch everyone up on my latest reporting.

Since my last post, I have published two new ambassador interviews over at The Diplomat:

The first looks at how Australia sees America from the perspective of Ambassador H.E. Kim Beazley.
The second tackles how Europe sees Asia from the perspective of the Danish Ambassador H.E. Peter Taksøe-Jensen. (Denmark's viewpoint is of particular interest is given that the country currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union.)

Over at AOL Defense, I also co-authored a new article which addresses Japanese efforts to build a next-generation fighter with Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi, a Reservist in the Japanese Self Defense Force and doctoral candidate at the Australian Defense Force Academy.

In the week ahead, I will be speaking at Pacific Day 2012 over at the Embassy of New Zealand. So, I would not expect to publish new articles. However, I do intend to publish a new OpEd next week which presents my views on the changing role of major powers in the South Pacific.

Could Baloch Freedom Charter Do More Harm than Good?

2012-03-26T11:52:00.000-10:00

Over the past year, Baloch nationalists and their supporters have been working to develop a Freedom Charter which articulates the legal grounds for an independent Baloch state. Using social media, email, and private consultations, the drafters have sought to extend the revolutionary spirit of the Arab Spring to Baloch lands in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan.

Claiming to have received significant feedback from the Baloch community, some North American supporters of Baloch independence suggest that the draft is now ready to be finalized. However, vocal American supporters of Baloch independence believe that the finalization of the Freedom Charter should not proceed. Andrew Eiva, a Washington lobbyist associated with a number of past self-determination movements, is one of them.

Eiva says that Baloch activists should abandon the Freedom Charter and instead embark on the drafting of a new document that better aligns with their tactical needs and strategic interests. Given my reporting interest in Balochistan, I sat down with Eiva to hear his long list of reasons why he favors this approach.

I. Foreign Influence

Eiva's concerns can be traced as far back as the origins of the draft Baloch Freedom Charter.

According to the Baloch activists, the current draft Freedom Charter is derived from one originally prepared by Peter Tatchell, a British political campaigner best known for his work promoting LGBT freedom and global justice.

Without criticizing Tatchell, Eiva stresses that the Freedom Charter's non-Baloch origin should concern proponents of Baloch independence: “The drafting of the document should have started with the Baloch and then moved on to other players. This is the wrong way to do it … The American founding fathers drafted the Declaration of Independence and gave it to the American army. It became important because the soldiers began calling themselves Americans because of the document.” Given its origin, he questions whether the Freedom Charter can ever inspire the Baloch resistance to the same degree.

Eiva says that the Baloch should have taken a different approach. If the document had been completely drafted and finalized by the Baloch and then circulated with foreigners, Eiva believes the average Baloch living in Southwest Asia would feel stronger ownership in the document. He also argues that the Pakistani Government would have a more difficult time dismissing the movement as yet another example of foreign meddling in Pakistani internal affairs. Such concerns cannot be easily rectified at this point in the process.

II. Out of Scope

Eiva's second issue of concern is the language, length, and scope of the document.

While the draft has yet to be finalized, Eiva notes that the document has grown considerably in length and scope from Tatchell's original. Eiva bemoans the current draft, saying that“the document is too long” and “the prose is unreadable.” He attributes this in part to the decision to originally draft the document in British English rather than Baluchi. The drafters may have failed to properly establish limits in their solicitation of feedback as well.

From Eiva's perspective, the final document should strive to be no more than a few pages; emphasizing: “The founding document of Pakistan, the Lahore Resolution, is only a couple of sentences.” Given the length of the current draft (including consolidated feedback), it is difficult to see how Baloch activists can reduce the document to such an extent.

According to Eiva, the scope of the document clearly is to blame for the length issues: “This (document) tries to cover everything, which is a mistake. It is a declaration of independence and a constitution at the same time. In the end, it accomplishes neither. The Baloch need to establish their basis of existence by iterating a list of grievances and values and providing grounds for their self-determination. It is wrong to tackle more in this document.”

When asked specifically about the draft document's support for the legalization of drugs, Eiva admits that this could be “a major turn off for the people of India, Russia, Europe, and Iran whose populations are afflicted with hundreds of thousands of cases of addiction from South Asia heroin.” He therefore presses the Baloch to be more prudent about what they choose to put in and leave out of their founding document.

III. Wrong Emphasis

Eiva's third set of reservations are with some of the central arguments made in the draft Freedom Charter.

While Eiva sympathizes with the Baloch position that they are occupied by foreign powers, he also recognizes that the International Community generally supports the sovereign claims of Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan over Baloch lands. As a consequence, Eiva says the occupation argument is a far weaker grievance than the others listed by the Baloch, including “genocide, marginalization, racial extermination, denial of education, and exposure to nuclear testing.” He therefore stresses that the Baloch should de-emphasize the importance of the illegal occupation grievance to their cause “until they have first won the argument for sovereignty based on their history and grievances.”

Eiva is also bothered by the document's failure to sufficiently tackle "tribalism, the monarchic tradition, the vitality of the Baloch resistance in Iran, and religion." Regardless of Baloch sentiment on these matters, Eiva says that each is likely to define future Baloch society. For this reason, he is of the opinion that the Baloch should vigorously debate all four as they create "a vision of Balochistan true to its past and its future."

By failing to confront these four issues, Eiva believes that the current document instead “seeks to blindside the Khan of Kalat” and a significant percentage of the population who identify themselves as traditional Baloch or devout Muslims. He bases this opinion on the fact that the charter overlooks the nearly “universal attendance” of all Baloch traditional leaders at the Quetta Jirga called by the Khan of Kalat in 2006. Eiva asserts that this could lead to widespread opposition to the document weakening Baloch support and their ability to govern.

Eiva says a more pragmatic approach would prove a better course of action given that Iranian Baloch, particularly those affiliated with Jundallah, are much more fervent followers of conservative Islam than their compatriots in Pakistan. He even suggests that the Baloch in different countries should consider advancing their own freedom charters before being subsumed into the larger quest for the Baloch nation. He points out that the American revolutionaries “waited for preliminary declarations of independence in individual states” before moving forward on a joint declaration.

Alternate Way Forward

Given these lengthy concerns, Eiva argues that the Baloch should probably just scrap the current draft altogether and rewrite it from scratch based on a less radical and more concise approach.

In his view, the document should be limited to only a few pages, which should concisely “define the Baloch 1,000+ year history of nationhood, describe the illegal conquest of Balochistan by Pakistan 65 years ago, outline the five major uprisings against the Pakistanis and the 2006 jirga to establish a history of seeking independence, and list Baloch values and grievances, including genocide and ethnic marginalization."

Eiva says that the document should emphasize that "the Pakistani conquest of Balochistan after the Lahore Resolution explains why the Baloch don't recognize the Lahore Resolution and why Pakistan can no longer claim sovereignty over Balochistan.”

As opposed to many of Baloch activists, Eiva is less concerned with whether the new document is a declaration of independence or merely a declaration of the right to self-determination.

While he concedes that this decision is up to the Baloch, he stresses that the Baloch could “save a lot of lives” if they defer the question of autonomy, federation, or independence in the document: “In Lithuania, we had the same internal debate over this issue. The Lithuanian Democratic Movement debated vociferously between independence and sovereignty. The resulting ambiguity may have prevented a bloody crackdown and allowed for a relatively bloodless victory for independence when the time was right. The tactical decision of the pro-autonomy faction to delay their support for independence may have saved thousands of lives in the Lithuania case. I am not certain that the Baloch autonomy advocates will facilitate the same result, but at this point, the independence advocates have more important things to do than denouncing the autonomy/federation advocates as traitors.”

Eiva also reasons that the Baloch should not so overtly link their cause to Western geopolitical interests. He says Western governments, corporations, and politicians are beginning to discover the strategic value of an independent Balochistan on their own: “The Israelis have reportedly told the U.S. Government that more should be done to foment regime change in Iran. They know it is to their advantage to support groups who challenge the Iranian Government. As far as I can tell, Jundallah may be the most effective resistance in Iran at least until last year.” In any event, he does not think this document is the place to make such links.

That said, Eiva sees a place for separate preliminary document which outlines how the Baloch will manage their natural resources. He reasons that "a public debate and commitment over the transparent and just management of oil and gas revenues building upon the best practices pioneered by Norway and Alaska" could do more to unify the resistance than any other issue on the table: “Resistance movements in petrostate countries often have four to five rival strongmen who foresee independence as a chance to seize control of the natural resources from one another. Instead of trying to cut secret deals with outside oil companies, the Facebook revolution can empower the Baloch to agree on a transparent and just oil and gas production and revenue scheme that can unite every Baloch, whether in a federated or independent Balochistan."

In the end, Eiva concedes that the Baloch still have a huge uphill battle to achieve independence with or without the Freedom Charter. While he believes that the "oil and gas reserves which nature has placed in the ground beneath their feet has given the Baloch an exceptional tool with which to unite," he nevertheless agrees with Ralph Peters' warning that the Baloch still need to unite around a set of common grievances and values rather than backing a divisive document that is “nowhere ready for release.”

The debate over Balochistan is a complex and contentious issue. I therefore encourage readers to voice their agreement or disagreement with the points raised by Eiva in the comment section below. I also welcome general comments on Baloch nationalism, including whether the Baloch should even be pursuing independence, as long as they are on-topic and tied back to the interview.

Update: Peter Tatchell wrote to clarify his role in the drafting of the Baloch Freedom Charter. According to Tatchell, he first suggested the idea of the Freedom Charter at a conference of Baloch nationalists. He also helped edit/produce a standard English draft of the Freedom Charter. But, the draft itself was prepared from 12 points proposed by ethnic Baloch nationalists.

Strategic Implications for Australia, China, and U.S. in Fiji

2012-03-13T21:11:00.001-10:00

For more than two decades, Fiji has endured one coup after another. During the latest one, Commodore Frank Bainimarama overthrew Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase's duly elected but troubled government. Since then, Australia has tried to coerce Fiji back to democracy. The regime's failure to return to the polls, has led to Fiji's suspension from the Pacific Islands Forum and the Commonwealth. But, these actions have not led to a completely united approach, even in the West. To date, Bainimarama's tactics have provoked differing levels of outrage among the regional players, particularly Australia, China, and the United States. Their varying approaches will not only shape their ongoing interactions with the Bainimarama regime but also could affect long-term strategic interests in the South Pacific. Today's article in the Huffinton Post explores the four most likely scenarios.

What's at Stake in Fiji for Australia, China, and the United States

Eddie Walsh Reporting: Congressional Hearing on Balochistan

2012-03-12T20:40:00.000-10:00

On February 8, 2012, Congress held a public hearing on "Baluchistan." Advocates of the Baloch cause believe the hearing was a historic day for their independence movement. However, not all agree that the hearing was a good thing for the United States foreign policy or Baloch human rights. The hearing therefore is a controversial event which threatens to further undermine U.S.-Pakistan relations. The question is: Was it worth the risk?

I therefore have sat down with many of the witnesses and Congressmen to hear their perspectives. The ones which have already been published on Al Jazeera, DAWN, and Huffington Post can be found below.

Congressman Interviews

Rohrabacher: "Pakistani Government Does Not Deserve Respect"

Witness Interviews

Peters: “Serious Internal Issues Undermining Baloch Insurgency And Independence Movement”

Bor: “No peace in Balochistan without referendum”

Fair: Hearing called to “Stick it to the Pakistanis”

Husan: Limit conversation to human rights in Pakistan

Post-Hearing Analysis

Should the U.S. Support an Independent Balochistan?

Should Congress support dismembering Af-Pak?

Pre-Hearing Analysis

Baloch Could Divide Administration and Congress on Pakistan Policy

Ralph Peters: Baloch Quickly Becoming Their Own Worst Enemies

2012-03-07T16:21:00.002-10:00

My latest article on Balochistan was released today on Huffington Post. In the piece, Congressional Witness Ralph Peters outlines his concerns with the Baloch campaign for independence from Pakistan and Iran: Serious Internal Issues Undermining Baloch Insurgency and Independence Movement.

Rohrabacher on “Unearthing Economic Wealth”

2012-02-23T11:41:00.001-10:00

Congressman Dana Rohrabacher (R - CA) says that he does not share the opinion of others, including Bor, that untapped economic opportunities in Balochistan should be a major driving force for U.S. support of an independent Balochistan.

While he understands that there are significant economic opportunities in Balochistan, he says that any accusation that his hearing was about economic opportunities like oil, gas, and minerals is “a bunch of leftist garbage from liberal professors. What really upsets policymakers is that Americans are being killed by Pakistanis. This is our overwhelming consideration. Is it fair to say that Balochistan’s natural resources are being exploited and the Baloch are being left as the poorest in Pakistan – yes. Would I hope that the free people of Balochistan would build their country in partnership with American companies instead of dictatorship Chinese ones – yes. But, such economic considerations would be one point and American security interests the other ninety-nine on a 100 point scale.”

These comments originally were part of the Huffington Post interview with the Congressman but had to be removed for reasons of length.

Arctic-Pacific Security Complex

2012-02-23T06:01:00.004-10:00

I have been working on a new project which looks at emerging Arctic-Pacific security linkages. As part of my work, I recently interviewed the Norwegian Ambassador to the U.S. on the topic. Aspects of the interview are now available over at The Diplomat: "How Norway Sees the Arctic."

“No peace in Balochistan without referendum”

2012-02-23T05:24:00.001-10:00

As the only witness of Baloch ethnicity to speak at the recent Balochistan public hearing before the United States Congress, Mr. M. Hossein Bor disagrees with comments that he was not relevant to the proceedings. Not only was he the only witness able to speak as a Baloch, he points out that he also was the only one with deep subject matter expertise in foreign trade and investment in Southwest Asia. From this perspective, he hoped his testimony would have shed light on the unrealized strategic and economic opportunities that an independent Baluchistan would provide to Americans, including the ability to contain a rising China and an emerging Iran, prevent an adversarial Pakistan from achieving strategic depth in Afghanistan, and ensure Baloch-American economic prosperity through new energy and mineral resource agreements. However, with little time to prepare for the hearing and only five minutes of allotted time to provide oral testimony, many of these points were not expressed. Bor therefore looks to this post-hearing assessment as a mechanism to share publicly for the first time what he has shared privately with Baloch nationalists and their supporters. As one of the five witnesses called before Congress, it is assured that these remarks will be closely watched by all side to the Baloch debate.

Great Game 2.0

To understand Balochistan, Bor believes that one cannot look at Balochistan through the Afghanistan-Pakistan (AfPak)box. In retrospect, this is perhaps one of the strongest contributions that he could have made at the hearing.

For Bor, Balochistan must be understood in the larger context of Southwestern Asia: “As everyone knows, there was a great game in this same area in the 19^th century and the Afghans and Baloch were the victims. This great game has now been renewed but, instead of the British and Russian Empires, the competition is now between China-India, China-U.S., Iran-U.S., Pakistan-India, and Pakistan-U.S. This competition threatens U.S. strategic and economic interests.”

He therefore counters the opinion of other witnesses who felt that the hearing should have been limited to the Balochistan province of Pakistan: “There are many interrelated issues at play. When one discusses Balochistan, you are discussing a way to contain China. You are also discussing economic relationships between Iran and Pakistan. And, you are talking about energy security for the U.S. and its allies.”

With respect to China, Bor says that the strategic and economic importance of Baluchistan cannot be underestimated: “If (the Chinese) build their port in Gwadar, they will have a land route from Western China to the Indian Ocean. This is of strategic interest to the United States because Chinese ships would have a direct route to China and no longer have to transit past the Indian and American navies. It therefore is logical that Balochistan should be concerned as part of the larger shift to the Pacific announced by the Obama Administration. Furthermore, Central Asia has the largest oil reserves in the world after the Middle East. Balochistan provides an alternative way to get those resources to the international market beside China and Russia.”

He makes a similar argument for Iran: “Iran is an empire and they are using Baloch lands to try to become the dominant regional player. The Iranians are using the Strait of Hormuz as a chokepoint for a huge percentage of the world’s oil. They also are building a pipeline to Pakistan which violates U.N. sanctions. Such growing Iran-Pakistan cooperation is a major concern.” In his mind, an independent Balochistan extending from Karachi to the Strait of Hormuz would not only contain an emerging Iran but also provide a long-term security guarantee against China, Iran, and Pakistan emerging as revisionist maritime powers in the region.

Safeguarding Afghanistan

While Bor does not believe that Balochistan should be limited to the AfPak box, he nevertheless recognizes its extreme relevance to any discussion on the future of Balochistan.

From his perspective, Balochistan must be viewed not as an internal issue for Pakistan but rather as part of a larger regional struggle between the Baloch and Afghan nationalists and secularists against Afghan and Pakistani fundamentalists: “Pakistan and the Taliban are based upon fundamentalist Islam. They are the natural enemies of secularists and nationalists. This provides the natural ingredients that bring Afghans and Baloch together. The Baloch issue therefore is bigger than the internal struggle between Pakistan and its three large ethnic groups.”

Bor hopes that hearing will spur a follow-on national debate that will increase American awareness of the larger regional dynamics at play with Balochistan: “Not everyone understands that the Baloch have been naturally allied with the Afghan minorities and Pashtuns. The governments in power in Afghanistan have historically supported the Baloch and neither recognizes the Durand Line. That is why there will always be strong cooperation between Baloch and Pashtun nationalists. They also recognize that they need Balochistan to have access to the Indian Ocean and the Gulf.”

In familiarizing themselves with the regional dynamics, Bor hopes that Americans will appreciate that the reincorporation of the Taliban into Afghan politics will not necessarily undermine Baloch nationalists: “There are all kinds of possibilities if the Taliban return to power. There is no guarantee that they will trust Pakistan anymore. Plus, they themselves never recognized the Durand Line. So, one cannot conclude at this time that this harms the independent Balochistan cause.”

He consequently sees multiple policy options on the table for policymakers which allow them to pursue difference Afghan policy options while still advancing Baloch rights to self-determination.

Unearthing Economic Wealth

According to Bor, one of the most overlooked reasons why Balochistan has emerged as a major issue has been “the tremendous deposits of oil, gas, and minerals. In addition to human rights and geopolitics, this is a major reason why it has appeared on the international radar.”

Bor believes that Balochistan will be of increasing importance to the international community in the years ahead: “The Chinese are late-comers to the energy security game. At this point, Western oil companies control mostly of the supplies. Central Asia is one region where this is not the case. This is driving economic competition.”

However, Bor fears that Americans, including those in Congress, do not recognize the economic potential of the region. He therefore sees the hearing as the mechanism by which to introduce economic opportunities in Balochistan into the wider national debate about the future of U.S. AfPak policy.

New Cards on the Table

Bor believes that the hearing was historic for a number of reasons. Of course, it was the 1^st hearing in the Congress to directly tackle Baloch affairs. But, more importantly in Bor’s opinion, the hearing introduced new policy options to Congressmen that “should have been considered years ago.”

Bor underscores the importance of having such policy options on the table: “One of the main areas of weakness for U.S. policy in the Middle East and Southwest Asia has always been that it did not play to regional dynamics. This was true in Iraq as well as Afghanistan. In Afghanistan, there has always been support for the Baloch but the U.S. was never willing to play this card. The U.S. would not play the game in Iraq or Afghanistan and take advantage of regional dynamics. But, given Iranian and Pakistani brutalization and colonialism against the Baloch, this card has finally been raised before Congress.”

He also feels that the hearing has reinvigorated the Baloch diaspora to work within the U.S. poltical system to pressure their government to play this new card, “The Baloch diaspora was late in the Washington game on AfPak policy. They now recognize the importance of playing the game and understand how to do so as a result of the hearing.”

For these reasons, Bor is optimistic that the hearing was not just a one-off event to “tick off Pakistan.” Instead, he believes it marks an important milestone along the road to independence for Balochistan: “There are different positions in the U.S. Government but U.S. policies are changing. They now understand the strategic imperative of an independent Balochistan from the Strait of Hormuz to Karachi. The hearing and bill mark the first time in history that any member of the U.S. Government has officially recognized an independent Balochistan. Even if the State Department and Administration do not support the hearing, they must now recognize that the kill and dump campaign by Pakistan’s military and intelligence is designed to destroy the very idea of secular and nationalist Baloch. The hearing showed that there will be no peace in the region without a referendum of self-determination. That cannot be ignored.”

Eddie Walsh is a senior foreign correspondent who covers Africa and Asia-Pacific. He also is a non-resident fellow at Pacific Forum CSIS. Follow him on Twitter here.

Dr. M. Hossein Bor is a D.C.-based lawyer who facilitates trade, joint ventures, investment, and project development between American corporations and their counterparts from the Gulf countries. He also is the author of “Iran and Its Nationalities: The Case of Baluch Nationalism.” Dr. Bor previously served as Energy and Economic Advisor to the Embassy of the State of Qatar in Washington, D.C. from 1982 to 1998. The views expressed by Dr. Bor do not necessarily reflect those of the interviewer nor The Asia-Pacific Reporting Blog.

This interview originally appeared in DAWN Newspapers on 2/21/2012 but was later removed from their site.

Hearing in Congress on Baluchistan: Crossing the Rubicon or Political Theatre?

2012-02-07T22:30:00.000-10:00

The genocide and Right to Protect (R2P) arguments are two of the most prominent arguments made by the Baloch diaspora in the United States (U.S.) when advocating for U.S. diplomatic or military intervention in Baluchistan. However, it is highly unlikely that these arguments will gain serious traction in Congress absent a complete rupture in U.S.-Pakistan relations. While they might provide compelling “political theatre” for open hearings like the one scheduled for later today a few miles away in Congress, neither the majority of witnesses nor the larger community of outside experts who Congress holds in confidence are likely to support U.S. government and/or military initiatives aimed at so significantly undermining Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. It therefore would be a major shock to informed observers if the hearing signaled increasing Congressional support for either the genocide or R2P claims. Instead, it is expected that the hearing will voice strong condemnation for general human rights violations by both sides in Baluchistan. It also could strengthen calls for a re-examination of Pakistan aid under U.S. laws such as the Leahy Amendment. Either of these outcomes probably can be managed by the American Government/military and Pakistani Government and avoid further undermining U.S. – Pakistan relations. However, in an election year in which Afghanistan-Pakistan policy has, in the words of a senior Western diplomat who previously served in Pakistan, “seeped into U.S. domestic politics,” it is becoming increasingly difficult to forecast changes in the U.S. policy approach to Pakistan.

The Genocide Argument

There is significant support in the Baloch diaspora for the claim that genocide is being committed in Baluchistan. Dr. Wahid Baloch, President of the Baloch Society of North America, is a strong proponent of the argument: “Our strongest argument for foreign intervention is that there is a genocide going on in Balochistan. It was in slow motion in the past but it is now a full-fledged genocide. All these human right violations - tortures, killings, and disappearances of Baloch political leaders, students, activists, journalists and intellectuals by Pakistani and Iranian security forces - constitute crimes against humanity.”

In Wahid’s opinion, international law makes it incumbent upon the “United Nations (U.N.) and International community to fulfill their obligation towards Balochistan. Being [a] silent spectator is not an option. The U.N. and United States should not be selective when it comes to defending the human rights worldwide.” He is joined by Andrew Eiva, an experienced Washington lobbyist, who argues that “the genocide argument would help get us to the tipping point” in terms of Congressional support for the Baloch cause.

However, not all supporters of the Baloch cause believe the genocide claim will win the day in Congress. Malik Siraj Akbar, a Baloch journalist in the United States, recognizes the inherent weakness in the genocide argument: “Genocide is a good issue to sensationalize Congressmen to the issue but it is only one attribute of a larger conflict. The diaspora need to recognize this. Americans have limited interests.”

Wendy Johnson, a leading civic activist for the Baloch cause, also cautions against it: “Claims of genocide will not lead to a change in the American policy approach to Balochistan. The only thing that will change American policy will be geo-politics.”

These views are reinforced by most outside observers who believe Congress is not looking to endorse the genocide claim. Key witnesses will also likely resist any efforts by individual Congressmen to entertain the human rights situation in Baluchistan as genocide.

Ali Dayan Hasan, the Pakistan Director of Human Rights Watch and one of the witnesses set to testify, certainly does not appear willing to back the genocide claim. When asked whether genocide is underway in Baluchistan, he responded: “Genocide is a big word with specific legal implications. It is in rhetorical overuse. The mere accusation is a serious issue. It requires investigation and documentation. In Balochistan, documentation is very difficult.”

Hasan’s position should not be surprising. He has been clear that the Pakistani government does not bear sole responsibility for the human rights abuses in Baluchistan: “the Pakistani military is but one actor in this conflict. Human Rights Watch has documented abuses by not just the Pakistani military but also religious militant groups such as the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and by Baloch nationalist groups. While Pakistani military, paramilitary and intelligence personnel are involved in widespread torture, disappearances and targeted killings, Baloch nationalists, by their own admission, are also targeting and killing non-Baloch.”

Carol Christine Fair, an assistant professor at Georgetown University and another of the witnesses, shares this view: “Bad things have gone on in the province. But while the state is mostly to blame, some Baloch are also responsible for targeting killing (e.g. of Punjabis in particular). The state needs to accept responsibility for the lack of law and order and reverse its extrajudicial actions. But the Baloch too need to take some responsibility for poor provincial management, dysfunctional politics, and some among them who have taken violent means ostensibly to advance their agendas and redress their (mostly legitimate) grievances.”

Such arguments of joint responsibility should not be taken lightly in the run-up to the hearing. According to an international expert on Pakistan held in confidence by some members of the hearing’s subcommittee, “if there has to be an allegation of ethnic cleansing, who is there a more compelling case against? The Pakistani military is targeting only those it considers criminals whereas some Baloch nationalists are targeting anyone.”

It therefore remains to be seen how hard Congress pushes the witnesses on not just allegations of human rights violations by the Pakistani Government but also by Baloch nationalists.

Responsibility to Protect Argument

Since Congress appears unlikely to endorse the claim of genocide, some would argue that the Baloch diaspora should look to the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). This emerging and hotly contested “international norm,” which has garnered widespread attention following NATO’s intervention in Libya, is regularly invoked - either directly or indirectly - by prominent members of the Western Baloch diaspora.

Eiva is quick to arguethat the NATO-led Libyan operation dramatically lowered the barriers for U.S. support for the Balcoh cause. This is not lost on Wahid, who believes that “the secular and moderate Baloch, who are the victims of Paki and Iranian state terrorism, deserve international help and support. Is Baloch blood cheaper that Libyan, Egyptian or Syrian citizens? The international community is engaged in Libya, Egypt, Syria. Why not in Balochistan?”

Ahmar Mustikhan, a vocal Baloch activist in the United States, takes the argument one step further by using it to justify overt or covert U.S. military aid to Baloch nationalists: “The United States needs to follow the Libyan model. It has a moral responsibility to help the people of Balochistan. But, it has not given any weapons to the Baloch people. When you are protecting terrorists and attacking your own people, you lose sovereignty. It is time for the United States to grab the opportunity and intervene. It is a win-win situation. The United States must be called upon to provide moral support to our cause. If such overt support is not enough, then they need to provide covert support.”

In contrast to the diaspora, many outside experts believe it would be reckless to try to replicate the Libyan Model and start backing insurgent groups in Pakistan.

Stephen Tankel, Assistant Professor at American University and Non-resident Fellow at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, is one of those who disagrees: “The Baloch movement is a mixed bag of interests. There is not even one organization to represent it. In addition to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), there are other groups with different agendas. This raises questions if you want to start talking about backing someone, but that presumes backing one of these groups is in America’s national interests. This debate should not be about which ones we are going to back because to do so would be crossing a rubicon and supporting the very concept of the dismemberment of Pakistan. This is not something the Administration is going to support and Congress should not either. The U.S. is going to be careful not to endorse separatism and should be clear this is an internal issue for Pakistan. It is one thing to support human rights but something quite different to support Baloch independence. The entire government is going to be, or at least should be, leery about sending any message that the U.S. is not willing to respect Pakistan’s territorial integrity. I want to be very clear, Pakistan is incredibly sensitive about violations of its sovereignty and the U.S. should not be feeding into that by considering support for any of the actors in Balochistan.”

Even if Congress was willing to abandon the strategic partnership with Pakistan, experts point out that there remain many compelling arguments against supporting Baloch nationalists. This includes the view that some Baloch already have significant blood on their hands, as articulated by the international expert on Pakistan: “There is no comparison between Libya and Pakistan. Every situation of abuse is not the same. In Pakistan, there are multiple actors committing the violations.”

It also includes the perspective that Baluchistan is not an environment in which the U.S. could have great confidence in probable outcomes, as pointed out by the senior Western diplomat: “As we see with the Arab Spring, the direction that things go is unpredictable. The diaspora might want an independent Balochistan, but no one is going to jump onto it because you don’t know where it is going. The one thing that is probably certain is that you are going to have a lot more deaths and it is not going to be pretty.”

Leahy Amendment Argument

Of the three main arguments, the Leahy Amendment argument probably represents the greatest opportunity for the Baloch diaspora to increase Congressional support for their cause. Prior to the hearing, the argument to sanction human rights violators in the military and government already has strong support from the Baloch diaspora, the Congressional witnesses, and other outside experts. It also provides one of the easiest mechanisms through which to redress the human rights violations in Baluchistan.

In the run-up to the hearing, Baloch supporters have recognized that legal tools like Leahy provide an opportunity. Eiva and others consequently have tried to strengthen the tie between U.S. aid to Pakistan and human rights violations in Baluchistan: “America has provided Pakistan with American F-16 jets and Cobra gunships which have bombed and strafed the Baluch. The Baluch share the unique distinction as the world’s only people facing genocide from American-made bombs and missiles.” Such emotive arguments almost certainly have not gone unnoticed by Congress.

At the same time, many academics and think tanks fellows, such as Tankel, have voiced strong support for proper oversight of U.S. aid to Pakistan among their other remarks on the hearing: “The U.S. Government must abide by American laws and according to the Leahy Amendment that means making sure that U.S. money is not being used to acquire weapons or that weapons being provided are not used to commit human rights violations within Pakistan. In addition to the laws, there are moral and ethical reasons to investigate this issue and take steps to reduce human rights violation.”

It is clear that witnesses, like Fair, also see the need to ensure that the U.S. Government fully utilizes legal instruments to ensure its aid to Pakistan remains consistent with U.S. laws: “The United States must take advantage of its growing independence from Pakistan to erect increasingly robust containment initiatives that directly pertain to support for terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and murderous abuse of human rights (as we have seen in Balochistan and elsewhere). The United States has considerable tools at its disposal to do so and can certainly innovate new ones where current legislation is inadequate.”

Fair goes so far as to make specific reference to the Leahy Amendment in her draft testimony: “The Leahy Amendment was crafted precisely to punish security forces that engage in human rights excesses, while having the ultimate aim of rehabilitation rather than permanent isolation. U.S. unwillingness to apply this law has contributed to the sense of impunity that pervades Pakistan’s military, police and intelligence agencies. Regrettably, the U.S. record of respecting rule of law and human rights in Pakistan is not unblemished.”

Australia and Fiji: Radical Differences in Coup Narratives

2012-02-03T19:20:00.000-10:00

How will history remember Commodore Bainimarama of the Republic of Fiji? This is the question that Fergus Hanson (Lowy Institute Fellow) and I seek to answer in my most recent article which is now featured on Huffington Post.

“Fiji’s Competing Narratives and Uncertain Future”

New Fiji Article Coming Soon

2012-02-03T11:15:00.001-10:00

Over the weekend, my latest article on Fiji will be published. My co-author for the new piece is Fergus Hanson of the Lowy Institute. This marks my fourth publication on Fiji this year. The other three can be found below:

Al Jazeera English - "Fiji: A Bottle Half-Empty or Half-Full?"
Diplomatic Courier - "Time for a New Policy Approach to Fiji?"
The Diplomat - "Fiji Explores Its Options"

Congressional Hearing Scheduled on Pakistani Balochistan

2012-02-02T16:28:00.002-10:00

On February 8^th, Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) will chair a U.S. Congressional hearing that will touch on the Baloch situation in Pakistan. Although not confirmed, it is expected that the hearing will tackle issues related to whether or not the U.S. Congress should tie human rights issues in Balochistan to Pakistani aid.

Baloch Could Divide Administration and Congress on Pakistan (and Afghan) Policy

2012-01-27T20:46:00.001-10:00

It has been almost a year since my last piece on Huffington Post, but I published my latest article there earlier today. The topic is Pakistan and the focus is on how Balochistan is starting to divide the Obama Administration and State Department, on one side, and a small but growing group of Congressmen on the other. This was a challenging piece because it required over a dozen interviews and weeks of research. I happy to see it released and I look forward to receiving feedback from my readers. In the end, it is a sensitive topic and, as a journalist, I am by no means taking sides on either U.S. or Pakistan domestic politics. I only hope the piece is received as an objective, impartial, and accurate depiction of the situation.

Huffington Post – “Baloch Could Divide Administration and Congress on Pakistan Policy”

According to VOA Spokesman, No Balochi Language Service Currently Planned

2012-01-24T20:04:00.003-10:00

The Baluch diaspora in the United States regularly make mention of the need for a VOA Balochi language service. Some members of the diaspora have expressed their hope that the proposed U.S. Consulate in Quetta - now at an impasse - would provide an easy mechanism for launching such a service. I therefore took a moment yesterday to reach out to VOA directly to solicit their views on the matter. My conversation with Kyle King, VOA Public Relations spokesman, revealed that the VOA is nowhere close to opening such a service: “There is no current plan for a service in Balochi. But, from time to time, plans are re-evaluated. Ultimately, any decision to open a new service would need to be authorized by Congress."