Wiley: Asian Politics & Policy: Table of Contents

The Penchant for Technology in Non‐Democratic Elections: Evidence From Hong Kong's Digital Authoritarianism

Kenneth Ka‐Lok Chan — Tue, 07 Apr 2026 05:09:21 -0700

ABSTRACT

To complement the emergent inquiry into the threats and opportunities that new technologies pose to political institutions and behavior, this study draws on the emergent scholarly literature on Digital Authoritarianism to shed light on the factors leading to Hong Kong's newly acquired penchant for adopting the digital and information technologies to bring about effective social control in general and the adoption of such tools throughout the course of three electoral cycles that are neither free nor fair. Tracking through the drivers for technological innovations, as exemplified by the patterns of law enforcement, policy papers, budgetary provisions, and judicial rulings over the past 5 years, we argue that as the regime has become increasingly capable of devising new modes of pre-emptive intimidation and by extension, more targeted forms of surveillance, its technological optimism is paradoxically met with a serious deficit of trust in the system of “patriots only” governance.

摘要

来自香港数字威权主义的证据摘要为了补充关于“新技术给政治制度和行为带来的威胁与机遇”的新兴研究, 本研究借鉴了数字威权主义领域的新兴学术文献, 旨在阐明导致香港近期偏好采用数字和信息技术以实现有效社会控制的因素, 以及在三个既不自由也不公正的选举周期中运用此类工具的原因。通过追踪过去五年执法模式、政策文件、预算拨款和司法判决等技术创新驱动因素, 我们认为, 随着该政权越来越有能力设计新的先发制人恐吓模式, 并进而实施更有针对性的监控, 其对技术的乐观态度却与民众对“爱国者至上”治理体系的严重信任缺失形成了悖论。关键词:数字威权主义, 选举诚信, 投票保密, 信任, 香港

Resumen

La predilección por la tecnología en las elecciones no democráticas: evidencia del autoritarismo digital de Hong Kong Resumen Para complementar la investigación emergente sobre las amenazas y oportunidades que las nuevas tecnologías plantean a las instituciones y el comportamiento político, este estudio se basa en la literatura académica emergente sobre el autoritarismo digital para esclarecer los factores que llevaron a la reciente inclinación de Hong Kong por adoptar las tecnologías digitales y de la información para lograr un control social efectivo en general, y la adopción de dichas herramientas a lo largo de tres ciclos electorales que no fueron ni libres ni justos. Analizando los impulsores de las innovaciones tecnológicas, ejemplificados por los patrones de aplicación de la ley, los documentos de política, las disposiciones presupuestarias y las resoluciones judiciales de los últimos cinco años, sostenemos que, a medida que el régimen se ha vuelto cada vez más capaz de idear nuevos modos de intimidación preventiva y, por extensión, formas de vigilancia más selectivas, su optimismo tecnológico se topa paradójicamente con una grave falta de confianza en el sistema de gobierno de "solo patriotas". Palabras clave: Autoritarismo digital, Integridad electoral, Secreto del voto, Confianza, Hong Kong

Blurring Lines: The Role of Security Forces in Indonesia's Civil Sectors During the COVID‐19 Pandemic

Tue, 07 Apr 2026 00:00:00 -0700

ABSTRACT

This study examines Indonesia's securitized response to the COVID-19 pandemic, driven by concerns over economic instability and state function disruptions. Using securitization theory, it analyzes governance mechanisms and the expanded roles of security forces, including the military, police, and intelligence agencies. The deployment of security personnel to enforce health protocols, maintain public order, and prioritize economic recovery over public health raises concerns about the normalization of security roles in civilian sectors. This article critiques the broader implications of this trend, particularly its impact on human-centered governance, civil liberties, and democratic principles. It highlights the challenges of balancing public health priorities, economic stability, and governance within a securitized framework, questioning the long-term consequences of this approach on Indonesia's democratic resilience.

Envisioning a Transition Towards a Circular Economy for Plastics: Policy Narratives in the Extended Producer Responsibility Regulations of the Philippines and Vietnam

Ferth Vandensteen Manaysay — Mon, 06 Apr 2026 00:00:00 -0700

ABSTRACT

This article explores the policy narratives that shape the development and early implementation of extended producer responsibility (EPR) regulations in the Philippines and Vietnam, with particular attention to their role in circular economy (CE) transitions for plastics. Using the Narrative Policy Framework, it examines how stakeholders articulate narratives of environmental protection, resource efficiency, economic competitiveness, and social inclusion. Based on interviews and documentary analysis, it finds that EPR is widely framed as a vehicle for CE principles, but narratives diverge in scope and emphasis across the two cases. These differences reflect variation in institutional capacity, stakeholder influence, and the role of informal actors. The findings point to the need for a more holistic and inclusive approach to EPR, grounded in proactive policymaking and stronger attention to social equity. The article contributes to debates on environmental governance in developing countries by showing how policy narratives shape the trajectories of CE transitions.

Navigating Power Rivalry: Small South Asian States in China–India Competition

Zahid Shahab Ahmed, Salman Ali Bettani — Sun, 05 Apr 2026 21:11:25 -0700

ABSTRACT

As China's influence expands in South Asia through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), small states face the challenge of navigating Sino-Indian rivalry. While there is erstwhile work on the implications of this growing Sino-India rivalry on South Asia, there is limited analysis of how small South Asian states have been adjusting their foreign policies. This study examines how small states have adapted their strategies since the BRI's initiation in 2013. This study argues that there is a shift from traditional bandwagoning with India to hedging between India and China. By leveraging Chinese economic investments and India's strategic ties, such states pursue strategic autonomy, maximizing economic benefits while minimizing dependency. Understanding these evolving strategies offers insights into the agency of small states by demonstrating their ability to operate between major powers by safeguarding their national interests.

Can Small States Overturn the Negotiating Table? A Case Study of Malaysia's Agency Vis‐À‐Vis China in the ECRL Project

Pei May Lee, Chun‐yi Lee, Zhe Wei Lau — Sun, 05 Apr 2026 21:00:54 -0700

ABSTRACT

Conventional wisdom argues that more powerful states inevitably dictate the foreign policy of small states, but there is a growing body of evidence that suggests otherwise. This paper argues that small states, like Malaysia, can still exercise agency when interacting with bigger states. Using the renegotiation of the East Coast Railway Link (ECRL) as a case study, this paper examines how Malaysia exercises its agency and elucidates several factors that increased Malaysia's bargaining power. First, Malaysia holds intrinsic value for China. Second, the ECRL's status as a key project in China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) lends it wider geopolitical significance. Third, the purpose of the ECRL as an alternative trade route creates a significant ongoing economic imperative for China to see the project concluded successfully. Furthermore, Malaysia's ability to cultivate positive relationships with other major powers through the adept political leadership of Mahathir increases the country's leverage.

Quiet Coupling, Vocal Stalemate: Comparative‐Discursive Analysis of LGBTQ+ Policy Agendas in Thailand and the Philippines

Clyde Andaya Maningo — Sun, 05 Apr 2026 20:54:28 -0700

ABSTRACT

The policy review examines why comparable LGBTQ+ rights agendas exhibit divergent trajectories despite technically robust policy proposals. Using a discursively reconfigured Multiple Streams Framework (MSF), this analysis draws insights from Thailand's Marriage Equality Law, as well as the stalled SOGIESC Equality Bill in the Philippines. Findings reveal that Thailand's agenda progressed due to a suspected permissive ideological condition that favors technocratic framing, resulting in minimal public backlash. In contrast, Philippine legislation is hindered by a religiously charged moral discourse, preventing the streams from achieving “coupling”. These distinct backdrops shape policy receptivity, underscoring the need for policy analyses to account for the ideological conditions within which agendas unfold. Thus, the review suggests recalibrating rights-based language in the Philippines to culturally resonant frames and further deepening Thailand's inclusion agenda beyond legal formalism. Most importantly, agenda success hinges on flexible, context-aware framing that resonates with domestic conditions and realities.

“The Conflict That Nobody Wants”: Global Media Commentary on the Thai–Cambodian Conflict

Jeconiah Dreisbach — Wed, 01 Apr 2026 22:56:31 -0700

Asian Politics &Policy, Volume 18, Issue 2, April 2026.

Functional Hierarchies and Strategic Control: Reassessing the Role of Chinese State‐Owned Enterprises in Chinese Communist Party Statecraft

Roberto Flores — Wed, 25 Feb 2026 05:40:36 -0800

ABSTRACT

This paper argues that Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) operate within a functional hierarchical structure that allows the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to direct strategic behavior from atop while granting operational flexibility below. This approach challenges the conventional dichotomy that frames SOEs as either profit-driven firms or mere extensions of the state, offering a more nuanced explanation of how SOEs contribute to China's grand strategic aims—especially in the Xi Jinping era. It shifts the unit of analysis from individual, public-facing SOEs to the corporate group level, where Party oversight, cadre management, and strategic integration are more visible. Through case studies of two central SOEs—China COSCO Shipping Corporation and the State Grid Corporation of China—the article demonstrates how the CCP translates broad political goals into coordinated global economic activity. This study contributes to the literature on state capitalism and reveals how the CCP mobilizes corporate actors to extend geopolitical influence.

摘要

本文认为, 中国国有企业(SOE)的运作遵循职能层级结构, 这使得中国共产党 (中共) 能够自上而下地指导战略行为, 同时赋予下属企业一定的运营灵活性。这种观点挑战了将国有企业简单地视为以盈利为目的的企业或仅仅是国家延伸的传统二元论, 并对“国有企业如何为实现中国的宏伟战略目标 (尤其是在习近平时代) 作贡献”一事提供了更为细致的解释。本文将分析单元从单个面向公众的国有企业转移到企业集团层面。在集团层面, 党的监督、干部管理和战略整合更为清晰。通过对两家核心国有企业——中国远洋海运集团公司和国家电网公司——的案例研究, 本文展示了中共如何将宏大的政治目标转化为协调一致的全球经济活动。本研究丰富了国家资本主义文献, 揭示了中国共产党如何动员企业行为体来扩大地缘政治影响力

Resumen

Este artículo argumenta que las Empresas Estatales Chinas (EPE) operan dentro de una estructura jerárquica funcional que permite al Partido Comunista Chino (PCCh) dirigir el comportamiento estratégico desde arriba, a la vez que otorga flexibilidad operativa a las bases. Este enfoque desafía la dicotomía convencional que define a las EPE como empresas con ánimo de lucro o meras extensiones del Estado, ofreciendo una explicación más matizada de cómo contribuyen a los grandes objetivos estratégicos de China, especialmente en la era de Xi Jinping. Traslada la unidad de análisis de las EPE individuales, de cara al público, al nivel de grupo corporativo, donde la supervisión del Partido, la gestión de cuadros y la integración estratégica son más visibles. A través de estudios de caso de dos EPE centrales —China COSCO Shipping Corporation y State Grid Corporation of China—, el artículo demuestra cómo el PCCh traduce amplios objetivos políticos en una actividad económica global coordinada. Este estudio contribuye a la literatura sobre capitalismo de Estado y revela cómo el PCCh moviliza a los actores corporativos para extender su influencia geopolítica.

Hard and Soft Neo‐Mercantilism and the Politics of Resource Security in the Age of Geoeconomic Rivalry

Novi Nurmalasari, Moch Faisal Karim — Mon, 16 Feb 2026 00:58:14 -0800

ABSTRACT

As supply chains become weaponized in the context of intensifying geoeconomic rivalry, why do similarly exposed industrialized states adopt divergent strategies toward strategic resource dependence? This article examines how the United States and Japan, both reliant on Chinese rare earth elements (REE), respond differently to China's dominance in this sector. We argue that variation in state responses stems from differences in securitization and state–private sector interaction. The United States pursues a relatively hard neo-mercantilist strategy, characterized by nationalizing supply chains and treating REE access as a security imperative. In contrast, Japan adopts a soft neo-mercantilist approach, relying on public–private coordination and market-based diversification. We reconceptualize resource security by introducing a typology of neo-mercantilist strategies and show how institutional configurations mediate states' responses to coercive economic dependencies. The article contributes to the literature on geoeconomics and international political economy by illuminating how states adapt to the strategic instrumentalisation of technology.

摘要

强硬与软性新重商主义及其在地缘经济竞争时代下的资源安全政治摘要随着地缘经济竞争日益加剧, 供应链被武器化, 面临相似挑战的工业化国家为何会采取截然不同的战略来应对战略资源依赖？本文考察了依赖中国稀土元素(REE)的美国和日本如何应对中国在该领域的主导地位。我们认为, 国家应对方式的差异源于其资源安全化程度和公私部门互动方式的不同。美国奉行相对强硬的新重商主义战略, 其特点是供应链国有化, 并将稀土获取视为一项安全要务。相比之下, 日本则采取软性新重商主义策略, 依赖公私部门协调和市场多元化。本文通过引入新重商主义战略类型学重新构建了资源安全概念, 并阐述了制度配置如何影响国家对强制性经济依赖的应对。通过阐明各国如何适应技术战略工具化, 本文为地缘经济学和国际政治经济学文献作贡献

Resumen

Neomercantilismo duro y blando y la política de seguridad de recursos en la era de la rivalidad geoeconómica Resumen A medida que las cadenas de suministro se convierten en armas en el contexto de la intensificación de la rivalidad geoeconómica, ¿por qué los estados industrializados con una exposición similar adoptan estrategias divergentes hacia la dependencia estratégica de recursos? Este artículo examina cómo Estados Unidos y Japón, ambos dependientes de los elementos de tierras raras (REE) chinos, responden de manera diferente al dominio chino en este sector. Argumentamos que la variación en las respuestas estatales se deriva de las diferencias en la titulización y la interacción entre el sector público y el privado. Estados Unidos sigue una estrategia neomercantilista relativamente dura, caracterizada por la nacionalización de las cadenas de suministro y el tratamiento del acceso a los REE como un imperativo de seguridad. En contraste, Japón adopta un enfoque neomercantilista blando, basado en la coordinación público-privada y la diversificación basada en el mercado. Reconceptualizamos la seguridad de los recursos mediante la introducción de una tipología de estrategias neomercantilistas y mostramos cómo las configuraciones institucionales median las respuestas de los estados a las dependencias económicas coercitivas. El artículo contribuye a la literatura sobre geoeconomía y economía política internacional al ilustrar cómo los Estados se adaptan a la instrumentalización estratégica de la tecnología.

The Anti‐Fraud Lever: China's Strategic Use of the Scam Crackdown to Invigorate the LMLECC Process Against Thailand's Reluctance

Watunyu Jaiborisudhi, Poowin Bunyavejchewin, Kridsana Chotisut — Thu, 12 Feb 2026 00:56:31 -0800

ABSTRACT

China launched an unprecedented crackdown on Myanmar-based, transnational, Chinese-led criminal syndicates—particularly telecommunications and Internet fraud rings targeting Chinese nationals. This action was prompted by a public outcry over human trafficking and the increasing number of victims of fraud in China. The Chinese campaign comprised several actions, including organizing joint operations, such as Operation SEAGULL under the Chinese-led Lancang–Mekong Integrated Law Enforcement and Security Cooperation Center (LMLECC), and authorizing high-profile extraterritorial activities—most notably Liu Zhongyi's conspicuous actions on Thai soil. Although China's assertive measures have been successful in dismantling major fraud operation centers, its near-unilateral actions and circumvention of traditional diplomatic norms and protocols have negatively affected Sino–Thai relations, raising concerns regarding sovereignty and the expanding reach of LMLECC cooperation. In this context, the disruption of Chinese-led criminal syndicates likely served as a pretext for China to advance its political and security influence in the Mekong region.

Media Coverage of Climate Change in Southeast Asia's Largest Muslim‐Majority Country

Munadhil Abdul Muqisth, Rani Sabtelasari, Ismail Sualman, Rizky Ridho Pratomo — Thu, 12 Feb 2026 00:00:00 -0800

Asian Politics &Policy, Volume 18, Issue 2, April 2026.

Issue Information

Wed, 11 Feb 2026 20:56:33 -0800

Asian Politics &Policy, Volume 18, Issue 2, April 2026.

Living in the Trust Nexus: Investigating the Interplay of News and Government Trust on Individuals' Subjective Well‐Being in Singapore

Zhang Hao Goh, Edmund W. J. Lee — Wed, 11 Feb 2026 20:54:41 -0800

ABSTRACT

Citizens' trust in the news and the government can affect the success of governments' strategic intervention in the news media to advance their positions. To sustain healthy trust levels in both sources, it is important to ensure that they can enhance their subjective well-being. Through a survey, this study puts forth a trust-nexus framework examining how the interplay of government and media trust impacts well-being in a liberal-authoritarian media system. The marginal effects of news trust on audiences' emotional and social well-being are greater at high levels of government trust than at low levels. This interaction effect impacting psychological well-being is more pronounced when there is high than low social media news consumption. The study interprets, via a critical media sociology perspective, how the building of the different dimensions of news audiences' subjective well-being via news trust can be conditioned by government trust and social media news consumption.

摘要

公民对新闻和政府的信任会影响“政府通过战略性干预新闻媒体以巩固自身地位”一事的成效。为了维持民众对新闻和政府的健康信任度, 确保其能够提升民众的主观幸福感至关重要。本研究通过一项调查, 提出了一个信任关系框架, 探讨在自由威权媒体体系中, 政府信任与媒体信任的互动如何影响民众的幸福感。研究发现, 在政府信任度较高的情况下, 新闻信任对受众情感和社会幸福感的边际效应大于政府信任度较低的情况。这种影响心理健康的交互作用在社交媒体新闻消费量较高的情况下更为显著。本研究从批判性媒体社会学的视角出发, 阐释了政府信任和社交媒体新闻消费如何制约新闻受众主观幸福感的不同维度。

Resumen

La confianza ciudadana en las noticias y el gobierno puede afectar el éxito de la intervención estratégica de los gobiernos en los medios informativos para impulsar sus posiciones. Para mantener niveles saludables de confianza en ambas fuentes, es importante garantizar que puedan mejorar su bienestar subjetivo. A través de una encuesta, este estudio presenta un marco de nexo de confianza que examina cómo la interacción entre la confianza en el gobierno y los medios impacta el bienestar en un sistema mediático liberal-autoritario. Los efectos marginales de la confianza en las noticias sobre el bienestar emocional y social de las audiencias son mayores con niveles altos de confianza en el gobierno que con niveles bajos. Este efecto de interacción que impacta el bienestar psicológico es más pronunciado cuando el consumo de noticias en redes sociales es alto. El estudio interpreta, desde una perspectiva de sociología crítica de los medios, cómo la construcción de las diferentes dimensiones del bienestar subjetivo de las audiencias a través de la confianza en las noticias puede verse condicionada por la confianza en el gobierno y el consumo de noticias en redes sociales.

The Role of Technology Standards in Strategic Hedging

Darren J. Lim, Anthea Roberts — Wed, 11 Feb 2026 20:53:48 -0800

ABSTRACT

This article argues that technology standards provide Southeast Asian states with a distinct mechanism for hedging amid intensifying US–China technological rivalry. Traditional hedging strategies emphasizing economic engagement without political alignment are increasingly constrained by the weaponization of technological interdependence, politicizing previously neutral technology decisions. We develop a framework showing how active participation in global standards-setting offers strategic ambiguity and preserves autonomy, identifying four standards-based mechanisms. Descriptive analysis—including Singapore's leadership in AI governance, Malaysia's diversified digital investment policies, and Vietnam's procurement strategies—highlights how these mechanisms help maintain technological neutrality, reduce vendor lock-in, and protect sovereignty. Theoretically, we advance the hedging literature by showing how economic policies increasingly risk confounding hedging strategies, but that standards embody a logic mitigating these risks. Empirically, we provide evidence of engagement with standards in practice, illustrating how standards can enable smaller states to manage geopolitical pressures while maximizing economic and strategic flexibility.

摘要

本文认为, 在日益激烈的中美技术竞争中, 技术标准为东南亚国家提供了一种独特的对冲机制。传统的对冲策略强调经济参与而非政治结盟, 但随着技术相互依存的日益政治化, 原本中立的技术决策也逐渐被政治化, 这些策略正受到越来越多的制约。我们构建了一个框架, 展示了“积极参与全球标准制定”如何提供战略上的不确定性并维护自主性, 并识别出四种基于标准的机制。描述性分析——包括新加坡在人工智能治理方面的领导地位、马来西亚多元化的数字投资政策以及越南的采购策略——强调了这些机制如何帮助维持技术中立、减少供应商锁定并保护主权。在理论层面, 我们通过展示经济政策如何日益加剧对冲策略的干扰, 以及标准如何体现一种能够缓解这些风险的逻辑, 从而推进了对冲文献的发展。我们通过实证研究提供了实践中运用标准的证据, 阐明了标准如何帮助小国在应对地缘政治压力的同时, 最大限度地提升经济和战略灵活性。

Resumen

Este artículo argumenta que los estándares tecnológicos ofrecen a los estados del Sudeste Asiático un mecanismo distintivo de cobertura frente a la creciente rivalidad tecnológica entre Estados Unidos y China. Las estrategias tradicionales de cobertura, que priorizan la participación económica sin alineamiento político, se ven cada vez más limitadas por la instrumentalización de la interdependencia tecnológica, politizando decisiones tecnológicas previamente neutrales. Desarrollamos un marco que muestra cómo la participación activa en el establecimiento de estándares globales genera ambigüedad estratégica y preserva la autonomía, identificando cuatro mecanismos basados en estándares. Un análisis descriptivo —que incluye el liderazgo de Singapur en la gobernanza de la IA, las políticas diversificadas de inversión digital de Malasia y las estrategias de adquisición de Vietnam— destaca cómo estos mecanismos ayudan a mantener la neutralidad tecnológica, reducir la dependencia de proveedores y proteger la soberanía. En teoría, avanzamos en la literatura sobre cobertura al mostrar cómo las políticas económicas corren el riesgo cada vez mayor de confundir las estrategias de cobertura, pero que los estándares incorporan una lógica que mitiga estos riesgos. Empíricamente, proporcionamos evidencia de la implementación de estándares en la práctica, ilustrando cómo esta puede permitir a los estados más pequeños gestionar las presiones geopolíticas y, al mismo tiempo, maximizar la flexibilidad económica y estratégica.