Azaranica

اعتصاب غذایی دانشجویان در کابل؛ پنج نفر راهی بیمارستان شدند

2013-05-23T08:38:00.002-07:00

به روز شده: 13:39 گرينويچ - پنج شنبه 23 مه 2013 - 02 خرداد 1392

اعتصاب غذای ده‌ها دانشجوی دانشکده علوم اجتماعی دانشگاه کابل در اعتراض به "تبعیض قومی" در این دانشکده وارد چهارمین روز خود شد

در ادامه اعتصاب غذایی شماری از دانشجویان علوم اجتماعی در کابل، حداقل پنج نفر از این دانشجویان به دلیل ضعف ناشی از اعتصاب غذا به بیمارستان منتقل شده اند.

این دانشجویان از چهار روز گذشته در برابر ساختمان پارلمان افغانستان اعتصاب غذا کرده و خواستار "اصلاحات" در دانشکده علوم اجتماعی هستند.

محمد آقا، یکی از نمایندگان این دانشجویان می گوید که با بخشی از دانشجویان برخورد تبعیض آمیز قومی صورت می گیرد.

او گفت که یکی از خواستهای آنها برکناری رییس دانشکده علوم اجتماعی است.

محمد عارف رحمانی، از اعضای مجلس نمایندگان که با اعتصاب کنندگان دیدار کرده، می گوید که وزارت تحصیلات عالی حاضر شده به بخشی از خواستهای دانشجویان معترض رسیدگی کند.

خواستهای دانشجویان معترض

برکناری رئیس دانشکده علوم اجتماعی

برکناری یکی از استادان این دانشکده

تغییر در کادر علمی دانشکده

منع رفتارهای تبعیض آلود با دانشجویان بر مبنای قوم

آقای رحمانی گفت که مسولان وعده داده اند که یکی از استادان مورد انتقاد دانشجویان از این دانشکده تبدیل کرده و اوراق امتحان را که دانشجویان نسبت به آن معترض هستند به شکل مقایسه‌ای بازنگری خواهند کرد.

او گفت که وزارت تحصیلات عالی درباره برکناری رئیس دانشکده علوم اجتماعی به دلیل اینکه شخص وزیر در سفری بیرون از افغانستان است، تصمیمی نگرفته است.

تعدادی از نهادهای مدنی و دانشجویان بعضی از نهادهای آموزشی خصوصی نیز با حضور در محل اعتصاب حمایت خود را از این اقدام دانشجویان اعلام کرده اند.

اعتصاب کنندگان به بی بی سی گفته اند که تا برآورده نشدن خواست هایشان، دست از اعتصاب نمی کشند.

هنوز مسولان وزارت تحصیلات عالی در مورد خواست های اعتصاب کنندگان به رسانه ها چیزی نگفته اند.

BBC Farsi

2013-05-22T06:47:00.002-07:00

کوئٹہ، لشکر جھنگوی کے 2 خطرناک دہشتگرد پولیس سٹیشن سے فرار

2013-05-20T13:24:00.005-07:00

اسلام ٹائمز: ذرائع نے ’’اسلام ٹائمز‘‘ کو بتایا کہ دہشتگرد گروہ لشکر جھنگوی کے دو خطرناک دہشتگرد محمد عمر لہڑی ا میر احمد لہڑی پرسرار طور پر کینٹ پولیس سٹیشن کوئٹہ سے رات کی تاریکی میں فرار ہوگئے ہیں۔

اسلام ٹائمز۔ کوئٹہ میں پولیس کی حراست سے لشکر جھنگوی کے دو خطرناک دہشتگرد فرار ہونے میں کامیاب ہوگئے۔ ذرائع نے ’’اسلام ٹائمز‘‘ کو بتایا کہ دہشتگرد گروہ لشکر جھنگوی کے دو خطرناک دہشتگرد محمد عمر لہڑی اور میر احمد لہڑی پرسرار طور پر کینٹ پولیس سٹیشن کوئٹہ سے رات کی تاریکی میں فرار ہوگئے ہیں۔ ذرائع کا کہنا ہے کہ دونوں دہشتگردوں کا تعلق مستونگ سے ہے۔ دونوں دہشتگرد ایف آئی نمبر 13/110، U/S 324، Q.D 186، 353، 149، 147، اور 07ATA کے تحت گرفتار ہوئے تھے۔ خطرناک دہشتگردوں کا پرسرار طور پر پولیس سٹیشن سے فرار ہونا پولیس انتظامیہ کی کارکردگی

پر بہت بڑا سوالیہ نشان ہے۔

Islam Times

Quetta cops held for having links with banned outfits: DIG

2013-05-20T13:21:00.005-07:00

QUETTA - Quetta Deputy Inspector General (Operations) Fayyaz Ahmed Sumbal on Monday said two cops had been arrested for providing weapons and other support to banned organisations.
Addressing a press conference at the CCPO office, the DIG said that Assistant Sub-inspector (ASI) Yahya and Constable Muhammad Karim were detained in connection with alleged links with the banned religious entities some days back.
“During the interrogation, they confessed to assisting banned outfits in carrying out sectarian attacks,” he said.
He said besides sharing information, the detained policemen also provided weapons and shelter to the members of the banned religious outfits.
When asked about the alleged involvement of police personnel in the easy escape of inmates from Cantt police station on Sunday, the DIG said that a case had been registered against six cops and investigation was underway.
"No one, whether in Police Department or outside will be spared if found guilty in the escape of two prisoners," he added.
Highlighting police performance in busting gangs of outlaws involved in heinous crimes, he said that during the last couple of months, a number of criminal rings were ruined, besides a special security plan for the provincial capital had helped a lot in maintaining peace in the city.
He noted that the accused allegedly involved in the kidnapping of former advocate general of Balochistan Salahuddin Mengal had been nabbed from Mastung and soon the missing AG would be recovered.-

Pakistan Today

کوئٹہ، کالعدم تنظیموں کے ساتھ روابط،دو پولیس اہلکار گرفتار

2013-05-20T13:18:00.001-07:00

May 20, 2013 | Posted by dailyqudrat

کوئٹہ(قدرت نیوز)ڈپٹی انسپکٹر جنرل پولیس کوئٹہ آپریشن فیاض احمد سنبل نے کہا ہے کہ پولیس نے کالعدم تنظیموں کے ساتھ روابط اور ان کے کارکنوں کو سہولیات اور معلومات فراہم کرنے پر 2پولیس اہلکاروں کو گرفتار کرلیا ہے یہ بات انہوں نے سوموار کو سی سی پی او آفس میں پریس کانفرنس کرتے ہوئے کہی انہوں نے کہا کہ پولیس نے اطلاع ملنے پر مذکورہ اہلکاروں سمیت دیگر عملے کی نگرانی شروع کی اورا ن کی سرویلنس بھی کی گئی جس کے بعد مکمل شواہد حاصل کرنے پر اے ایس آئی یحییٰ اور کانسٹیبل محمدکریم کو گرفتار کیا گیا جو کالعدم تنظیموں کے ساتھ مسلسل رابطے میں اور ان کے کارکنوں کو تمام معلومات اور کسی بھی کارروائی کے حوالے سے اسلحہ سمیت مکمل سہولیات فراہم کرتے تھے جس کے شواہد ہمارے پاس موجود ہیں دونوں اہلکاروں کو 3مئی 2013ء کو گرفتار کیا گیا ہے اس سے قبل ان کی مکمل نگرانی کی گئی تھی ان کے موبائل فون کے ڈیٹا سے بھی تمام شواہد حاصل کرلئے گئے ہیں انہوں نے کہا کہ دونوں اہلکاروں نے ابتدائی تفتیش کے دوران انکشاف کیا ہے کہ وہ کالعدم تنظیموں کے ممبران سے رابطے میں رہتے اور ان سے ملاقاتیں کرتے تھے کسی بھی واردات کے حوالے سے انہیں اسلحہ اور مدد فراہم کرنے سمیت ان کی رہائش کا بھی بندوبست کرتے تھے انہوں نے کہا کہ تفتیش کے دوران ان سے جو معلومات حاصل ہوئی ہے اس پر بھی کارروائی جاری ہے ہماری کوشش ہے کہ دیگر ملزمان کی گرفتاری کیلئے بھی عملی اقدامات اٹھائے جائیں ایک سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے کہا کہ گزشتہ روز تھانہ کینٹ سے دو ملزمان کے فرار ہونے کے بعد6پولیس افسران کے خلاف مقدمہ درج کرکے انہیں حراست میں لے لیا گیا ہے اور2ٹیمیں تشکیل دی گئی ہیں ایک ایس پی طارق کی سربراہی میں مقدمے کی تفتیش کررہی ہے جبکہ دوسری خالد منظور کی سربراہی میں ابتدائی معلومات پر کام کررہی ہے اور ابتدائی معلومات کے مطابق ملزمان رات ساڑھے12بجے سے صبح4بجے کے درمیان فرار ہوئے ہیں انہوں نے کہا کہ گرفتار ہونے والوں میں ہیڈکانسٹیبل شامل ہیں ایک اور سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے کہا کہ خود کش حملے کو روکنا ناممکن ہے لیکن اس کو مذکورہ ہدف پر نہ پہنچنے دے کر نقصانات کو کم کیاجاسکتا ہے اور ہماری کوشش ہے کہ سیکورٹی کے انتظامات کو موثر بنایاجائے آئی جی پولیس کی رہائش گاہ پر ہونے والے خود کش حملے کے حوالے سے پوچھے گئے سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے بتایا کہ شہر میں لگائے جانے والے29خفیہ کیمروں میں سے 2کیمروں سے ہمیں موثر معلومات حاصل ہوئی ہے جس کے بعد تحقیقات جاری ہے اور تین تحقیقاتی ٹیمیں مختلف پہلوؤں پر کام کررہی ہیں ایک جوکہ دھماکے کے فوری بعد جائے وقوعہ سے ملنے والے انجن کے نمبر سے اس کو فرانزک ٹیسٹ کیلئے لاہور بھیجا گیا ہے جبکہ باقی ملنے والے شواہد پر بھی بقیہ ٹیمیں کارروائی کررہے ہیں سابق اٹارنی جنرل صلاح الدین مینگل ایڈووکیٹ کی عدم بازیابی سے متعلق پوچھے گئے سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے کہا کہ کوئٹہ پولیس نے گزشتہ شب مستونگ کے علاقے میں چھاپہ مارکر ایک شخص کو گرفتار کیا ہے جس سے معلومات حاصل کرنے کے بعد آگے بڑھ رہے ہیں انہوں نے کہا کہ پولیس نے اغواء برائے تاوان کے بہت سے کیس حل کئے ہیں اور بہت سے مغوی تاوان کی ادائیگی کے بغیر اپنے گھروں کو واپس آئے ہیں کیونکہ پولیس آئے روز اغواء برائے تاوان کے ملزمان کے خلاف گھیرا تنگ کررہی ہے تھی انہوں نے بتایا کہ گزشتہ روز بھی تھانہ زرغون آباد کے عملے نے موٹر سائیکل چھیننے والے گروہ کے 2افراد کو گرفتار کیا ہے جنہوں نے 8وارداتوں کاانکشاف کیا ہے انہوں نے کہا کہ اسٹریٹ کرائمز اور موٹر سائیکل چھیننے کی وارداتوں میں گرفتار ہونے والے مختلف مقدمات میں پہلے بھی گرفتار ہوئے ہیں جو ضمانت پر رہا ہونے کے بعد پھر وارداتیں کرتے ہیں ایک سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے کہا کہ گرفتار پولیس اہلکار مذہبی کالعدم تنظیموں سے رابطے میں تھے اور بڑی وارداتوں میں ملوث افراد کو

سہولیات فراہم کرتے تھے انہوں نے کہا کہ گرفتار ملزمان سے تحقیقات جاری ہے مزید انکشافات متوقع ہیں۔

Daily Qudrat

Bamiyan was a safe haven in Afghanistan – but what now?

2013-05-15T07:31:00.000-07:00

Even while it was protected by foreign troops, the magical province of Bamiyan was haunted by the memories of those killed in Taliban massacres barely a decade ago

Emma Graham-Harrison
The Guardian, Tuesday 14 May 2013 15.00 EDT

A New Zealand soldier in Bamiyan, Afghanistan. Photograph: Emma Graham-Harrison for the Guardian

The people of Bamiyan raged against Black Hawk helicopters swooping too close to the empty niches that once held their colossal Buddha statues, blown up the Taliban in 2001, because the choppers' thundering vibrations set off showers of the remaining fragments of mud and stones. By and large though they not only tolerated but welcomed the military base that until last month perched on the outskirts of their small town in the highlands of central Afghanistan.

"There are New Zealand soldiers, so there is no Taliban," said Ibrahim Chaman, a mobile phone seller whose father was killed by the hardline group over a decade ago. "When they leave, the Taliban for sure will return."

That affection made it an unusual, perhaps unique outpost in Nato's web of sprawling camps and fortified outposts across the country, often resented by the people they aimed to protect.

Its closure in April was equally singular, with New Zealand's governor general and what seemed like half the country's government flown out on a Hercules military plane from Dubai, to say goodbye to a valley that has firmly etched itself into the consciousness of the distant nation.

Commanders of other bases have kept their demise low-key, with troops slipping away into the night, sometimes leaving piles of debris behind. By contrast, the late afternoon ceremony in Bamiyan was packed with journalists. After solemn tributes to 10 fallen soldiers, the gathering dusk echoed with optimistic speeches from officials highlighting improvements in healthcare, agriculture and education brought by foreign troops and their cash, and the growing strength of local security forces.

But when the New Zealand, Malaysian and US flags were lowered, leaving the Afghan flag fluttering alone as darkness fell, there was a sense that shadows of a more ominous kind were also gathering over the quiet valley.

Bamiyan is a magical place, where the ghosts of long-lost power and opulence haunt a valley of spectacular natural beauty. Near the university lie the ruins of a citadel untouched since Genghis Khan sacked it in the 13th century, and although the giant Buddhas lie in fragments, frescos painted over a millennium ago still cling to corners of monastic caves that honeycomb the cliff around them.

It is also haunted by more recent spectres, memories of those killed in Taliban massacres barely a decade ago. Home to a heavily persecuted ethnic and religious minority, it has remained one of the safest places in Afghanistan, partly because the memory of that suffering fuels profound hostility towards the insurgency.

Mistrust of Afghans not from the local Hazara ethnic minority runs so deep that when the defence ministry was stationing troops across the country years ago, Bamiyan asked to go without. It is protected only by police, who in Afghanistan are usually recruited locally, and intelligence officers who will take over the New Zealand base.

That was fine when Afghanistan's insurgency was largely contained, Taliban fighters still focused on areas like Helmand, and Bamiyan was left to its peaceful existence. It was probably the only place in the country where diplomats wandered freely and met Afghans beyond blast walls and security checks that constrict embassy life elsewhere. Even soldiers visited spectacular historical sites in the area, confident they would not be targeted, unthinkable on any other base I have visited in Afghanistan.

So great was the sense of security that Bamiyan was chosen by Nato to be the very first place in the country where Afghan forces officially took over from foreign troops, although the ceremony in 2011 was just a nominal shift to pave the way for real changes this year.

But since then the insurgency has spread and violence lapped steadily closer to this virtual island of calm, isolated by mountain peaks rather than water. First one, then both roads to Kabul became a dangerous lottery. The head of the provincial council, a popular man who had done much to help development in a desperately poor area, was abducted and slaughtered in 2011. A US engineer is among the many others killed on the roads since.

The security of the province itself was next to crumble, with fighters pushing in heavily from the east but also testing boundaries to the west. Half of the New Zealand troops killed in combat during the decade-long mission died last August in the Do Ab area bordering Baghlan province, and their April departure was six months earlier than originally planned.

For those left behind, the threat is tangible. "I don't see any Taliban in Bamiyan, but when the foreign soldiers leave they will return and be strong," said Haider Mohammad, a 37-year-old who sold souvenirs to New Zealand troops for six years. Watching as preparations for the farewell ceremony got under way, he added: "When they go, I will leave as well."

On the base, there was almost an air of celebration after the handover. Soldiers barbecued a whole lamb and visitors clambered up a low blast wall for views to the niches where the Buddhas once stood. Gazing out at the starlit cliff that held the Buddhas, I remembered a man I had met in Bamiyan bazaar years earlier, infamous in the town because he had been forced as a prisoner to spend days stuffing dynamite into the giant statues. Blowing them up took days of hard labour, as other fundamentalists who had tried in vain years earlier found out. The Taliban were more persistent.

• This article was amended on 15 May 2013 because the original said New Zealand's head of state visited Bamiyan in April. This has been corrected to say governor general.

The Guardian

Suicide bomber kills three in Quetta

2013-05-12T11:40:00.001-07:00

By Web Desk
Published: May 12, 2013

PHOTO: FILE

A suicide bomber targeting IG Balochistan Mushtaq Sukhera killed at least three people in Quetta on Sunday evening, Express News reported.

Many were feared to be injured, including security officials.

Multiple rockets were also fired in the city shortly before the suicide blast.

The explosions were followed by heavy firing in the city.

The force of the explosions shattered windows of many buildings.

After the rocket attacks, many areas of the city were left without electricity.

Note: This is a developing story and will be updated accordingly.

Express Tribune

Footage of Quetta Blast (Exclusive)

2013-05-12T11:31:00.001-07:00

Casualties reported in Quetta blast near SAMAA TV office

2013-05-12T11:00:00.004-07:00

Sunday, May 12, 2013 10:35:23 PM

Staff Report

QUETTA: Casualties were reported in a powerful blast near office of SAMAA TV located at Jinnah Road in the city late night, SAMAA reported Sunday.

Some sources said the blast ripped through a public gathering of Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M).

The blast occurred near SAMAA office located at Jinnah Road; the blast was so powerful that the panes of the office of SAMAA TV.

The blast caused harm to the SAMAA TV office and its belongings. The vehicles parked in the premises were damaged in the blast.

The explosion was followed by intense firing in the area.

Law-enforcers including police rushed to the blast site.

The nature and magnitude of the blast could not be ascertained as yet. There is also no immediate report regarding exact number of casualties. –SAMAA

Double challenge: Being Hazara & the first woman to stand in Quetta for NA

2013-05-10T03:29:00.003-07:00

Pakistani candidate for national assembly for Pakistan Muslim League-Q (PML-Q) party Ruquiya Hashmi, waves to supporters during an election campaign meeting in Quetta.

Hazara Shia community members and supporters of Ruquiya Hashmi, carrying electoral posters as they take part in an election campaign meeting.

Ruquiya Hashimi (C) talks to people during her election campaign corner meeting.

A woman holds a poster of Ruquiya Hashimi during her election campaign rally.

People lean against a wall with posters of Ruquiya Hashimi and a painting of Pakistan's national flag outside her election campaign office.

Ruquiya Hashimi (front R) talks to people during her election campaign corner meeting.

By Agencies

Posted on: 10:50 pm | May 9, 2013

Ruquiya Hashmi, a doctor and a former soldier, faces a double challenge — as well as being Hazara she is also the first woman to stand in Quetta for the national assembly. For the past few days she has had threatening phone calls and letters sent to her offices. She is running for Pakistan Muslim League-Q (PML-Q), an ally of the outgoing government, but she is determined to stand up to the extremists. In the city that has become the epicentre for record sectarian bloodshed in Pakistan, Shia candidates are braving death threats to make themselves heard in Saturday’s election. – Photos and text by Agencies

DAWN

نا امیدیاں؟

2013-05-09T02:50:00.005-07:00

Wednesday 8 May 2013

مبین اظہر

۔ — اے ایف پی فائل فوٹو

پاکستان میں ایک منتخب حکومت سے دوسری منتخب حکومت کی جانب تبدیلی ایک خوشگوار عمل ہے جس پر ہمیں مسرت کا اظہار کرنا چاہئے- پاکستان میں میرے حالیہ دورے کے دوران جب بھی مجھ پر پاکستان کے مستقبل کے تعلق سے ” قنوطیت پسندی ” کا الزام لگایا گیا- میں نے یہ الفاظ دہرائے جس نے اس الزام کو دھونے میں چھو منتر کا کام کیا-

چنانچہ ، اب جب کہ فی الحال ہم خوشی منارہے ہیں ، مجھے موقع دیجئے کہ میں اپنی قنوطیت پسندی کی وجہ بیان کروں – اس سال کے آغاز میں میں دو دستاویزی فلمیں بنانے کیلئے پاکستان آیا -

اپنی پہلی دستاویزی فلم کیلئے میں کوئیٹہ میں ہزارہ کمیونٹی پر ہونے والے تشدد کے بارے میں تحقیقات کرنا چاہتا تھا – دوسری دستاویزی فلم کیلئے میں پاکستان میں توہین شان رسالت کے قوانین کا جائزہ لے رہا تھا ، خاص طور پراس حوالےسے کہ یہ قانون پاکستان کی عیسائی اقلیت پر کس طرح اثر انداز ہو رہا ہے -

یہاں پہنچنے کے فوراہی بعد میں نے یہ خبر سنی کہ لاہور کی جوزف کالونی کے تعلق سے توہین رسالت کا ایک مقدمہ زیر سماعت ہے – ایک عیسائی ساون مسیح اوراسکے ایک قریبی مسلمان دوست کے درمیان مئے نوشی کے بعد گرما گرمی اور جھگڑا ہوگیا – اورساون مسیح پرتوہین رسالت کا الزام لگایا گیا -

اس واقعہ کے چوبیس گھنٹوں کے اندرعیسائیوں کے سو سے زیادہ مکانوں اور دو گرجا گھروں کونذرآتش کردیا گیا – پولیس نے عیسائی گھرانوں کو وہاں سے بچ نکلنے میں مدد کی تاکہ لوٹ مار اور آتش زنی کرنے والوں کوکھلی چھوٹ مل جائے -

جوزف کالونی کا سانحہ اس بات کا واضح ثبوت ہے کہ پاکستان میں ” اقلیتوں کے حقوق ” اور ” قانون کی بالادستی ” ایسے الفاظ ہیں جن کی کوئی خاص قانونی یا عملی حیثیت نہیں ہے -

یہاں سے چند سو میل دور کوئیٹہ میں میری ملاقات رخسانہ بی بی سے ہوئی جو چار بچوں کی ماں ہے ، رخسانہ ہزارہ شیعہ ہے – جب ہم اسکے آبائی مکان کے فرش پربیٹھے تھے تو اس نے مجھے دس جنوری کے واقعات سنائے -

اسی دن صبح میں علمدار روڈ پر واقع ایک اسنوکرہال گیا تھا جو اب ایک ڈھانچہ تھا – جنوری میں ایک خودکش بمباراس ہال میں گھس آیا تھا جہاں نوجوان ہزارہ جمع ہوتے ہیں اور اس نے خودکش حملہ کر دیا – پندرہ منٹ بعد جب رضاکاراور ریسکیو ٹیمیں وہاں مدد کیلئے پہنچیں تو ایک اور بم پھٹا – اس دن ایک سو بیس افراد لقمہء اجل بن گئے -

مدد کرنے والوں میں رخسانہ بی بی کے تین لڑکے بھی تھے ” جب میں نے یہ خبر سنی تو میں ننگے پیر وہاں دوڑی اور وہاں میں نے اپنے تینوں بیٹوں کی لاشیں دیکھیں – میں نے ان کے چہرے چومے – میں نے اپنے سب سے بڑے بیٹے سے کہا . بیٹے تم قبر میں اپنے بھائیوں کا خیال رکھنا ” – یہ کون لوگ ہیں جو سنیوں اور شیعوں کو لڑانا چاہتے ہیں ؟ -

لشکر جھنگوی ( ایل – جے ) کے عسکریت پسندوں نے پاکستان کی شیعہ برادری کوبرسہابرس سے دہشت گردی کا نشانہ بنایا ہوا ہے – کوئیٹہ میں رہنے والے ایک صحافی نے مجھے بتایا کہ اسنوکر ہال پربم حملے کے دس منٹ بعد اسے عسکریت پسندوں کے ایک رہنما کا فون آیا جس میں اس سے کہا گیا تھا کہ وہ لشکر جھنگوی کا بیان شائع کرے کہ وہ اس بمباری کی ذمہ داری قبول کرتے ہیں اور یہ کہ شیعہ برادری کے خلاف ان کا یہ موقف جائز ہے -

اس سے زیادہ تشویشناک تو فوج ، پولیس اورکوئیٹہ کے پالیسی سازوں کے بیانات ہیں جنہوں نے یہ بتایا کہ ایل جے کے خلاف کوئی کارروائی کیوں نہیں کی گئی – فوج کے ایک سینئرترجمان نے نام ظاہر نہ کرنے کی شرط پر بتایا کہ ” کوئیٹہ ایک چھوٹا سا شہر ہے – اس کا نصف علاقہ کنٹونمنٹ ہے – ہم اس حملے کو روک سکتے تھے لیکن انٹلیجنس سروس نے ہمارا ساتھ نہ دیا – یہاں کوئی بڑی سازش ہو رہی ہے “-

جب بھی میں کوئیٹہ میں بم دھماکوں کی وجوہات جاننا چاہتا ہوں تو مجھے تقریبا سبھوں سے یہی جواب ملتا ہے کہ اس میں ایرانی اور سعودی اثر اور امریکی ڈالرز کا ہاتھ ہے اور یہ جغرافیائی سیاسی ( جیوپولیٹیکل ) جنگ ہے -

ان ‘ بیرونی عناصر’ کی بنا پرنہ تو فوج اور نہ ہی پولیس کوئیٹہ کی حفاظت کرنے کی ذمہ داری قبول کرنا چاہتی ہے -

سازشی عناصر اور جھوٹے نظریات کا ملغوبہ پاکستانی سیاست میں اس حد تک در آیا ہے کہ کوئی بھی کبھی یہ سوال نہیں اٹھاتا کہ —- حکومت پاکستان اپنے شہریوں کا تحفظ کرنے میں مسلسل ناکام کیوں ہے ؟

جوزف کالونی میں مٹھی بھر لوگوں کو گرفتار کیا گیا لیکن توہین رسالت کے قانون پر عوامی بحث کیوں نہیں ہوتی ؟ لشکر جھنگوی کے خلاف کوئی کارروائی کیوں نہیں کی گئی ؟ کاغذ پر تو یہ جماعت ممنوع ہے – لیکن اسکی ذیلی تنظیم سپاہ صحابہ اہل سنت والجماعت کے نام سے انتخابات میں اپنے امیدوار کھڑا کر رہی ہے -

اس پر کسی نے احتجاج کیوں نہیں کیا ؟ بہت سے پاکستانی تو سرحد کے اس پار اشارے کرنے میں بے حد مصروف ہیں – اور ناقابل فہم تاویلات کے ساتھ یہ تسلیم بھی نہیں کرنا چاہتے کہ حکومت اس معاملے میں سو رہی ہے – اپنے شہریوں کی حفاظت کرنا حکومت کی ذمہ داری ہے وہ اس ذمہ داری کو پورا کرنے میں مسلسل ناکام ہو رہی ہے – حکومت کیلئے یہ لازمی ہے کہ وہ اس کی جوابدہی کرے -

اسلام آباد میں پال بھٹی کے گھر میں ، جو باہمی ہم آہنگی کے سابقہ وزیر رہ چکے ہیں مجھے اس سوال کا ایماندارانہ جواب ملا کہ حکومت کیوں ناکام ہو رہی ہے -

” پاکستان کی تاریخ کا بڑا حصہ فوج کی حکمرانی کی تاریخ کو ظاہر کرتا ہے – ہمیں کبھی اس بات کا نہ تووقت اور نہ ہی موقع دیا گیا کہ ہم پالیسی پرمناسب طور پر عمل درآمد کر سکیں “-

وہ غالباً ، انتخابات سے پہلے قائم ہونے والی نگران حکومت کی وجہ سے کھل کربات کر رہے تھے ، اس بات میں وزن نظر آتا ہے – ایک ایسے ملک میں جہاں فوج ثقافتی اور مالیاتی لحاظ سے طاقت کا سرچشمہ ہو، وہاں سیکورٹی میں کمی کا ذمہ دار کسے قرار دیا جاسکتا ہے ؟-

حقیقت یہی ہے کہ ، پاکستان میں منتخب حکومت کوبمشکل ہی اس بات کا موقع ملاکہ وہ پاکستان میں کوئی مکمل پالیسی بنائے اور اس پر موثر طور پر عمل درآمد کرے – فوجی مداخلت کے نتیجے میں انتخاب کنندگان اس درجے بے بس ہو چکے ہیں کہ اب وہ مکمل طور پرمایوسی کا شکار ہیں – سیکورٹی نہیں ہوگی تو ترقی بھی نہیں ہوگی اور نہ ہی استحکام – کچھ بھی نہیں ہوسکتا -

چنانچہ ، مجھے وجہ سمجھ میں آتی ہے – جب میں رخسانہ بی بی سے یہ پوچھتا ہوں کہ وہ حکومت سے کیا توقعات رکھتی ہیں تواس کا جواب ہوتا ہے ، ” مجھے سیاست سے کوئی دلچسپی نہیں – میں صرف یہ چاہتی ہوں کہ یہ قتل وغارت گری ختم ہو “

پاکستان کے رائے دہندگان اورقیادت کے درمیان تعلقات کواس انتخابات کے نتیجے میں بہترہونا چاہئے – جیت اورہارکی قیاس آرائیوں اوردہشت گردی کے باوجود بھی ایک فتح تو حاصل ہو چکی ہے – پاکستانی عوام کو بالاخر ایک جمہوری تبدیلی کو دیکھنے کا موقع مل رہا ہے – قبیلہ واریت پر قابو پا کراور اپنے رہنماؤں کوجواب دہی کا ذمہ دار بنا کرپاکستان سے ناامیدی کے کلچر کو ختم کرنا ہوگا -

پاکستان میں اقلیتوں پر جبرو تشدد کے مسئلہ کو 2013 کے انتخابی منشور کا حصہ نہیں بنایا گیا – اقلیتوں کے حقوق کے مسئلہ کوانتخابی منشور کا حصہ بنانے میں شائد ایک پشت گزر جائے لیکن جمہوریت ہی وہ راستہ ہے جس کے ذریعہ اس مسئلہ کو حل کیا جاسکتا ہے – صرف بیلٹ بکس کے ذریعہ ہی پاکستانیوں کو یقین آسکتا ہے کہ وہ اپنا مستقبل خود بنا سکتے ہیں اور وہ ایک ایسی قوم بن سکتے ہیں جو اپنے تمام شہریوں کے حقوق کی ضمانت دے سکے -

ترجمہ: سیدہ صالحہ

DAWN Urdu

Kaun Banega Wazir e Azam (5th May 2013) Atiqa Odho, Shahzeb Khanzada

2013-05-08T15:00:00.001-07:00

Pakistan's under-fire Hazaras vow to make votes count

2013-05-07T07:27:00.005-07:00

Agence France-PresseMay 7, 2013 01:15

In the city that has become the epicentre of sectarian bloodshed in Pakistan, Shiite Muslim candidates are braving death threats to make themselves heard in Saturday's election.

Shiites make up around a fifth of Pakistan's 180 million population but they are caught in a rising tide of sectarian hatred, targeted by extremist Sunni Muslim bombers and vilified on the campaign trail.

Quetta, capital of the southwestern province of Baluchistan, has been a focus for much of the violence and two devastating bombings earlier this year killed nearly 200 people from the city's ethnic Hazara Shiite population.

Banned Sunni extremist organisation Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), which has links to Al-Qaeda, claimed the attacks and vowed to strike again.

The authorities stepped up security in some Hazara districts of Quetta but those running for office say the threats to their lives are so great that they are unable to move around freely to canvass for votes.

Ruquiya Hashmi, a doctor and a former soldier, faces a double challenge -- as well as being Hazara she is also the first woman to stand in Quetta for the national assembly.

For the past few days she has had threatening phone calls and letters sent to her offices. She is running for Pakistan Muslim League-Q, an ally of the outgoing government, but she is determined to stand up to the extremists.

"I'm lucky I'm a very brave woman. It's very challenging being a woman, being a Hazara, but God willing I will face the challenges and I will raise my voice," she said.... Continue Reading....

In Quetta, fear still stalks the Hazara

2013-05-07T07:25:00.002-07:00

ANITA JOSHUA

The snooker club which was first targeted by terrorists in the January 10 attackon the Hazara Shias of Mariabad is being reconstructed, and the crater that formed on the road outside in the second — more devastating blast — the same day has been filled up. But memories of that afternoon will take much more to fade as the community lives in perpetual fear.

The January 10 attack and the one in mid-February on the other Hazara settlement in the provincial capital — where 90 people were killed in a single blast — have not only made fear a constant companion of the community but also affected their lives in ways they least expected.

The tightening of security in the two settlements has ghettoized the community even more. With no one allowed into the two areas without identification, shopkeepers complained that their businesses were suffering as now they catered for only the Hazara community since people from other neighbourhoods and ethnicities avoid shopping here because of the restrictions.

“The increased security has in a way spelt doom for our little businesses,” Sher Mohammad told a group of visiting foreign journalists. And with many a member of the community wary of stepping outside the localities for fear of being targeted by the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), limited liquidity is affecting spending power. Some months ago, the LeJ launched an SMS service in some places of the city, asking people to report to a certain mobile number as soon as they spot a Hazara who are easily recognizable because of their Mongoloid features.

Those working in government offices say their colleagues and seniors understand their predicament and allow them to skip work in case word gets around of a heightened threat on any given day. The provincial government, both Hazaras and non-Hazaras vouch, has been accommodating in this regard. That consideration, however, does not extend to those working in the private sector. With little option but to go out and work, they do so with their hearts in their mouth.

Since the two settlements are old with schools within the area, schooling has not been as much affected as higher education. Attendance of Hazara students tends to be erratic, though they have returned to their colleges; but their education under these circumstances is a concern for the community that attaches great importance to education of both boys and girls.

At the Balochistan University of Information Technology Engineering & Management Sciences (BUITEMS), Hazara students and teachers flagged the ironical situation created by a security arrangement. After a bomb attack on a bus ferrying students from the community killed three students and a teacher last year right outside the university’s main gate, the bus service to the two Hazara settlements was discontinued as a security arrangement.

Consequently, the students now have to wait for the university buses at designated points well outside their colonies, exposing themselves to the risk of being attacked in ones and twos that had become a fairly regular feature last year. Though such attacks have reduced since the two big bombings this year, fear has taken permanent residence in their lives.

According to Abdul Khaliq Hazara, chairman of the Hazara Democratic Party (HDP), many members of his community have fled the country. He puts the number at one lakh, but there is no data to substantiate this claim. “We want to leave, but that is not an easy option. Neither is moving to another city in Pakistan as Shias are targeted everywhere and we are easily recognizable,” explained Asadullah Hazara on Alamdar Road, which made it to international headlines when members of the community picketed the thoroughfare in sub-zero temperatures with the bodies of their dead in January.

In the case of the Hazara political leadership, the threat has also affected their election campaign. The HDP leader — who is contesting the general election from Quetta — rued that he was unable to campaign outside the Hazara areas because of the threat. Though Quetta has always been a multi-ethnic city with all communities living in harmony, the growing radicalisation of society has made Hazaras unsure of their Baloch and Pashtoon neighbours, particularly the former since the police claim that there is a linkage between the sectarian Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and some of the Baloch insurgent groups.

The community feels so traumatised now by living on the edge day in and day out that one resident of Mariabad — who did not want to be identified — said: “The situation is such that now even if the terrorists do not want to attack, we are stricken with fear.”

Almost all aspects of their day-to-day lives have been affected, but leaving is not an option for Quetta’s Hazara since Shias are targeted everywhere in Pakistan

The Hindu

2013-05-05T19:16:00.002-07:00

Pakistan's minority Hazaras living in fear

2013-05-05T08:25:00.002-07:00

Last Updated: Sunday, May 05, 2013, 17:18

Quetta: When a suicide bomber detonated a vehicle rigged with 300-kg of explosives in a Hazara Shia neighbourhood in this southwestern Pakistani city in January, Sher Mohammed and his friends spent the next few hours collecting body parts.

"We found body parts on the roads, on the roofs of buildings. We collected three bags of body parts, each bag weighing 20-kg. About 12 people were simply blown to pieces," Mohammed said at Alamdar Road, which was targeted by two suicide bombers on that cold winter's night.

On January 10, one bomber entered a snooker club in the basement of a commercial building and blew himself up.

As policemen, rescue teams and local residents converged on the narrow street outside the club, another bomber detonated an explosives-laden ambulance about 10 minutes later.

The two bombings, claimed by the banned Lashkar-e-Jhanvi, killed 96 people and injured dozens more.

Most of the dead were Hazara Shias, including 10 policemen from the minority community that has been repeatedly targeted by the al-Qaeda-linked LeJ.

Deputy Inspector General of Police (Operations) Fayyaz Ahmed said the ambulance was packed with 300 kg of home-made explosives.

"The damage was on a scale we had not expected," he said. Nearly four months after the bombings, the building with the snooker club has been repaired and is about to reopen for business.

A crater in the street has been filled up, a screen has been put up to cover the damage caused by the second blast and few signs remain of the attacks.

But Sher Mohammed, 45, says he still feels uneasy when he remembers the devastation caused by the suicide bombers.

"There were bodies with no heads, no eyes, no limbs. Some had organs missing. Three men who were volunteers along with me for an ambulance service run by the Noor Welfare Society were killed. Everyone I know lost a relative or a friend," said Mohammed, who owns a butcher's shop.

All along Alamdar Road, there are posters with photographs of men who died in the January 10 bombings.

As a group of foreign journalists visited the neighbourhood this afternoon, a man came up to them and held up a board with the picture of a relative killed in the attack.

With authorities putting in place strict security arrangements for the Hazara Shias, who stand out due to their distinctive features, members of the community say business and normal life has been affected by threats from terrorists as well as the presence of security forces.

"We know the security personnel are here for our protection but they don't allow outsiders to enter the area. I have lost customers who were from other communities, like Punjabis and Pashtuns. We rarely go out of Mariabad, where most of us live," said Mohammed.

Asadullah, a 20-year-old Hazara youth who owns a small shop, said he would prefer to go away from Quetta to put behind him the constant threat of attacks. "If I had the money, I would leave. I would go anywhere," he said.

Zee News

Lawless State or State of Lawlessness; Banned Terrorist Organization ASWJ Makes an Alliance with PML-N in Quetta

2013-05-03T15:15:00.003-07:00

Banned Terrorist Organization ASWJ/LeJ openly campaigns for elections in Quetta City

BBC; 'Hell on Earth': Inside Quetta's Hazara community

2013-04-30T22:47:00.000-07:00

Ruqsana Bibi at the cemetary in Quetta where her sons are buried

By Mobeen Azhar

BBC World Service

30 April 2013 Last updated at 20:00 ET

For years Quetta in Pakistan has rarely been visited by foreign media organisations, as it is considered too dangerous. Now a World Service investigation has uncovered the reality of life for the city's persecuted Hazara Shia community in what some describe as "hell on earth".

On 10 January 2013, a suicide bomber walked into a packed snooker hall in Quetta and detonated an explosive device, marking the beginning of what would become the bloodiest day in Pakistan's recent history.

Eight people died in the initial blast and the area soon became flooded with people trying to help. A second bomb planted on an ambulance was then detonated.

Listen to the full report on Assignment on the BBC World Service on Thursday May 2 and on BBC Radio 4's Crossing Continents on the same day at 11:00am.

The attacks killed more than 120 people, most of them from the Hazara Shia community, in a campaign strategically planned to inflict maximum carnage.

Quetta's Hazara community is on the front line of Pakistan's battle with violent extremism.

Ruqsana Bibi lost three of her four sons on that day. The walls of her modest home are filled with family pictures. She sits on the floor holding three frames. Each contains a picture of one of the children she lost.

"I ran to the mosque barefoot and I saw the bodies of my three sons. I kissed their faces. I carried them to the cemetery myself. The eldest was Khadim Husain. I said to him: 'You must take care of your brothers in the grave.' I don't know what happened to me then. People took me home."

Mrs Bibi says her grandsons, aged nine and five, are afraid that they too will be "martyred" one day.

"They say: 'Who are these people killing us?' Who are these people that are stirring up trouble between Sunnis and Shias? It didn't used to be like this."

Mrs Bibi's family, like almost all of the victims of the Quetta attacks, are Hazara.

Hazaras are ethnically Mongolian, with oriental features and light skin, different from much of Pakistan's population... Continue Reading...

Hazaras, Hatred and Pakistan

2013-04-30T15:59:00.001-07:00

Duration: 28 minutesFirst broadcast: Thursday 02 May 2013

Mobeen Azhar travels to the Pakistani city of Quetta to investigate how it has become the scene of violent and indiscriminate attacks by Sunni militants against the local ethnic Hazara community. It's a city which has become effectively a no-go area for foreign journalists due to the persistent and intensifying violence. Mobeen tells the story of a single day in January of this year when over 100 people lost their lives in twin bombings in Quetta. Claiming responsibility was the Sunni militant group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. Mobeen retraces the story of the bombings, and examines the growing security concerns in a district dominated by the Shia Hazara community.

He speaks to Fayyaz Mohammed, a candidate in the forthcoming elections who has links to Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and talks with Paul Bhatti, who until recently was the Pakistani Minister of National Harmony. Bhatti blames the government's inability to enforce "effective policy" on Pakistan's long history of military dictatorship. Azhar meets blast survivors and the families of victims, and finds out how the security situation is causing many young Hazaras to leave Quetta to seek a better life elsewhere - despite the dangers of putting their lives in the hands of people smugglers.

BBC Radio 4

Active against extremism Irfan Ali BBC URDU SAIRBEEN

2013-04-30T12:14:00.003-07:00

Hazara people a look at immigration and global issues BBC URDU

2013-04-30T12:00:00.000-07:00

Hazara Community Vote Kisse Deinge??

2013-04-30T11:48:00.002-07:00

My Dark Times: A Survivor’s Story

2013-04-28T08:29:00.001-07:00

Published: April 27, 2013

Last October, Habibullah, a 22-year-old student from Quetta, Pakistan, joined 34 Hazara asylum seekers on a boat bound for Christmas Island, a small Australian territory about 240 miles off the Indonesian coast. Within 24 hours the boat had sunk in a storm. This is his account of his ordeal.

I did not have any intention to go abroad, but it was what I had to do. The circumstances were deteriorating day by day. In recent years, Pakistan has been plagued by sectarian violence and extremism. Especially our community has faced most terrorist attacks because of their distinct looks. Every day we witnessed targeted killing, persecution and sectarian violence that made our community the most vulnerable. Our community was declared a community of infidels by terrorists, making our life miserable. The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a brainchild of SSP and the Taliban, made it clear that the only place for the Hazara is the graveyard. Those were the reasons for me to take some concrete steps for my survival.

As a young, energetic and ambitious student, I understood that one day I could lose my life in random killings. Then I opted for the desperate journey that would take me through Malaysia and Indonesia and finally, I hoped, to Australia.

I got a Malaysian visa and left Pakistan in early July 2012. In Malaysia I found a smuggler, who arranged my journey to Indonesia. I stayed two days in Kuala Lumpur and paid him $2,000 just to get me to Jakarta. He promised me that he would take me to Jakarta within one week, but in fact that did not happen.

In the evening of July 26, 2012, after dark, we were taken from a hotel in Kuala Lumpur to the coast from where we set course for Indonesia. We arrived at the departure point on the shore at 10 p.m. We were in the jungle, it was dark and there was a strong wind. The smuggler told us that we would land in Indonesia within four hours. But in fact, it took us ten-and-a-half hours because the man who steered the boat had lost his way. If there had been an emergency, we would not have had any means to ensure our survival. A storm blew up, and there was just the darkness of the night and the horrifying storm. The boat was very small and it was moving very fast. We all got wet. We could have lost our lives within seconds.

I was terribly frightened,... Continue Reading...

Geo Reports-Quetta Blasts-24 Apr 2013

2013-04-24T06:44:00.001-07:00

The Sectarian Knot

2013-04-24T06:39:00.003-07:00

PPP’s failure to check the growing attacks on the Shia community has alienated its supporters within the community.

Earlier this week, Faisal Sakhi Butt, the PPP nominee for one of Islamabad’s two seats, visited the local office of Majlis Wahdat Muslimeen (MWM), the newest kid on the Shia party block.

The MWM, which has been around for a few years, came to prominence earlier this year, when it helped organise countrywide protests in the wake of the devastating bomb attacks in Quetta that took the lives of the Shia Hazaras.

Butt’s agenda for the meeting was no secret. He asked for the support of the MWM for the May elections, requesting that the party withdraw its own candidate for NA-48 and support his candidature.

The request was not unusual as the Shia community is traditionally thought to vote for the PPP. However, Butt was turned down flat.

“We are contesting the elections to give a voice to the people who are upset by the poor performance of the PPP government,” the MWM candidate, Allama Asghar Askari, told Butt.

The incident reflects the general impression that the PPP’s perceived failure to check the growing attacks on the Shia community has alienated its traditional supporters within the community.

This perception is rather strong despite the fact that two of the older Shia parties are still aligned with the PPP — the Islami Tehreek headed by Allama Sajid Naqvi has made an alliance with the PPP while the supporters of Tehreek-e-Nifaz Fiqh Jaferia led by Allama Hamid Moosvi are traditionally known to vote for the PPP.

However, the MWM’s decision to enter the electoral fray and contest the elections across the country has given rise to questions and speculation about the Shia vote causing an upset this time around.

Indeed, the MWM is attracting attention for a number of reasons. The first of course is its impressive debut in the protests after the Hazara attacks. The peaceful protests across the country took everyone by surprise and forced the PPP-led government in Islamabad to impose governor’s rule in Balochistan. What was particularly impressive was the party’s ability to organise protests in Karachi where the Muttahida Qaumi Movement is seen to have the street muscle.

Second is the number of candidates the party has fielded: 127. These include 80 contestants for National Assembly seats and 47 candidates for all four provincial assemblies. At the same time, its candidates are not from the ‘usual stock’; not all of them are ulema or even Shia. While the MWM has fielded a woman on a provincial seat in Karachi, at some places it has even nominated Sunni candidates.

But despite the party’s high profile and the mood of the Shia community, will it manage to win seats?

It is difficult to say anything for sure at the moment not just because the MWM is new but also because in the past the Shia community has never voted as a bloc. “The people of Pakistan do not vote for sect-based parties; this has been repeatedly reflected in various election results,” said Haris Khalique, a newspaper columnist and poet based in Islamabad. However he hastened to add that “the MWM case is different because it is benefiting from a reaction to the existing sense of persecution among Shia population in country.”

At some level, the party is aware of this paradox which helps explain its three-pronged electoral strategy. At the top are the “core seats”, which are constituencies with considerable Shia votes. In this category the party has fielded its own candidates.”

We have strong candidates for constituencies with major Shia population,” said Nasir Sheerazi, secretary of the political wing, MWM.

In the second category it has placed those constituencies where there is a Shia vote large enough to play a role; here the party is trying to form local level alliances or seat adjustment arrangements with other players. “Negotiations are under way where there is a sizeable Shia population,” he added.

Third are the constituencies where the party wants to play the role of a spoiler or send a message to particular parties. This third category includes seats such as the one in Jhang which is to be contested by Sheikh Waqas’ father, Sheikh Muhammad Akram; the MWM will support him against Maulana Muhammad Ludhianvi, the chief of the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat.

Similarly, the party plans to support Riaz Peerzada, the PML-N candidate from Bahawalpur. “Our main objective is to block extremists in politics, get rid of criminal elements and pave the way for tolerant people to be active in the electoral process,” Mr Sheerazi said without naming any party.

Despite its public intentions to support PML-N candidates such as Peerzada, the MWM has not held any formal talks with the top PML-N leadership.

In other areas in Punjab, the MWM is also hopeful of making its mark in areas such as Bhakkar.

Local journalists feel that in the current situation the MWM might just make a difference — it is difficult to predict the impact though.

“The reaction to the lack of performance by the mainstream parties will reflect in the election results,” said Muhammad Pervaiz Durrani, a journalist who runs a local FM radio in Layyah.

He was of the opinion that the degree of awareness among the voters and the improved communication tools would help the smaller parties that do not have a local party set-up in every nook and corner of the constituency.

“There is a large Shia population in Bhakkar — many of them have arrived from Dera Ismail Khan and other parts of KPK due to terror threats there. A reactionary vote from them could favour the MWM,” Mr Durrani added. The MWM leadership is banking on this reaction as well.

It is noteworthy that in Punjab the MWM can tap into the Shia vote because the sectarian lines overlap with other faultlines — for instance in Jhang, the Sunni vote tends to be that of the Punjabi migrants who came over at the time of partition while the Shia voters are the indigenous population. The overlapping, say observer, can make it easier for the MWM.

However, in Karachi this is exactly what can work against the MWM as the Shia voters in the city tend to vote on ethnic lines. Despite this, the MWM is surprisingly hopeful about its electoral fortunes in this city.

The party has pinned its hopes on four national assembly and seven provincial assembly seats in the city — the constituencies are the ones that include Soldier Bazaar, Rizvia Society, Ancholi and Malir area. They are NA-252, NA-253, NA-257 and NA-258 and PS-94, PS-102, PS-117, PS-118, PS-119 PS-126 and PS-127.

However the MQM is not impressed. “All the parties have right to contest elections, but the MQM and Shia voters are educated and mature people. They are opposed to sectarianism,” said Wasay Jalil, the MQM spokesman .

The strength of the MQM lies in creating harmony not only among various sects of Islam but also among different religions.” Independent observers agree with the assessment that convincing the Shia voters to ditch the MQM and support the MWM will not be easy.

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the MWM has its eyes on Dera Ismail Khan. It has fielded a candidate for a provincial assembly seat here though the candidate is contesting independently — this is because he is a consensus candidate who also enjoys the support of Allama Sajid Naqvi and a few Barelvi groups.

Overall however it is difficult to predict how well the MWM will do electorally. Its ability to win over voters as well as to counter the appeal of the Shia candidates of other parties will prove to be no small hurdle.

This is something most voters also realise. “We vote for someone who is known to us as an individual or as a member of clan,” said Syed Sarfraz Hussain Ghardezi, a local leader of Islamabad, who added “Politics is not akin to standing behind a prayer leader during namaz.”

DAWN