Blue Nile Province

Blue Nile state civil war have to be finished!!!!

2015-11-19T01:08:00.003-08:00

The Sudanese rebels’ national agenda is causing local harm

Posted on November 19, 2015 by AfricanArgumentsEditor

SPLM-North’s insistence on negotiating with the government about national issues only – rather than giving priority to South Kordofan and Blue Nile – is hurting the people of the Two Areas.

Refugees from the Nuba mountains. Photo credit: Tom Albinson.

After yet more missed deadlines, Sudan is gearing up for talks again. The coming rounds consist of two tracks.

The first is between the government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) rebel alliance. The agenda will be limited to the terms of a cessation of hostility agreement and arrangements for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and administrative arrangements for conflict areas.

The second is a preparatory meeting for the National Dialogue, which will include the armed movements, the National Umma Party (NUP), the Sudan Consensus Forces (SCF) opposition alliance and the governing National Congress Party (NCP), to discuss the arrangements needed to create a conducive environment to pave the way for a genuine national dialogue to start inside Sudan.

However, recent developments will cast long shadows on the negotiations, including the following:

The dispute over the chairmanship of the SRF, its impact on the Sudan Call Alliance with the unarmed opposition and the joint negotiation positions of the armed movements, as well as the disagreement over how Sudanese civil society will be represented in the talks.
SPLM-N’s internal arguments, including the challenges to its leadership, and the absence of voices of its core constituency on the ongoing political discourse.
The NCP’s problems, including the poor election turnout in April 2015, and the failure of the National Dialogue to generate the popular support needed to gain some legitimacy.
The deepening economic crisis facing the country. The government is running out of options to address it without the support of the international community in terms of aid, removal of US sanctions and debt relief. The government is planning to remove subsidies from grain and fuel, increasing their prices by over 50%. That will put extra inflationary pressure on the economy – and might lead to civic unrest similar to September 2013.
The inability of the warring factions to make a decisive military victory, and so impose a military solution.

As far as the first track goes, and despite the SRF’s claims of a united position, SPLM-N and NCP negotiations would be less complicated than the negotiations involving the Darfuri armed movements as here there are many external elements involved. But SPLM-North needs to change its approach, because the people of the Two Areas are suffering.

SPLM-N’s wasted opportunities

Shortly after the war in South Kordofan between SPLA-N and GoS broke out in early June 2011, the two parties began talking. In 28 June 2011 they signed a Framework Agreement, but this was later rejected by President Bashir. Since then they have held 9 rounds of negotiations, without reaching a final agreement.

The major difference between the two parties is that the SPLM-N delegation wants to discuss national issues but the NCP insists on restricting the negotiations to the Two Areas based on the Two Areas protocol in the CPA signed in 2005. During the 9 rounds of negotiations the NCP was very skillful as they managed to water down the Tripartite agreement on delivery of humanitarian assistance, and the UN Security Council resolution 2046. The NCP also refused to attend the pre-National Dialogue meeting, according to the African Union Peace and Security Council’s communiqué of its 456 meeting.

However, SPLM-N failed to exert the needed pressure on them. The NCP strategy is not to give any ground and to keep the status quo as that is their best option: they are in power, and have control of the country and its resources.

The insistence of SPLM-N not to discuss issues related to the Two Areas and only focus on national issues stopped the negotiations from making any progress nationally or for the Two Areas.

AUHIP was correct in putting the negotiations on hold after they presented detailed accounts of the previous rounds of negotiations in January 2015, highlighting the differences between the two parties and asking them to come up with proposals to narrow their differences. When the parties failed to do that the whole negotiations were suspended, even the humanitarian issues, at the time when the suffering of civilians affected by the conflicts has increased.

This is not only the civilian population within areas controlled by SPLM-N. The majority of people affected by the conflict in the Nuba mountains are in others parts of Sudan and GoS refuses to recognised them as Internally Displaced People (IDPs) so they can get some assistance. They have been left in miserable conditions.

It is unfair for the people of conflicts zones and those directly affected by the wars – which have led to huge loss of lives and the destruction of the livelihood of so many – to wait for a national settlement. The war between SPLA-N and GoS has a national impact, but the direct cause of the war was due to the dispute over the result of the regional election of the governor and the Legislative Council in South Kordofan (as the latter was supposed to carry out the Popular Consultations which would to determine the final status of the state).

Addressing the underlying causes of the conflicts in the Two Areas will serve the national process as it can be used as a model to address similar problems in other parts of Sudan such as Darfur and Eastern Sudan, and it can also be included in the upcoming constitutional process. It is clear that a solution to the Two Areas crises will positively contribute to the national settlement while at the same time addressing the distinct nature of the Two Areas.

The arguments of the chief negotiator of SPLM-N for not discussing the issues of the Two Areas have wasted a great opportunity to address the underlying causes of the conflicts in these areas, benefiting from some of the good provisions within the Two Areas protocol which allow great devolution of power for the Two Areas, as that represented the demand of the majority of the people of these areas.

I totally agree that the problem lay in Khartoum (the centre). But there are two ways to weaken the centre: either by dismantling its institutions and rebuilding them; or by strengthening the regions and allowing them to have more control over their affairs, especially the resources.

According to the new arrangements by AUHIP, the coming round of talks will not discuss these issues as they will be deferred to the National Dialogue, with no guarantee that the people of the Two Areas and other marginalised parts of Sudan will get a fairer deal.

Their fight will not only be against the NCP. Many other forces in the centre want to keep central control over the regions and their resources. The real struggle in Sudan is Centre-Peripheries, and that is the main cause of marginalisation, lack of social justice and uneven development.

SPLA-N skilfully managed to repulse the military offensive of SAF and its proxy militias during the so-called Summer attacks (the Hot Summer and Decisive Summer operations) in 2012, 2013 and 2014, but they failed to capitalise on that politically.

This was mainly due to the luck of consultation among its wider constituencies and the heavy-handed approach in dealing with any views which differ from the leadership, and their failure to build institutional structures so the outcome of each round of negotiations can be discussed and assessed within the movement’s institutions. Unfortunately they are reproducing all the weaknesses of Sudanese political parties which include the lack of transparency, accountability and democratic practices.

I highly welcome AUHIP’s announcement that talks between SPLM-N, Darfuri armed movements and the government of Sudan on cessation of hostilities and humanitarian issues will resume in Addis Ababa. Let’s hope the parties reach an agreement on stopping the fighting, and open access for delivery of humanitarian assistance as that will pave the way for IDPs to go back to their villages and alleviate some of the suffering of the people affected by the conflicts.

But to achieve a fairer political settlement for people in the conflicts areas and Sudanese in marginalised areas in general we need to build a wider civic coalition to organise and mobilise these people, so they can all work together to achieve that objective. These wars have gone on too long, and this terrible situation can’t continue endlessly.

Hafiz Ismail Mohamed is a civil society activist and the Director of Justice Africa Sudan.

Testemony of a President.

2015-11-16T02:34:00.002-08:00

Deep Racism: The Forgotten History Of Human Zoos

2015-11-16T02:32:00.001-08:00

Deep Racism: The Forgotten History Of Human Zoos

Wounded Sudan.

2015-11-14T02:27:00.000-08:00

Lwandamina wary of wounded Sudan

14 November 2015, 09:29

George Lwandamina is wary of a wounded Sudan in this Sunday’s home leg of their 2018 World Cup second round, final leg qualifier.

Zambia host Sudan at Levy Mwanawasa Stadium in Ndola armed with a 1-0 away first leg win picked up on November 11 in Karima.

The victory was picked up in harsh conditions on a dusty patch at Karima Stadium located 400 kilometers north of Khartoum.

“This is different game all together. What is important is to bury what is now history and focus on the next game,” Lwandamina said.

“It won’t be easy, they (Sudan) are wounded and we have to approach it with the seriousness it deserves.”

Meanwhile, Zambia returned home from Sudan on Friday afternoon on the same scheduled flight as their opponents Sudan from Khartoum to Ndola via Addis Ababa.

The Sudanese were first to disembark at Ndola Airport and went through their entry formalities followed by the hosts.

Zambia later held its first training session back home late Friday afternoon at the match venue while Sudan practiced up the road at Arthur Davies Stadium in Kitwe.

Chipolopolo only need a draw this Sunday at home to eliminate Sudan and advance to the final group qualifying stage to commence in 2016.

Twenty teams will contest for Africa’s five slots at that stage on the final route to the 2018 finals in Moscow.

Money to stop migration to rich countries.

2015-11-14T02:23:00.002-08:00

Giving money to Eritrea and Sudan to stop refugees is almost satire

Ahmed H Adam

Offering financial incentives to repressive governments shows deeply flawed logic that ignores the reasons people flee from home

A migrant waits to disembark in Sicilian harbour of Messina, Italy. Photograph: Antonio Parrinello/Reuters

Friday 13 November 2015

African governments have been offered €1.8bn to help stem the flow of refugees to Europe. Yet the migrants European leaders want to “send back” are in many cases fleeing the governments the EU is now collaborating with.

It could almost be satire. Amongst those present at the Malta summit in Valletta were Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia – widely condemned for their disregard of human rights.

In Sudan, for example, according to the High Commission for Refugees there are 400,000 internally displaced people in Darfur, thanks to continued conflictbetween rebel groups and government forces. A further 6.9 million people are in need for humanitarian assistance. By the end of 2015, the UN estimates there could be up to 460,000 refugees in Sudan alone.

Can $2bn for Africa stem the refugee crisis?

Read more

For many in Sudan, smuggling and trafficking has become a lucrative business. Reliable sources in the country allege that many National Intelligence and Security Service officers have been involved in human smuggling for financial gain. The security force are also alleged to be involved in trafficking operations in eastern Sudan and Darfur, transporting refugees up in to Libya.

Amnesty International was quick to point out these contradictions, arguing that the EU should not cooperate with those guilty of grave human rights abuses. “With the EU seemingly intent on enlisting African nations as proxy gatekeepers, the Valetta summit is likely to result in a one-sided border control contract dressed up as a cooperation agreement. Refugees and migrants deserve and are entitled to better,” said Iverna McGowan, acting director of Amnesty International’s European Institutions Office.

To date, there has been no evidence that the EU’s previous financial incentives to Omar al-Bashir’s government have made any positive impact on the crisis, so why will they now?

In November last year, the EU launched another controversial policy, known as the Khartoum Process. Announced in Rome, it pledged to tackle human smuggling from the Horn of Africa into Europe by providing countries in the region with financial, technical and political incentives to manage and control migration.

As part of this, the EU pledged to offer Sudan and Eritrea significant payments. However, in the absence of monitoring mechanisms and transparency, these funds will likely disappear without trace, swallowed by two government who are currently under international sanctions for human rights abuses.

Europe's €1.8bn fund to tackle migration crisis not enough, say Africans

Read more

Writing in African Arguments, migration researchers Maimuna Mohamud and Cindy Horst said the Khartoum Process represented a “worrying precedent”.

“All participants of the Khartoum Process ... have policies and political systems that directly render them responsible for creating conditions that produce refugees and migrants in the first place,” they argued.

Last month, Mike Smith, chair of the commission of inquiry on human rights in Eritrea, emphasised the significant number of Eritreans arriving on the shores of Europe: after Syrians and Afghans, they made up the third biggest group of people attempting to enter in 2014.

But EU leaders seem to be turning a blind eye to this, once again turning to cash incentives as quick fixes.

For a meaningful solution to the problem, the EU should be forcing the issue of conflict in Darfur, or pressurising Isaias Afwerki’s government to end indefinite military service in Eritrea. Only this way will the root of the problem be addressed.

Sudan news.

2015-09-29T02:11:00.002-07:00

Sudanese media awash with presidential pardon for the rebels

Posted by: APA Posted date : September 23, 2015 at 2:14 pm UTC 104 views In : Africa

Sudanese newspapers on Wednesday focused on a presidential decree issued on Tuesday by President Omar al Bashir granting pardon to the rebels to allow them participate in the national dialogue due to take place in Khartoum in October.
Sudan Tribune (English) newspaper said that President al-Bashir Tuesday has pardoned rebel leaders who are to participate in the national dialogue conference, and declared a two-month ceasefire in the war areas.

According to the official news agency (SUNA) Tuesday, Bashir issued a republican decree granting general amnesty for the leaders and members of the armed movements taking part in the national dialogue conference. Also, he issued another decree declaring a two-month ceasefire in the conflict areas.

The national dialogue conference is scheduled for 20 October 2015.

Several rebels and their leaders including the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) chairman Malik Agar and secretary-general Yasser Arman had been sentenced to death by Sudanese courts.

The two decrees come after a pledge al-Bashir made during the opening session of the national dialogue’s general assembly last August in which he expressed readiness to declare a two-month ceasefire in order to hold the dialogue in a healthy atmosphere.

The Sudanese army has been fighting SPLM-N rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states since 2011 and the armed movements in Darfur since 2003.

Bashir launched the national dialogue initiative in January 2014 but the process suffered major setbacks after the withdrawal of the opposition National Umma Party (NUP) and the non-participation of the rebels as well as leftist forces.

Sudan Vision (English) newspaper has also reported that President Al-Bashir has officially announced a general amnesty for the Sudanese rebels to allow them to participate in the dialogue to solve the Sudanese crisis including the stoppage of the continuous civil war in Darfur, South Kordoafn and Blue Nile states.

It is the second time Bashir is announcing a general pardon for the rebels after the general amnesty he offered last May when he won the elections boycotted by the civil opposition and the rebels.

The paper said that President Bashir has issued a presidential decree that declares a general amnesty for the leaders and members of the Sudanese armed groups that participate in the national dialogue on Tuesday.

Alsudani (Arabic) newspaper stated that the president also issued another ceasefire decree for two months in the conflict areas in Sudan. He did not mention at what time this ceasefire would come into effect.

It is the second time that Al Bashir has declared a two-month cessation of hostilities in the country. Rebel movements under the banner of the Sudan Revolutionary Front also announced their readiness to sign a six-month ceasefire with the government forces and allied militias.
Neither party has thus far suggested when and where to hold their negotiations about the implementation and monitoring of the ceasefire.

The rebels have decried that the national army is still violating the ceasefire despite President Bashir’s declaration.

However, Hurriyat (Arabic) newspaper has quoted the rebel alliance of the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) as refusing the presidential offer, describing it as “Political propaganda”. It quoted the SRF chairman Malik Agar as rejecting the offer. Agar said that the current amnesty is concerning the parties who have already agreed to participate in the dialogue inside Sudan.

“We have nothing to do with this offer it is just for ‘Political propaganda’. We call on the government to be serious and come to the pre-dialogue meeting in Addis Ababa according to the AU roadmap,” he stressed.

Signature : APA

Presidents Day 2015: 12 Things You Didn't Know About Past US Commanders in Chief - ABC News

2015-09-09T02:21:00.001-07:00

Presidents Day 2015: 12 Things You Didn't Know About Past US Commanders in Chief - ABC News

Help us to return back!!!

2015-09-03T02:09:00.001-07:00

أنقذونا.. تاني..؟!!

09-03-2015 10:49 AM

صلاح أحمد عبدالله

* يا ترجعونا محل ما لقيتونا.. في ذلك اليوم.. وذلك الشهر.. وفي تلك السنة.. يا تلموا عزالكم وترحلوا.. أنتم والشركاء من أصحاب الفتات.. وحلال عليكم سلطة وثروة أكثر من ربع قرن..؟!!* بدون زعل.. وواقع الحال يحكي ويقول إن شعار إنقاذ الوطن.. وهي لله ولا للسلطة ولا للجاه.. وأمريكا وروسيا قد دنا عذابهما.. وقمحنا كتير بكفينا.. ولو أن بغلة عثرت في شوارع الديم.. لخاف من أجلها المعتمد.. أن يسأل الله.. والكثير من الشعارات (الضاربة).. كل ذلك عفا عليه الزمن ويكذبه الواقع..

* ذهب ثلث البلد.. مساحةً وسكاناً.. بعد اتفاقية نيفاشا.. كما ذهب البترول والقليل المتبقي لنا.. اختفت عائداته في ظروف غامضة.. ولكنها ظهرت داخل بطون وكروش ضخمة غصباً عن أصحابها.. خارج البلاد أو داخلها..!! حتى أن قطبي المهدي أحد أقطاب المؤتمر الوطني.. يصفها بأنها كانت اتفاقية (غفلة).. وهناك اتفاق خفي صاحبها.. رغم أن هذا القائل كان ذات يوم أحد أساطين المخابرات.. وله قضية عملات أجنبية كثيرة اختفت من دولاب ملابسه وداخل غرفة نومه.. بواسطة أحد حراسه الشخصيين..؟!! (أخبار القضية شنو؟)!!

* في الوقت الذي تم في السنوات الأولى إعدام مواطنين سودانيين في عملات أجنبية هي نتاج كد أهلهم وثمرة كفاحهم.. وُجدت داخل خزائن منازلهم.. كما تم إعدام شهداء رمضان من العسكريين بتهمة الاشتراك في محاولة انقلابية.. ليلة العيد.. والسنوات تمر وتنهار بنيات الدولة الإسلامية.. التي حمتها السنين الطوال من الفاقة والفقر.. مشروع الجزيرة.. السكة الحديد.. النقل النهري.. النقل البحري.. سودانير.. المخازن والمهمات.. النقل الميكانيكي.. وقبل كل هذا.. الكفاءة والخبرة السودانية التي ذهبت إلى الصالح العام.. أو الشارع العام.. وما ترتب على ذلك الكثير من المآسي الاجتماعية..!!* القبضة الجديدة تشتد.. ويسقط الضحايا في بورتسودان.. وكجبار.. وتهون النفس والأرض على الأهل في الشمال.. تعويضات مروي.. واعتصام المناصير.. والحقوق المهدرة.. والنيران تشتعل في دارفور.. وجنوب كردفان.. والنيل الأزرق.. وقلق في الشرق.. وأكثر منه قلقاً في الشمال البعيد.. الذي كان هادئاً.. ووادعاً.. ومسالماً..؟!!

* ونواب البرلمان في وادي الصمت.. أو أخدود المصالح.. والتصفيق والتهليل.. والبرلمانات الولائية.. ومجالسها التشريعية (كلها).. ومجلس الولايات.. الكل يعيش في عالم خاص.. من المصالح الخاصة.. لا يشعرون كيف يعيش الشعب.. ويعمل.. ويكتسب قوت يومه.. مادامت مخصصاتهم تصل حتى عتبة دورهم..؟!!* الخرطوم تشتعل في سبتمبر 2013م.. الغلاء يطحن الناس.. الشباب يخرجون إلى الشوارع.. الرصاص يحصدهم.. يبكيهم أهلهم.. ولا أحد ينعيهم.. ويتنكرون حتى لأرقام وأعداد الضحايا.. والدولة تقول إنها تحقق في ذلك..؟؟ وستقتص لهم.. ولا جديد رغم تعاقب الشهور.. والأيام.. ويبشروننا بعد ذلك بالمزيد من الزيادات.. الأخبار (وشمارات) الاقتصاد تقول إنها تشمل (الدقيق) والغاز.. والله يكضب الشينة.. والإنقاذ مازالت مستمرة.. في (إنقاذنا) من شنو ؟ ..لا أحد يعرف حتى سر الصمت الرهيب.. وقبول طأطأة الرؤوس.. والإذلال..؟!!

*ينقذون من؟.. من؟!.. من؟.. (نعم) لقد أفلحوا في إنقاذ أنفسهم (جداً) من أيام الجوع والمسغبة.. والمعيشة في الشوارع الخلفية للمدن والدساكر البعيدة.. وتغير الحال العام والخاص.. والأكثر خصوصية.. وبعد أن تمكنوا جيداً من مفاصل الدولة سلطة وثروة.. تفرغوا تماماً لمشاريعهم الخاصة.. دون النظر إلى حال وبؤس شعبهم.. وبعد ذلك يتكلمون عن المشروع الحضاري.. وأنهم رسل العناية الإلهية اللأرض

*الإنقاذ.. ماذا تريد من شعبها بعد كل ذلك؟ ..(حوار)؟ .. لماذا ومع من ؟ هل لتقاسم السلطة .. والثروة ومع من؟ .. وهل الحركات المسلحة تريد فعلاً الحضور والمشاركة؟ وهل حضورها من أجل أهلهم.. وأهلنا في دارفور؟ أم أن الأمر برمته لا يخلو من (حركات) مثلما حصل في فندق السلام (روتانا) ما بين جماعة السيسي.. وجماعة أبو قردة.. وهل ما حصل تقاسم أدوار.. أم من أجل أموال؟.. وأمام عدد من الدبلوماسيين الأجانب؟!!

*بصراحة.. الإنقاذ هذه.. اكتفت وأعطت كل ما عندها؟! بدليل أن منسوبيها من الكبار تجولوا في ردهات السلطة ومكاتبها ودورها.. أكثر من ربع قرن.. الكثيرون منهم قادونا من فشل إلى آخر.. انعكس كمثال واضح في تردي خدمات ولاية كبرى كالخرطوم.. يحاول واليها الجديد أن يفعل شيئاً؟!

*رغم أن (الحتات) كلها باعوها.. أو كما قال؟!!
الجريدة

News of Sudan ... I NEED TO SHUT UP AND WRITE NO WORD!

2014-12-01T03:11:00.000-08:00

Home | News Monday 1 December 2014

Sudanese president urges UNAMID to leave Darfur

November 30, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Sudanese president Omer al-Bashir said the African union United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has become a security burden and called on the peacekeepers to leave the country.

“We want a clear plan for the exit of UNAMID from Darfur,” Bashir said in a press conference held on Sunday, adding: “We have instructed the foreign ministry to work with the United Nations to end the presence of UNAMID in Darfur.”

Relations between the hybrid operation in Darfur and the Sudanese government after reports accusing the Sudanese army of mass rape in North Darfur earlier in November.

The Sudanese authorities denied the allegations of sexual abuse and accused the mission of echoing unverified media reports before to investigate it. Khartoum also summoned the acting head of the mission following a report saying that the heavy presence of military and police made a conclusive investigation difficult.

Sudanese president stressed that “UNAMID has become a security burden on the Sudanese army more than a supportive to its forces in the protection of civilians, and unable to protect themselves”.

“UNAMID has failed to protect civilians and instead become protector to the rebels,” he said.

The joint peacekeeping mission recently confirmed receipt of a note verbal from the government of Sudan referring to the need for an exit strategy.

In August the UN Security Council in its resolution 2173 extended the mission’s mandate for 10 more months and suggested it consider forming advance plans for its eventual departure from Darfur.

Bashir accused foreign circles saying they are behind the alleged rape of 200 women in Darfur adding they intend to disturb the stability in the region as the army “managed to defeat the rebel movements which now have limited presence in some pockets”.

“They want to escalate the issue to confuse the improvement of the (security) situation in Darfur and the increasing development projects there,” he said.

(ST)

BLUE NILE AND THE FUNJ.

2014-11-27T02:18:00.000-08:00

Storia del FUG storia Nel XV secolo la parte della Nubia precedentemente controllata da Makuria era sede di una serie di piccoli Stati e soggetti a frequenti incursioni dai nomadi del deserto. La situazione in Alodia è meno noto, ma sembra anche come se quello stato era crollato. L'area è stata riunificata sotto Abdallah Jamma, il raccoglitore, che è venuto dalle regioni orientali che erano cresciuti ricco e potente dal commercio sul Mar Rosso. L'impero di Abdallah è stato di breve durata, come nei primi anni del XVI secolo il popolo Fung sotto Amara Dunkas arrivati da sud, essendo stato guidato nord dalla Shilluk. Il Funj sconfitto Abdallah e creare il proprio regno in base a Sennar. Il Fung aveva inizialmente praticato un mix religioso di animismo e cristianesimo. L'Islam ha avuto una notevole influenza, e nel 1523 la monarchia Sennar convertito ufficialmente che la religione, anche se molti elementi delle credenze precedenti continuato. Sennar si espanse rapidamente a scapito degli Stati vicini. Il suo potere è stato esteso il Gezira, il Butana, il Bayuda, e del sud Kordofan. Ciò ha causato tensioni con i vicini immediati. Etiopia sentiva molto minacciata ma i suoi problemi interni impedito l'intervento. Recentemente Ottomano Egitto ha visto anche il nuovo stato come una minaccia e invaso in vigore, ma poi non è riuscito a conquistare la zona, in modo che le forze ottomane fortificato al confine e consolidato la loro presa sul nord Nubia. Questo confine terrebbe fino al 1821. I rapporti con l'Etiopia sono state più tese come due stati gareggiato su pianura tra i due Stati. Alla fine gli etiopi trasferirono la loro capitale nella vicina Gondar e fissato la loro influenza su tali aree. Conflitti con il Shilluk a sud hanno continuato, ma poi i due sono stati costretti a una difficile alleanza per combattere la crescente potenza dei Dinka. Sotto Sultan Badi II, Sennar sconfitto il Regno del Regno di Taqali a ovest e ha fatto il suo sovrano (stile Woster o Makk) il suo vassallo. Gli eserciti di Sennar affidamento più sulla cavalleria pesante: cavalieri tratte dalla nobiltà, armati di lunghe spade come le staffe punta che hanno usato non consentire l'uso di lance. Questi piloti hanno blindate con cotta di maglia, mentre i cavalli erano coperte di trapunte di spessore e copricapo di rame. Una maggiore massa di truppe erano fanti che erano composte da schiavi, anche portando spade e blindati. Questo esercito permanente in piedi era presidiata in castelli e fortezze in tutto il sultanato. La dipendenza da un esercito permanente ha fatto sì che gli eserciti messe in campo da Sennar erano di solito piuttosto piccola, ma altamente efficace contro i loro rivali meno organizzati. Sennar è stato fortemente diviso lungo linee geografiche e razziali / etnici. La società era divisa in sei gruppi razziali. Il blu, il verde, il giallo, il rosso, il verde mista con il giallo, e gli schiavi che sono stati portati da più a sud. La capitale, prospera attraverso il commercio, ha ospitato i rappresentanti provenienti da tutto il Medio Oriente e l'Africa. C'era una netta divisione tra quelli che erano gli eredi dell'antico regno di Alodia e il resto del Sennar. I Alodians adottato il manto degli sconfitti Abdallah Jamma e venne ad essere conosciuto come il Abdallab. Alla fine del XVI secolo, si alzarono in rivolta sotto Ajib il Grande. Ajib indirizzato Re di Sennar, prima che li rende suoi vassalli e poi cogliendo quasi tutto il regno nel 1606. Il Sennar monarchia raggruppate sotto Adlan I, sconfiggendo Ajib in un paio di battaglie decisive. Alla fine un compromesso è stato raggiunto per cui Ajib ei suoi successori avrebbero governato la provincia di Sennar Dongola con una grande autonomia. Sennar era al suo apice alla fine del XVI secolo, ma nel corso del XVII ha cominciato a diminuire il potere della monarchia è stata erosa. La ricchezza e il potere dei sultani avevano a lungo appoggiato sul controllo dell'economia. Tutte le roulotte erano controllati dal monarca, come era la fornitura d'oro che ha funzionato come valuta principale dello Stato. Nel tempo è stato eroso questo potere. Le valute estere si è diffuso da mercanti rompere il potere del monarca per controllare da vicino l'economia. Il commercio fiorente ha creato una classe benestante di mercanti istruiti e colti, che hanno letto ampiamente sull'Islam e che sono diventate molto preoccupato per la mancanza di ortodossia nel regno. La monarchia di Sennar era stato a lungo considerato come semi-divino, in linea con le tradizioni antiche, ma questa idea corse fortemente in contrasto con l'Islam. Molti festival e rituali persistito anche da giorni precedenti, e un loro numero coinvolto il consumo massiccio di alcol. Queste tradizioni sono stati abbandonati. La sfida più grande per l'autorità del re era il ulema mercante finanziato che ha insistito che era giustamente il loro dovere di far giustizia. Nel 1762 Badi IV fu rovesciato da un colpo di stato lanciato da Abu Likayik del rosso Hamaj da nord-est del paese. Abu Likayik installato un altro membro della famiglia reale come il suo sultano burattino e governò come reggente. Questo ha cominciato lungo conflitto tra il Fung sultani tentativo di riaffermare la loro indipendenza e autorità e reggenti Hamaj che tentano di mantenere il controllo del vero potere dello stato. Queste divisioni interne notevolmente indebolito lo stato e alla fine del 1700 Mek Adlan II, figlio di Mek Taifara, presero il potere in un periodo turbolento in cui una presenza turca veniva istituito nel regno Fung. Il sovrano turco, Al-Tahir Agha, sposato Khadeeja, figlia di Mek Adlan II. Ciò ha aperto la strada per l'assimilazione del Fung nell'Impero Ottomano. Nel 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali il generale e figlio del Khedive nominalmente ottomano d'Egitto, Muhammad Ali, guidò un esercito in Sennar; ha incontrato alcuna resistenza da parte l'ultimo re, il cui regno è stato prontamente assorbito Ottomano Egitto. La regione è stato successivamente assorbito nel Sudan anglo-egiziano e la Repubblica indipendente del Sudan per l'indipendenza del paese nel 1956. Righelli di Sennar Amara Dunqas 1503-1533 / 4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940) -1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957) -1557/8 (AH 965) Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965) -1568 Dakin 1568-1585 / 6 (AH 994) Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994) -1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996) -1591 Unsa I 1591-1603 / 4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012) -1606 Adlan I 1606-1611 / 2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020) -1616/7 (AH 1025) Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025) -1644/5 Badi II 1644 / 5-1681 Unsa II 1681-1692 Badi III 1692-1716 Unsa III 1719-1720 nul 1720-1724 Badi IV 1724-1762 Nasir 1762-1769 Isma'il 1768-1769 Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788 Tayyib II 1788-1790 Badi V 1790 Nàwwar 1790-1791 Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804 Agban 1804-1805 Badi VII 1805-1821 reggenti Hamaj Abu Likayik - 1769-1775 / 6 Badi walad Rajab - 1775 / 6-1780 Rajab 1780-1786 / 7 Nasir 1786 / 7-1788 Riferimenti R.S. O'Fahey e J.L Spaulding Regni del Sudan Annulla modifiche Il tuo contributo sarà utilizzato per migliorare la qualità della traduzione e può essere mostrato agli utenti in modo anonimoContribuisciChiudiGrazie per l'invio.Definizioni di Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788References R.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the SudanSinonimi di Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788References R.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the SudanEsempi per Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788References R.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the SudanVedi anche Traduzioni di Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788ReferencesR.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the Sudan

They killed rapped and did criminal actions.

2014-11-26T03:30:00.001-08:00

Sudan says UNAMID personnel have history of sexual abuse

November 25, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – The Sudanese government said that it has documented cases of sexual abuse of Darfuri women committed by members of the African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) that the latter has not taken any action to stop.

The Sudanese Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Abdullah al-Azrag said today that Khartoum’s decision to have the UNAMID depart was subject of careful review and was discussed with the United Nations previously stressing that it was not in retaliation to rape allegations in the village of Tabit.

On November 22nd, the hybrid mission said it received a verbal request from the Sudanese government to put in place a gradual exit strategy from Darfur.

Social media has extensively circulated testimonies of victims from Tabit, a village 45km south-west of North Darfur capital El-Fasher, claiming that 200 women, including minors, were raped by soldiers from the Sudanese army (SAF).

On November 9th, a UNAMID verification team investigated the rape allegations in Tabit and said it found no evidence proving the rape claims.

Sudan has refused to allow the mission access to Tabit to conduct another investigation despite repeated calls from the UN chief and the UNSC.

Al-Azrag said in a roundtable with newspaper editors on Tuesday that foreign minister Ali Karti discussed a UNAMID exit strategy with the Secretary-General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon three years ago and in several occasions most recently in the UN General Assembly meetings.

The UN Security Council adopted resolution 2173 on August 27 which extended the UNAMID mandate for ten months and called on the mission to draft recommendations for the future mandate, composition, configuration and exit strategy of UNAMID by 28 February 2015, at which time the Council would make the necessary mandate changes “fully and promptly”.

Al-Azrag recalled a memorandum by the ministry demanding UNAMID develop an exit strategy and speeches by Sudan’s UN ambassador when discussing the renewal of the UNAMID mandate all of which occurred before rape allegations in the village of Tabit surfaced.

He said that UNAMID departure is enshrined in the in the Status of Force Agreement (SOFA) and that demanding its departure is a result of significant improvement in security situation particularly over the last year which necessitated emphasizing the development of an exit strategy in light of the reluctance and lack of enthusiasm on the part of UNAMID, which raised suspicions and stirred tensions.

In response to criticisms by the UNAMD investigation team that Sudanese soldiers were present during their Tabit probe, al-Azrag said they have a document where the mission requests that the armed forces protect their camp.

He said that the Darfur special prosecutor found no evidence of the rape claims adding that they are aware of attempts by certain organizations to recruit women to make false testimonies and a video conference call arranged by a neighboring state with women from Tabit.

The Sudanese official added that they spotted sexual violations committed by UNAMID soldiers against Darfuri girls and women over the years in which the mission camps have become a haven for the perpetrators of crimes but could not prosecuted by authorities due to diplomatic immunity enjoyed by them.

Al-Azrag said that UNAMID never held anyone accountable nor expelled those implicated in these acts noting that they raised that issue through diplomatic channels and not over the media.

He argued that UNAMID is keen to stay in the region and does not adhere to SOFA and its personnel are living a luxury life on a $1.3 billion budget much of it was not spent on infrastructure and development in Darfur.

“The improved security conditions and the talks in Addis Ababa with the [Darfur] rebel movements are worrying some circles that do not want stability to Darfur because their interest [lies] in the continuation of the current situation to settle scores with the government," al-Azrag said.

(ST)

Bombs ... against NUBA.

2014-06-21T02:34:00.004-07:00

المعارضة السودانية تطالب المجتمع الدولي بفرض حظر للطيران فوق مناطق الحرب

أصبح ضرورة ملحة أكثر من أي وقت مضى

06-21-2014 02:14 AM

لندن: مصطفى سري
طالبت المعارضة السودانية المسلحة والسلمية بفرض حظر الطيران على مناطق الحرب في جنوب كردفان، النيل الأزرق، ودارفور، لحماية المدنيين في تلك المناطق، وشددت المعارضة على ضرورة تسريح وتجريد ميليشيا قوات الدعم السريع التابعة لجهاز الأمن والمخابرات من سلاحها، ودعت قوى معارضة في لندن إلى مظاهرة اليوم أمام مقر رئيس الوزراء البريطاني للتنديد بما وصفته بـ«جرائم النظام الحاكم»، بمناسبة مرور 25 عاما على وصوله للسلطة عبر الانقلاب العسكري بقيادة عمر البشير، في وقت أعلن فيه والي جنوب كردفان أن القوات الحكومية تمكنت من تحرير 53 موقعا في الأجزاء الشرقية من ولايته، خلال العمليات التي أطلقت عليها الخرطوم «الصيف الحاسم»، لإنهاء حركات التمرد.

وقال المتحدث باسم الحركة الشعبية في السودان ارنو لادو لـ«الشرق الأوسط» إن الشعب السوداني ظل يكرر مطالبته للمجتمع الدولي بضرورة فرض حظر الطيران في مناطق الحرب بجنوب كردفان، النيل الأزرق، ودارفور، وأضاف: «على المجتمع الدولي أن يترك سلبيته باتخاذ خطوات جادة وعملية بفرض حظر الطيران الذي يستهدف المدنيين والمؤسسات المدنية ودور العبادة»، وقال إن المجتمع الدولي بصمته أعطى الفرصة للنظام الحاكم في السودان لمواصلة حرب الإبادة الجماعية، مثلما حدث في دارفور قبل عشر سنوات، والآن تتكرر في جنوب كردفان والنيل الأزرق، وتابع: «نظام البشير يسعى لإخلاء هذه المناطق من المواطنين حتى يحدث تغييرا سكانيا بإبعاد السكان الأصليين، وشهدنا ذلك في دارفور بإحلال مواطنين استقدموا من الخارج والداخل مكان آخرين»، وقال إن الطيران الحكومي يستهدف المدنيين الأبرياء من الأطفال والنساء والشيوخ والمؤسسات المدنية من مستشفيات ومدارس ومنازل.

من جانبه، قال المتحدث باسم حركة العدل والمساواة جبريل آدم بلال لـ«الشرق الأوسط» إن فرض حظر الطيران في مناطق الحرب أصبح ضرورة ملحة أكثر من أي وقت مضى، وأضاف أن الحكومة السودانية ما زالت تواصل الجرائم ضد الإنسانية وجرائم الإبادة في دارفور، النيل الأزرق وجنوب كردفان باستهداف المدنيين، وقال: «إضافة للقصف الجوي، فإن نظام البشير يستخدم ميليشيا قوات الدعم السريع التي ترتكب الجرائم دون أي محاسبة، ومن ينتقدها يودع في السجن، كما هو حادث لرئيس حزب المؤتمر السوداني إبراهيم الشيخ»، منتقدا موقف المجتمع الدولي لما يحدث في بلاده، ووصفه بـ«الفاشل»، وتابع: «أمام المجتمع الدولي فرصة لتصحيح أخطاء صمته بأن يفرض حظرا للطيران على مناطق الحرب اليوم قبل الغد والإسراع في القبض على مجرمي الحرب، وعلى رأسهم الرئيس عمر البشير».

من جهته، طالب القيادي في الحزب الشيوعي السوداني الدكتور الشفيع خضر سعيد بفرض حظر الطيران في مناطق الحرب لحماية المدنيين ووقف الهجمات الجوية التي يشنها الطيران الحكومي، وقال: «المأساة الإنسانية في تلك المناطق لا يمكن تجاهلها»، وعد الوضع في السودان قاتما وفيه توتر كبير، وقال إن «هناك محاولة لتوسيع رقعة الحرب لتشمل مناطق أوسع»، واصفا جلب الحكومة لقوات الدعم السريع تحت ذريعة حماية العاصمة الخرطوم بعدم المسؤولية، وأن ذلك سيدخل البلاد إلى نفق أكثر ظلاما، وتابع: «الحكومة تحاول الاستمرار في السلطة، حتى إذا دعا الأمر أن تجلس فوق جماجم الشعب السوداني».

إلى ذلك، قال والي ولاية جنوب كردفان آدم الفكي، إن القوات المسلحة السودانية تمكنت، منذ انطلاق عمليات «الصيف الحاسم»، من تحرير 53 موقعا بالأجزاء الشرقية من ولايته، كانت تسيطر عليها قوات الحركة الشعبية، قطاع الشمال، وأضاف أن «عام 2014 شهد تحسنا في أوضاع المواطنين الأمنية، بفضل الانتصارات التي حققتها القوات المسلحة والقوات النظامية الأخرى، خاصة في المنطقة الشرقية»، مؤكدا أن الأيام المقبلة ستشهد مزيدا من السيطرة الحكومية على المنطقة الشرقية، مشيرا إلى اتساع الدائرة الأمنية حول مدينة كادوقلي عاصمة الولاية، وأن ذلك سيعزز من استقرار المواطنين ويساعد في تنفيذ مشاريع التنمية التي قال إنها توقفت بسبب الظروف الأمنية، داعيا حملة السلاح إلى تعليب خيار السلام.

غير أن المتحدث باسم الحركة الشعبية ارنو لادو وصف تصريحات الوالي بأنها لا تحمل أي جديد، وقال: «كيف يفرح الوالي بأنه حرر عددا من المناطق لم يكن يعترف بها أصلا من قبل؟»، وأضاف أن الوالي ظل يكرر هذه التصريحات الجوفاء، ولكن الواقع أمر آخر، والمشكلة ليست في المناطق التي تسيطر عليها حكومته، وإنما المدنيون الذين يستهدفهم الطيران الحكومي كل يوم، وتابع: «الحكومة صرفت مبالغ كبيرة وجيوشا ضخمة لحملتها العسكرية التي أطلقت عليها الصيف الحاسم، ولكن الحملة لم تنجح فيما عدا استهدافها للمدنيين»، وقال: «تصريحات الوالي صحيحة في شيء واحد؛ أن حكومته نجحت في استهداف المدنيين، في قتلهم وتشريدهم وتدمير المؤسسات المدنية».

الشرق الاوسط

The Dr. Aock is brave man.

2014-06-05T01:34:00.000-07:00

Senior SPLM official resigns, accuses South Sudan president of “failure”

June 3, 2014 (JUBA) – A senior official in the South Sudan’s ruling party, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), has resigned from the party, accusing South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir, of "failure" and a "lack of vision" in governing the country.

Peter Adwok Nyaba, who was a member of the highest legislative organ of the party, the National Liberation Council (NLC), declared his resignation in a 1 June letter seen by Sudan Tribune, addressed to the party’s chairman Kiir.

Nyaba said the ruling party had abandoned the ideology that propelled it to popularity both in the country and abroad and resorted to conspiracies against able colleagues soon after the demise of its former founder, John Garang de Mabior, who established the movement in May 1983.

The senior party politician, who is currently confined to Juba and denied movement abroad, said president Kiir’s sustained negative attitude over the years has subsequently resulted to the current crisis the country is embroiled.

“Mr Chairman, you will recall that between August 2005 and October 2007, backbiting, double-crossing, double-talking and outright conspiracies against specific comrades in the leadership characterized the SPLM internal condition. This culminated in the attempts during the SPLM 2nd National Convention 2008 to remove Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon and Pagan Amum Okiech from their positions as SPLM first deputy Chairman and SPLM Secretary General respectively", partly reads Adwok’s letter.

"The reasons for that attempt to remove the two leaders from the SPLM hierarchy were not sufficiently explained,” adds the long letter.

He further went on to accuse the party chairman of reducing the democratic reforms in the party into a struggle for power in which he sought military confrontation.

“It is inconceivable that you reduced to a struggle for power the disputes over democratic reforms in the SPLM. Political and ideological differences in a political party are inevitable. However, they are resolved not through military confrontation but through democratic dialogue and debates aimed at uniting the ranks and file,” he stressed.

Nyaba further accused the president of violating the constitution by mobilising, recruiting and training a private army hailing from Warrap and Northern Bahr el Ghazal states and massacred thousands of civilians from Machar’s ethnic Nuer community in Juba.

“This was blatant violation of the constitution. You cannot possess a private army besides the SPLA of which you are Commander in Chief,” he said.

He said the ruling party and the government should come out clearly and acknowledge the crime in which innocent civilians were massacred by the regime because of an alleged coup attempt.

“The SPLM leadership and the Government of South Sudan have not to date acknowledged the massacre of ethnic Nuers in Juba. The SPLM government has not told the people of South Sudan the truth about what transpired on December 15, 2013 apart from the coup attempt attributed to Dr. Riek Machar,” he added, further stressing that “The people of South Sudan want to know the linkage between the coup attempt, which occurred in Tiger Battalion, and the massacring of the ethnic Nuers in the residential suburbs of Juba.”

He further pointed out that among the issues that propelled his resignation was “South Sudan’s current context of ubiquitous ethicized conflicts, insecurity in the rural and urban domains driven by land grabbing with impunity, corruption, disappearances and assassination of political dissidents, stagnation and lack of development, and now the civil strife.”

PREVENTED FROM LEAVING JUBA

Nyaba, who was briefly detained in December last year for an alleged coup attempt “with no evidence“ said the national security service has since refused to return his passports to enable him travel for specialised medical attention.

“They told [me] clearly that I have to remain in Juba to ‘feel the heat’, whatever it means,” he revealed.

He accused the government of exhibiting its inhumane attitude when they could not let him even to travel and visit his wife who was in critical condition in a Kenyan hospital.

“I am denied my passport and therefore could not be by the side of my wife, when she underwent a five hours operation in Nairobi Hospital,” he lamented.

He said because of the situation the country is in due to the lack of responsible leadership in Juba, he had to resign.

“Given these facts, and in view of the fact that the SPLM under your leadership is prosecuting a civil war, I do not want, by virtue of being a member of the SPLM, to be privy to the some of the horrendous crimes being committed against the people of South Sudan," wrote the ex-minister for higher education.

“I, also, do not want to be privy to the transformation of the SPLM into a totalitarian machine, and an oppressive regime that is destroying South Sudan. I am therefore in all dignity and honour submitting my resignation from the SPLM as of June 1st, 2014,” he concluded.

Nyaba, a university professor who holds a PhD in Geology, was seriously wounded on his leg when he led a battle to capture Jekou, the first town to be captured by the SPLM/A in 1986 at the Ethiopian border with South Sudan’s Upper Nile state.

In 1991, however, he defected together with Machar, accusing late John Garang of dictatorship, but later abandoned Machar in mid 1990s and returned to the SPLM/A Torit faction under the late Garang.

He was appointed minister for higher education, but was sacked in the July 2013 cabinet reshuffle.

(ST)

War in the west war in the south war in the east now every where is war ....we do not need no more troubles what we need is .....

2013-11-27T02:44:00.000-08:00

ICG: Conflict could re-erupt in East Sudan over failure to implement peace agreement

November 26, 2013 (KHARTOUM) - East Sudan could be the scene of the next conflict as grievances over the perceived lack of implementation of the 2006 peace agreement are widespread, a think-tank group warned.

In a report released today, the International Crisis Group (ICG) said that the root causes of the conflict are still in existence "and in some respects are more acute".

ICG blamed the situation over the non-implemented provisions of the East Sudan Peace Agreement (ESPA) and what it said was the divide and conquer tactics carried out by the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) in Khartoum.

"The failure to implement the ESPA, together with NCP machinations, has hopelessly divided – mostly along tribal lines – the Eastern Front (EF), the alliance of armed groups that signed the agreement" ICG said.

"To maintain dominance, the NCP has bought off tribal leaders, pursued divide-and rule tactics and established tribal militias. In recent years, it has increased support to Arab tribes, including giving them land. Under government protection, Rashayda have settled in Beja territory, especially in predominantly Beni Amer localities such as Khasm al-Gerbah (Kassala state), and Tokar, al-Ganab and al-Awlaib (Red Sea state). In early 2012, the Beni Amer came close to clashes with Rashayda who had begun artisanal gold mining in South Tokar. The intervention of elders from both tribes calmed the situation, but tensions remain and could easily escalate if security deteriorates in the region," the report outlined.

ICG said that tribal leaders are seeing this as a deliberate attempt by the NCP to Arabize the east similar to the methods used in Darfur in the years leading up to the conflict.

It also cautioned that secessionist tendencies are on the rise in Sudan’s eastern region even within the NCP base there because of the view that the centre is exploiting all their resources but sharing very little.

ICG quoted an eastern Sudanese leader as saying that he believes "in unity not separation, yet I am unable to convince the people that separation is not good for them, simply because they are fed up with Khartoum”.

"In September 2012, some activists for separation distributed a statement in Port Sudan, announcing establishment of the ‘Democratic Revolutionary Front for Eastern Sudan’s Liberation’. They called for separation from Khartoum and creation of the ‘Democratic Republic of Eastern Sudan’".

ICG noted that several eastern factions are now calling for toppling the NCP-led regime and joining the rebel coalition group known as the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) which is fighting Khartoum in Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan.

Last February, EF members issued a statement giving the central government one month to follow through on their commitments particularly the financial portion.

Under the October 2006 peace agreement, the EF joined with the government and a $600 million ERDF was established to help the region recover from war.

A further $3.5 billion pledged at a donor conference that took place in Kuwait in December 2010 was also supposed to be added to the East Reconstruction and Development Fund (ERDF).

But the EF said the money is managed inappropriately without transparency and that that the people of the East were excluded from the top posts at ERDF or were given positions without a mandate.

Eastern Sudan has the country’s highest poverty rate, the highest level of child deaths under five years old, and the most children between the ages of six and 13 out of school, says the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

The three states of Red Sea, Kassala and Gedaref in the East have potential gold, oil and gas resources, but poverty remains endemic among the region’s five million inhabitants, whose livelihoods have been undermined by war, climate change and environmental degradation.

ICG noted that they had objections from the start on the ESPA on the ground that it was a continuation of the piecemeal approach in tackling Sudan’s crises.

"The ESPA was clearly a sub-national deal, however, but – pushed by Eritrea – it was “the best deal available” at the time," ICG said.

Major provisions in ESPA were not implemented as promised, the think-tank group said, including allocation of legislative and executive positions to EF in federal and state institutions, ERDF establishment as well as disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of EF forces.

The ICG underscored the important role played by Eritrea in helping keep the peace agreement intact and its interest in doing so given the fear of conflict in East Sudan spreading to its borders "an area where Eritrean Islamist armed groups have historically operated and which continues to be a top security concern for the government [in Asmara]".

The Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki is currently on a visit to East Sudan to inaugurate the Red Sea’s 7th Festival for Tourism & Shopping.

His Sudanese counterpart took the opportunity to accuse unspecified nations of seeking to undermine the relations between the two countries and stressed that tensions which were prevalent in the 90’s is something of the past.

(ST)

BREAD CRISES.

2013-11-21T03:01:00.002-08:00

SEEN Denies Being Party to Bread Crisis

Khartoum - SEEN Flour Company declared it is not a party to the bread crisis witnessed in Khartoum state in the past few days.
The company affirmed that its mills have not been stopped and the quantities of flour given to major and smaller distributors were not decreased, a fact which in turn signifies that the quantities delivered to bakeries has not been decreased.
To the contrary, the SEEN's mills have been working at full capacity to compensate for the shortage caused by the stopping and decreasing of shares of production by other companies' mills, the company said.
The company's media consultant added that SEEN is committed morally and strategically to secure the flour commodity, saying in the meantime that it was strange that the bakery union should blame mill companies and called on the union not to generalize accusations concerning the issue.
The names of the companies which had stopped or decreased their production during the crisis must be revealed, said the consultant and denied that the management of SEEN would resort to pressuring the Central Bank of Sudan (CBOS) through decreasing production and flour shares so as for the problem to be fully resolved.

By Staff Writer, 16 hours 7 minutes ago

YOU RUNNING AWAY ..... YOU CAN NOT RUN FROM YOURSELF ... YOU HAVE DOEN SOMETHING.

2013-09-21T02:03:00.001-07:00

bashir run away from Nigeria confrance in Abuja now he asked a visa to the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Both Gold and Sudanese beens.

2013-07-10T01:09:00.000-07:00

6,5 milioni di acri di essere coltivata in Sud Darfur
Khartoum - Darfur Ministro dell'Agricoltura del Sud, Hafiz Abu Baker, ha dichiarato una superficie pari a 6,5 milioni di ettari saranno coltivati quest'anno in Sud Darfur località.
Parlando al Sudan Vision, Abu Baker ha detto il 90% dei profughi interni (IDP) ha cominciato a tornare volontariamente per la coltivazione stagionale. Relativamente parlando, il 90% è alto, ha detto.
Abu Baker ha aggiunto che lo Stato è determinata a fornire sementi sufficienti per i contadini a coltivare arachidi, miglio e sorgo attraverso località. Tutti i preparativi sono stati completati dopo i macchinari necessari sono stati forniti agli agricoltori per aratura, ha detto.
Il ministro ha detto che una stagione di successo è previsto nello stato a causa delle forti piogge testimoniato dalla zona di recente che significa anche la vita dei residenti locali sarà migliorata.
Date le sue ricche e vaste terre così come forti piogge, Sud Darfur è diventata uno dei principali produttori di verdura, frutta, legumi e miglio, arachidi, ha detto.

Per Hana Abdul Hai, 13 ore 22 minuti fa

Editoriale: Oro o gomma arabica
Secondo Gum Consiglio araba segretario generale, il dottor Abdul Magid Abdul Gadir, benefici Sudan solo di circa l'8 per cento dalla gengiva grandi potenzialità arabi di più di 500 mila chilometri.
Egli ha sottoposto che alla mancanza di manodopera come fatiche preferiscono andare in siti minerari tradizionali che lavorare nel settore Gomma arabo oltre all'esiguità dei fondi ai produttori.
La prescrizione negativa sopra potrebbe essere applicato anche in tutti i prodotti agricoli.
Tuttavia, la mancanza di manodopera e l'abbandono dell'agricoltura a favore delle tradizioni minerarie oltre alla mancanza di finanziamenti meritano seria considerazione.
Il Primo Vice Presidente, che è il presidente del programma Rinascimento Agricoltura, ha diretto dando la massima priorità per il finanziamento del settore agricolo si considera che il governo dovrebbe concentrarsi in agricoltura per colmare il divario tra il reddito nazionale provocato dalla riduzione dei proventi del petrolio dopo il Sud Sudan secessione.
Manpower abbandono dell'agricoltura a favore delle attività di estrazione tradizionale è naturale, perché i ricavi del settore agricolo sono più bassi e più faticoso.
Nonostante l'importanza della produzione di oro e il suo notevole contributo nel reddito nazionale, ma ancora non è la sostituzione appropriata per l'agricoltura.
Pertanto, ci deve essere equilibrio nel dirigere la produzione agricola che è un continuo e sostenibile e al tempo stesso non dipendere minerali che hanno attirato sia la manodopera specializzata e non che sognano di diventare ricchi in un tempo molto breve.
Va da sé che l'agricoltura è la vera ricchezza del Sudan, da cui deve essere data la preoccupazione desiderato dalla Presidenza.
Proponiamo che istituisce un comitato di consulenza di esperti agricoli per essere attaccati direttamente alla Presidenza, di elaborare piani a breve termine ea lungo termine per migliorare questo settore.
Le raccomandazioni del comitato proposte sarà sicuramente portare a realizzare il programma di agricoltura rinascimentale se applicato sotto il diretto controllo della Presidenza.
Qualsiasi notevole miglioramento nel settore agricolo si ri-attrarre coloro che stanno lavorando nei tradizionali siti minerari di tornare alle loro fattorie, ritenendo che essi wok in minerario tradizionale dipende solo dalla fortuna che non poteva essere lì, a differenza del settore agricolo che, se è dato il meritato preoccupazione, ci renderà in cima al mondo con le nostre terre coltivabili vaste.

Dal Sudan Vision, 12/06/2013

Egypt a problem near Sudan with our Military Muslim Brothers.

2013-07-06T01:45:00.000-07:00

Analisi - Egitto Rischi islamista Divide, Violenza dopo Mursi Autunno
IL CAIRO (Reuters) - Circa 200.000 persone sono morte in un decennio di guerra civile in Algeria dopo agenti in divisa hanno respinto un voto popolare per gli islamisti, un esempio alcuni in Cairo cupamente citano dopo che l'esercito ha spodestato il presidente dei Fratelli Musulmani in Egitto il Mercoledì.
Mentre gli islamisti algerini sono mai permesso di governare, l'egiziano Mohamed Mursi correva il paese per un anno, e un senso diffuso che è stato autore delle proprie disgrazie potrebbe scoraggiare alcuni che potrebbe aver preso le armi nel suo processo.
Ma la sua rimozione potrebbe ancora dividere i gruppi islamisti che sono entrati politica egiziana da una rivolta del 2011 ha rovesciato Hosni Mubarak, un autocrate che li ha represso per decenni.
Islamisti egiziani come la Fratellanza e la loro ex alleati ultraconservatore perdere quei seguaci di rischio, soprattutto tra i giovani, che concludono esperimento democratico dell'Egitto ha fallito e la politica pacifica li porterà da nessuna parte.
Di Mursi Consigliere della Sicurezza Nazionale Essam El-Haddad ha scritto in un messaggio di commiato di Facebook, "Il messaggio risuonerà in tutto il mondo musulmano forte e chiaro: la democrazia non è per i musulmani."
Poiché le autorità arrotondati alcune delle figure più eminenti della Fratellanza, uno dei suoi membri di alto livello, Mohamed El-Beltagy, messo a nudo i pericoli in una pro-Mursi sit-in al di fuori di una moschea Cairo il Giovedi.
"Il problema ora è la posizione del mondo libero che sta spingendo il paese in uno stato di caos e di altri gruppi oltre la Fratellanza per tornare l'idea del cambiamento di forza di spinta."
La retorica si è riscaldata dal primo esercito ha detto che potrebbe intervenire dopo milioni di manifestanti invaso le strade per chiedere le dimissioni di Mursi.
"Hai fatto nuove mujaheddin, nuove persone che cercano il martirio. Sapere che se uno su 10 di coloro che qui si fa esplodere, tu sei la ragione", dice un uomo, riferendosi al capo dell'esercito generale Abdel Fattah al-Sisi , in un video di YouTube presumibilmente scattata a una grande manifestazione pro-Mursi al Cairo questa settimana.
Ore prima che l'esercito rimosso Mursi, Mohamed Nufil, un impiegato di 44-anno-vecchio governo, allo stesso raduno, si è detto certo i sostenitori del presidente girerebbe alla violenza se l'esercito abortito quello che hanno visto come un legittimo processo democratico.
"Se c'è un colpo di stato, l'Egitto avrà due opzioni:.. Diventerà come la Siria, o diventerà come l'Algeria negli anni '90 Questa è l'alternativa Accadrà", ha detto.
Sostenitori più Mursi vedono l'intervento militare come un colpo di stato, mentre le autorità egiziane dicono che sono stati semplicemente rispondendo alle richieste del popolo egiziano.
PRECEDENTI VIOLENTI
L'Egitto è stato un crogiolo di movimenti islamici militanti per decenni, e il suo governo un fuoco regolare della loro ira.
I tre presidenti che hanno prestato servizio dal 1952, quando un colpo di stato installato governo militare-backed, hanno tutti accusato gli islamisti di cercare di ucciderli. Nel caso di Anwar Sadat, che ha fatto la pace con Israele, ci sono riusciti.
Nel 1990, i ribelli islamici hanno intrapreso una sanguinosa campagna contro le forze di sicurezza nel sud dell'Egitto.
Al-Jamaa Al-Islamiya, che ha effettuato alcuni degli attacchi più letali, infine rinunciato alla violenza e ha formato un partito politico dopo che Mubarak è stato rovesciato.
Ma alcuni membri Gamaa hanno detto pubblicamente che avrebbero preso le armi per difendere i Mursi, una minaccia i leader del gruppo stanno ora cercando di sdrammatizzare, e che è controverso tra il rango islamista e file.
"Se i osa esercito per uccidere la democrazia in Egitto, li combattere", Mohamed al-Amin, un 40-anno-vecchio membro Gamaa, ha detto ore prima del decreto esercito, indicando le migliaia di sostenitori che si erano riuniti presso il pro-Mursi raduno al Cairo.
Sobhy Youssef, 45 anni, un sostenitore Fratellanza seduto nelle vicinanze, lo interruppe: "No, no, mio fratello," ha detto. "Non stiamo prendendo le armi. Cosa stiamo prendendo la nostra pazienza e la nostra fede in Dio".
Khalil al-Anani, esperto di Islam politico presso la Durham University in Gran Bretagna, ha detto che il rischio di violenza di basso livello in Egitto è stata significativa, soprattutto nella penisola del Sinai, che è disceso nella illegalità da Mubarak è stato estromesso.
Ma gruppi come Gamaa erano stati castigati dai risultati disastrosi della loro insurrezione negli anni '90.
"Islamisti sanno molto bene che la violenza non è la soluzione", ha detto Anani.
Eppure, cacciata dell'esercito di Mursi può aiutare i gruppi militanti come al Qaeda avanzano la loro tesi che la democrazia non è la via da seguire, ha aggiunto.
"Ora, avrebbero detto: 'Guarda, questa è la democrazia che si stavano combattendo per'."
In una fase pericolosa
La potenza di tale argomento dipenderà da come i militari gestisce la transizione e come ben islamisti che hanno firmato per la sua "road map" sono in grado di tenere insieme le loro fila.
Il Nour partito ultraconservatore, secondo più grande movimento politico islamico in Egitto dopo la Fratellanza, ha approvato il piano di esercito. Come Jamaa Islamiya, ha esortato i suoi seguaci ad astenersi dalla violenza.
"Prima che qualcuno decida di sacrificarsi per il bene della posizione del presidente Mursi, devono pensare che forse finirà per perdere entrambe le cose", ha detto il gruppo in un comunicato il Giovedi.
Ma il rapporto con il piano militare potrebbe anche allontanare i membri.
Yassir al-Sirri, un ex militante che vive a Londra dove gestisce un media islamici e gruppi di diritti, ha detto che l'esercito "golpe" contro Mursi aveva spinto l'Egitto in una fase pericolosa.
"Ora le persone non hanno fede in azione pacifica, e non credono cambiamento può venire attraverso un percorso tranquillo. Questo è il problema", ha detto.
Egitto ha avuto la possibilità di portare i giovani islamisti in un quadro politico formale, lavorando in pubblico, ma questo era ora a rischio, ha detto.
"A meno che la situazione viene corretta al più presto, stiamo andando indietro di nuovo."

Da Reuters, a 14 ore 54 minuti

Cina conquesta lo spazio.

2013-06-27T01:25:00.001-07:00

Cinesi Capsula spaziale atterra
Una capsula spaziale cinese con tre astronauti è atterrato in sicurezza su praterie settentrionali del paese, dopo un viaggio di 15 giorni in una stazione spaziale prototipo, che segna l'ultimo successo per il suo programma spaziale che entra nel suo secondo decennio.

Il modulo di Shenzhou 10 discesa atterrato con un paracadute nel vasto territorio della Mongolia Interna presto oggi con i tre membri dell'equipaggio sorridendo e salutando in diretta televisiva dopo guizzante attraverso stretto portello della capsula annerito.

"Lo spazio è il nostro sogno, la patria è la nostra casa. Grazie a tutti i connazionali che noi ed i migliori auguri per la ricchezza e il successo della nostra patria e la sempre maggiore felicità della nostra gente supportati", comandante di missione e il due volte lo spazio viaggiatore Nie Haisheng detto alle telecamere.

Wang Haiping, secondo astronauta donna della Cina per completare una missione, ha detto che il viaggio era stato particolarmente utile per l'opportunità di condurre una prima classe di scienze della Cina nello spazio, con travi a vista in diretta a 60 milioni di studenti in tutto il paese.

"Spero che tutti i nostri giovani amici potrebbero voler bei sogni e forse i loro sogni," disse lei, ancora vestita nella sua tuta spaziale e seduti sotto il sole luminoso in una sedia pieghevole bianca di fronte al modulo rotonda taglio.

Di ritorno al centro di comando di Pechino, presidiata spazio programma regista Zhang Youxia dichiarò la missione un "pieno successo" e ha detto tutti e tre gli astronauti erano in perfetta salute.

Fu seguito da ufficiale settimo rango del Partito comunista, Zhang Gaoli, che ha trasportato congratulazioni da parte della direzione del partito e ha dichiarato che il programma con equipaggio stava entrando in una fase nuova e più difficile.

Il programma ha "un significato enorme per l'avanzata della forza economica e tecnologica del nostro Paese e l'unità etnica, e visualizza il grande sentiero cinese, lo spirito, e il potere", ha detto.

Programma spaziale sostenuto dai militari della Cina è motivo di enorme orgoglio nazionale e la missione di successo si pone come l'ultima pietra miliare nella liscio consolidamento del partito di supporto al suo nuovo leader, il presidente Xi Jinping, che comanda anche le forze armate.

La Cina ha inviato il suo primo astronauta nello spazio nel 2003, diventando la terza nazione, dopo Russia e Stati Uniti per raggiungere in modo indipendente con equipaggio viaggi nello spazio, e ha alimentato avanti in una serie di passi metodicamente cronometrati.

Con l'Associazione della Stampa, a 16 ore 24 minuti fa

DAM BENEFICIAL to EGYPT

2013-06-22T01:37:00.002-07:00

DAM BENEFICIAL to EGYPT

Bashir del Sudan lascia porta aperta per la rielezione, sostiene diga in Etiopia
21 giugno 2013, (KHARTOUM) - Il presidente sudanese Omer Hassan al-Bashir ha lasciato intendere oggi che potrebbe correre per la rielezione alle prossime elezioni presidenziali in merito alla sentenza National Congress Party (NCP) biglietto.

Il presidente del Sudan Omer Hassan al-Bashir (REUTERS / Mohammed Dabbous)
Nel marzo scorso, Bashir ha ribadito le sue intenzioni passate di dimettersi alla fine del suo mandato nel 2015, dicendo che il Sudan ha bisogno di "sangue fresco" e che ha trascorso abbastanza tempo al potere.
Al tempo diversi funzionari, tra cui di Bashir secondo vice-presidente Al-Haj Adam Youssef, ha detto che non spetta a Bashir di prendere una decisione sul suo futuro politico, ma il PCN.
Al-Bashir, che stava affrontando Shura settima sessione del Consiglio del PCN il Venerdì, ha detto che i media fatti conclusioni sulla questione della sua candidatura, senza essere pienamente informato aggiungendo che la sua rielezione sarà determinato dalla convenzione generale del PCN e il Consiglio della Shura .
Il capo del Consiglio della Shura PCN, Abu Ali Majzoub, da parte sua ha affermato che il PCN nominerà Bashir di nuovo nel 2015.
"Noi non approvare qualsiasi candidato diverso Bashir", e indirizzata Bashir dire "Accettiamo solo voi, e vogliamo a continuare tenendo la torcia".
Bashir ha detto che il PCN rivedrà il proprio statuto in vista delle elezioni generali del 2015 e ha esortato i partiti di opposizione per essere pronto per le urne, invece di lavorare rovesciare il governo.
Ha continuato a dire che se l'opposizione mira a organizzare proteste di piazza di massa con l'obiettivo di avere l'esercito prenderà il suo lato "diciamo loro che non siamo l'Unione socialista (SU)".
Il leader sudanese si riferiva al SU che era il partito al potere durante il regime del Sudan, ex-presidente Gaafar Al-Nmeiri che fu deposto dopo una rivolta popolare nell'aprile 1985 spingendo l'esercito di abbandonarlo.
Sul fronte economico, Bashir ha sottolineato che la linguetta del governo per sovvenzionare combustibili, grano, e gli importi di energia elettrica ai 14 miliardi libra SDG (3,2 miliardi dollari), mentre il bilancio del governo è 25 miliardi libra SDG (6,4 miliardi dollari).
L'anno scorso, il governo ha lanciato un pacchetto di misure di austerità severe, tra cui ridimensionamento sussidi ai combustibili per colmare una lacuna fiscale, scatenando le proteste di breve durata.
All'inizio di questo mese, il ministro del Sudan della finanza e dell'economia nazionale Ali Mahmoud Abdel-Rasool ha esortato il Parlamento ad autorizzare graduale sollevamento di sovvenzioni, al fine di ridurre l'inflazione.
Finanze del Sudan hanno rafforzato dal ricca di petrolio del Sud Sudan si separò da nord nel luglio 2011. Il nuovo stato conteneva il 75% delle riserve di petrolio pre-partizione del paese.
Bashir ha parlato anche della nuova costituzione che viene formulato e ha detto che il governo sta consultando diverse parti interessate in modo che la legge del paese ospita tutte le forze politiche "ad eccezione di quelli che rifiutano".
L'opposizione ha promesso di non prendere parte al processo a meno che il PCN accetta di cedere il potere e formare un governo di transizione che prepara la campagna per le elezioni.
Sudan è attualmente disciplinata da una costituzione provvisoria che è stata ratificata a seguito della firma dell'accordo di pace globale 2005 (CPA) con il Sud Sudan ribelli.
Bashir ha sottolineato che il Sudan continuerà la sua lotta contro il mondo che è, ha detto controllata dai sionisti alleanze e deriso il concetto di "giustizia internazionale", dicendo che è gestito dagli Stati Uniti
"Continuiamo ad esistere contro la loro volontà", ha detto Bashir, che è ricercato dalla Corte penale internazionale (ICC) con l'accusa di genocidio connessi con il conflitto del Darfur che scoppiò nel 2033.
Il presidente sudanese ha riconosciuto che il suo governo aveva in passato fornito il supporto per i gruppi ribelli che combattono il governo del Sud Sudan.
"Non nego che abbiamo usato per armare e sostenere l'opposizione del sud come il Sud Sudan non [ora di ribelli sudanesi], però abbiamo cessato il nostro sostegno dopo la firma degli accordi di cooperazione".
Nel settembre dello scorso anno, sia il Sudan e il Sud Sudan hanno firmato una serie di accordi di cooperazione, che coprivano l'olio, i diritti di cittadinanza, i problemi di sicurezza, bancario, commercio di frontiera tra gli altri.
Nel marzo scorso, i due paesi hanno firmato una matrice di implementazione per questi accordi di cooperazione.
All'inizio di questo mese il presidente del Sudan ha ordinato fermare il flusso di petrolio di Juba attraverso il territorio del Sudan. Egli ha detto che la decisione era in risposta al continuo supporto di Juba ai ribelli che combattono Khartoum.
La mossa è stata vista come una grave battuta d'arresto per gli accordi.

DAM VANTAGGIOSO per EGITTO
Nel suo primo appoggio pubblico per la controversa diga rinascimentale etiope, Bashir ha detto che la diga "non si fermerà l'acqua dall'Egitto" e ha aggiunto che sarà utilizzato solo per la generazione di energia elettrica, chiedendo la continuazione di consultazione tra tutte le parti interessate.
Ha riconosciuto la "sensibilità" della questione acqua per l'Egitto, dicendo che il Sudan e l'Egitto di quote d'acqua non saranno influenzati durante il periodo di riempimento della diga.
Il presidente sudanese ha anche espresso dubbi del bacino del Nilo (noto come accordo di Entebbe), che ha detto "è venuto dalla Banca Mondiale non dai paesi del bacino del Nilo.
Il Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, precedentemente conosciuto come la diga di Millennium è in costruzione sul Nilo Azzurro 40 km dal confine sudanese.
Egitto e Sudan avevano in precedenza sostenuto che la costruzione della diga avrebbe influenzare negativamente le loro quote di acqua e ha insistito il progetto dovrebbe essere bloccato, invitando i donatori internazionali contro il suo finanziamento.
Egitto ritiene che i suoi "diritti storici" al Nilo sono garantite da due trattati tra il 1929 e il 1959, che le consentono l'87 per cento del flusso del Nilo e dargli veto potere su progetti upstream.
Ma un nuovo accordo (accordo di Entebbe), è stato firmato nel 2010 da altri paesi del bacino del Nilo, tra cui l'Etiopia, che permette loro di lavorare su progetti di fiume senza previo accordo del Cairo.
(ST

questo uomo ha raggione.

2013-06-15T01:36:00.000-07:00

Dialogo con il Sud Sudan
(SSNA) - Come cittadino molto informato e interessato del Sud Sudan, sono sinceramente molto molto turbato per quanto riguarda il futuro del mio paese. Ho espresso questa preoccupazione, in modo diverso, in una lettera, datata il 18 ottobre 2012, a Sua Eccellenza il Presidente della Repubblica del Sud Sudan, attraverso il nostro ambasciatore a Khartoum. Volevo mostrare che il Presidente, io non sono un nemico della mia gente. L'espressione delle mie opinioni politiche, circa la secessione del Sud Sudan dal resto del Sudan, non equivale a tradimento assoluto contro i miei popoli.
Il significato del referendum è che, i popoli interessati dovranno fare delle scelte. Ciò comporta necessariamente espressione di opinioni politiche eterogenee. Una volta che accade, i titolari opinione della maggioranza non diventano improvvisamente i santi, e il parere di minoranza i diavoli per così dire. Questo sembra essere il caso nel nostro paese.
Ho scritto la detta lettera al Presidente, per indicare che, sono totalmente e assolutamente rispettare la scelta della maggioranza del mio paese con tutti i suoi legali, costituzionali, di sicurezza, morale e sociale implicazioni. Tuttavia, la risposta del governo del Sud Sudan attraverso il nostro ambasciatore a Khartoum è stato piuttosto sorprendente per me.
L'ambasciatore mi ha detto che, i servizi di sicurezza nazionali in Sud Sudan, nonché l'intelligence militare vorrebbero parlare con me a Juba. Essi hanno sostenuto che io sono nel servizio di sicurezza attivo del governo del Sudan. Questo è assolutamente falso. Come posso essere al servizio attivo della Repubblica del Sudan Security Services se tutto il Sud Sudan sono stati licenziati da tutti i tipi di pubblico e anche alcune istituzioni private in Sudan a causa della secessione del Sud Sudan dal resto del Sudan ?
Il fatto che io sono un ex colonnello di fanteria dell'Esercito, dal finora Sudan unito Esercito, non mi fanno un traditore. Ci sono molti più alti, in modo simile, e junior ranghi, che erano nello stesso esercito, e che hanno da Marzo 2012, è stato assorbito nel SPLA, dopo la secessione del Sud Sudan dal resto del Sudan. Questi uomini non sono dei traditori. Questi sono sudanesi cittadini e patrioti del sud. Questo è vero per tutti quelli sudanesi del Sud che lavoravano nel servizio civile in Sudan unito fino ad allora, e che ora stanno lavorando in Sovereign Sud Sudan anche.
L'insistenza degli organi di sicurezza in Sud Sudan che io sono un nemico è solo politicizzata odio personale e nulla più. Come posso, un singolo individuo, può essere una minaccia per l'intera nazione del Sud Sudan? Come posso essere una minaccia per la nazione se ho dichiarato la mia fedeltà alla stessa nazione? Come posso essere una minaccia per tutto il paese come un civile accademica, senza un esercito? Come posso combattere tutta SPLA esercito con gessetti e inchiostro?

My Cari cittadini del Sud Sudan, proprio a causa della mie opinioni politiche, il governo del Sud Sudan ha rifiutato di rilasciare con i miei documents cittadinanza, cioè, il mio passaporto e dei documenti di nazionalità. Questo significa, che il governo ha deciso che soggettivamente, io non sono un cittadino sudanese del Sud, solo perché io tengo diverse opinioni politiche.

Trovate di seguito la lettera che ho scritto al Presidente della Repubblica del Sud Sudan: -

18 ottobre 2012
H.E. Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit
Il Presidente della Repubblica del Sud Sudan;
Attraverso H.E. Mayen Dut Wol
L'Ambasciatore della Repubblica del Sud Sudan, nella Repubblica del Sudan
Sua Eccellenza il Presidente della Repubblica del Sud Sudan;
Rif.: fedeltà alla Repubblica Sovrano del Sud Sudan, e al Presidente, e dei Popoli della Repubblica del Sud Sudan
Le scrivo a Vostra Eccellenza, per dichiarare la mia fedeltà totale e assoluta alla Repubblica sovrano del Sud Sudan, a voi il mio Presidente, e per l'intero popolo della Repubblica del Sud Sudan.
Con questa lettera, sto mettendo le mie conoscenze, le competenze, le esperienze e le energie, sotto l'eliminazione totale e assoluta della Repubblica sovrano del Sud Sudan, sotto la vostra guida, per i benefici di tutti i popoli della Repubblica del Sud Sudan.
Ora che i popoli interi della Repubblica del Sud Sudan hanno votato per la costituzione della Repubblica sovrano del Sud Sudan, ho l'onore, il rispetto, e sostenere questa nobile decisione, e io non indulgere in azioni o omissioni, che equivale ad una minaccia per la vita della Repubblica sovrano del Sud Sudan.
Io denuncio tutti gli atti di violenza contro lo Stato del Sud Sudan, contro il governo del Sud Sudan, contro la persona del Presidente della Repubblica del Sud Sudan, contro tutti i funzionari, compreso il Governo della Repubblica del Sud Sudan, e contro i popoli del Sud Sudan, e contro l'integrità della Repubblica del Sud Sudan.
Sostengo tutti gli approcci democratici; alle questioni di governo nella Repubblica del Sud Sudan, tra cui la libertà di stampa, per l'espressione del parere legale, nell'interesse della Repubblica del Sud Sudan, e dei suoi popoli interi.
Sua Eccellenza Sig. Presidente
Sono fiducioso che, con le mie conoscenze attuali, le competenze e le esperienze, sarò un'aggiunta positiva netta per i miei fratelli e sorelle, che stanno già lavorando molto duramente, sotto la vostra guida, per rendere la Repubblica del Sud Sudan un prospero e una luogo felice di vivere in, per i popoli interi della Repubblica del Sud Sudan. E 'tempo di tutti noi messi nostre energie per il miglior uso in Sud Sudan, per il bene dei nostri popoli ora, e per i nostri posteri.
Credo sinceramente che, la politica non è per fare fortune personali e l'accumulo di ricchezza per sé. Cariche politiche sono a beneficio dei comuni uomini sudanesi del Sud, donne e bambini nei villaggi e nelle città del Sud Sudan. Questi dovrebbero essere i valori che portiamo in uffici politici in Sud Sudan. Voglio giocare il mio ruolo nella costruzione della positiva Sud Sudan, nello spirito di questi tipi di valori, per l'armonia complessiva delle intere popolazioni del Sud Sudan.
Voglio essere un'aggiunta positiva netta nei processi di sviluppo del mio paese, senza molto pensiero del mio colore politico. Come figlio del Sud Sudan, il mio amore, fedeltà, la difesa di e sacrificarsi per la Repubblica del Sud Sudan, è più di mia mera dichiarazione di appartenenza ad alcun partito politico, nella Repubblica del Sud Sudan. Io sono un tecnocrate che vuole servire la Repubblica Sovrano del Sud Sudan; sotto la sua guida.
Io sono in grado di: efficace; efficiente; onestamente e lealmente consigliare il governo della Repubblica del Sud Sudan, in tutti gli aspetti relativi allo sviluppo socio-economico, soprattutto, lo sviluppo rurale generale dove oltre il 90% delle popolazioni del Sud Sudan vive in aree rurali, e in questioni generali di leggi (Legge Costituzionale, Diritto Penale, Diritto dei diritti umani, Diritto Terra, e tutte le leggi del paese) di competenza del Practice Stato.
In materia di sviluppo rurale; ho ottenuto il riconoscimento internazionale come un esperto e specialista in questo campo, e non vedo alcuna ragione per cui non dovrei passare il resto della mia vita, aiutando i miei popoli, attraverso il loro governo in Sud Sudan; sotto la sua guida, a svilupparsi positivamente.

L'autore è professore di sviluppo sociale e rurale e Docente di leggi. Egli può essere contattato al wani.lako @ yahoo.com

Con Wani Tombe Lako, 12 ore 1 minuto fa

BLUE NILE PROVINCE.

2013-06-01T01:51:00.000-07:00

EU Delegation Visits Blue Nile State

Damazin - A delegation from European Union (EU) led by Director of EU Projects in Sudan, Bol Gomes paid visit to Blue Nile State during which the delegation held meetings with Deputy Speaker of the State's Legislative Council, Khidir Al-Gakand Minister of Education, Imam Ali Abdallah.
Gomes explained that the group has allocated 1.5 m Euros in support of basic education in Blue Nile.
The Deputy Speaker of the Legislative Council welcomed EU support to Blue Nile State.

By SUNA, 12 hours 49 minutes ago

Delegazione UE Visite stato del Nilo Azzurro
Damazin - Una delegazione dell'Unione Europea (UE), guidato dal direttore dei progetti dell'UE in Sudan, Bol Gomes visita versato stato del Nilo Azzurro nel corso del quale la delegazione ha avuto incontri con il Vice Presidente del Consiglio Legislativo dello Stato, Khidir Al-Gakand Ministro della Pubblica Istruzione, Imam Ali Abdallah.
Gomes ha spiegato che il gruppo ha stanziato 1,5 M euro a sostegno dell'istruzione di base in Blue Nile.
Il Vice Presidente del Consiglio legislativo ha accolto il sostegno dell'UE a stato del Nilo Azzurro.

By SUNA, 12 ore 49 minuti fa

IBAN IT 25E36000032000CA005733249 PayPal no. 5338 750161571072

Isam Abdalla Secretary of refugees Association Ethiopia.

Please donate to help Blue Nile state refgees only 5 dollars

IBAN IT 25E36000032000CA005733249 PayPal no. 5338 750161571072

Isam Abdalla Secretary of refugees Association

CBOS...!!!

2013-05-22T03:36:00.003-07:00

CBOS conferma Keenness dello Stato per migliorare l'ambiente di investimento

Khartoum - Il Vice Governatore della Banca Centrale del Sudan (OBC), Badr Al-Din Mahmoud Abbas ha sottolineato che lo stato sta facendo del suo meglio per le politiche finanziarie ed economiche per migliorare il clima degli investimenti in Sudan, ritenendo il ruolo del settore privato nel conduce attività economiche e raggiungere la sicurezza alimentare.
Ha detto che ci sono più gli sforzi per stabilizzare il tasso di cambio e l'attuazione della iniziativa del Presidente della Repubblica in materia di sicurezza alimentare. Abbas ha sottolineato la necessità di affrontare gli ostacoli che impediscono agli investitori, sottolineando l'importanza di fornire i servizi necessari per gli investimenti che utilizzano la tecnologia moderna. Egli ha ribadito che la stabilità delle politiche monetarie e bancarie sono uno dei requisiti di investitori, aggiungendo che il CBOS sta compiendo sforzi in questo senso, che punta alla stabilità del tasso di cambio. Abbas garantito sulla importanza di ridurre il deficit e l'inflazione, oltre che l'impegno del programma economico e di ridurre le importazioni di beni marginali di razionalizzare la domanda di valuta estera. Egli ha sottolineato che lo Stato ospiterà nel prossimo mese di dicembre alle riunioni del Consiglio Economico e Sociale della Lega Araba, che discuterà temi legati all'agricoltura e alla sicurezza alimentare araba.

By Redazione, 14 ore 41 minuti fa

Sudan traditions and modern view.

2013-05-14T08:27:00.000-07:00

Dokhan Hammam of profumed steam.

Girls wanted to be thin but they have scraft head.

Make up stile 1950-1965
Shiloukh the cheeks are scratshed the gold and rasta hair make upalso do not forget the woman should be fat.

Slim in Sudan: carnosità femminile perde il suo fascino
Per Hana Baba PRI di The World, Khartoum

Per secoli, la carnosità femminile è stato apprezzato in Sudan, con le donne incoraggiati ad essere grassoccio. Ma molte donne sudanesi ora aspirano ad essere sottile - e palestre sono decollare in grande stile.
All'interno una grande sala sudato, circa 20 donne stanno prendendo una lezione di aerobica. USA dance-pop strombazza musica dagli altoparlanti.
Si potrebbe essere in quasi tutte le città del mondo. Solo che non c'è un uomo in vista.
Il Sudan è un paese conservatore e solo pochi anni fa, questo tipo di scena sarebbe stato praticamente impensabile.
«Molte più persone vogliono esercitare", dice fitness trainer Amal Ahmed.
"Tutti vogliono essere sottile ... Vogliono sottile loro pancia", aggiunge.
Sama centro benessere stile è in una lussuosa zona di Khartoum. E 'uno dei circa 30 palestre che sono sorti nella capitale negli ultimi anni - la maggior parte di loro rivolto esclusivamente alle donne.

La palestra dispone anche di una piscina, tapis roulant, cyclette e altri attrezzi per il fitness - ma niente è meglio di aerobica per perdere peso, dice Ahmed.
La domanda è alta, e le classi sono piene.
"Le donne, i giovani signore, tutte le età vengono Sposato," dice. "Loro lo amano."
"Avviare Citazione
La tradizionale preferenza per le donne di avere gambe grosse resta "
Citazione
L'obesità è un grande - e crescente - problema in Sudan, e le preoccupazioni per la salute sono una motivazione per le donne di lavorare fuori.
"Non vogliono essere grasso in modo da non ottengono le malattie. Hanno paura di artrite e mal di schiena", dice Ahmed.
Ma c'è stato un cambiamento culturale anche. "In Sudan, il grasso è diventato non voleva. Sudan vuole essere come le persone al di fuori," dice.
La perdita di peso mai usato per essere una priorità qui. Appena due generazioni fa, l'usanza era quella di ingrassare sudanesi ragazze prima che i loro matrimoni.
Le persone che vivono al tempo dell'antica civiltà Kush, che si è conclusa in AD350, corpi pieni favorite, dice folklore storico Sadia Elsalahi - fianchi particolarmente spesse e cosce.
Fino al 1930, i genitori sudanesi avrebbero sposare le loro figlie di appena 11 o 12 anni, dice Elsalahi, quando i loro corpi non erano pienamente sviluppato.
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"Per fare una ragazza di sembrare più vecchio, hanno fatto il suo più grande e più grasso."
Quando una ragazza si è fidanzato, la sua famiglia avrebbe tagliato un grande foro al centro di un letto. La ragazza sedeva nel foro per un anno intero essere cibi grassi nutriti e bevande.
Quando lei è cresciuta abbastanza grande per riempire il buco, lei sarebbe considerato pronto per il matrimonio.
C'è stato un incentivo economico a ingrassare troppo - una sposa più grande significherebbe un pagamento più grande d'oro per la sua famiglia.
Poi per il bagno di fumo ...

Dopo l'ingrassamento e una sposa-to-be potrebbe sedersi in un bagno di fumo di legna di acacia profumato, due volte al giorno per 40 giorni in testa fino al suo matrimonio. Durante questo periodo, non sarebbe lavare. Il suo corpo sarebbe stato imbastito con oli aromatici fino ad uno spesso strato formato sulla sua pelle ..
Il giorno 40, lo strato di fuliggine spessa sarebbe staccata, rivelando sotto pelle luminosa. Questo strato - il "banooteya" - sarebbe essere ripiegato e inviato alla famiglia dello sposo, che peserebbe esso. Qualunque sia il peso era, lo sposo sarebbe partita in oro per la sposa. Quindi maggiore è l'area superficiale del corpo della donna, più oro della famiglia otterrebbe.
Questo era allora.
"Avviare Citazione
Ora gli uomini sono gli unici che vi resteranno che sarà grasso! "
Termina citazione Amal Ahmed allenatore Fitness
"L'idea di essere grassi è dei nostri padri e nonni '", dice Nusaiba Abdelaziz, uno studente presso l'Università Afhad per le donne a Khartoum.
Abdelaziz ei suoi amici - tutti gli studenti di gestione - sono seduti sotto un albero durante una pausa dalla classe.
"Io sono una di quelle ragazze che vogliono ottenere magro", dice Hanaa Mubarak. Ma lei dice che la madre tiene sabotare i suoi piani con ricchi di calorie, ricca di grassi sudanese cottura.
"Mia madre dice: 'Hanaa, mangiare di più di questo, bere un sacco di che, è necessario per ottenere più grasso.' Ma la mia gonna è stretta. Voglio sentire più leggeri come il resto delle ragazze ".
"Mi piace il mio corpo, ma se posso ottenere magro lo farò", aggiunge la sua amica Marwa Salahadeen. "Voglio essere davvero magro."
Nusaiba, Hanaa, Marwa e amici al di fuori dell'università
La maggior parte degli uomini, sono d'accordo, ora vogliono stare con una donna che è sottile.
"Vedono superstar in TV come Rihanna e Beyonce, e quindi vogliamo essere così", dice Tibyan Yaseen.
Negli ultimi anni, un nuovo termine "stile" è entrata nel vocabolario in Sudan. La parola è usata - in lingua inglese - per riferirsi a una donna che è sottile e grazioso.
E queste giovani donne tutti vogliono essere "stile".
C'è stato un cambiamento significativo nel modo in cui le giovani donne sentono sui loro corpi, dice, Nafisa Bedri, professore alla Afhad Università Femminile che ha studiato l'obesità e l'immagine del corpo in Sudan.
I suoi studi dimostrano che molti hanno una visione distorta di se stessi - si descrivono come sovrappeso, quando sono sottopeso, e viceversa.
Quando si accende il televisore in Sudan, si è bombardati da messaggi pubblicitari di prodotti di perdita di peso, con immagini di donne libanesi ed egiziani svelte lampeggianti sullo schermo, e questo ha senza dubbio un effetto, dice Bedri.
"I media hanno creato questa immagine tra le giovani donne che devono essere molto sottili - vogliono essere magre come le modelle che vedono nelle riviste e in televisione satellitare."
Proprio come in Occidente, è ormai molto comune per le donne a perdere peso - anziché guadagnarlo - in tempo per il loro giorno di nozze, lei dice.
Mentre l'idea di ciò che costituisce la forma ideale del corpo sta cambiando in Sudan, la tradizionale preferenza per le donne di avere gambe grosse rimane.
Un dipinto di Abdulaziz Farah di un 1950 sudanese sposa
Alcune donne fanno di tutto per cercare di raggiungere questo obiettivo, dice Bedri - anche iniettando loro gambe con insulina o cortisone acquistati sul mercato nero.
In palestra, le donne che assumono la finitura di classe di aerobica e asciugare. Alcuni testa alla sala apparecchiature per qualche tonificazione muscolare.
Altri virano verso la piscina per una nuotata veloce prima di uscire.
Trainer Amal Ahmed dice che se la domanda continua ad aumentare in quanto ha, inizieranno più classi, per le ragazze più giovani.
"Ora gli uomini sono gli unici che vi resteranno che sarà grasso!"
Hana Baba è stato il report per il mondo - una co-produzione della BBC World Service, PRI e WGBH

This Sudan of today!!! without comment.

2013-05-14T08:18:00.001-07:00

Displaced Sudanese map.

Petrolium Concessions of petrolium .

Sudanese refugees Kenya Ethiopiaand Uganda.