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الناجي الوحيد من حادثة سقوط الطائرة العسكرية يتجاوز مرحلة الخطر

2014-03-12T16:35:00.005+01:00

حطام الطائرة العسكرية

صورة:(الشروق)

بإمكانه مساعدة المحققين في حال استعادته القدرة على النطق

أكد مصدر صحي عليم للشروق زوال الثلاثاء، بأن حالة الناجي الوحيد من حادثة الطائرة العسكرية التي تحطمت بمنطقة الفرطاس بعين امليلة بأم البواقي، قد تجاوزت مرحلة الخطر، حيث تمكن الفريق الطبي الجزائري، الذي تشكل من أطباء من المستشفيين العسكريين عبد العالي بن بعطوش بعلي منجلي بقسنطينة وعين النعجة بالعاصمة من بلوغ مرحلة النجاة.

قالت مصادر الشروق إن الناجي ابن ولاية الشلف جلول نميري صاحب الواحدة والعشرين، قد تم إخراجه من قسم الإنعاش الذي رقد فيه منذ دخوله إليه عقب سقوط الطائرة يوم الثلاثاء الحادي عشرة من شهر فيفري الماضي، وتم تحويله إلى قسم خاص بالنقاهة ومواصلة العلاج، ووصفت يوم الحادثة، حالته بالمستحيلة، وروّج أيضا لهلاكه، بسبب إصابته على مستوى الرأس والصدر إضافة إلى بعض الحروق، ومكّنت مصالح المستشفى العسكري لعائلته وخاصة لوالدته إمكانية مشاهدته عن بعد، بالرغم من أنه كان في حالة غيبوبة طويلة، كما جهزت مصالح ولاية الشلف سيارة خاصة تحت تصرف عائلة نميري، لنقلهم برا إلى ولاية قسنطينة، ولكن الأطباء رفعوا التحدي وبذلوا جهدا مضاعفا، مكنهم من تقديم العلاج الذي استرجع عبره العسكري جلول عافيته، وبقي يعاني من حروقات بسيطة على مستوى الحنجرة، حيث صار مدركا جيدا لما يدور من حوله، ولكنه غير قادر على النطق، لمساعدة لجنة التحقيق التي تواصل عملها بعد شهر من الحادث الأليم، وكان مستشفى بن بعطوش العسكري، قد سلّم آخر ضحيتين من بين 77 ضحية للحادث الجوي، لذويهما في يوم 22 فيفري الماضي، حيث تم دفنهما بولايتي المسيلة وباتنة، أحدهما دركي والآخر عسكري.

الحرس البلدي يخرجون للشارع للتنديد بـ"الخيانة"

2014-03-12T16:35:00.001+01:00

صورة: (الشروق)

شلاق: لقد طعنونا في الظهر والمفاوضون تنازلوا عن حقوقنا

يخرج أعوان الحرس البلدي اليوم عبر 48 ولاية للتنديد بتماطل وزارة الداخلية والجماعات المحلية في تسوية وضعيتهم، وأكد ممثلو التنسيقية أن أعوان الحرس البلدي سيصعدون من لهجة الاحتجاج باعتصامهم أمام مقر رئاسة الحكومة بالعاصمة الاثنين المقبل، وهذا بعد التلاعب-حسبهم- بملفهم من قبل وزارة الداخلية وتفاوضهم مع شخصين مفصولين من التنسيقية.

قال بن يوسف شلاق المنسق الوطني المكلف بالتنظيم بالحرس البلدي "لقد تم طعننا في الظهر من قبل وزارة الداخلية"، وأضاف"كنا في حوار معهم وضربوا لنا موعدا أول أمس لنفاجأ بتأجيله ليوم 31 مارس، فيما تبين لنا أن ممثل الوزارة تفاوض مع شخصين مفصولين"، وأكد ذات المتحدث على حدوث خيانة لا تغتفر، خاصة أن المفاوضين تنازلوا عن جميع حقوق أعوان الحرس البلدي وتلاعبوا بحقوق الأرامل والشهداء والمعطوبين، وكل هذا لإسكات صوتنا ومنعنا من الخروج للشارع في هذا الظرف السياسي.

أكد بن يوسف أن تنسيقية الحرس البلدي تتبرأ من هذه اللجنة المفبركة والتي لا تمثل القاعدة، لأن أطرافها وهم كل من لخضاري أحمد وحسناوي زيدان تم فصلهم منذ أكثر من عامين وليست لديهم الصفة للتفاوض، وهدفهم الوحيد هو تكسير المطالب الحقيقية لأعوان الحرس البلدي، وأشار إلى أنهم لن يرضوا بغير مطالبهم المتمثلة في الاعتراف الرسمي بتضحيات أعوان الحرس البلدي والانتداب لدى وزارة المجاهدين والتعويض عن الساعات الإضافية.

ومن جهته، بن الطيب عمارة ممثل التنسيقية الوطنية للحرس البلدي أكد على أن الوقفة الاحتجاجية التي يشنها اليوم أعوان الحرس البلدي عبر الوطن ستكون للرد على مزاعم وزارة الداخلية والتنديد بالخيانة التي تعرضوا لها، وقال "نحن لن نبيع دم الشهداء البالغ عددهم 4762 شهيد و6500 معطوب"، مشيرا إلى أن من حاوروا ممثل وزارة الداخلية باعوا القضية، وأضاف بأن مطالبهم سبق وأن عرضوها على الوزارة ولن يقبلوا بغيرها، وخاصة بالنسبة للساعات الإضافية من سنة 1995 إلى يومنا هذا، متسائلا عن سبب إلغاء موعدهم مع ممثل وزارة الداخلية ومحاورة الدولة لأشخاص اعتبرهم"مزيفين" وأكد على أن أعوان الحرس البلدي لن يتنازلوا عن مطالبهم مهما كانت الظروف.

300 ألف سكن ترقوي عمومي للمهاجرين.. والدفع بالدوفيز

2014-03-12T16:34:00.001+01:00

صورة: (الأرشيف)

تسجيل المشاريع في الخماسي المقبل

انتهى الاجتماع المنعقد على مستوى وزارة السكن والعمران، أمس الأول، لتحديد صلاحيات اللجان المنصبة لمتابعة برنامج "السكن الترقوي العمومي لغير المقيمين"، "LPNR"، حيث سيتم مباشرة المشاريع الموجهة للجالية الجزائرية المقيمة بالخارج، خلال الخماسي المقبل، بإطلاق بين 200 إلى 300 ألف وحدة سكنية، سيتم دفع أقساطها بالعملة الصعبة على أن يحصل الراغبون في الاكتتاب على قرض تصل قيمته نسبة 80 في المائة من تكلفة السكن، تدفع قبل بلوغ المستفيد سن الـ65 سنة.

علمت "الشروق" من مصادر موثوقة أن اللجان المكلفة بمتابعة ملف "السكن الترقوي العمومي لغير المقيمين"، اجتمعت في التاسع مارس، بمقر وزارة السكن، حيث توصل المجتمعون الممثلون لوزارة السكن والعمران والمدينة، وزارة الخارجية، وزارة المالية، إلى تحديد كيفيات تمكين أبناء الجالية الجزائرية المقيمين في المهجر من الحصول على سكنات خاصة بهم، أطلق عليها "السكن الترقوي العمومي لغير المقيمين"، إذ تقرر تنصيب ثلاث لجان، الأولى تتكفل بتحديد كيفيات وطرق الدفع، فيما تتكفل لجنة مكونة من برلمانيين بتحديد شروط الاستفادة القانونية من هذه الصيغة السكنية، في وقت تتكفل لجنة عن وزارة السكن بتحديد الإجراءات التقنية للصيغة الجديدة خصوصا ما تعلق بالعقار، ومواقع البرامج السكنية، وتم تحديد تاريخ الـ19 مارس الجاري لتسلم جميع المقترحات.

الاجتماع الذي ترأسه وزير السكن عبد المجيد تبون، بحضور الوزير المنتدب لدى وزير المالية المكلف بالميزانية، محمد جلاب، أعرب خلاله تبون عن رغبة السلطات العمومية في تمكين الجزائريين المقيمين بالخارج من صيغة قانونية للحصول على سكن ترقوي عمومي، في إطار استكمال الاجتماع المنعقد في 4 أفريل 2013، بما يساهم في ترقية الوضع الاجتماعي والاقتصادي للبلاد، خصوصا ما تعلق بتحويل العملة الأجنبية إلى بنك وطني محلي، وخدمة هذه الفئة التي قد ترغب في العودة إلى أرض الوطن والاستقرار أو استغلال السكن خلال فترات العطل لزيارة الأقارب.

وحسب مصادرنا، فيمكن للراغبين في الاستفادة من هذه الصيغة السكنية الحصول على قرض بنكي من القرض الشعبي الجزائري، يصل حدود 80 بالمائة من قيمة السكن، على أن يدفع المعني على الأقل نسبة 20 في المائة من التكلفة الإجمالية للشقة، ويلزم المستفيد بدفع أقساط القرض شهريا وبالعملة الصعبة من خلال البنك المتعاقد معه وفي إطار التشريعات سارية المفعول، حيث لا تتجاوز قيمة المبلغ المدفوع 35 في المائة من قيمة الراتب، في وقت يلزم المستفيد بدفع القيمة الإجمالية للقرض قبل بلوغ سن الـ65.

وتوكل مهمة إنجاز المشاريع لمتعامل وطني تحت إشراف وزارة السكن، هذا الأخير يحدد الإجراءات التقنية لهذه الصيغة السكنية خصوصا ما تعلق بالحصول على العقار والنوعية والمعايير الخاصة بالعقار ومدى ملاءمتها للإنجاز، وكيفية انجاز المشاريع سواء كمشاريع خاصة بهذه الفئة وحدها أو في إطار برامج السكن الترقوي العمومي الموجه للجزائريين المقيمين بأرض الوطن.

وفي السياق، أمر تبون المجتمعين بالتفكير في صيغة لتحديد كيفيات الاكتتاب للبرنامج وطريقة دراسة الطلبات، حيث تم اقتراح إشراك الممثلين الدبلوماسيين والقنصليين الجزائريين بالخارج، في إطار تسهيل عملية الوصول إلى الراغبين في الاستفادة، وتحديد سقف المداخيل المقبولة قانونا، والمشاركة في مراقبة المرشحين للحصول على السكن من خلال البطاقية الوطنية للسكن.

هل هناك مخطط لزرع الفوضى في الجزائر؟

2014-03-12T16:33:00.004+01:00

سكريون وسياسيون يحللون تصريحات وزير الخارجية الروسي

هل هناك مخطط لزرع الفوضى في الجزائر؟

نوارة باشوش

سيرغي لافروف وزيرا الخارجية الروسي

صورة: (ح.م)

اللواء مجاهد: تصريحات لافروف لم تأت من فراغ

سليم قلالة: هي رسالة مباشرة إلى الجزائر

أثارت تصريحات وزير الخارجية الروسي، سيرغي لافروف، بخصوص وجود أطراف أجنبية تحاول زرع الفوضى في الجزائر من خلال التسويق لـ"ربيع جزائري"، جدلا واسعا لدى المتابعين للشؤون الأمنية في البلاد، حيث أجمع جلهم أن تصريحات "لافروف" لم تأت من فراغ.

أكد اللواء المتقاعد عبد العزيز مجاهد لـ "الشروق"، أن تصريحات وزير الخارجية الروسي، سيرغي لافروف، لم تأت من فراغ، لأن الجزائر منذ الاستقلال يترصدها أعداء وأطراف تحاول زعزعة الاستقرار وزرع الفوضى، على غرار استفزازات نظام المخزن، ضاربا مثالا بأطنان المخدرات التي تحاول يوميا اختراق الحدود الجزائرية، مضيفا أن نظام المخزن يعمل لمصالح أسياده، وتوجهات فرنسا في المنطقة لا تقبل أن تكون الجزائر قوية ولذلك هي تحاول أن تستغل العيوب التي يمكن أن توجد فينا حتى تستفزنا أو تجرنا إلى ما لا نريده، ونفس الشيء بالنسبة إلى النظامين القطري والسعودي اللذين يترصدان الجزائر من بعيد.

وأضاف المتحدث: تصريحات وزير الخارجية الروسي، وتحذيره للجزائر من أن تقوم هذه الأطراف باستخدام نعرات الأقليات في هذا البلد كنواة لإحداث الفتنة، ليست الأولى من نوعها، فقد سبق للرئيس الفرنسي السابق نيكولا ساركوزي، أن قال نفس الشيء، ووزير الخارجية السابق لدولة قطر، حين رد على مدلسي الذي حاول الدفاع عن سوريا عندما حرمت من المشاركة في إثراء قانون الجامعة العربية، قائلا: "اسكت، الدور آت على الجزائر".

واعتبر مجاهد تصريحات لافروف من موقع العالم بحقيقة المخاطر الأجنبية التي تهدد الجزائر، والذي لا يكمن في التدخل المباشر لأي دولة، وإنما الأمر يتعلق بالخطر المعروف بـ"الخطر النائم"، وهو المستعمل لدى المخابرات الأجنبية التي تترصد للجزائر، وخاصة في هذه الفترة.

من جهته اعتبر المحلل السياسي وأستاذ العلاقات الدولية بجامعة الجزائر، سليم قلالة، أن تصريحات وزير الخارجية الروسي هي رسالة إلى الجزائر باعتبار روسيا حليفا تقليديا واستراتيجيا لها، مشيرا إلى أنها تصريحات لم تكن مبنية من فراغ، لأن روسيا لديها مؤشرات بشأن محاولة أطراف زعزعة الاستقرار في الجزائر.

وأضاف قلالة، بالقول إن لافروف، حاول بكل الطرق تنبيه الجزائر من مخاطر الخطاب الحاد الذي تستعمله بعض الأطراف المتناحرة داخل البلاد، خاصة أن وزير الخارجية الروسي أكد محاولة هذه الأطراف الخفية زرع الفتنة في الجزائر لكونها دولة محورية في المنطقة، إلى جانب أنها تحوز ثروات كبيرة مما يجعلها محل أطماع أجنبية، مشيرا إلى أن الغرب يسعى إلى الاستثمار في الحراك الاجتماعي والأقليات الموجودة في الجزائر، إلى جانب تجنيد الجماعات الإرهابية لضرب الحدود في محاولة لإغراق الحكومة في أزمات سياسية، اجتماعية وأخرى أمنية، داعيا السلطات الجزائرية إلى أخذ الحيطة والحذر والوقوف في وجه المخططات الغربية.

ثلاثة من مؤسسي "الفيس" يلتحقون بابن فليس

2014-03-12T16:33:00.000+01:00

الوزير السابق أحمد مراني
صورة: الشروق

علي بن حاج: يجب عدم تفسير هذه اللقاءات بالاستنتاجات الخاطئة

نالت مبادرة التحالف الإسلامي لتأييد المرشح الحر علي بن فليس، استجابة من قياديين سابقين في الفيس المحل، فبعد علي جدي وعبد القادر بوخمخم، جاءت "الموافقة" حيال المسعى من قبل عبد القادر عمر ونور الدين شيغارة، والوزير السابق أحمد مراني، فيما صنف علي بن حاج الاتصالات الجارية بين بن فليس والفيس في خانة "لقاءات ذات بعد سياسي".

وأفادت مصادر "الشروق"، أن رغبة قيادات سابقة في الفيس المحل بالعودة إلى الساحة السياسية، في حال فوز المرشح علي بن فليس، بمنصب القاضي الأول في البلاد، دفعتهم إلى إبداء "الموافقة على دعمه مبدئيا" في إطار مساع تقوم بها شخصيات كما هو الحال مع النائب السابق لحركة النهضة عز الدين جرافة، لحشد تأييد جزء من التيار الإسلامي.

وأكدت المصادر، أن عددا من قيادات الفيس المحل كما هو الحال بالنسبة إلى عضو مجلس شورى الجبهة الإسلامية للإنقاذ عبد القادر عمر ورفيقه نور الدين شيغارة، اللذين أبديا "حماسة" في مسعى دعم بن فليس، وعلى دربهما الوزير السابق للشؤون الدينية أحمد مراني.

من جانبه أكد الرجل الثاني في الفيس المحل علي بن حاج، وجود لقاء بين قيادات في الجبهة وعلي بن فليس، وكتب بن حاج في موقع على شبكة الأنترنت: "هنالك لقاء بين رئيس الحكومة الأسبق مع القياديين الأخ علي جدي والأخ كمال قمازي وليس الأخ عبد القادر بوخمخم، وقادة الجبهة الإسلامية للإنقاذ يتصل بهم ويتصلون بغيرهم من جميع التيارات السياسية من أجل تبادل الرأي ومناقشة القضايا التي تهم الشعب الجزائري.

فهي لقاءات يجب أن توضع في إطارها بعيدا عن الاستنتاجات الخاطئة والكتابات الإعلامية المغلوطة التي توضع في هذا الاتجاه أو ذاك". وبحسب المتحدث فاللقاءات التي تمت لم ترق بعد إلى مستوى "الدعم".

زروال قال لنا: أنا وجيلي انتهينا.. فاعذروني

2014-03-12T16:32:00.000+01:00

اليامين زروال الرئيس السابق
صورة: الشروق

كشفت أمس، الفدرالية الوطنية لأبناء الشهداء، تفاصيل ما جرى خلال لقاءاتها المتكررة بالرئيس السابق اليامين زروال داخل منزله بباتنة، أثناء مطالبته بالترشح للاستحقاق القادم.

وأكد بيان وقّعه عبد اللطيف قداش رئيس المكتب الوطني، أن زروال قال بصريح العبارة: "أعذروني! لقد عرضت دستور 1996 للاستفتاء الشعبي بعهدتين لا أكثر، فلا يستطيع شخص مهما كان وزنه أن يقدم أكثر للشعب الجزائري العظيم بعد 10 سنوات من الحكم".

كما ردد زروال عبارته الشهيرة: "أنا وجيلي فضينا أعذروني لا بد من ترك الفرصة للجيل الشاب لتحمل المسؤولية".

وكان بيان صادر عن الفدرالية طالب بضرورة التغيير السلمي الشامل للخروج من الأزمة العميقة التي تهدد أركان الدولة وبسبب فشل الإصلاحات التي وضعت البلاد على فوهة بركان، وأنتجت أحزابا سياسية، وواقعا لا يتطابق مع أحلام الجزائريين المطالبين بالتغيير الجذري السلمي، معربا عن التزام فدرالية أبناء الشهداء بنفس النهج الذي تبنته حركة بركات مع التنديد بسياسة تكميم الأفواه، وبقمع حق التظاهر السلمي المكفول دستوريا ومن شرعة حقوق الإنسان والمواطنة.

وفي استنتاج سياسي للاستحقاق الرئاسي المقبل تبنت الفدرالية خيار مساندة المرشح علي بن فليس في عملية الاقتراع التي ستشهدها البلاد يوم 17 أفريل المقبل، وهي سابقة في الأسرة الثورية التي من عادتها أن تساند مرشح السلطة أو الرئيس الحاكم.

"استحداث منصب نائب الرئيس سيقسم السلطة إلى جناحين متناحرين"

2014-03-12T16:31:00.000+01:00

مولود حمروش رئيس الحكومة الأسبق
صورة: الشروق

مولود حمروش

صاغور: حمروش لن يقبل بلعب دور ثانوي وما كان يرغب في قوله قاله

في الوقت الذي مازال متتبعون للوضع السياسي بالبلاد يعتقدون أن رئيس الحكومة الأسبق ورجل الإصلاحات، مولود حمروش، سيكون قارب النجاة للمرحلة القادمة، من خلال منحه منصب نائب للرئيس، يكون الرئيس "العملي" للبلاد، يرى مقربون من الرجل أن حمروش يرفض أن يمثل دورا ثانويا في اللعبة السياسية، على الأقل في الوقت الراهن، ما لم تحدث تطورات قد تجعل الأمر مقبولا، ويعتقد أن استحداث منصب لنائب الرئيس قد يدخل البلاد في متاهات لا خروج منها ذلك أن الجهود وعوض أن توجه لخدمة الوطن ستحول إلى البحث عن كيفيات تغلب كل طرف على الآخر.

في ظل غياب رؤية واضحة عن رجل إجماع يمكن أن يشغل المنصب الذي يتوقع أن يتم استحداثه بعيد الانتخابات في إطار تعديل الدستور، وإيجاد شخص يكلف بتنفيذ برامج الرئيس المرشح، بصفة "نائب الرئيس"، طرح اسم مولود حمروش بقوة في الآونة الأخيرة، دون أن يبدي هذا الأخير رأيه في القضية، وبدا من خلال الندوة الصحفية التي عقدها رجل الإصلاحات أنه قرر تطليق الحياة السياسية من جديد والعودة إلى صمته المعتاد الذي دام 15 سنة آخر مرة، بعد أن قدم الحلول التي رآها مناسبة للخروج من الوضع القائم "غير السوي" برأيه، في وقت كان مساندوه على الأقل يرتقبون ترشحه للرئاسيات التي حسمها إعلان الرئيس بوتفليقة تقدمه لها يومين فقط بعد خروج حمروش عن صمته، قبل أن يعود اسم الرجل إلى الواجهة من جديد في إطار ما يسمى "نائب الرئيس" ورجل التوافق "الأوفر حظا"، الذي سيكون ضروريا خلقه بنظر متتبعين، في حال فوز الرئيس بوتفليقة بولاية رابعة، حيث سيسمح المنصب لبوتفليقة بالاستمرار في الحكم وإذا ما تدهورت حالته الصحية سيقوم نائب الرئيس بمهام المنصب.

ويعتقد عبد الرزاق صاغور أحد مقربي حمروش، أنه وبحسب المعلومات المتوفرة لديه عن الرجل فإن هذا الأخير يرفض قطعا ما يشاع حول إمكانية استحداث منصب لنائب الرئيس، واتجاه الأنظار حياله على أن يكون أول من يشغل المنصب، وقال في تصريح لـ "الشروق" إن حمروش يعتقد أن النظام الرئاسي مقبول، وأن منصب نائب للرئيس سيدخل الدولة في متاهات لا يمكن الخروج منها، ويشرح حمروش الوضع على أن المنصب وإن تم استحداثه حقيقة من خلال تعديل الدستور سيحدث مشاكل للبلاد "فالرئيس ستكون له صلاحيات ونائب الرئيس ستكون له صلاحيات غير أن تداخل الصلاحيات بين الرجلين سيحدث لا محالة، وسيكون للرئيس رجالاته كما سيكون لنائبه رجالاته وعوض أن يعمل الرجلان لمصلحة البلاد سيكون التناحر على صلاحيات متداخلة بين رجلين يشغلان المنصب ذاته تقريبا". ويضيف صاغور: "أعتقد أن منصب نائب الرئيس كما أفهمه ويفهمه حمروش لا يمكن أن يقبل شغله".

حمروش الذي وجه رسالة مشفرة إلى أطراف عدة قرأها متتبعون أنها كانت موجهة إلى المؤسسة العسكرية كمستقبل أول في إطار حثها على الحفاظ على وحدة الجيش بعد أن أثير وجود تصادم في أعلى هرمها، ومن ثمّ إلى الطبقة السياسية، يعتقد الأستاذ في العلوم السياسية والإعلام عبد العالي رزاقي، وبعكس ما يرى صاغور، أن ما يثار حول إمكانية وجود رسالة أخرى من هذا الأخير، أمر ممكن ذلك أن الإعلام حور تصريحاته، "وستكون هذه الرسالة بمثابة التوضيح لما تناولته الصحافة في قراءاتها"- يقول رزاقي-، في وقت يعتقد مقربون منه من قبيل الأستاذ عبد الرزاق صاغور والكاتب الصحفي عابد شارف أن الأمر مستبعد على الأقل في الوقت الراهن، في ظل المعطيات المتوفرة بحوزتهما، معتقدين أن حمروش عبر عن رأيه في أوانه، وأنه في حال ما رغب في الكلام من جديد لن يكون بحاجة إلى استعارة أو مبني للمجهول.

"مجهولان اختطفاني من محطة الخروبة وعطلاني عن إيداع التوقيعات"

2014-03-12T16:30:00.002+01:00

رشيد نكاز المرشح السابق للرئاسيات
صورة: الشروق

ظهر، أمس، رشيد نكاز، المرشح للرئاسيات، خلال تشييع جنازة جدته، بأعصاب منهارة وتعب شديد باد على ملامح وجهه إلى درجة عجزه عن حضور صلاة الجنازة ومراسيم التشييع بمقبرة السهايلية في الشلف.

واغتنمت "الشروق" فرصة تواجد بوعبد الله، شقيق رشيد نكاز، في مراسيم جنازة جدته، لتسأله عن القصة الحقيقية لاختفاء أوراق الاستمارات التي كان مكلفا بنقلها إلى المجلس الدستورى بالعاصمة، فقال: "دخلنا وقتها إلى المجلس الدستوري أمام أعين كاميرات الصحافة، وبعد نزول أخي رشيد من السيارة "بيجو 308" التي كنا نركبها دخل إلى أروقة المجلس، وبقيت أنا أنتظر في السيارة دورنا، فإذا بهاتفي يرن وأتلقى مكالمة يقول صاحبها بأن معه طردا فيه 17 ألف استمارة قدم بها من الصحراء"، وتابع المتحدث: "تعجبت لأننا نتلقى جميع الطرود عبر محطة الخروبة، ولكن مع ذلك خرجت لملاقاته دون أي اعتراض من المتواجدين بباب المجلس الدستوري، لم أسجل أي اعتراض ولم يكلمني أي أحد وقتها، وبعدما خرجت من المجلس الدستوري، توقفت في محطة خروبة، دقدق شخص في زجاج نافذتي اليمني وسألني أنت نكاز قلت نعم وفتحت عليه الباب فركب بسرعة وقفز آخر في المقعد الخلفي كان متخفيا وراء الجدار وشد بعنقي بيده، ثم أخرج الذي كان بجانبي سكينا وأمرني بالسير فلم أعرف الطريق وانتابني الخوف والذعر. وكل ما أدركته عبر المسلك لافتة بومرداس".

وأضاف المتحدث: "وبعد مدة من السير طلب مني التوقف على حافة الطريق ونزع مفتاح السيارة، فتذكرت بأن معي 20 مليون سنتيم، فقلت لهما ماذا تريدان مني: السيارة، قالا لا نريد شيئا فقط جلسة خفيفة". وهنا يقول شقيق نكاز: "عرفت بأن الأمر يتعلق بتضييع الوقت كي لا أدفع الاستمارات في الوقت المحدد، ليرن هاتف شقيقي رشيد لأجيبه: أنا في مشكلة كبيرة، فخطفوا هاتفي وانهالوا علي بأقبح ألفاظ السب والشتم ثم أغلقاه ولم أتمكن من التمعن فيهما فقط الذي كان جالسا بجانبي لمحت جهة وجهه، أما الثاني الذي كان موجودا ورائي فلم أره بسبب الظلام ولم ألتفت إليه من شدة الخوف. ويظهر من كلامهما بأنهما عاصميان".

شقيق نكاز الذي كان مكلفا بنقل استمارات التوقيعات إلى المجلس الدستوري، وصف الطريقة التي خرج بها رشيد نكاز من سباق الرئاسيات بالسخيفة. وختم حديثه مع "الشروق" بالقول: "الحمد لله الذي نجوت بنفسي فأنا لم أصدق ما حدث لي، فأنا لا علاقة لي بالسياسية".

الباكالوريا

2014-03-11T17:14:00.002+01:00

الثالثة ثانوي

ملفات و صفحات خاصة بجميع المواد

ـ قوائم المتفوقين في البكالوريات السابقة ـ

ـ مواضيع مجلة رسالتنا المقترحة للبكالوريا ـ

ـمطويات كليك الملخصة للدروس جميع الموادـ

ـ معاملات و مواقيت المواد لجميع الشعب ـ

ـ حوارات مع المتفوقين في البكالوريا ـ

ـ مواضيع و حلول البكالوريات السابقة ـ

ـمواضيع الشروق و الخبر المقترحة للبكالورياـ

ـمواضيع سلسلة مستقبلي المقترحة للبكالوريا ـ

ـ جدول زمني مقترح لتنظيم وقت المراجعة ـ

ـ معدلات القبول في السنوات السابقة ـ

ملفات و صفحات خاصة ببكالوريا 2013

ـ مواضيع و حلول بكالوريا 2013 ـ

ـ قائمة المتفوقين بكالوريا 2013 ـ

ـ معدلات القبول ضمن توجيه الطلاب ـ

ـ حوارات و نصائح المتفوقين ـ

ـ بنك البكالوريا التجريبية 2013 ـ

ـ المواضيع الرسمية المقترحة لبكالوريا 2013 ـ

ـ جدول سير اختبارات بكالوريا 2013 ـ

ـ عتبة الدروس بكالوريا 2013 ـ

نصائح و إرشادات حول كيفية التعامل قبل , أثناء و بعد الامتحانات و التحضير الجيد لها
نصائح حول كيفية استغلال العطلة الصيفية في التحضير للبكالوريا
تحميل كتاب: استراتيجية المذاكرة

السنة رايعة متوسط

2014-03-11T17:07:00.002+01:00

الرابعة متوسط

الرياضيات

اللغة الانجليزية

العلوم الفيزيائية و التكنولوجية

التربية المدنية

التربية الموسيقية

التربية البدنية

اللغة العربية

اللغة الفرنسية

علوم الطبيعة و الحياة

التاريخ و الجغرافيا

التربية الاسلامية

التربية الفنية التشكيلية

حلول شهادات التعليم المتوسط السابقة
قوائم المتفوقين في شهادات التعليم المتوسط السابقة
مواضيع جريدة الخبر المقترحة لشهادة التعليم المتوسط 2013
نصائح و إرشادات حول كيفية التعامل قبل , أثناء و بعد الامتحانات و التحضير الجيد لها

علاء مبارك أراد أن يكون رئيسا لمصر على "ظهر" الجزائر

2014-03-11T17:03:00.002+01:00

أحمد أبو الغيط وزير الخارجية الأسبق

صورة: (ح.م)

قال أحمد أبو الغيط، وزير الخارجية المصري الأسبق، إن مباراة كرة القدم بين مصر والجزائر في تصفيات كأس العالم عام 2009، أثبتت الأداء الفاشل للدولة المصرية ووسائلها الإعلامية.

وأكد أحمد أبو الغيط، وزير الخارجية الأسبق في حوار لبرنامج "رحلة في الذاكرة" المعروض على "روسيا اليوم"، أن الدولة المصرية ووسائلها الإعلامية أثبتت فشلها في احتواء أزمة مباراة كرة القدم بين فريقي البلدين حيث قال: "كان هناك حشد من الجانبين وكان هناك تقديرات سوف تحدث، لكن الخطأ الأساسي الذي وقعنا فيه أننا لم نشكل مجموعات عمل من جهاز الرياضة والإعلام والخارجية والدفاع والمخابرات ومن الحكومة المصرية والصحة وكافة الوزارات المصرية، لتعمل قبل المباراة على تحقيق استرخاء في الموقف، أو تعمل على متابعة وتقييم الموقف أثناء المباراة، أو تعمل على معالجة أي خروقات ما بعد الأزمة.. كل هذا لم يحدث".

واستطرد أبو الغيط قائلا: "لم يكن لدينا مجموعات عمل سياسية قبل وأثناء وبعد المباراة لاحتواء الأزمة، وعندما ظهر الإعلام المصري فى هذه الليلة يصرخ ويقول إن هناك عمليات قتل وجرح للمصريين دون دليل، حتى وصل إلى مرحلة الهوس، وتوجيه الإساءات إلى الشعب الجزائري، وقتها كان الرئيس يتابع المباراة من بيته، وقد قام الرئيس بإجراء اتصالات بنفسه، وهو ما يشكل الخطأ الجسيم من رئيس الحكومة ورئيس المخابرات ووزير الخارجية أنهم يتركون الرئيس بمفرده هكذا"، مضيفاً: "مع عودة الفريق كان ينبغي أن نكون قابضين على هذه المسألة، وأنا شخصياً كان لي الكثير من التصريحات من أجل السيطرة على الأزمة".

وأكمل أبو الغيط أن الموقف تم استغلاله شعبياً، حيث قال: "وقت الأزمة تحدث بعض الناس قائلين إن علاء مبارك رئيسٌ لمصر، وهو ما يعد تعبئة شعبية وإقناعا للشعب واستغلالل للأزمة بموجة شعبوية من أجل الحكم".

وأكد: "علاء مبارك أخطأ كثيرا بتصريحاته الشعبوية وأراد استغلال الوضع ليصبح رئيسا للدولة، والإعلام المصري لم يكن لديه أية أدلة تدين الجزائريين، ورغم ذلك تحدث عن جرحى وإصابات وسط الأنصار، مما جعله يسيء كثيرا إلى الجزائريين"، مكملاً: "هذه الفترة كانت حزينة جداً من العمل الإعلامي كشفت ضعف أداء الدولة المصرية وشعبوية الحكم، وهنا يجب أن أعترف أن وزير الخارجية الجزائري وقتها مراد مدلسي عمل معي بكفاءة ودقة وإنكار للذات وتفهم منطلقاتي في هذه الظروف الصعبة

سلال: هذا ما قاله بوتفليقة في ثلاث ساعات

2014-03-11T17:02:00.007+01:00

عبد المالك سلال الوزير الأول
صورة: الشروق

"وجدته مطلعا على كل صغيرة وكبيرة ولم نمارس عليه حصارا إعلاميا"

أبلغ عبد المالك سلال قيادات إدارة الحملة الانتخابية للرئيس المرشح عبد العزيز بوتفليقة، أن هذا الأخير في وضع صحي"حسن"، وأنه "متابع لكل صغيرة وكبيرة"، واستدل سلال في ذلك بلقاء جمعه ببوتفليقة الخميس الماضي ودام ثلاث ساعات كاملة.

ونقلت مصادر مطلعة لـ "الشروق"، أن اللقاء الذي عقده عبد المالك سلال تحت قبعة مدير الحملة الانتخابية، بعدد من إطارات الأحزاب المشكلة لإدارة الحملة الانتخابية، مساء السبت بمقر المداومة في حيدرة، خصص حيزا مهما للدفاع عن "محيط الرئيس" المتهم من قبل مراقبين وأحزاب معارضة بدفع بوتفليقة إلى الترشح لعهدة رابعة، و"حجب" المعطيات عنه فيما يدور على الساحة الوطنية.

ونقلت مصادر "الشروق" عن سلال قوله: "تقول المعارضة إننا نمارس على الرئيس حصارا إعلاميا حتى لا يعرف ما يدور في الجزائر، لكن الرئيس يعلم ويتابع كل صغيرة وكبيرة"، وتابع سلال مدافعا عن الوضع الصحي لبوتفليقة: "الرئيس بخير وهو في تحسن مستمر، والتقيت به وتحدثنا لثلاث ساعات كاملة".

وخاض سلال خلال اللقاء الذي حضره رئيس تجمع أمل الجزائر عمار غول، وزعيم الحركة الشعبية عمارة بن يونس، في الحراك الشعبي الذي يعرفه الشارع ضد العهدة الرابعة، وخاصة من حركة "بركات"، وأبدى سلال بحسب مصدرنا "توجسا" مما يجري، وقال في اللقاء إن هنالك أطرافا دخلت في مغامرة خطيرة من أجل طموحات شخصية، وإن تلك الأطراف تنتهج "الفوضى" للوصول إلى مبتغاها، لكن سلال نبه إلى أن الشعب الجزائي واع وناضج ولا يمكن استدراجه إلى ما سماه "المغامرات".

وعن آليات التعامل مع الحراك الشعبي الرافض للعهدة الرابعة، أكد عبد المالك سلال "توقيف الاعتقالات"، لكن المتحدث شدد على أن السلطات لن تتسامح مع ما يجري التخطيط له.

وبخصوص الحملة الانتخابية، أوصى عبد المالك سلال، إطارات المديرية والمكلفين بالإعلام، بتفادي الإساءة إلى المرشحين الآخرين قائلا: "بوتفليقة يرفض الإساءة إلى أي مرشح، وعليكم الالتزام بهذا الأمر... لا نريد الانجرار إلى المزايدات أو الرد على من يتعرض للرئيس".

لافروف: أطراف أجنبية تحاول زرع الفوضى في الجزائر

2014-03-11T17:02:00.003+01:00

سيرغي لافروف وزيرا الخارجية الروسي

صورة: (ح.م)

أكد وزير الخارجية الروسي، سيرغي لافروف، على وجود أطراف أجنبية تحاول زرع الفوضى في الجزائر من خلال التسويق لـ"ربيع جزائري"، وهي نفسها الأطراف التي فتحت عدة جبهات على الحدود الجزائرية انطلاقا من ليبيا، تونس ومالي تقودها جماعات متشددة، مشيرا إلى أن بلاده تتابع عن كثب آخر التطورات الحاصلة في منطقة شمال إفريقيا والساحل، ومحذّرا الجزائر من أن تقوم الأطراف ذاتها باستخدام نعرات الأقليات في هذا البلد، كنواة لإحداث الفتنة.

وأبدى الوزير الروسي، في تصريح له خلال زيارته إلى تونس، حسب ما تناقلته وكالات إعلامية قلقه من الأطماع الغربية التي أضحت تضع شمال إفريقيا والساحل تحت المجهر، وتتحجج بالانفلات الأمني وانتشار الجماعات المسلحة التي تهدد مصالحها في المنطقة، خصوصا أن المصالح الروسية طالما تعارضت مع المصالح الغربية، بالأخص منها الأمريكية، حيث إن الطرفين ينظران إلى شمال إفريقيا والساحل كمصدر خصب للثروات، يمكن الاستفادة منه لأعوام طويلة، ولهذا يحرصان على التواجد بصفة دائمة هناك بحجة حماية المصالح الخاصة.

5 ملايين "مُحارب" على الفيسبوك هزموا السلطة والمعارضة معا

2014-03-11T17:01:00.003+01:00

محللون سياسيون: الفايسبوك طاقة لا يستهان بها

"مخلوف البومباردي" مرشح الفايسبوكيين يغلب 12 مترشحا للرئاسيات

..عددهم يفوق الخمسة ملايين مسجل على موقع التواصل الاجتماعي انتقل دورهم من التفاعل فيما بينهم عن طريق التعليقات وتبادل الصور والفيديوهات، إلى موقع للتجنيد والتظاهر، واستطاع أن يزاحم ويتغلب على الأحزاب السياسية في القدرة على التعبئة الجماهيرية، ولعل ما حققته حركة "بركات" واحتشاد جماهير "نكاز" في ساحة البريد المركزي اعتبر بمثابة ضربة قاصمة للأحزاب التي لم تعد قادرة على تجنيد حتى مناضليها.. إنهم الفايسبوكيون.

تقدر إدارة الفايسبوك في آخر أرقام نشرت عام 2013 أن تعداد الجزائريين المنخرطين في موقع التواصل الاجتماعي يقدر بنحو 05 ملايين منخرط، بينهم 03 ملايين من النساء، ومليونان من الرجال، عدد الصفحات عبر الموقع يتجاوز 165 ألف صفحة، ليحتل الفايسبوك في الجزائر المرتبة الثالثة عربيا بعد كل من مصر والمغرب، وهو بذلك قوة لا يستهان بها، يتراوح عمر الفئة التي تستخدم الفايسبوك في الجزائر ما بين 13 عاما و 45 عاما. وهم بذلك يمثلون الفئة الشابة من المجتمع مع أغلبية كبيرة لفئة الشباب فوق 21 عاما.

الفايسبوك من وسيلة للتعليقات إلى منبر للتجنيد

إن كانت الحملة الانتخابية لم تبدأ على أرض الواقع إلا أنها دشنت مبكرا على صفحات مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي أبرزها "التعبئة" التي قادها أعضاء ومتعاطفون مع حركة بركات، للدعوة إلى التظاهر، استعان فيها ممثلو الحركة بصفحات فايسبوكية تحوز 100 ألف معجب، وإعلاميين استطاعت على مرتين أن تجند في مظاهرات سلمية جزائريين هتفوا ضد العهدة الرابعة، هؤلاء لم يحركهم بيان إعلامي، ولم يحركهم زعيم سياسي، ولم تحركهم لا منظمة ولا جمعية.

يقول الناشط السياسي سمير بن عريبي لـ "الشروق": "نحن مواطنون ولا أحد يزايد علينا في الوطنية، تعبئتنا للجماهير ساعدتنا فيها مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي لأن فيها مواطنين أحرارا في أفكارهم وهو ما ساعدنا على الخروج إلى الشارع".

يعلق المحلل السياسي والأستاذ الجامعي عبد العالي رزاقي على ظاهرة قدرة الفايسبوك على التجنيد: انتقل الفايسبوك من لعب دور عفوي إلى دور إيجابي بسبب انعدام الثقة في الأحزاب السياسية بدءا من الأفلان وصولا إلى بقية الأحزاب الأخرى التي لا تزال تفقد قدرتها على التجنيد، بما فيها الأحزاب الإسلامية وذلك بسبب المطامع في المناصب التي أفقدتها ثقة الجماهير، مما جعل الفايسبوك يصبح مصدر ثقة باعتباره غير موال لأي جهة.

وأضاف رزاقي: "الفايسبوك قوة لا يستهان بها فهو قد صنع الفارق في مصر وتونس، ويبدو أن هذه القوة جعلت من الفايسبوك في الجزائر مخترقا لأجل التشويش، لكن في الأصل يجب أن يبقى الفايسبوك لأجل تبادل المعلومات والتحليل".

وعن قدرة الفايسبوك على صنع التغيير يقول المحلل السياسي سليم قلالة لـ "الشروق": "الفايسبوك أصبح مرآة عاكسة لتطور المستوى لدى الجيل الجديد وربما في السنوات القادمة سيصبح ما نراه في الفايسبوك متطابقا مع ما نراه في الواقع ، لكن يبقى على جيل الفايسبوك أن يعبر عن قناعتاته ميدانيا، ولا يحصرها في الجانب الافتراضي".

وعن بروز أولى مظاهر قدرة الفايسبوك على التجنيد قال قلالة إنها أولى بدايات ترجمة تأثير الفايسبوك، لكنه هون من قدرتها على التجنيد مؤكدا أن فئة كبار السن أو من الجيل الثاني والثالث، لا تزال خاضعة للتأثير التقليدي بسبب بعدها عن ممارسة تقنيات التكنولوجيا الحديثة، وقال قلالة: لو يصل الجيل الجديد إلى تحويل قناعاته إلى فعل لحدث انقلاب كبير في التغيير الفكري.

"البومباردي" في مواجهة 12 مترشحا للرئاسة

استطاعت صفحات فايسبوكية يزيد عدد المعجبين بها على أكثر من 100 ألف معجب، أن تتحول إلى محل اهتمام "الفايسبوكيين" بفعل سرعة ما تنشره من أخبار سياسية والتهكم على السياسيين والمسؤولين بطرق هزلية أن تستقطب اهتمام نحو 05 ملايين فايسبوكي، وتلقى الصفحات التهكمية والتي تنشر مقاطع فيديو هزلية للمتشحين أو تعمل على فبركتها انتشارا واسعا، وتحولت في الآونة الأخيرة السياسة إلى أكثر المواضيع تعليقا، مما جعل الفايسبوكيين ينقسمون بين موالٍ للعهدة الرابعة للرئيس بوتفليقة وبين مناهض لها.

من إنقاذ أقدام مرضى السكري إلى علاج داء الفيل

2014-03-11T17:00:00.006+01:00

الدكتورة بوجناح في مهمة نبيلة لإنقاذ المرضى

صورة: رجب.ع

بعدما جنّبت عشرات آلاف مرضى السكري بتر أرجلهم، وأعادت لهم البسمة بتقنية أبدعت فيها واعترف بها الأجانب، في ظل تجاهل السلطات ووجود العراقيل. ها هي الطبيبة نادية بوجناح، تواصل إبداعاتها وانجازاتها، وتصرّ هذه المرة على إنقاذ آلاف المرضى المصابين بداء إنتشر كالنار في الهشيم وعجز أطباء العالم عن علاجه، إنه داء الفيل أو مرض "الفلاريا"، فأصبحت بحق امرأة ننحني أمامها احتراما وتبجيلا.

لا يُنكر انجازات الطبيبة الجزائرية نادية بوجناح إلا جاحدٌ، فزيارة إلى عيادتها الطبية ببلدية بوزريعة، تجعلك تقف مذهولا أمام صُور مصابين بتعفن السكري، كان يفصلهم شبرٌ عن بتر أرجلهم، لكن الطبيبة تمكَّنت من علاجهم، بتقنية حقن غاز الكاربون.

وها هي تواصل تحدّيها، مُوجهة اهتمامها نحو مرضى داء الفيل، هذا المرض الذي يُحوِّل حياة صاحبه إلى جحيم، ويجعل أطرافه السفلية تتورَّم لتصبح مثل أطراف الفيل، خاصة وأن المرض لا علاج له، وكثير من حامليه تأزمت حالتهم بعدما عبثت بهم مشارط الجراحين، وجعلت التورّم يصل حتى الأطراف العلوية من أجسادهم. الأمر الذي جعل الطبيبة تبحث في أسباب المرض وتوصّلت إلى طريقة جديدة لعلاجهم.

قصدنا عيادتها ببوزريعة بأعالي العاصمة، لكشف سرّ تكريس كامل حياتها للإكتشافات الطبية، ورفضها تكوين أسرة قد تعيقها عن أبحاثها، فوجدناها غير مهتمّة بالحديث عن نفسها، بقدر ماتريد لفت الانتباه إلى معاناة مرضى السكري بالجزائر، فتحدثت عن غياب التكفل الفعال بمصابي التعفن السكري، مُستغربة أن يكون البترُ أول الحلول التي يقترحها الأطباء على مرضاهم، رغم أنه يُعتبر العلاج الأخير، وسردت لنا قصة امرأة في الأربعين من عمرها مصابة بالسكري تعيش مع والدها المسن، حيث أُدخلت المستشفى بعد تعفن في رجلها، وتلاعب بها الأطباء 4 أشهر كاملة "كل يوم يطلبون منها تحضير نفسها لبتر رجْلها، وعندما قصدت عيادتي عالجتها دون بتر".
وتأسفت محدثتنا لغياب مراكز متخصصة، وتطرقت إلى مشكل استثناء بعض الأدوية باهظة الثمن من التعويض، ومنها دواء "بلافيكس" وهو نوع من الأسبيرين، ومضادات حيوية مهمة، خاصة التي يحتاجها المرضى ممّن خضعوا لتقنية العلاج بالكاربون، وتضيف "حتى الكراسي المُتحرِّكة، يُحرمون من تعويض ثمنها بحجة أنها مخصصة للمعاقين فقط، رغم أن المرضى الذين خضعوا للعلاج بتقنيتي، يبقون لأشهر على كراس متحركة".
الدكتورة بوجناح وجدت نفسها وحيدة تحاول إنقاذ مرضى، معظمهم من فقراء الجزائر لا يملكون حتى بطاقة شفاء، 5 آلاف منهم بين نساء ورجال مهددون ببتر أطرافهم. "المرضى الذين يقصدونني لفظتهم المستشفيات العمومية وتخلى عنهم صندوقُ الضمان الأجتماعي".
والتقنية التي تستعملها الطبيبة لعلاج المصابين، تجعل المريض يخضع لفترة نقاهة، قد تصل إلى 4 أشهر، والمؤسف حسبها أن صندوق الضمان الاجتماعي لا يعوض هذه العطلة المرضية، لأن تقنيتها غير معترف بها. ما جعل كثيرا من الموظفين مهددون بالطرد من مناصبهم. وهو حال ممرض عالج بعيادة الطبيبة، غاب عن عمله منذ نوفمبر 2013، ليُصدم بقرار عدم تعويض عطلته المرضية وتهديده بالطرد من العمل رغم أنه رب أسرة.
وتتحسر محدثتنا للتجاهل الذي لقيته من وزارة الصحة، ومنع إدراج تقنيتها في المستشفيات العمومية، رغم أنها كوّنت 800 طبيب، وثبَت نجاحُ تقنيتها بنسبة 90 بالمئة. لتقرِّر أخيرا عدم إهدار وقتها في الجري بين مكاتب المسؤولين، مفضلة قضاء وقتها الثمين مع مرضاها، ولمن حكم على تقنيتها بالفشل تقول له "ماذا اخترعتم أنتم؟".
ووجّهت الطبيبة بوجناح مؤخراً اهتمامها نحو فئة المصابين بداء الفيل أو "الفلاريا"، وإيجاد علاج لهم ونجحت في ذلك، وأظهرت لنا صوراً لا يستطيع من يراها حبس دموعه، لمصابين بداء الفيل، يعانون من تشوّهات وانتفاخات خطيرة غالبيتهم شباب. والمؤسف آن المرض منتشر بالجزائر ويعاني أصحابُه في صمت في ظل غياب التكفل والعلاج. و"الفلاريا" ديدان خيطية تهاجم الأنسجة تحت الجلد والأوعية الليمفاوية للمصاب، متسببة في التهابات وتقرُّحات مُزمنة للأطراف السفلية للنساء والرجال.
وكشفت لنا بوجناح أن معظم الأموال التي تتحصل عليها من اجرائها عمليات تجميلية غير جراحية، توجِّهها لمساعدة مرضى قدم السكري الفقراء، وختمت لقاءها معنا بالقول "لم أجد الا الجمعيات والمحسنين الذين تبرَّعوا لعلاج كثير من مرضاي، خاصة ممّن يحتاجون تحاليل طبية عديدة وأدوية، وحتى رجال الدرك خاصة فرقة "لافونتان" ببوزريعة مدوا يد المساعدة، ومؤخرا بعض الأطباء العموميين صاروا يهتمون بتقنيتي في العلاج.. سأواصل أبحاثي رغم العراقيل، تنفيذا لوعد قطعته لشقيقي الذي غيّبه عني مرض السكري، وانقاذا لآلاف المرضى الجزائريين".

المحكمة العليا ترفض جميع طعون عبد المومن خليفة

2014-03-11T17:00:00.001+01:00

عبد المومن خليفة

صورة: (الأرشيف)

بوجمعة غشير: المعارضة هو الطريق الوحيد لصاحب "فضيحة القرن"

رفضت المحكمة العليا، قرار الطعن بـ"النقض" الذي تقدم به المتهم الرئيسي في قضية "خليفة بنك" عبد المومن خليفة، والذي أصدرته محكمة الجنايات في مارس 2007 ، بعد أن رفضت الطعن الأول المتعلق بقرار غرفة الاتهام لمجلس قضاء البليدة، فيما قام "صاحب فضيحة القرن"، حسب مصادر"الشروق" بتوكيل المحامي لزهر نصر الدين للدفاع عن قضيته.

كشفت مصادر قضائية لـ"الشروق"، أن المحكمة العليا التي سجلت طعنا تقدم به رفيق عبد المومن خليفة، بخصوص قرار الطعن بـ"النقض" ضد قرار محكمة الجنايات الصادر في حقه، والقاضي بالحكم المؤبد في القضية التي تخص البنك الذي كان يديره شخصيا، قد تم رفضه وفقا للإجراءات القانونية.

وفي السياق، قال المحامي بوجمعة غشير لـ"الشروق"، إن عبد المومن خليفة ليس له الحق في الطعن لأنه صدر في حقه حكم جنائي غيابي، وهذا الحكم لا يصدر إلا بعد إجراءات خاصة تتعلق بتبليغ المعني بكافة الطرق القانونية من بينها التعليق في أخر سكن له والبلدية والجهات القضائية المعنية والنشر في الجرائد ويطلب منه أن يقدم نفسه في 10أيام.

وإن لم يتم تسليم نفسه خلال المدة المحددة يصدر الحكم غيابيا في حقه، ولا يحق له الطعن فيه بنص قانون الإجراءات الجزائية الذي لا يمنح حق الطعن للمحكوم عليه غيابيا في الجنايات، وعليه فإن المحكمة العليا لم رفضت طعن عبد المومن خليفة تكون قد طبقت القانون تطبيقا سليما وصحيحا.

وأوضح غشير، أن الطريق الوحيد الذي بقي لعبد المومن هو تقديم معارضة لدى محكمة الجنايات، لأن الحكم الغيابي يسقط بمجرد وصوله إلى السجن بمقتضى المادة 326 من قانون الإجراءات الجزائية، التي تنص على أن الحكم الغيابي يسقط تلقائيا عندما يحضر الشخص المحكوم ولا يحتاج إلى أي إجراء، وبالتالي فالخليفة سيصبح متهما وليس محكوما عليه، ومن ثم سيستفيد من قرينة البراءة، ومن حقه أن يطالب بمحاكمة عادلة وفقا للمادة 14 من المعاهدة الدولية للحقوق السياسية والمدنية، والتي صادقت عليها الجزائر.

في حين أكدت مصادر"الشروق"، أن عبد المومن خليفة قام بتوكيل المحامي لزهر نصر الدين الذي تولى إجراءات الدعوة، وسيتكفل بالدفاع عن الخليفة في حالة جدولة قضيته في الدورة الجنائية القادمة.

فيما اكتفى المحامي لزهر في تصريح لـ"الشروق" بالتأكيد توليه مهمة الدفاع عن عبد المومن خليفة دون ذكر تفاصيل أخرى وقال"أتحفظ عن ذكر تفاصيل أخرى عن قضية موكلي".

ومعلوم أن المتهم الرئيسي في قضية ما يعرف بـ"فضيحة القرن"، والذي تم تسليمه إلى الجزائر من طرف السلطات البريطانية في 24 ديسمبر المنصرم، قدم طعونا أمام المحكمة العليا في 26 ديسمبر المنصرم، الأول يتعلق بقرار الإحالة الصادر في حقه عن غرفة الاتهام لمجلس قضاء البليدة، والثاني ضد قرار محكمة الجنايات الصادر ضده سنة 2007 والقاضي بالحكم المؤبد عليه.

هؤلاء فقط.. المرشحون للرئاسة

2014-03-11T16:59:00.001+01:00

المرشحون الستة
صورة: ح.م

عبد العزيز بلعيد يصنع المفاجأة وبوتفليقة وجها لوجه مع بن فليس لثاني مرة

أنهى، أمس، المجلس الدستوري دراسة ملفات الـ 12 مترشح لرئاسيات الـ 17 أفريل القادم. وبحسب مصادرنا فقد تم تثبيت ترشح 6 أسماء فقط بصفة رسمية لسباق الرئاسيات، فيما أسقط غربال هيئة مراد مدلسي 7 أسماء. ولعل اعتماد اسم المرشح عبد العزيز بلعيد قد أحدث المفاجأة، فيما يبقى اعتماد ملف ترشح الرئيس عبد العزيز بوتفليقة مثيرا للجدل في الجانب المتعلق بالملف الطبي الذي حمله ملف ترشحه.

وأفادت مصادر "الشروق"، أمس، أن المجلس الدستوري أنهى دراسة ملفات المترشحين الـ 12، وخلص إلى إعداد قائمة بستة أسماء، ستشكل محور مداولات الهيئة التي شكلها رئيس المجلس الدستوري مراد مدلسي للبت في أمر ملفات المترشحين.

وبحسب مصادرنا، فإن القائمة الرسمية للمترشحين ضمت خمسة أسماء سبق لها الترشح للرئاسيات، واسم واحد يعد جديدا في المنافسة التي يرتقب أن يواجه فيها رئيس الجمهورية المنتهية ولايته، عبد العزيز بوتفليقة، كل من رئيس الحكومة الأسبق ومرشح رئاسيات 2004 علي بن فليس، والأمينة العامة لحزب العمال والمترشحة لرئاسيات 2004 و2009 لويزة حنون.

كما رسم المجلس الدستوري ترشح رئيس حزب عهد 54 ومترشح رئاسيات 2004 و2009 علي فوزي رباعين وكذا رئيس الجبهة الوطنية الجزائرية موسى تواتي ومرشح الموعدين السابقين وكذا رئيس جبهة المستقبل عبد العزيز بلعيد الذي سيجرب حظه مع الرئاسيات لأول مرة.

وفي قراءة أولية للقائمة التي سيتم الإعلان عنها، فإن رئاسيات 2014 لم تحتفظ بنفس عدد المتنافسين في 2009 وإن كانت احتفظت بنفس التركيبة اسمين مستقلين، ويتعلق الأمر ببوتفليقة ورئيس حكومته قبل ماي 2003 علي بن فليس، وأربعة مرشحي أحزاب، فيما تبقى علامات الإستفهام تلف اعتماد مرشح جبهة المستقبل عبد العزيز بلعيد، على اعتبار حداثة حزبه ووعائه الانتخابي الذي يتقاسمه مع الآفلان والمرشح الحر علي بن فليس.

وبرأي المتابعين للشأن السياسي، فحتى وإن لم يكن ترسيم ترشح الرئيس مفاجأة فإن ملفه الطبي يبقى يثير الكثير من الجدل لدى المعارضة والرافضين للعهدة الرابعة.

المجلس الدستوري الذي يكون قد أنهى دراسة ملفات المترشحين للرئاسيات قبل ثلاثة أيام من انقضاء الآجال القانونية المحددة بـ 10 أيام بعد غلق فترة استقبال ملفات الترشح، سيكشف تفاصيل الأسباب التي أسقطت الأسماء الستة؛ ويتعلق الأمر بكل من علي زغـدود، محفوظ عدول، عـلي بن واري، محمد بن حمــو والصّادق طمـاش وعبد الحكيم حمـادي.

ومعلوم أن ملف الترشح للرئاسيات، وبحسب القانون العضوي المتعلق بنظام الانتخابات في مادته 161 فلا يقبل انسحاب المترشح بعد إيداع الترشيح إلا في حالة الوفاة أو حدوث مانع قانوني للمترشح.

والفصل في الملف يتم بعد تعيين المجلس الدستوري من بين أعضاءه، مقررا أو عدة مقررين للتكفل بالتحقيق في ملفات الترشح، ويستدعي رئيس المجلس الدستوري أعضاء المجلس للاجتماع في جلسة مغلقة ودراسة التقرير والفصل في صحة الترشيحات، بعد الإنتهاء من التحقق من قائمة الوثائق المكونة لملف الترشح المقدمة، والتأكد من أن كل مترشح يستوفي فعلا الشروط التي يقتضيها الدستور والأمر المتضمن القانون العضوي المتعلق بنظام الانتخابات، ويضبط المجلس في الأخير قائمة المترشحين لانتخاب رئيس الجمهورية بقرار ويبلغ هذه القائمة إلى المعنيين وتعلم جميع السلطات المعنية بها وترسل إلى الأمانة العامة للحكومة لنشرها في الجريدة الرسمية.

بوتفليقة..15 سنة وعهدة رابعة

عبد العزيز بوتفليقة من مواليد 2 مارس 1937، بوجدة المغربية، التحق بعد نهاية دراسته الثانوية بصفوف جيش التحرير الوطني، بعد الاستقلال، تقلد بوتفليقة منصب نائب في أول مجلس تأسيسي وطني، وعين وزيرا للشباب والرياضة ولم يتجاوز 25 سنة، ثم وزيرا للشؤون الخارجية.

كان مقربا جدا من الرئيس هواري بومدين، ما مكنه من إلقاء الكلمة التأبينية عند وفاته، وطرح اسمه كخليفة له، لكن جرى "إبعاده" واختير العقيد الشاذلي بن جديد، فكان "الابتعاد" عن الجزائر، وتحديدا بين الإمارات العربية وسويسرا، ليعود إلى الجزائر ويوقع "وثيقة 18" غداة أحداث الخامس أكتوبر، كما شارك في مؤتمر الأفلان في 1989، حيث انتخب عضوا للجنة المركزية.

بعد ذلك اقترح عليه منصب وزير - مستشار لدى المجلس الأعلى للدولة وهو هيئة رئاسية انتقالية تم وضعها من 1992 إلى 1994، ثم منصب ممثل دائم للجزائر بالأمم المتحدة، لكنه قابل الاقتراحين بالرفض، ورفض سنة 1994 منصب رئيس الدولة في إطار آليات المرحلة الانتقالية.

في ديسمبر 1998 أعلن عن نية الدخول في المنافسة الانتخابية الرئاسية بصفته مرشحا حرا، وانتخب في 15 أبريل 1999 رئيسا بعد انسحاب منافسيه الستة ساعات قبل فتح صناديق الاقتراع، عاود الكرة بعد خمس سنوات، وحقق فوزا عريضا على منافسه علي لن فليس، وأبان عن رغبة في الاستمرار في منصبه، "اهتدى" إلى تعديل الدستور سنة 2008 بفتح العهدات ليبقى في منصبه سنة 2009 ويعلن قبل أيام الترشح لعهدة رابعة، رغم وضعه الصحي.

بن فليس.. عودة بعد 10 سنوات صمت

رجل القانون علي بن فليس، من مواليد 8 سبتمبر عام 1944 بباتنة، حصل على البكالوريا، واختار كلية الحقوق ليتخرج منها عام 1968 حاملا شهادة الليسانس، التي أهلته لشغل مناصب مختلفة في القضاء حتى عام 1974، ثم تحول إلى المحاماة، وانتخب نقيبا لمنظمة محامي منطقة باتنة ما بين 1983 إلى 1980. وفي نفس الفترة كان عضو اللجنة التنفيذية والمجلس الوطني للمنظمة الوطنية للمحامين. وفي 1987 انتخب للمرة الثانية نقيبا لمحامي باتنة حتى سنة 1988... ابن الأوراس، وجد نفسه وزيرا للعدل عام 1988، واحتفظ بهذا المنصب خلال فترة ثلاث حكومات متتالية -حكومة قاصدي مرباح، حكومة مولود حمروش، حكومة سيد أحمد غزالي-.

تحول بعدها القاضي والمحامي والوزير، إلى النشاط السياسي، في الحزب العتيد وضمن مقعدا في المكتب السياسي، ودخل البرلمان، وتدرج في مسؤوليات الحزب إلى منصب الأمين العام بعد إبعاد سلفه بوعلام بن حمودة، ليسقط من أعلى هرم الحزب العتيد فيما عرف بقضية "عدالة الليل" عام 2004.

وتفيد المصادر، أن عبد القادر حجار من قدم بن فليس إلى الرئيس بوتفليقة، هذا الأخير "أغدق" عليه بالمناصب من أمين عام إلى مدير ديوان الرئاسة، ثم رئيسا للحكومة، وتقول المصادر كذلك، أن الراحل محمد العماري قد "أوحى" لبن فليس منافسة بوتفليقة في 2004، وأحس حجار بـ"الذنب" فكتب عن بن فليس الرسالة الشهيرة "وهم منصب الرئيس في مخيخ بن فليس"، استفاق بن فليس من حلم الوصول إلى كرسي المرادية، بـ"الضربة القاضية" من طرف بوتفليقة.. 10 سنوات من "التواري" عن الأنظار جعلته مصمما على تكرار التجربة ومنافسة بوتفليقة مرة أخرى.

لويزة حنون.. امرأة في مواجهة الرجال

لويزة حنون الأمينة العامة لحزب العمال برزت في الساحة السياسية بعد أكتوبر 1988، من مواليد مدينة جيجل عام 1954، تابعت دراستها الجامعية بمدينة عنابة، انضمت إلى الخلايا اليسارية السرية واعتقلت سنة 1983 وحوكمت بتهمة المساس بالمصالح العليا للدولة وتهديد الأمن العام، وسجنت إلى غاية ماي 1984، وبعدها تعرضت مرات عديدة للمضايقات والاعتقالات وواصلت نضالها السياسي والنقابي رغم ذلك، بعد تفجر أحداث 5 أكتوبر 1988 خرجت من السرية إلى العلنية، وباشرت رحلة طويلة من النضال السياسي في عهد التعددية، لكن بصعوبات لا تقل عن تلك التي كانت تواجهها في السرية، وفي 1990 أسست رفقة بعض المناضلين حزب العمال، انتخبت نائبا في المجلس الشعبي الوطني سنة 1997 وظلت أمينة عامة، وفي سنة 2004 دخلت المنافسة على كرسي الرئاسة لتكون بذلك أول سيدة في الجزائر والعالم العربي تترشح لهذا المنصب، ثم في 2009 وبعدها في 2014، وفي كل المواعيد الثلاثة السابقة كانت تجد بوتفليقة منافسا لها.

عبد العزيز بلعيد.. أصغر المترشحين

عبد العزيز بلعيد من مواليد 1963 ببلدية مروانة ولاية باتنة، يحمل شهادة ليسانس في الحقوق من جامعة الجزائر وشهادة الكفاءة المهنية في المحاماة وشهادة دكتوراه في الطب من كلية محرزي بالجزائر.

بلعيد، له باع طويل في الحركة الجمعوية تحت مظلة الحزب العتيد، فبعد فترة في الكشافة الإسلامية، انضم إلى صفوف الاتحاد الوطني للطلبة الجزائريين وتولى منصب أمين عام له لأكثر من عقد، بالموازاة مع نضاله في اتحاد الشبيبة الجزائرية التي تولى منصب أمينها العام بدورها، وتولى الإشراف على المؤتمر العالمي للشباب الدولي بالجزائر سنة 2001 بحضور ممثلي 120 دولة... تولى مسؤوليات رفيعة في الأفلان، وانتخب عضو اللجنة المركزية وعمره 23 سنة وشغل فيه منصب عضو مكتب سياسي سنة 2001 كما شغل عضوية البرلمان لعهدتين، وذهب لحال سبيله بتأسيس جبهة المستقبل.

فوزي رباعين.. ثائر بحزب صغير

ولد علي فوز رباعين عام 1955 ابن شهيد، ومجاهدة، في فيفري 1985 أسس مع مجموعة من الشباب منظمة مستقلة تحت باسم "جمعية أبناء وبنات شهداء ولاية الجزائر". كان أيضاً عضوا مؤسساً لأول رابطة جزائرية لحقوق الإنسان، التي تأسست عام 1985. وهو عضو مؤسس للجنة الوطنية لمناهضة التعذيب التي تأسست في أكتوبر 1988. كما شغل منصب الأمين العام للجمعية الوطنية الجزائرية "حكم". في 1983 تم اعتقاله وسجنه ابتداءً من 23 سبتمبر 1983 إلى غاية 4 نوفمبر 1984 بتهمة المساس بأمن الدولة، أين تم الإفراج عليه ليعتقل مرة ثانية بتهمة تأسيس تنظيمات غير معترف بها في 5 يوليو 1985، وصدر في حقه حكم بالسجن لمدة 13 عاما، لكن تم الإفراج عليه مجدداً في 26 أفريل 1987 بعفو رئاسي من طرف رئيس الجزائر الأسبق الشاذلي بن جديد. في 27 مارس 1991 أسس رباعين حزباً جديداً تحت اسم حزب عهد 54 تخليدا لتاريخ الثورة، ولم يتزحزح من منصبه كرئيس للحزب، ترشح في انتخابات 2004 و2009 .

موسى تواتي محاولتان دون يأس

موسى تواتي: هو موسى بن لخضر بن تواتي من مواليد 03 أكتوبر 1953 ببني سليمان ولاية المدية. نشأ في بيئة نضالية، ابن شهيد تربى وتكون في مراكز أبناء الشهداء منذ 1963 إلى غاية 1971 .

بدأ نضاله في صفوف أبناء الشهداء منذ سنة 1982 وفي 18 فيفري 1989 قام بعقد الندوة التأسيسية حيث تم إعلان هذا اليوم كرمز لليوم الوطني للشهيد. وبعدها قام بتأسيس التنسيقية الوطنية لأبناء الشهداء، ترأسها إلى غاية 1998 وهو تاريخ تأسيس الجبهة الوطنية الجزائرية التي يقودها منذ ذلك التاريخ. ترشح بإسم تشكيلته السياسية مرتين، خاض تجربة المنافسة في 2004 وعاودها في 2009 .

Nelson Mandela

2014-01-24T11:53:00.000+01:00

Nelson Mandela

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

His Excellency Nelson Mandela OM AC CC OJ GCStJ QC GCH RSerafO NPk

Mandela in Johannesburg, on 13 May 2008
President of South Africa
In office 10 May 1994 – 14 June 1999
Deputy	Thabo Mbeki F. W. de Klerk
Preceded by	F. W. de Klerk
Succeeded by	Thabo Mbeki
Personal details
Born	Rolihlahla Mandela 18 July 1918 Mvezo, Cape Province, Union of South Africa
Died	5 December 2013 (aged 95) Johannesburg, South Africa
Resting place	Mandela Graveyard Qunu, Eastern Cape 31°48′21.8″S 28°36′52.7″E
Nationality	South African
Political party	African National Congress
Other political affiliations	South African Communist Party
Spouse(s)	Evelyn Ntoko Mase (m. 1944–1957; divorced) Winnie Madikizela (m. 1958–1996; divorced) Graça Machel (m. 1998–2013; his death)
Children	Thembekile Mandela Makaziwe Mandela Makgatho Mandela Makaziwe Mandela Zenani Mandela Zindziswa Mandela
Alma mater	University of Fort Hare UoL External Programme University of South Africa University of the Witwatersrand
Occupation	Activist Politician Philanthropist Freedom Fighter Lawyer
Religion	Methodist^[1]^[2]
Known for	Anti-Apartheid Movement
Awards	Bharat Ratna (1990) Nobel Peace Prize (1993) Order of Lenin Presidential Medal of Freedom
Notable work(s)	Long Walk to Freedom
Signature
Website	www.nelsonmandela.org
Nickname(s)	Madiba Tata Dalibhunga (initiation name)^[3]

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (/mænˈdɛlə/;^[4] Xhosa pronunciation: [xoˈliːɬaɬa manˈdeːla]; 18 July 1918 – 5 December 2013) was a South African anti-apartheid revolutionary, politician, activist, lawyer, and philanthropist who served as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999. He was South Africa's first black chief executive, and the first elected in a fully representative democratic election. His government focused on dismantling the legacy of apartheid through tackling institutionalised racism, poverty and inequality, and fostering racial reconciliation. Politically an African nationalist and democratic socialist, he served as President of the African National Congress (ANC) from 1991 to 1997. Internationally, Mandela was Secretary General of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1998 to 1999.
A Xhosa born to the Thembu royal family, Mandela attended the Fort Hare University and the University of Witwatersrand, where he studied law. Living in Johannesburg, he became involved in anti-colonial politics, joining the ANC and becoming a founding member of its Youth League. After the South African National Party came to power in 1948, he rose to prominence in the ANC's 1952 Defiance Campaign, was appointed superintendent of the organisation's Transvaal chapter and presided over the 1955 Congress of the People. Working as a lawyer, he was repeatedly arrested for seditious activities and, with the ANC leadership, was unsuccessfully prosecuted in the Treason Trial from 1956 to 1961. Influenced by Marxism, he secretly joined the South African Communist Party (SACP) and sat on its Central Committee. Although initially committed to non-violent protest, in association with the SACP he co-founded the militant Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in 1961, leading a sabotage campaign against the apartheid government. In 1962, he was arrested, convicted of conspiracy to overthrow the state, and sentenced to life imprisonment in the Rivonia Trial.
Mandela served over 27 years in prison, initially on Robben Island, and later in Pollsmoor Prison and Victor Verster Prison. An international campaign lobbied for his release. He was released in 1990, during a time of escalating civil strife. Mandela joined negotiations with President F. W. de Klerk to abolish apartheid and establish multiracial elections in 1994, in which he led the ANC to victory and became South Africa's first black president. He published his autobiography in 1995. During his tenure in the Government of National Unity he invited several other political parties to join the cabinet. As agreed to during the negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa, he promulgated a new constitution. He also created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate past human rights abuses. While continuing the former government's liberal economic policy, his administration also introduced measures to encourage land reform, combat poverty, and expand healthcare services. Internationally, he acted as mediator between Libya and the United Kingdom in the Pan Am Flight 103 bombing trial, and oversaw military intervention in Lesotho. He declined to run for a second term, and was succeeded by his deputy, Thabo Mbeki. Mandela became an elder statesman, focusing on charitable work in combating poverty and HIV/AIDS through the Nelson Mandela Foundation.
Mandela was a controversial figure for much of his life. Denounced as a communist terrorist by critics,^[5]^[6] he nevertheless gained international acclaim for his activism, having received more than 250 honours, including the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize, the US Presidential Medal of Freedom, the Soviet Order of Lenin and the Bharat Ratna. He is held in deep respect within South Africa, where he is often referred to by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba, or as Tata ("Father"); he is often described as "the father of the nation".

Early life

Childhood: 1918–1936

Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 in the village of Mvezo in Umtata, then a part of South Africa's Cape Province.^[7] Given the forename Rolihlahla, a Xhosa term colloquially meaning "troublemaker",^[7] in later years he became known by his clan name, Madiba.^[8] His patrilineal great-grandfather, Ngubengcuka, was ruler of the Thembu people in the Transkeian Territories of South Africa's modern Eastern Cape province.^[9] One of this king's sons, named Mandela, became Nelson's grandfather and the source of his surname.^[10] Because Mandela was only the king's child by a wife of the Ixhiba clan, a so-called "Left-Hand House", the descendants of his cadet branch of the royal family were morganatic, ineligible to inherit the throne but recognised as hereditary royal councillors.^[10] His father, Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa, was a local chief and councillor to the monarch; he had been appointed to the position in 1915, after his predecessor was accused of corruption by a governing white magistrate.^[11] In 1926, Gadla, too, was sacked for corruption, but Nelson was told that he had lost his job for standing up to the magistrate's unreasonable demands.^[12] A devotee of the god Qamata,^[13] Gadla was a polygamist, having four wives, four sons and nine daughters, who lived in different villages. Nelson's mother was Gadla's third wife, Nosekeni Fanny, who was daughter of Nkedama of the Right Hand House and a member of the amaMpemvu clan of Xhosa.^[14]

"No one in my family had ever attended school [...] On the first day of school my teacher, Miss Mdingane, gave each of us an English name. This was the custom among Africans in those days and was undoubtedly due to the British bias of our education. That day, Miss Mdingane told me that my new name was Nelson. Why this particular name I have no idea."

— Mandela, 1994^[15]

Later stating that his early life was dominated by "custom, ritual and taboo",^[16] Mandela grew up with two sisters in his mother's kraal in the village of Qunu, where he tended herds as a cattle-boy, spending much time outside with other boys.^[17] Both his parents were illiterate, but being a devout Christian, his mother sent him to a local Methodist school when he was about seven. Baptised a Methodist, Mandela was given the English forename of "Nelson" by his teacher.^[18] When Mandela was about nine, his father came to stay at Qunu, where he died of an undiagnosed ailment which Mandela believed to be lung disease.^[19] Feeling "cut adrift", he later said that he inherited his father's "proud rebelliousness" and "stubborn sense of fairness".^[20]
His mother took Mandela to the "Great Place" palace at Mqhekezweni, where he was entrusted under the guardianship of Thembu regent, Chief Jongintaba Dalindyebo. Although he did not see his mother again for many years, Mandela felt that Jongintaba and his wife Noengland treated him as their own child, raising him alongside their son Justice and daughter Nomafu.^[21] As Mandela attended church services every Sunday with his guardians, Christianity became a significant part of his life.^[22] He attended a Methodist mission school located next to the palace, studying English, Xhosa, history and geography.^[23] He developed a love of African history, listening to the tales told by elderly visitors to the palace, and became influenced by the anti-imperialist rhetoric of Chief Joyi.^[24] At the time he nevertheless considered the European colonialists as benefactors, not oppressors.^[25] Aged 16, he, Justice and several other boys travelled to Tyhalarha to undergo the circumcision ritual that symbolically marked their transition from boys to men; the rite over, he was given the name Dalibunga.^[26]

Clarkebury, Healdtown, and Fort Hare: 1936–1940

Mandela c. 1937

Intending to gain skills needed to become a privy councillor for the Thembu royal house, Mandela began his secondary education at Clarkebury Boarding Institute in Engcobo, a Western-style institution that was the largest school for black Africans in Thembuland.^[27] Made to socialise with other students on an equal basis, he claimed that he lost his "stuck up" attitude, becoming best friends with a girl for the first time; he began playing sports and developed his lifelong love of gardening.^[28] Completing his Junior Certificate in two years,^[29] in 1937 he moved to Healdtown, the Methodist college in Fort Beaufort attended by most Thembu royalty, including Justice.^[30] The headmaster emphasised the superiority of English culture and government, but Mandela became increasingly interested in native African culture, making his first non-Xhosa friend, a Sotho language-speaker, and coming under the influence of one of his favourite teachers, a Xhosa who broke taboo by marrying a Sotho.^[31] Spending much of his spare time long-distance running and boxing, in his second year Mandela became a prefect.^[32]
With Jongintaba's backing, Mandela began work on a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree at the University of Fort Hare, an elite black institution in Alice, Eastern Cape, with around 150 students. There he studied English, anthropology, politics, native administration, and Roman Dutch law in his first year, desiring to become an interpreter or clerk in the Native Affairs Department.^[33] Mandela stayed in the Wesley House dormitory, befriending his own kinsman, K.D. Matanzima, as well as Oliver Tambo, who became a close friend and comrade for decades to come.^[34] Continuing his interest in sport, Mandela took up ballroom dancing,^[35] performed in a drama society play about Abraham Lincoln,^[36] and gave Bible classes in the local community as part of the Students Christian Association.^[37] Although having friends connected to the African National Congress (ANC) and the anti-imperialist movement who wanted an independent South Africa, Mandela avoided any involvement,^[38] and became a vocal supporter of the British war effort when the Second World War broke out.^[39] Helping found a first-year students' house committee which challenged the dominance of the second-years,^[40] at the end of his first year he became involved in a Students' Representative Council (SRC) boycott against the quality of food, for which he was temporarily suspended from the university; he left without receiving a degree.^[41]

Arriving in Johannesburg: 1941–1943

Returning to Mqhekezweni in December 1940, Mandela found that Jongintaba had arranged marriages for him and Justice; dismayed, they fled to Johannesburg via Queenstown, arriving in April 1941.^[42] Mandela found work as a night watchman at Crown Mines, his "first sight of South African capitalism in action", but was fired when the induna (headman) discovered he was a runaway.^[43] Staying with a cousin in George Goch Township, Mandela was introduced to the realtor and ANC activist Walter Sisulu, who secured him a job as an articled clerk at law firm Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman. The company was run by a liberal Jew, Lazar Sidelsky, who was sympathetic to the ANC's cause.^[44] At the firm, Mandela befriended Gaur Redebe, a Xhosa member of the ANC and Communist Party, as well as Nat Bregman, a Jewish communist who became his first white friend.^[45] Attending communist talks and parties, Mandela was impressed that Europeans, Africans, Indians and Coloureds were mixing as equals. He stated later that he did not join the Party because its atheism conflicted with his Christian faith, and because he saw the South African struggle as being racially based rather than class warfare.^[46] Becoming increasingly politicised, in August 1943 Mandela marched in support of a successful bus boycott to reverse fare rises.^[47] Continuing his higher education, Mandela signed up to a University of South Africa correspondence course, working on his bachelor's degree at night.^[48]
Earning a small wage, Mandela rented a room in the house of the Xhoma family in the Alexandra township; although rife with poverty, crime and pollution, Alexandra always remained "a treasured place" for him.^[49] Although embarrassed by his poverty, he briefly courted a Swazi woman before unsuccessfully courting his landlord's daughter.^[50] In order to save money and be closer to downtown Johannesburg, Mandela moved into the compound of the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association, living among miners of various tribes; as the compound was a "way station for visiting chiefs", he once met the Queen Regent of Basutoland.^[51] In late 1941, Jongintaba visited, forgiving Mandela for running away. On returning to Thembuland, the regent died in winter 1942; Mandela and Justice arrived a day late for the funeral.^[52] After passing his BA exams in early 1943, Mandela returned to Johannesburg to follow a political path as a lawyer rather than become a privy councillor in Thembuland.^[53] He later stated that he experienced no epiphany, but that he "simply found myself doing so, and could not do otherwise."^[54]

Revolutionary activity

Law studies and the ANC Youth League: 1943–1949

Beginning law studies at the University of Witwatersrand, Mandela was the only native African student, and though facing racism, he befriended liberal and communist European, Jewish, and Indian students, among them Joe Slovo, Harry Schwarz and Ruth First.^[55] Joining the ANC, Mandela was increasingly influenced by Sisulu, spending much time with other activists at Sisulu's Orlando house, including old friend Oliver Tambo.^[56] In 1943, Mandela met Anton Lembede, an African nationalist virulently opposed to a racially united front against colonialism and imperialism or to an alliance with the communists.^[57] Despite his friendships with non-blacks and communists, Mandela supported Lembede's views, believing that black Africans should be entirely independent in their struggle for political self-determination.^[58] Deciding on the need for a youth wing to mass mobilise Africans in opposition to their subjugation, Mandela was among a delegation that approached ANC President Alfred Bitini Xuma on the subject at his home in Sophiatown; the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) was founded on Easter Sunday 1944 in the Bantu Men's Social Centre in Eloff Street, with Lembede as President and Mandela as a member of the executive committee.^[59]

Mandela and Evelyn in 1944

At Sisulu's house, Mandela met Evelyn Mase, an ANC activist from Engcobo, Transkei, who was training at the time to become a nurse. Married on 5 October 1944, after initially living with her relatives, they rented House no. 8115 in Orlando from early 1946.^[60] Their first child, Madiba "Thembi" Thembekile, was born in February 1945,^[61] and a daughter named Makaziwe was born in 1947, dying nine months later of meningitis.^[62] Mandela enjoyed home life, welcoming his mother and sister Leabie to stay with him.^[63] In early 1947, his three years of articles ended at Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman, and he decided to become a full-time student, subsisting on loans from the Bantu Welfare Trust.^[64]
In July 1947, Mandela rushed Lembede, who was ill, to hospital, where he died; he was succeeded as ANCYL president by the more moderate Peter Mda, who agreed to co-operate with communists and non-blacks, appointing Mandela ANCYL secretary.^[65] Mandela disagreed with Mda's approach, in December 1947 supporting an unsuccessful measure to expel communists from the ANCYL, considering their ideology un-African.^[66] In 1947, Mandela was elected to the executive committee of the Transvaal ANC, serving under regional president C.S. Ramohanoe. When Ramohanoe acted against the wishes of the Transvaal Executive Committee by co-operating with Indians and communists, Mandela was one of those who forced his resignation.^[67]
In the South African general election, 1948, in which only whites were permitted to vote, the Afrikaner-dominated Herenigde Nasionale Party under Daniel François Malan took power, soon uniting with the Afrikaner Party to form the National Party. Openly racialist, the party codified and expanded racial segregation with the new apartheid legislation.^[68] Gaining increasing influence in the ANC, Mandela and his cadres began advocating direct action against apartheid, such as boycotts and strikes, influenced by the tactics of South Africa's Indian community. Xuma did not support these measures and was removed from the presidency in a vote of no confidence, replaced by James Moroka and a more militant cabinet containing Sisulu, Mda, Tambo and Godfrey Pitje; Mandela later related that "We had now guided the ANC to a more radical and revolutionary path."^[69] Having devoted his time to politics, Mandela failed his final year at Witwatersrand three times; he was ultimately denied his degree in December 1949.^[70]

Defiance Campaign and Transvaal ANC Presidency: 1950–1954

Mandela took Xuma's place on the ANC National Executive in March 1950.^[71] That month, the Defend Free Speech Convention was held in Johannesburg, bringing together African, Indian and communist activists to call an anti-apartheid general strike. Mandela opposed the strike because it was not ANC-led, but a majority of black workers took part, resulting in increased police repression and the introduction of the Suppression of Communism Act, 1950, affecting the actions of all protest groups.^[72] In 1950, Mandela was elected national president of the ANCYL; at the ANC national conference of December 1951, he continued arguing against a racially united front, but was outvoted.^[73] Thenceforth, he altered his entire perspective, embracing such an approach; influenced by friends like Moses Kotane and by the Soviet Union's support for wars of independence, Mandela's mistrust of communism also broke down. He became influenced by the texts of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong, and embraced dialectical materialism.^[74] In April 1952, Mandela began work at the H.M. Basner law firm,^[75] though his increasing commitment to work and activism meant he spent less time with his family.^[76]
In 1952, the ANC began preparation for a joint Defiance Campaign against apartheid with Indian and communist groups, founding a National Voluntary Board to recruit volunteers. Deciding on a path of nonviolent resistance influenced by Mahatma Gandhi, some considered it the ethical option, but Mandela instead considered it pragmatic.^[77] At a Durban rally on 22 June, Mandela addressed an assembled crowd of 10,000, initiating the campaign protests, for which he was arrested and briefly interned in Marshall Square prison.^[78] With further protests, the ANC's membership grew from 20,000 to 100,000; the government responded with mass arrests, introducing the Public Safety Act, 1953 to permit martial law.^[79] In May, authorities banned Transvaal ANC President J. B. Marks from making public appearances; unable to maintain his position, he recommended Mandela as his successor. Although the ultra-Africanist Bafabegiya group opposed his candidacy, Mandela was elected regional president in October.^[80]
On 30 July 1952, Mandela was arrested under the Suppression of Communism Act and stood trial as a part of the 21 accused – among them Moroka, Sisulu and Dadoo – in Johannesburg. Found guilty of "statutory communism", their sentence of nine months' hard labour was suspended for two years.^[81] In December, Mandela was given a six-month ban from attending meetings or talking to more than one individual at a time, making his Transvaal ANC presidency impractical. The Defiance Campaign petered out.^[82] In September 1953, Andrew Kunene read out Mandela's "No Easy Walk to Freedom" speech at a Transvaal ANC meeting; the title was taken from a quote by Indian independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru, a seminal influence on Mandela's thought. The speech laid out a contingency plan for a scenario in which the ANC was banned. This Mandela Plan, or M-Plan, involved dividing the organisation into a cell structure with a more centralised leadership.^[83]
Mandela obtained work as an attorney for the firm Terblanche and Briggish, before moving to the liberal-run Helman and Michel, passing qualification exams to become a full-fledged attorney.^[84] In August 1953, Mandela and Oliver Tambo opened their own law firm, Mandela and Tambo, operating in downtown Johannesburg. The only African-run law firm in the country, it was popular with aggrieved blacks, often dealing with cases of police brutality. Disliked by the authorities, the firm was forced to relocate to a remote location after their office permit was removed under the Group Areas Act; as a result, their custom dwindled.^[85] Though a second daughter, Makaziwe Phumia, was born in May 1954, Mandela's relationship with Evelyn became strained, and she accused him of adultery. Evidence has emerged indicating that he was having affairs with ANC member Lillian Ngoyi and secretary Ruth Mompati; persistent but unproven claims assert that the latter bore Mandela a child. Disgusted by her son's behaviour, Nosekeni returned to Transkei, and Evelyn embraced the Jehovah's Witnesses and rejected Mandela's obsession with politics.^[86]

Congress of the People and the Treason Trial: 1955–1961

Main article: Treason Trial

"We, the people of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know:
That South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people."

— Opening words of the Freedom Charter^[87]

Mandela came to the opinion that the ANC "had no alternative to armed and violent resistance" after taking part in the unsuccessful protest to prevent the demolition of the all-black Sophiatown suburb of Johannesburg in February 1955.^[88] He advised Sisulu to request weaponry from the People's Republic of China, but though supporting the anti-apartheid struggle, China's government believed the movement insufficiently prepared for guerilla warfare.^[89] With the involvement of the South African Indian Congress, the Coloured People's Congress, the South African Congress of Trade Unions and the Congress of Democrats, the ANC planned a Congress of the People, calling on all South Africans to send in proposals for a post-apartheid era. Based on the responses, a Freedom Charter was drafted by Rusty Bernstein, calling for the creation of a democratic, non-racialist state with the nationalisation of major industry. When the charter was adopted at a June 1955 conference in Kliptown attended by 3000 delegates, police cracked down on the event, but it remained a key part of Mandela's ideology.^[90]
Following the end of a second ban in September 1955, Mandela went on a working holiday to Transkei to discuss the implications of the Bantu Authorities Act, 1951 with local tribal leaders, also visiting his mother and Noengland before proceeding to Cape Town.^[91] In March 1956 he received his third ban on public appearances, restricting him to Johannesburg for five years, but he often defied it.^[92] His marriage broke down as Evelyn left Mandela, taking their children to live with her brother. Initiating divorce proceedings in May 1956, she claimed that Mandela had physically abused her; he denied the allegations, and fought for custody of their children. She withdrew her petition of separation in November, but Mandela filed for divorce in January 1958; the divorce was finalised in March, with the children placed in Evelyn's care.^[93] During the divorce proceedings, he began courting and politicising a social worker, Winnie Madikizela, who he married in Bizana on 14 June 1958. She later became involved in ANC activities, spending several weeks in prison.^[94]

The apartheid system pervaded all areas of life.

On 5 December 1956, Mandela was arrested alongside most of the ANC Executive for "high treason" against the state. Held in Johannesburg Prison amid mass protests, they underwent a preparatory examination in Drill Hall on 19 December, before being granted bail.^[95] The defence's refutation began on 9 January 1957, overseen by defence lawyer Vernon Berrangé, and continued until adjourning in September. In January 1958, judge Oswald Pirow was appointed to the case, and in February he ruled that there was "sufficient reason" for the defendants to go on trial in the Transvaal Supreme Court.^[96] The formal Treason Trial began in Pretoria in August 1958, with the defendants successfully applying to have the three judges – all linked to the governing National Party – replaced. In August, one charge was dropped, and in October the prosecution withdrew its indictment, submitting a reformulated version in November which argued that the ANC leadership committed high treason by advocating violent revolution, a charge the defendants denied.^[97]
In April 1959, militant Africanists dissatisfied with the ANC's united front approach founded the Pan-African Congress (PAC); Mandela's friend Robert Sobukwe was elected president, though Mandela thought the group "immature".^[98] Both parties campaigned for an anti-pass campaign in May 1960, in which Africans burned the passes that they were legally obliged to carry. One of the PAC-organised demonstrations was fired upon by police, resulting in the deaths of 69 protesters in the Sharpeville massacre. In solidarity, Mandela publicly burned his pass as rioting broke out across South Africa, leading the government to proclaim martial law.^[99] Under the State of Emergency measures, Mandela and other activists were arrested on 30 March, imprisoned without charge in the unsanitary conditions of the Pretoria Local prison, and the ANC and PAC were banned in April.^[100] This made it difficult for their lawyers to reach them, and it was agreed that the defence team for the Treason Trial should withdraw in protest. Representing themselves in court, the accused were freed from prison when the state of emergency was lifted in late August.^[101] Mandela used his free time to organise an All-In African Conference near Pietermaritzburg, Natal, in March, at which 1,400 anti-apartheid delegates met, agreeing on a stay-at home protest to mark 31 May, the day South Africa became a republic.^[102] On 29 March 1961, after a six-year trial, the judges produced a verdict of not guilty, embarrassing the government.^[103]

MK, the SACP, and African tour: 1961–1962

Thatched room at Liliesleaf Farm, where Mandela hid

Disguised as a chauffeur, Mandela travelled the country incognito, organising the ANC's new cell structure and a mass stay-at-home strike for 29 May. Referred to as the "Black Pimpernel" in the press – a reference to Emma Orczy's 1905 novel The Scarlet Pimpernel – the police put out a warrant for his arrest.^[104] Mandela held secret meetings with reporters, and after the government failed to prevent the strike, he warned them that many anti-apartheid activists would soon resort to violence through groups like the PAC's Poqo.^[105] He believed that the ANC should form an armed group to channel some of this violence, convincing both ANC leader Albert Luthuli – who was morally opposed to violence – and allied activist groups of its necessity.^[106]
Inspired by Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement in the Cuban Revolution, in 1961 Mandela co-founded Umkhonto we Sizwe ("Spear of the Nation", abbreviated MK) with the long-time leader of the South African Communist Party (SACP), Joe Slovo and Walter Sisulu. Becoming chairman of the militant group, he gained ideas from illegal literature on guerilla warfare by Mao and Che Guevara. Officially separate from the ANC, in later years MK became the group's armed wing.^[107] Most early MK members were white communists; after hiding in communist Wolfie Kodesh's flat in Berea, Mandela moved to the communist-owned Liliesleaf Farm in Rivonia, there joined by Raymond Mhlaba, Slovo and Bernstein, who put together the MK constitution.^[108] Although Mandela himself denied ever being a member of the SACP, historical research published in 2011 strongly suggested that he might have been for a short period, starting from the late 1950s or early 1960s.^[109] This was confirmed after his death by the SACP and the ANC. According to the SACP, he was not only a member of the party, but also served on the party's Central Committee, when he was arrested in 1962 and this was denied for political reasons.^[110]^[111]^[112]

Mandela's former home in the Johannesburg township of Soweto

Operating through a cell structure, MK agreed to acts of sabotage to exert maximum pressure on the government with minimum casualties, bombing military installations, power plants, telephone lines and transport links at night, when civilians were not present. Mandela stated that they chose sabotage not only because it was the least harmful action, but also "because it did not involve loss of life [and] it offered the best hope for reconciliation among the races afterward." He noted that "strict instructions were given to members of MK that we would countenance no loss of life", but should these tactics fail, MK would resort to "guerilla warfare and terrorism".^[113] Soon after ANC leader Luthuli was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, MK publicly announced its existence with 57 bombings on Dingane's Day (16 December) 1961, followed by further attacks on New Year's Eve.^[114]
The ANC agreed to send Mandela as a delegate to the February 1962 Pan-African Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.^[115] Traveling there in secret, Mandela met with Emperor Haile Selassie I, and gave his speech after Selassie's at the conference.^[116] After the conference, he travelled to Cairo, Egypt, admiring the political reforms of President Gamal Abdel Nasser, and then went to Tunis, Tunisia, where President Habib Bourguiba gave him £5000 for weaponry. He proceeded to Morocco, Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Senegal, receiving funds from Liberian President William Tubman and Guinean President Ahmed Sékou Touré.^[117] Leaving Africa for London, England, he met anti-apartheid activists, reporters and prominent leftist politicians.^[118] Returning to Ethiopia, he began a six-month course in guerrilla warfare, but completed only two months before being recalled to South Africa.^[119]

Imprisonment

Arrest and Rivonia trial: 1962–1964

Main article: Rivonia Trial

On 5 August 1962, police captured Mandela along with Cecil Williams near Howick.^[120] A large number of groups have been accused of having tipped off the police about Mandela’s whereabouts including Mandela’s host in Durban GR Naidoo, white members of the South African Communist Party, and the CIA,^[121]^[122] but Mandela considered none of these connections to be credible and instead attributes his arrest to his own carelessness in concealing his movements.^[123] Of the CIA link in particular, Mandela's official biographer Anthony Sampson believes that "the claim cannot be substantiated."^[124] Jailed in Johannesburg's Marshall Square prison, he was charged with inciting workers' strikes and leaving the country without permission. Representing himself with Slovo as legal advisor, Mandela intended to use the trial to showcase "the ANC's moral opposition to racism" while supporters demonstrated outside the court.^[125] Moved to Pretoria, where Winnie could visit him, in his cell he began correspondence studies for a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree from the University of London.^[126] His hearing began on 15 October, but he disrupted proceedings by wearing a traditional kaross, refusing to call any witnesses, and turning his plea of mitigation into a political speech. Found guilty, he was sentenced to five years' imprisonment; as he left the courtroom, supporters sang Nkosi Sikelel iAfrika.^[127]

"I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to see realised. But, My Lord, if it needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die."

— Rivonia Trial Speech, 1964^[128]

On 11 July 1963, police raided Liliesleaf Farm, arresting those they found there and uncovering paperwork documenting MK's activities, some of which mentioned Mandela. The Rivonia Trial began at Pretoria Supreme Court on 9 October, with Mandela and his comrades charged with four counts of sabotage and conspiracy violently to overthrow the government. Their chief prosecutor was Percy Yutar, who called for them to receive the death penalty.^[129] Judge Quartus de Wet soon threw out the prosecution's case for insufficient evidence, but Yutar reformulated the charges, presenting his new case from December until February 1964, calling 173 witnesses and bringing thousands of documents and photographs to the trial.^[130]
With the exception of James Kantor, who was innocent of all charges, Mandela and the accused admitted sabotage but denied that they had ever agreed to initiate guerilla war against the government. They used the trial to highlight their political cause. At the opening of the defence's proceedings Mandela gave a three-hour speech. That speech – which was inspired by Castro's "History Will Absolve Me" speech – was widely reported in the press despite official censorship, and has been hailed as one of his greatest speeches.^[131] The trial gained international attention, with global calls for the release of the accused from such institutions as the United Nations and World Peace Council. The University of London Union voted Mandela to its presidency, and nightly vigils for him were held in St. Paul's Cathedral, London.^[132] Deeming them to be violent communist agitators, South Africa's government ignored all calls for clemency, and on 12 June 1964 de Wet found Mandela and two of his co-accused guilty on all four charges, sentencing them to life imprisonment rather than death.^[133]

Robben Island: 1964–1982

Lime quarry on Robben Island where Mandela and other prisoners were subjected to hard labour

Mandela and his co-accused were transferred from Pretoria to the prison on Robben Island, remaining there for the next 18 years.^[134] Isolated from non-political prisoners in Section B, Mandela was imprisoned in a damp concrete cell measuring 8 feet (2.4 m) by 7 feet (2.1 m), with a straw mat on which to sleep.^[135] Verbally and physically harassed by several white prison wardens, the Rivonia Trial prisoners spent their days breaking rocks into gravel, until being reassigned in January 1965 to work in a lime quarry. Mandela was initially forbidden to wear sunglasses, and the glare from the lime permanently damaged his eyesight.^[136] At night, he worked on his LLB degree, but newspapers were forbidden, and he was locked in solitary confinement on several occasions for possessing smuggled news clippings.^[137] Classified as the lowest grade of prisoner, Class D, he was permitted one visit and one letter every six months, although all mail was heavily censored.^[138]
The political prisoners took part in work and hunger strikes – the latter considered largely ineffective by Mandela – to improve prison conditions, viewing this as a microcosm of the anti-apartheid struggle.^[139] ANC prisoners elected him to their four-man "High Organ" along with Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Raymond Mhlaba, and he involved himself in a group representing all political prisoners on the island, Ulundi, through which he forged links with PAC and Yu Chi Chan Club members.^[140] Initiating the "University of Robben Island", whereby prisoners lectured on their own areas of expertise, he debated topics such as homosexuality and politics with his comrades, getting into fierce arguments on the latter with Marxists like Mbeki and Harry Gwala.^[141] Though attending Christian Sunday services, Mandela studied Islam.^[142] He also studied Afrikaans, hoping to build a mutual respect with the warders and convert them to his cause.^[143] Various official visitors met with Mandela; most significant was the liberal parliamentary representative Helen Suzman of the Progressive Party, who championed Mandela's cause outside prison.^[144] In September 1970 he met British Labour Party MP Dennis Healey.^[145] South African Minister of Justice Jimmy Kruger visited in December 1974, but he and Mandela did not get on.^[146] His mother visited in 1968, dying shortly after, and his firstborn son Thembi died in a car accident the following year; Mandela was forbidden from attending either funeral.^[147] His wife was rarely able to visit, being regularly imprisoned for political activity, and his daughters first visited in December 1975; Winnie got out of prison in 1977 but was forcibly settled in Brandfort, still unable to visit him.^[148]

The inside of Mandela's prison cell as it was when he was imprisoned in 1964 and his open cell window facing the prison yard on Robben Island, now a national and World Heritage Site. Mandela's cell later contained more furniture, including a bed from around 1973.^[149]

From 1967, prison conditions improved; black prisoners were given trousers rather than shorts, games were permitted, and the standard of their food was raised.^[150] Mandela later commented on how football "made us feel alive and triumphant despite the situation we found ourselves in".^[151] In 1969, an escape plan for Mandela was developed by Gordon Bruce, but it was abandoned after being infiltrated by an agent of the South African Bureau of State Security (BOSS), who hoped to see Mandela shot during the escape.^[152] In 1970, Commander Piet Badenhorst became commanding officer. Mandela, seeing an increase in the physical and mental abuse of prisoners, complained to visiting judges, who had Badenhorst reassigned.^[153] He was replaced by Commander Willie Willemse, who developed a co-operative relationship with Mandela and was keen to improve prison standards.^[154]
By 1975, Mandela had become a Class A prisoner,^[155] allowing greater numbers of visits and letters; he corresponded with anti-apartheid activists like Mangosuthu Buthelezi and Desmond Tutu.^[156] That year, he began his autobiography, which was smuggled to London, but remained unpublished at the time; prison authorities discovered several pages, and his study privileges were stopped for four years.^[157] Instead he devoted his spare time to gardening and reading until he resumed his LLB degree studies in 1980.^[158]
By the late 1960s, Mandela's fame had been eclipsed by Steve Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM). Seeing the ANC as ineffectual, the BCM called for militant action, but following the Soweto uprising of 1976, many BCM activists were imprisoned on Robben Island.^[159] Mandela tried to build a relationship with these young radicals, although he was critical of their racialism and contempt for white anti-apartheid activists.^[160] Renewed international interest in his plight came in July 1978, when he celebrated his 60th birthday.^[161] He was awarded an honorary doctorate in Lesotho, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding in India in 1979, and the Freedom of the City of Glasgow, Scotland in 1981.^[162] In March 1980 the slogan "Free Mandela!" was developed by journalist Percy Qoboza, sparking an international campaign that led the UN Security Council to call for his release.^[163] Despite increasing foreign pressure, the government refused, relying on powerful foreign Cold War allies in US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher; both considered Mandela a communist terrorist and supported the suppression of the ANC.^[164]

Pollsmoor Prison: 1982–1988

Bust of Mandela erected on London's South Bank by the Greater London Council administration of socialist Ken Livingstone in 1985

In April 1982 Mandela was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison in Tokai, Cape Town along with senior ANC leaders Walter Sisulu, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada and Raymond Mhlaba; they believed that they were being isolated to remove their influence on younger activists.^[165] Conditions at Pollsmoor were better than at Robben Island, although Mandela missed the camaraderie and scenery of the island.^[166] Getting on well with Pollsmoor's commanding officer, Brigadier Munro, Mandela was permitted to create a roof garden,^[167] also reading voraciously and corresponding widely, now permitted 52 letters a year.^[168] He was appointed patron of the multi-racial United Democratic Front (UDF), founded to combat reforms implemented by South African President P. W. Botha. Botha's National Party government had permitted Coloured and Indian citizens to vote for their own parliaments which had control over education, health, and housing, but black Africans were excluded from the system; like Mandela, the UDF saw this as an attempt to divide the anti-apartheid movement on racial lines.^[169]
Violence across the country escalated, with many fearing civil war. Under pressure from an international lobby, multinational banks stopped investing in South Africa, resulting in economic stagnation. Numerous banks and Thatcher asked Botha to release Mandela – then at the height of his international fame – to defuse the volatile situation.^[170] Although considering Mandela a dangerous "arch-Marxist",^[171] in February 1985 Botha offered him a release from prison on condition that he '"unconditionally rejected violence as a political weapon". Mandela spurned the offer, releasing a statement through his daughter Zindzi stating "What freedom am I being offered while the organisation of the people [ANC] remains banned? Only free men can negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts."^[172]
In 1985 Mandela underwent surgery on an enlarged prostate gland, before being given new solitary quarters on the ground floor.^[173] He was met by "seven eminent persons", an international delegation sent to negotiate a settlement, but Botha's government refused to co-operate, in June calling a state of emergency and initiating a police crackdown on unrest. The anti-apartheid resistance fought back, with the ANC committing 231 attacks in 1986 and 235 in 1987. Utilising the army and right-wing paramilitaries to combat the resistance, the government secretly funded Zulu nationalist movement Inkatha to attack ANC members, furthering the violence.^[174] Mandela requested talks with Botha but was denied, instead secretly meeting with Minister of Justice Kobie Coetsee in 1987, having a further 11 meetings over 3 years. Coetsee organised negotiations between Mandela and a team of four government figures starting in May 1988; the team agreed to the release of political prisoners and the legalisation of the ANC on the condition that they permanently renounce violence, break links with the Communist Party and not insist on majority rule. Mandela rejected these conditions, insisting that the ANC would only end the armed struggle when the government renounced violence.^[175]
Mandela's 70th birthday in July 1988 attracted international attention, notably with the Nelson Mandela 70th Birthday Tribute concert at London's Wembley Stadium.^[176] Although presented globally as a heroic figure, he faced personal problems when ANC leaders informed him that Winnie had set herself up as head of a criminal gang, the "Mandela United Football Club", who had been responsible for torturing and killing opponents – including children – in Soweto. Though some encouraged him to divorce her, he decided to remain loyal until she was found guilty by trial.^[177]

Victor Verster Prison and release: 1988–1990

"Nelson Mandela – Freedom fighter in South Africa" as stated in Russian by this 1988 Soviet commemorative stamp dating from the Gorbachev era

Recovering from tuberculosis exacerbated by the dank conditions in his cell,^[178] in December 1988 Mandela was moved to Victor Verster Prison near Paarl. Here, he was housed in the relative comfort of a warder's house with a personal cook, using the time to complete his LLB degree.^[179] There he was permitted many visitors, such as anti-apartheid campaigner and longtime friend Harry Schwarz.^[180] Mandela organised secret communications with exiled ANC leader Oliver Tambo.^[181] In 1989, Botha suffered a stroke, retaining the state presidency but stepping down as leader of the National Party, to be replaced by the conservative F. W. de Klerk.^[182] In a surprise move, Botha invited Mandela to a meeting over tea in July 1989, an invitation Mandela considered genial.^[183] Botha was replaced as state president by de Klerk six weeks later; the new president believed that apartheid was unsustainable and unconditionally released all ANC prisoners except Mandela.^[184] Following the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, de Klerk called his cabinet together to debate legalising the ANC and freeing Mandela. Although some were deeply opposed to his plans, de Klerk met with Mandela in December to discuss the situation, a meeting both men considered friendly, before releasing Mandela unconditionally and legalising all formerly banned political parties on 2 February 1990.^[185] Shortly thereafter, for the first time in 20 years, photographs of Mandela were allowed to be published in South Africa.^[186]
Leaving Victor Verster on 11 February, Mandela held Winnie's hand in front of amassed crowds and press; the event was broadcast live across the world.^[187] Driven to Cape Town's City Hall through crowds, he gave a speech declaring his commitment to peace and reconciliation with the white minority, but made it clear that the ANC's armed struggle was not over, and would continue as "a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid." He expressed hope that the government would agree to negotiations, so that "there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle", and insisted that his main focus was to bring peace to the black majority and give them the right to vote in national and local elections.^[188] Staying at the home of Desmond Tutu, in the following days Mandela met with friends, activists, and press, giving a speech to 100,000 people at Johannesburg's Soccer City.^[189]

End of apartheid

Main article: Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa

Early negotiations: 1990–1991

Luthuli House in Johannesburg, which became the ANC headquarters in 1991

Mandela proceeded on an African tour, meeting supporters and politicians in Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Libya and Algeria, continuing to Sweden where he was reunited with Tambo, and then London, where he appeared at the Nelson Mandela: An International Tribute for a Free South Africa concert in Wembley Stadium.^[190] Encouraging foreign countries to support sanctions against the apartheid government, in France he was welcomed by President François Mitterrand, in Vatican City by Pope John Paul II, and in the United Kingdom he met Margaret Thatcher. In the United States, he met President George H.W. Bush, addressed both Houses of Congress and visited eight cities, being particularly popular among the African-American community.^[191] In Cuba he met President Fidel Castro, whom he had long admired, with the two becoming friends.^[192] He met President R. Venkataraman in India, President Suharto in Indonesia and Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia, before visiting Australia to meet Prime Minister Bob Hawke and Japan; he did not visit the Soviet Union, a longtime ANC supporter.^[193]
In May 1990, Mandela led a multiracial ANC delegation into preliminary negotiations with a government delegation of 11 Afrikaner men. Mandela impressed them with his discussions of Afrikaner history, and the negotiations led to the Groot Schuur Minute, in which the government lifted the state of emergency. In August Mandela – recognising the ANC's severe military disadvantage – offered a ceasefire, the Pretoria Minute, for which he was widely criticised by MK activists.^[194] He spent much time trying to unify and build the ANC, appearing at a Johannesburg conference in December attended by 1600 delegates, many of whom found him more moderate than expected.^[195] At the ANC's July 1991 national conference in Durban, Mandela admitted the party's faults and announced his aim to build a "strong and well-oiled task force" for securing majority rule. At the conference, he was elected ANC President, replacing the ailing Tambo, and a 50-strong multiracial, mixed gendered national executive was elected.^[196]
Mandela was given an office in the newly purchased ANC headquarters at Shell House, central Johannesburg, and moved with Winnie to her large Soweto home.^[197] Their marriage was increasingly strained as he learned of her affair with Dali Mpofu, but he supported her during her trial for kidnapping and assault. He gained funding for her defence from the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa and from Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, but in June 1991 she was found guilty and sentenced to six years in prison, reduced to two on appeal. On 13 April 1992, Mandela publicly announced his separation from Winnie. The ANC forced her to step down from the national executive for misappropriating ANC funds; Mandela moved into the mostly white Johannesburg suburb of Houghton.^[198] Mandela's reputation was further damaged by the increase in "black-on-black" violence, particularly between ANC and Inkatha supporters in KwaZulu-Natal, in which thousands died. Mandela met with Inkatha leader Buthelezi, but the ANC prevented further negotiations on the issue. Mandela recognised that there was a "third force" within the state intelligence services fuelling the "slaughter of the people" and openly blamed de Klerk – whom he increasingly distrusted – for the Sebokeng massacre.^[199] In September 1991 a national peace conference was held in Johannesburg in which Mandela, Buthelezi and de Klerk signed a peace accord, though the violence continued.^[200]

CODESA talks: 1991–1992

The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) began in December 1991 at the Johannesburg World Trade Center, attended by 228 delegates from 19 political parties. Although Cyril Ramaphosa led the ANC's delegation, Mandela remained a key figure, and after de Klerk used the closing speech to condemn the ANC's violence, he took to the stage to denounce de Klerk as "head of an illegitimate, discredited minority regime". Dominated by the National Party and ANC, little negotiation was achieved.^[201] CODESA 2 was held in May 1992, in which de Klerk insisted that post-apartheid South Africa must use a federal system with a rotating presidency to ensure the protection of ethnic minorities; Mandela opposed this, demanding a unitary system governed by majority rule.^[202] Following the Boipatong massacre of ANC activists by government-aided Inkatha militants, Mandela called off the negotiations, before attending a meeting of the Organisation of African Unity in Senegal, at which he called for a special session of the UN Security Council and proposed that a UN peacekeeping force be stationed in South Africa to prevent "state terrorism". The UN sent special envoy Cyrus Vance to the country to aid negotiations.^[203] Calling for domestic mass action, in August the ANC organised the largest-ever strike in South African history, and supporters marched on Pretoria.^[204]

De Klerk and Mandela shake hands at the World Economic Forum, 1992

Following the Bisho massacre, in which 28 ANC supporters and one soldier were shot dead by the Ciskei Defence Force during a protest march, Mandela realised that mass action was leading to further violence and resumed negotiations in September. He agreed to do so on the conditions that all political prisoners be released, that Zulu traditional weapons be banned, and that Zulu hostels would be fenced off, the latter two measures to prevent further Inkatha attacks; under increasing pressure, de Klerk reluctantly agreed. The negotiations agreed that a multiracial general election would be held, resulting in a five-year coalition government of national unity and a constitutional assembly that gave the National Party continuing influence. The ANC also conceded to safeguarding the jobs of white civil servants; such concessions brought fierce internal criticism.^[205] The duo agreed on an interim constitution, guaranteeing separation of powers, creating a constitutional court, and including a US-style bill of rights; it also divided the country into nine provinces, each with its own premier and civil service, a concession between de Klerk's desire for federalism and Mandela's for unitary government.^[206]
The democratic process was threatened by the Concerned South Africans Group (COSAG), an alliance of far-right Afrikaner parties and black ethnic-secessionist groups like Inkatha; in June 1993 the white supremacist Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB) attacked the Kempton Park World Trade Centre.^[207] Following the murder of ANC leader Chris Hani, Mandela made a publicised speech to calm rioting, soon after appearing at a mass funeral in Soweto for Tambo, who had died from a stroke.^[208] In July 1993, both Mandela and de Klerk visited the US, independently meeting President Bill Clinton and each receiving the Liberty Medal.^[209] Soon after, they were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in Norway.^[210] Influenced by young ANC leader Thabo Mbeki, Mandela began meeting with big business figures, and played down his support for nationalisation, fearing that he would scare away much-needed foreign investment. Although criticised by socialist ANC members, he was encouraged to embrace private enterprise by members of the Chinese and Vietnamese Communist parties at the January 1992 World Economic Forum in Switzerland.^[211] Mandela also made a cameo appearance as a schoolteacher reciting one of Malcolm X's speeches in the final scene of the 1992 film Malcolm X.^[212]

General election: 1994

Mandela casting his vote in the 1994 election

Main article: South African general election, 1994

With the election set for 27 April 1994, the ANC began campaigning, opening 100 election offices and hiring advisor Stanley Greenberg. Greenberg orchestrated the foundation of People's Forums across the country, at which Mandela could appear; though a poor public speaker, he was a popular figure with great status among black South Africans.^[213] The ANC campaigned on a Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to build a million houses in five years, introduce universal free education and extend access to water and electricity. The party's slogan was "a better life for all", although it was not explained how this development would be funded.^[214] With the exception of the Weekly Mail and the New Nation, South Africa's press opposed Mandela's election, fearing continued ethnic strife, instead supporting the National or Democratic Party.^[215] Mandela devoted much time to fundraising for the ANC, touring North America, Europe and Asia to meet wealthy donors, including former supporters of the apartheid regime.^[216] He also urged a reduction in the voting age from 18 to 14; rejected by the ANC, this policy became the subject of ridicule.^[217]
Concerned that COSAG would undermine the election, particularly in the wake of the Battle of Bop and Shell House Massacre – incidents of violence involving the AWB and Inkatha, respectively – Mandela met with Afrikaner politicians and generals, including P. W. Botha, Pik Botha and Constand Viljoen, persuading many to work within the democratic system, and with de Klerk convinced Inkatha's Buthelezi to enter the elections rather than launch a war of secession.^[218] As leaders of the two major parties, de Klerk and Mandela appeared on a televised debate; although de Klerk was widely considered the better speaker at the event, Mandela's offer to shake his hand surprised him, leading some commentators to consider it a victory for Mandela.^[219] The election went ahead with little violence, although an AWB cell killed 20 with car bombs. As widely expected, the ANC won a sweeping victory, taking 62 percent of the vote, just short of the two-thirds majority needed to unilaterally change the constitution. The ANC was also victorious in 7 provinces, with Inkatha and the National Party each taking another.^[220] Mandela voted at the Ohlange High School in Durban, and though the ANC's victory assured his election as President, he publicly accepted that the election had been marred by instances of fraud and sabotage.^[221]

Presidency of South Africa: 1994–1999

Main article: Presidency of Nelson Mandela

The newly elected National Assembly's first act was to formally elect Mandela as South Africa's first black chief executive. His inauguration took place in Pretoria on 10 May 1994, televised to a billion viewers globally. The event was attended by 4000 guests, including world leaders from disparate backgrounds.^[222] Mandela headed a Government of National Unity dominated by the ANC – which alone had no experience of governance – but containing representatives from the National Party and Inkatha. Under the Interim Constitution, Inkatha and the NP were entitled to seats in the government by virtue of winning at least 20 seats. In keeping with earlier agreements, de Klerk became first Deputy President, and Thabo Mbeki was selected as second.^[223] Although Mbeki had not been his first choice for the job, Mandela grew to rely heavily on him throughout his presidency, allowing him to organise policy details.^[224] Moving into the presidential office at Tuynhuys in Cape Town, Mandela allowed de Klerk to retain the presidential residence in the Groote Schuur estate, instead settling into the nearby Westbrooke manor, which he renamed "Genadendal", meaning "Valley of Mercy" in Afrikaans.^[225] Retaining his Houghton home, he also had a house built in his home village of Qunu, which he visited regularly, walking around the area, meeting with locals, and judging tribal disputes.^[226]

Mandela moved into the presidential office at Tuynhuys, Cape Town.

Aged 76, he faced various ailments, and although exhibiting continued energy, he felt isolated and lonely.^[227] He often entertained celebrities, such as Michael Jackson, Whoopi Goldberg, and the Spice Girls, and befriended ultra-rich businessmen, like Harry Oppenheimer of Anglo-American, as well as Queen Elizabeth II on her March 1995 state visit to South Africa, resulting in strong criticism from ANC anti-capitalists.^[228] Despite his opulent surroundings, Mandela lived simply, donating a third of his 552,000 rand annual income to the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund, which he had founded in 1995.^[229] Although speaking out in favour of freedom of the press and befriending many journalists, Mandela was critical of much of the country's media, noting that it was overwhelmingly owned and run by middle-class whites and believing that it focused too much on scaremongering around crime.^[230] Changing clothes several times a day, after assuming the presidency, one of Mandela's trademarks was his use of Batik shirts, known as "Madiba shirts", even on formal occasions.^[231]
In December 1994, Mandela's autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, was published.^[232] In late 1994 he attended the 49th conference of the ANC in Bloemfontein, at which a more militant National Executive was elected, among them Winnie Mandela; although she expressed an interest in reconciling, Nelson initiated divorce proceedings in August 1995.^[233] By 1995 he had entered into a relationship with Graça Machel, a Mozambican political activist 27 years his junior who was the widow of former president Samora Machel. They had first met in July 1990, when she was still in mourning, but their friendship grew into a partnership, with Machel accompanying him on many of his foreign visits. She turned down Mandela's first marriage proposal, wanting to retain some independence and dividing her time between Mozambique and Johannesburg.^[234]

National reconciliation

Presiding over the transition from apartheid minority rule to a multicultural democracy, Mandela saw national reconciliation as the primary task of his presidency.^[235] Having seen other post-colonial African economies damaged by the departure of white elites, Mandela worked to reassure South Africa's white population that they were protected and represented in "the Rainbow Nation".^[236] Mandela attempted to create the broadest possible coalition in his cabinet, with de Klerk as first Deputy President. Other National Party officials became ministers for Agriculture, Energy, Environment, and Minerals and Energy, and Buthelezi was named Minister for Home Affairs.^[237] The other cabinet positions were taken by ANC members, many of whom – like Joe Modise, Alfred Nzo, Joe Slovo, Mac Maharaj and Dullah Omar – had long been comrades, although others, such as Tito Mboweni and Jeff Radebe, were much younger.^[238] Mandela's relationship with de Klerk was strained; Mandela thought that de Klerk was intentionally provocative, and de Klerk felt that he was being intentionally humiliated by the president. In January 1995, Mandela heavily chastised him for awarding amnesty to 3,500 police just before the election, and later criticised him for defending former Minister of Defence Magnus Malan when the latter was charged with murder.^[239]
Mandela personally met with senior figures of the apartheid regime, including Hendrik Verwoerd's widow Betsie Schoombie and the lawyer Percy Yutar; emphasising personal forgiveness and reconciliation, he announced that "courageous people do not fear forgiving, for the sake of peace."^[240] He encouraged black South Africans to get behind the previously hated national rugby team, the Springboks, as South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup. After the Springboks won an epic final over New Zealand, Mandela presented the trophy to captain Francois Pienaar, an Afrikaner, wearing a Springbok shirt with Pienaar's own number 6 on the back. This was widely seen as a major step in the reconciliation of white and black South Africans; as de Klerk later put it, "Mandela won the hearts of millions of white rugby fans."^[241] Mandela's efforts at reconciliation assuaged the fears of whites, but also drew criticism from more militant blacks. His estranged wife, Winnie, accused the ANC of being more interested in appeasing whites than in helping blacks.^[242]
Mandela oversaw the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate crimes committed under apartheid by both the government and the ANC, appointing Desmond Tutu as its chair. To prevent the creation of martyrs, the Commission granted individual amnesties in exchange for testimony of crimes committed during the apartheid era. Dedicated in February 1996, it held two years of hearings detailing rapes, torture, bombings, and assassinations, before issuing its final report in October 1998. Both de Klerk and Mbeki appealed to have parts of the report suppressed, though only de Klerk's appeal was successful.^[243] Mandela praised the Commission's work, stating that it "had helped us move away from the past to concentrate on the present and the future".^[244]

Domestic programmes

Mandela on a visit to Brazil in 1998

Mandela's administration inherited a country with a huge disparity in wealth and services between white and black communities. Of a population of 40 million, around 23 million lacked electricity or adequate sanitation, 12 million lacked clean water supplies, with 2 million children not in school and a third of the population illiterate. There was 33% unemployment, and just under half of the population lived below the poverty line.^[245] Government financial reserves were nearly depleted, with a fifth of the national budget being spent on debt repayment, meaning that the extent of the promised Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) was scaled back, with none of the proposed nationalisation or job creation.^[246] Instead, the government adopted liberal economic policies designed to promote foreign investment, adhering to the "Washington consensus" advocated by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.^[247]
Under Mandela's presidency, welfare spending increased by 13% in 1996/97, 13% in 1997/98, and 7% in 1998/99.^[248] The government introduced parity in grants for communities, including disability grants, child maintenance grants, and old-age pensions, which had previously been set at different levels for South Africa's different racial groups.^[248] In 1994, free healthcare was introduced for children under six and pregnant women, a provision extended to all those using primary level public sector health care services in 1996.^[249] By the 1999 election, the ANC could boast that due to their policies, 3 million people were connected to telephone lines, 1.5 million children were brought into the education system, 500 clinics were upgraded or constructed, 2 million people were connected to the electricity grid, water access was extended to 3 million people, and 750,000 houses were constructed, housing nearly 3 million people.^[250]
The Land Restitution Act of 1994 enabled people who had lost their property as a result of the Natives Land Act, 1913 to claim back their land, leading to the settlement of tens of thousands of land claims.^[251] The Land Reform Act 3 of 1996 safeguarded the rights of labour tenants who live and grow crops or graze livestock on farms. This legislation ensured that such tenants could not be evicted without a court order or if they were over the age of sixty-five.^[252] The Skills Development Act of 1998 provided for the establishment of mechanisms to finance and promote skills development at the workplace.^[253] The Labour Relations Act of 1995 promoted workplace democracy, orderly collective bargaining, and the effective resolution of labour disputes.^[254] The Basic Conditions of Employment Act of 1997 improved enforcement mechanisms while extending a "floor" of rights to all workers;^[254] the Employment Equity Act of 1998 was passed to put an end to unfair discrimination and ensure the implementation of affirmative action in the workplace.^[254]
Critics like Edwin Cameron accused Mandela's government of doing little to stem the HIV/AIDS pandemic in the country; by 1999, 10% of South Africa's population were HIV positive. Mandela later admitted that he had personally neglected the issue, leaving it for Mbeki to deal with.^[255] Mandela also received criticism for failing to sufficiently combat crime, with South Africa having one of the world's highest crime rates; this was a key reason cited for the emigration of 750,000 whites in the late 1990s.^[256] Mandela's administration was also mired in corruption scandals, with Mandela being perceived as having failed to deal with the problem.^[257]

Foreign affairs

Mandela with US President Bill Clinton. Despite publicly criticising him on several occasions, Mandela liked Clinton, and personally supported him during his impeachment proceedings.^[258]

Following the South African example, Mandela encouraged other nations to resolve conflicts through diplomacy and reconciliation.^[259] He echoed Mbeki's calls for an "African Renaissance", and was greatly concerned with issues on the continent; he took a soft diplomatic approach to removing Sani Abacha's military junta in Nigeria but later became a leading figure in calling for sanctions when Abacha's regime increased human rights violations.^[260] In 1996 he was appointed Chairman of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and initiated unsuccessful negotiations to end the First Congo War in Zaire.^[261] In South Africa's first post-apartheid military operation, Mandela ordered troops into Lesotho in September 1998 to protect the government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili after a disputed election prompted opposition uprisings.^[262]
In September 1998, Mandela was appointed Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement, who held their annual conference in Durban. He used the event to criticise the "narrow, chauvinistic interests" of the Israeli government in stalling negotiations to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and urged India and Pakistan to negotiate to end the Kashmir conflict, for which he was criticised by both Israel and India.^[263] Inspired by the region's economic boom, Mandela sought greater economic relations with East Asia, in particular with Malaysia, although this was scuppered by the 1997 Asian financial crisis.^[264] He attracted controversy for his close relationship with Indonesian President Suharto, whose regime was responsible for mass human rights abuses, although privately urged him to withdraw from the occupation of East Timor.^[265]
Mandela faced similar criticism from the West for his personal friendships with Fidel Castro and Muammar Gaddafi. Castro visited in 1998, to widespread popular acclaim, and Mandela met Gaddafi in Libya to award him the Order of Good Hope.^[266] When Western governments and media criticised these visits, Mandela lambasted such criticism as having racist undertones.^[267] Mandela hoped to resolve the long-running dispute between Libya and the US and Britain over bringing to trial the two Libyans, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah, who were indicted in November 1991 and accused of sabotaging Pan Am Flight 103. Mandela proposed that they be tried in a third country, which was agreed to by all parties; governed by Scots law, the trial was held at Camp Zeist in the Netherlands in April 1999, and found one of the two men guilty.^[268]

Withdrawing from politics

The new Constitution of South Africa was agreed upon by parliament in May 1996, enshrining a series of institutions to check political and administrative authority within a constitutional democracy.^[269] De Klerk opposed the implementation of this constitution, withdrawing from the coalition government in protest.^[270] The ANC took over the cabinet positions formerly held by the National Party, with Mbeki becoming sole Deputy President.^[271] When both Mandela and Mbeki were out of the country in one occasion, Buthelezi was appointed "Acting President", marking an improvement in his relationship with Mandela.^[272]
Mandela stepped down as ANC President at the December 1997 conference, and although hoping that Ramaphosa would replace him, the ANC elected Mbeki to the position; Mandela admitted that by then, Mbeki had become "de facto President of the country". Replacing Mbeki as Deputy President, Mandela and the Executive supported the candidacy of Jacob Zuma, a Zulu who had been imprisoned on Robben Island, but he was challenged by Winnie, whose populist rhetoric had gained her a strong following within the party; Zuma defeated her in a landslide victory vote at the election.^[273]
Mandela's relationship with Machel had intensified; in February 1998 he publicly stated that "I'm in love with a remarkable lady", and under pressure from his friend Desmond Tutu, who urged him to set an example for young people, he set a wedding for his 80th birthday, in July.^[274] The following day he held a grand party with many foreign dignitaries.^[275] The 1996 constitution limited the president to two consecutive five-year terms. Mandela did not attempt to amend the document to remove the two-term limit; indeed, he had never planned on standing for a second term in office. He gave his farewell speech on 29 March 1999, after which he retired.^[276]

Retirement

Continued activism and philanthropy: 1999–2004

Mandela visiting the London School of Economics in 2000

Retiring in June 1999, Mandela sought a quiet family life, to be divided between Johannesburg and Qunu. He set about authoring a sequel to his first autobiography, to be titled The Presidential Years, but it was abandoned before publication.^[277] Finding such seclusion difficult, he reverted to a busy public life with a daily programme of tasks, meeting with world leaders and celebrities, and when in Johannesburg worked with the Nelson Mandela Foundation, founded in 1999 to focus on combating HIV/AIDS, rural development and school construction.^[278] Although he had been heavily criticised for failing to do enough to fight the pandemic during his presidency, he devoted much of his time to the issue following his retirement, describing it as "a war" that had killed more than "all previous wars", and urged Mbeki's government to ensure that HIV+ South Africans had access to anti-retrovirals.^[279] In 2000, the Nelson Mandela Invitational charity golf tournament was founded, hosted by Gary Player.^[280] Mandela was successfully treated for prostate cancer in July 2001.^[281]
In 2002, Mandela inaugurated the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, and in 2003 the Mandela Rhodes Foundation was created at Rhodes House, University of Oxford, to provide postgraduate scholarships to African students. These projects were followed by the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory and the 46664 campaign against HIV/AIDS.^[282] He gave the closing address at the XIII International AIDS Conference in Durban in 2000,^[283] and in 2004, spoke at the XV International AIDS Conference in Bangkok, Thailand.^[284]
Publicly, Mandela became more vocal in criticising Western powers. He strongly opposed the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo and called it an attempt by the world's powerful nations to police the entire world.^[285] In 2003 he spoke out against the plans for the US and UK to launch the War in Iraq, describing it as "a tragedy" and lambasting US President George W. Bush and UK Prime Minister Tony Blair for undermining the UN. "All that (Mr. Bush) wants is Iraqi oil,".^[286] He attacked the US more generally, asserting that it had committed more "unspeakable atrocities" across the world than any other nation, citing the atomic bombing of Japan; this attracted international controversy, although he later reconciled his relationship with Blair.^[287] Retaining an interest in Libyan-UK relations, he visited Megrahi in Barlinnie prison and spoke out against the conditions of his treatment, referring to them as "psychological persecution".^[288]

"Retiring from retirement", illness: 2004–2013

Nelson Mandela and President George W. Bush in the Oval Office, May 2005

In June 2004, aged 85 and amid failing health, Mandela announced that he was "retiring from retirement" and retreating from public life, remarking "Don't call me, I will call you."^[289] Although continuing to meet with close friends and family, the Foundation discouraged invitations for him to appear at public events and denied most interview requests.^[290]
He retained some involvement in international affairs. In 2005, he founded the Nelson Mandela Legacy Trust,^[291] travelling to the U.S., to speak before the Brookings Institute and the NAACP on the need for economic assistance to Africa.^[291]^[292] He spoke with U.S. Senator Hillary Clinton and President George W. Bush and first met then-U.S. Senator Barack Obama.^[292] Mandela also encouraged Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe to resign over growing human rights abuses in the country. When this proved ineffective, he spoke out publicly against Mugabe in 2007, asking him to step down "with residual respect and a modicum of dignity."^[293] That year, Mandela, Machel, and Desmond Tutu convened a group of world leaders in Johannesburg to contribute their wisdom and independent leadership to some of the world's toughest problems. Mandela announced the formation of this new group, The Elders, in a speech delivered on his 89th birthday.^[294]

Mandela with then-Secretary General of the United Nations Kofi Annan in Houghton, Johannesburg, March 2006.

Mandela's 90th birthday was marked across the country on 18 July 2008, with the main celebrations held at Qunu,^[295] and a concert in his honour in Hyde Park, London.^[296] In a speech marking the event, Mandela called for the rich to help the poor across the world.^[295] Throughout Mbeki's presidency, Mandela continued to support the ANC, although usually overshadowed Mbeki at any public events that the two attended. Mandela was more at ease with Mbeki's successor Jacob Zuma, although the Nelson Mandela Foundation were upset when his grandson, Mandla Mandela, flew him out to the Eastern Cape to attend a pro-Zuma rally in the midst of a storm in 2009.^[297]
In 2004, Mandela had successfully campaigned for South Africa to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup, declaring that there would be "few better gifts for us in the year" marking a decade since the fall of apartheid. Mandela emotionally raised the FIFA World Cup Trophy after South Africa was awarded host status.^[298] Despite maintaining a low profile during the event due to ill-health, Mandela made his final public appearance during the World Cup closing ceremony, where he received a "rapturous reception".^[299]^[300] Between 2005 and 2013, Mandela, and later his family, were embroiled in a series of legal disputes regarding money held in family trusts for the benefit of his descendants.^[301] In mid-2013, as Mandela was hospitalised for a lung infection in Pretoria, his descendants were involved in intra-family legal dispute relating to the burial place of Mandela's children, and ultimately Mandela himself.^[302]^[303]^[304]
In February 2011, he was briefly hospitalised with a respiratory infection, attracting international attention,^[305] before being re-hospitalised for a lung infection and gallstone removal in December 2012.^[306] After a successful medical procedure in early March 2013,^[307] his lung infection recurred, and he was briefly hospitalised in Pretoria.^[308] On 8 June 2013, his lung infection worsened, and he was rehospitalised in Pretoria in a serious condition.^[309] After four days, it was reported that he had stabilised and remained in a "serious, but stable condition".^[310] En route to the hospital, his ambulance broke down and was stranded on the roadside for 40 minutes. The government was criticised for the incident, but Zuma countered that throughout, Mandela was given "expert medical care."^[311]
On 22 June 2013, CBS News stated that he had not opened his eyes in days and was unresponsive, and the family was discussing how much medical intervention should be given.^[312] Former bodyguard Shaun van Heerden, described by CBS News as "Mandela's constant companion for the last 12 years", had publicly asked the family to "set him free" a week prior.^[313] On 23 June 2013, Zuma announced that Mandela's condition had become "critical".^[314]^[315]^[316] Zuma, accompanied by the Deputy President of the ANC, Cyril Ramaphosa, met Mandela's wife Graça Machel at the hospital in Pretoria and discussed his condition.^[317] On 25 June Cape Town Archbishop Thabo Makgoba visited Mandela at the hospital and prayed with Graça Machel Mandela "at this hard time of watching and waiting".^[318] The next day, Zuma visited Mandela in the hospital and cancelled a visit scheduled for the next day to Mozambique.^[319] A relative of Mandela told The Daily Telegraph newspaper he was on life support.^[320]
On 4 July, it was reported that David Smith, a lawyer acting on behalf of Mandela family members, claimed in court on 26 June that Mandela was in a permanent vegetative state and life support should be withdrawn.^[321]^[322]^[323] The South African Presidency stated that the doctors treating Mandela denied that he was in a vegetative state.^[324]^[325] On 10 July, Zuma's office announced that Mandela remained in critical but stable condition, and was responding to treatment.^[326]
On 1 September 2013, Mandela was discharged from hospital,^[327] although his condition remained unstable.^[328]

Death and funeral

US President Barack Obama delivers his speech at Mandela's state memorial service

Main article: Death and state funeral of Nelson Mandela

After suffering from a prolonged respiratory infection, Mandela died on 5 December 2013 at the age of 95. He died at around 20:50 local time (UTC+2) at his home in Houghton, Johannesburg, surrounded by his family.^[329] His death was announced on television by President Jacob Zuma.^[329]^[330]
On 6 December 2013, President Zuma announced a national mourning period of ten days, with the main event held at the FNB Stadium in Johannesburg on 10 December 2013. He declared Sunday 8 December 2013 a national day of prayer and reflection. Mandela's body lay in state from 11–13 December at the Union Buildings in Pretoria and a state funeral was held on 15 December 2013 in Qunu, South Africa.^[331]^[332]
Approximately 90 representatives of foreign states travelled to South Africa to attend memorial events.^[333]^[334]

Political ideology

"Free Mandela" protest in East Berlin, 1986

Mandela was an African nationalist, an ideological position he held since joining the ANC,^[335] also being a democratic socialist,^[336] thereby being "openly opposed to capitalism, private land-ownership and the power of big money".^[337] Mandela was influenced by Marxism, and during the revolution he advocated scientific socialism.^[338] During the Treason Trial, he denied being a communist,^[339] although later historians and biographers believed that this was a lie; biographer David Jones Smith stated that Mandela "embraced communism and communists" in the late 1950s and early 1960s,^[340] while historian Stephen Ellis found evidence that he had been an active member of the South African Communist Party (SACP).^[109] This was confirmed after his death by the SACP and the ANC. According to the SACP, he was not only a member of the party, but also served on the party's Central Committee, when he was arrested in 1962 and this was denied for political reasons.^[110]^[111]^[112]
In the 1955 Freedom Charter, which Mandela had helped create, it called for the nationalisation of banks, gold mines, and land, believing this necessary to ensure equal distribution of wealth.^[341] Despite these beliefs, Mandela nationalised nothing during his presidency, fearing that this would scare away foreign investors. This decision was in part influenced by the fall of the socialist states in the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc during the early 1990s.^[342] Although he presented himself in an autocratic manner in several speeches, Mandela was a devout believer in democracy and abided by majority decisions even when deeply disagreeing with them.^[343] He held a conviction that "inclusivity, accountability and freedom of speech" were the fundamentals of democracy,^[344] and was driven by a belief in natural and human rights.^[345] This belief drove him to not only pursue racial equality but also to promote gay rights as part of the post-apartheid reforms.^[346]

Personal life

Mandela was a private person who often concealed his emotions and confided in very few people.^[347] Privately, he lived an austere life, refusing to drink alcohol or smoke, and even as President made his own bed,^[348] although was also renowned for his mischievous sense of humour.^[349] He was known for being both stubborn and loyal,^[350] and at times exhibited a quick temper.^[348] He was typically friendly and welcoming, and appeared relaxed in conversation with everyone, including his opponents.^[351] Constantly polite and courteous, he was attentive to all, irrespective of their age or status, and often talked to children or servants.^[352] In later life he always looked for the best in people, even defending political opponents to his allies, who sometimes thought him too trusting of others.^[353] He was highly image conscious, and throughout his life always sought out fine quality clothes, with many commentators believing that he carried himself in a regal manner.^[354] His official biographer Anthony Sampson commented that he was a "master of imagery and performance", excelling at presenting himself well in press photographs and producing soundbites.^[355] In describing his life, Mandela stated that "I was not a messiah, but an ordinary man who had become a leader because of extraordinary circumstances."^[356]

Mandela House museum, Soweto

Mandela was married three times, fathered six children, had 17 grandchildren,^[357] and many great-grandchildren.^[358] He could be stern and demanding of his children, although he was more affectionate with his grandchildren.^[359] His first marriage was to Evelyn Ntoko Mase in October 1944;^[60] they divorced after 13 years in 1957 under the multiple strains of his adultery and constant absences, devotion to revolutionary agitation, and the fact that she was a member of the Jehovah's Witnesses, a religion requiring political neutrality.^[93] The couple had two sons whom Mandela survived, Madiba "Thembi" Thembekile (1945–1969) and Makgatho Mandela (1950–2005); his first son died in a car crash, and his second son died of AIDS. The couple had two daughters, both named Makaziwe Mandela (born 1947 and 1954); the first died at the age of nine months, the second, known as "Maki", survived Mandela.^[360] Makgatho's son, Mandla Mandela, became chief of the Mvezo tribal council in 2007.^[361]
Mandela's second wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, also came from the Transkei area, although they, too, met in Johannesburg, where she was the city's first black social worker.^[362] They had two daughters, Zenani (Zeni), born 4 February 1959, and Zindziswa (Zindzi) Mandela-Hlongwane, born 1960.^[362] Zindzi was only 18 months old when her father was sent to Robben island. Later, Winnie was deeply torn by family discord which mirrored the country's political strife; separation (April 1992) and divorce (March 1996), fuelled by political estrangement.^[363] Mandela's third wife was Graça Machel (née Simbine), whom he married on his 80th birthday in 1998.^[364]

Influence and legacy

Nelson Mandela Bridge in Johannesburg

By the time of his death, Mandela had come to be widely considered "the father of the nation" within South Africa,^[365] and "the founding father of democracy",^[366] being seen as "the national liberator, the saviour, its Washington and Lincoln rolled into one".^[367] Mandela's biographer Anthony Sampson commented that even during his life, a myth had developed around him that turned him into "a secular saint" and which was "so powerful that it blurs the realities."^[368]Within a decade after the end of his Presidency, Mandela's era was being widely thought of as "a golden age of hope and harmony".^[356] Across the world, Mandela earned international acclaim for his activism in overcoming apartheid and fostering racial reconciliation,^[348] coming to be viewed as "a moral authority" with a great "concern for truth".^[369]
Throughout his life, Mandela had also faced criticism. Margaret Thatcher attracted international attention for describing the ANC as "a typical terrorist organisation" in 1987;^[370] although she later called on Botha to release Mandela.^[371] On his death, various Twitter users repeated the denunciations that he was a communist and a terrorist,^[372] while various anti-abortion activists across the world took the opportunity to condemn him for supporting the 1996 Choice of Termination of Pregnancy Act.^[373] Mandela has also been criticised for his friendship with political leaders such as Fidel Castro, Muammar Gaddafi, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Suharto – deemed dictators by critics – as well as his refusal to condemn their human rights violations.^[374]^[375]

Orders, decorations, and monuments

Main article: List of awards and honours bestowed upon Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela graffiti by Thierry Ehrmann in the Abode of Chaos museum, France

On the 16th of December 2013, Reconciliation Day, a 9 metre high, bronze statue of Mandela was unveiled at the Union Buildings by President Jacob Zuma.^[376] In 2004, Johannesburg granted Mandela the freedom of the city,^[377] and the Sandton Square shopping centre was renamed Nelson Mandela Square, after a Mandela statue was installed there.^[378] In 2008, another Mandela statue was unveiled at Drakenstein Correctional Centre, formerly Victor Verster Prison, near Cape Town, standing on the spot where Mandela was released from the prison.^[379]
In 1993, he received the joint Nobel Peace Prize with de Klerk.^[380] In November 2009, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed Mandela's birthday, 18 July, as "Mandela Day", marking his contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle. It called on individuals to donate 67 minutes to doing something for others, commemorating the 67 years that Mandela had been a part of the movement.^[381]
Awarded the US Presidential Medal of Freedom^[382] and appointment to the Order of Canada,^[383] he was also the first living person to be made an honorary Canadian citizen.^[384] Mandela was the last recipient of the Soviet Union's Lenin Peace Prize^[385] and the first recipient of the Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights.^[386] In 1990, he received the Bharat Ratna Award from the government of India^[387] and, in 1992, received Pakistan's Nishan-e-Pakistan.^[388] The same year, he was awarded the Atatürk Peace Award by Turkey; he at first refused the award, citing human rights violations committed by Turkey at the time,^[389] but later accepted the award in 1999.^[385] Queen Elizabeth II appointed him as a Bailiff Grand Cross of the Order of St. John (upon the recommendation of the order's Honours and Awards Committee) and granted him membership in the Order of Merit (a personal gift of the monarch).^[390]

Tributes by musicians

Many artists have dedicated songs to Mandela. One of the most popular was from The Special AKA who recorded the song "Free Nelson Mandela" in 1983, which Elvis Costello also recorded and had a hit with. Stevie Wonder dedicated his 1985 Oscar for the song "I Just Called to Say I Love You" to Mandela, resulting in his music being banned by the South African Broadcasting Corporation.^[391] In 1985, Youssou N'Dour's album Nelson Mandela was the Senegalese artist's first US release. Other artists who released songs or videos honouring Mandela include Johnny Clegg,^[392] Hugh Masekela,^[393] Brenda Fassie,^[394] Khadja Nin,^[395] Beyond,^[396] Nickelback,^[397] Raffi,^[398] and Ampie du Preez and AB de Villiers.^[399] South African songstress Zahara, an ambassador for the Nelson Mandela Children's Hospital, released Nelson Mandela, an extended play that pays tribute to Mandela whilst celebrating his lifetime accomplishments. The EP's lead single titled "Nelson Mandela" was released at a time when Mandela was critically ill but stable at the Medi-Clinic Heart Hospital in Pretoria.^[400]^[401]

Cinema and television

Mandela has been depicted in cinema and television on multiple occasions. He was portrayed by Danny Glover in the 1987 HBO telefilm Mandela.^[402] The 1997 film Mandela and de Klerk starred Sidney Poitier as Mandela,^[403] and Dennis Haysbert played him in Goodbye Bafana (2007).^[404] In the 2009 BBC telefilm Mrs Mandela, Mandela was portrayed by David Harewood,^[405] and Morgan Freeman portrayed him in Invictus (2009).^[406] Terrence Howard portrayed him in the 2011 film Winnie Mandela.^[407] He is portrayed by Idris Elba in the 2013 film Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom.^[408]

References

Footnotes

Jump up ^ Mandela, Nelson (1994). Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. Randburg: Macdonald Purnell. p. 438. ISBN 0316874965.
Jump up ^ Dodds, Craig (14 December 2013). "Madiba funeral: Tutu snubbed". Weekend Argus. Retrieved 14 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Motsei, Mmatshilo (22 December 2013). "Madiba, Dalibhunga, Rolihlahla: Nelson Mandela’s gifts to the world". City Press. Retrieved 23 December 2013.
Jump up ^ "Mandela". Collins English Dictionary. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Ungar, Rick (6 December 2013). "When Conservatives Branded Nelson Mandela A Terrorist". Forbes. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Carter, Zach; Ashdari, Shadee (6 December 2013). "Here Are 6 Moments From Mandela's Marxist Past That You Won't Hear On CNN". Huffington Post. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Mandela 1994, p. 3; Sampson 2011, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 17.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 4; Smith 2010, p. 16.
Jump up ^ Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 23; Mafela 2008.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 26; Mafela 2008.
Jump up ^ Smith 2010, p. 19.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 8–9; Sampson 2011, p. 4; Smith 2010, pp. 21–22.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 17.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 7–8; Sampson 2011, p. 4; Smith 2010, pp. 16, 23–24.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 19.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 15.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 12; Smith 2010, pp. 23–24.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 18–19; Sampson 2011, pp. 5,7; Smith 2010, p. 24.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 20; Sampson 2011, p. 7; Smith 2010, p. 25.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 8, 20.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 22–25; Sampson 2011, pp. 7–9; Smith 2010, pp. 26–27.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 27–29.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 25; Smith 2010, p. 27.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 31–34; Smith 2010, p. 18.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 43.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 36–42; Sampson 2011, p. 14; Smith 2010, pp. 29–31.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 45–47; Sampson 2011, p. 15; Smith 2010, p. 31.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 48–50.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, p. 17.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 52; Sampson 2011, pp. 17–18; Smith 2010, pp. 31–32.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 53–54; Sampson 2011, pp. 18–21; Smith 2010, p. 32.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 56; Smith 2010, p. 32.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 62–65; Sampson 2011, pp. 21, 25; Smith 2010, pp. 33–34; Meredith 2010, p. 18.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 62–63; Sampson 2011, pp. 24–25; Smith 2010, pp. 33–34; Meredith 2010, pp. 17–18.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 67–69; Sampson 2011, p. 25; Smith 2010, p. 34.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 68; Sampson 2011, p. 25; Smith 2010, p. 35.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 68; Meredith 2010, p. 18
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, p. 25.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 70–71; Sampson 2011, p. 26.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 66; Smith 2010, p. 34.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 78–86; Sampson 2011, pp. 26–27; Smith 2010, pp. 34–35; Meredith 2010, pp. 19–20.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 73–76; Sampson 2011, pp. 27–28; Smith 2010, pp. 36–39.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 89–94; Sampson 2011, pp. 29–30; Smith 2010, p. 40.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 96–101; Sampson 2011, pp. 30–31; Smith 2010, p. 41.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 104–105; Sampson 2011, pp. 32–33; Smith 2010, pp. 43, 48.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 106; Smith 2010, pp. 48–49.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 122–123; Sampson 2011, p. 37; Smith 2010, p. 48.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 100; Sampson 2011, p. 34; Smith 2010, p. 44.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 99, 108–110; Sampson 2011, p. 33; Smith 2010, pp. 44–45.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 113–116; Sampson 2011, p. 33; Smith 2010, pp. 45–46.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 118–119; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 116–117, 119–120; Sampson 2011, p. 33; Smith 2010, p. 47.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 122, 126–27; Sampson 2011, p. 34; Smith 2010, p. 49.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 135.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 127–131; Sampson 2011, pp. 34–35; Smith 2010, pp. 64–65.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 136; Smith 2010, p. 53.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 137–139; Sampson 2011, pp. 38–39; Smith 2010, p. 53.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 142–143; Smith 2010, p. 54.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 139–143; Sampson 2011, pp. 39–41; Smith 2010, pp. 52–56.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Mandela 1994, pp. 144, 148–149; Sampson 2011, p. 36; Smith 2010, pp. 59–62.
Jump up ^ "Honouring Thembekile Mandela". Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Nelson Mandela Foundation. Retrieved 8 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 149, 152; Sampson 2011, p. 36; Smith 2010, pp. 60–64.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 150, 210; Sampson 2011, p. 36; Smith 2010, p. 67.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 151; Smith 2010, p. 64.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 153–154; Sampson 2011, p. 48; Smith 2010, p. 66.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 154; Sampson 2011, p. 42.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 154–157; Sampson 2011, p. 49; Smith 2010, p. 66.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 159–162; Sampson 2011, pp. 51–52; Smith 2010, pp. 70–72.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 162–165; Sampson 2011, pp. 53–55; Smith 2010, pp. 72–73.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, p. 35; Smith 2010, pp. 68–70.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 168; Sampson 2011, pp. 55–56.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 165–167; Sampson 2011, pp. 61–62; Smith 2010, pp. 74–75.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 176; Sampson 2011, pp. 63–64; Smith 2010, p. 78.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 177–172; Sampson 2011, pp. 64–65; Smith 2010, pp. 75–76.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 165; Smith 2010, p. 77.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 170; Smith 2010, p. 94.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 182–183; Sampson 2011, pp. 66–67; Smith 2010, pp. 77, 80.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 183–188; Sampson 2011, p. 69; Smith 2010, pp. 81–83.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 188–192; Sampson 2011, p. 68.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 194–195; Sampson 2011, pp. 72–73; Smith 2010, p. 85.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 195–198; Sampson 2011, pp. 71–72; Smith 2010, pp. 83–84.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 199–200, 204; Sampson 2011, p. 73; Smith 2010, p. 86.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 205–207, 231; Sampson 2011, pp. 81–82, 84–85; Smith 2010, pp. 116–117.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 209–210; Sampson 2011, p. 7; Smith 2010, p. 87.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 210–216; Sampson 2011, pp. 77–80; Smith 2010, pp. 87–93.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 293–294; Sampson 2011, pp. 76–77; Smith 2010, pp. 95–99, 105–106.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, p. 92.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 218–233, 234–236; Sampson 2011, pp. 82–84; Smith 2010, pp. 120–123.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 226–227; Sampson 2011, p. 84; Smith 2010, p. 118.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 243–249; Sampson 2011, pp. 87–95; Smith 2010, pp. 118–120, 125–128.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 253–274; Sampson 2011, pp. 96–99; Smith 2010, pp. 130–132.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, p. 275; Sampson 2011, pp. 101–102.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Mandela 1994, p. 296; Sampson 2011, p. 110; Smith 2010, pp. 99–104.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 306–311; Sampson 2011, pp. 110–113; Smith 2010, pp. 104, 132–145.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 283–292; Sampson 2011, pp. 103–106; Smith 2010, pp. 163–164.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 299–305; Sampson 2011, pp. 116–117; Smith 2010, pp. 167–168.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 331–334; Sampson 2011, pp. 122–123; Smith 2010, p. 167.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 327–330; Sampson 2011, pp. 117–122; Smith 2010, pp. 171–173.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 342–346; Sampson 2011, pp. 130–131; Smith 2010, pp. 173–175.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 347–357; Sampson 2011, pp. 132–133; Smith 2010, p. 175.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 357–364; Sampson 2011, pp. 134–135; Smith 2010, p. 177.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 373–374; Sampson 2011, pp. 140–143; Smith 2010, pp. 183–185.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 377–380; Sampson 2011, p. 143; Smith 2010, p. 178.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 283–287; Sampson 2011, pp. 144–146, 154; Smith 2010, pp. 186–188, 193.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 289–291; Sampson 2011, pp. 147–149; Smith 2010, pp. 188–189.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 393–396; Sampson 2011, pp. 150–151; Smith 2010, pp. 206–210.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 397–398; Sampson 2011, pp. 151–154; Smith 2010, pp. 209–214.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 397–409; Sampson 2011, pp. 154–156; Smith 2010, pp. 191, 222–229.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Ellis 2011, pp. 667–668.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Marrian, Natasha (6 December 2013). "SACP confirms Nelson Mandela was a member". Business Day. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Umsebenzi Online, Volume 12, No. 42, 6 December 2013
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b SACP confirms Nelson Mandela was a member, Business Day, 06 December 2013
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 411–412.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 413–415; Sampson 2011, pp. 158–159; Smith 2010, pp. 239–246.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 418–425; Sampson 2011, pp. 160–162; Smith 2010, pp. 251–254.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 427–432; Sampson 2011, pp. 163–165; Smith 2010, pp. 255–256.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 432–440; Sampson 2011, pp. 165–167; Smith 2010, pp. 256–259.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 441–443; Sampson 2011, pp. 167–169; Smith 2010, pp. 259–261.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 443–445; Sampson 2011, pp. 169–170; Smith 2010, pp. 261–262.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 435–435; Sampson 2011, pp. 170–172; Smith 2010, pp. 275–276.
Jump up ^ DAVID JOHNSTON (1990-06-10). "C.I.A. TIE REPORTED IN MANDELA ARREST". The New York Times. "The report, scheduled for publication on Sunday, quoted an unidentified retired official who said that a senior C.I.A. officer told him shortly after Mr. Mandela's arrest: We have turned Mandela over to the South African Security branch. We gave them every detail, what he would be wearing, the time of day, just where he would be."
Jump up ^ Stein, Jeff (20134-12-05), The Day Mandela Was Arrested, With A Little Help From the CIA, Newsweek, "According to a 1990 Johannesburg Sunday Times newspaper account, a CIA agent by the name of Millard Shirley fingered Mandela for the apartheid regime\u2019s secret police, allowing them to throw up a roadblock and capture him."
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 278–279
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, pp. 171
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 456–459; Sampson 2011, pp. 172–173.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 463–465; Sampson 2011, pp. 173–174; Smith 2010, pp. 292–293.
Jump up ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 468–482; Sampson 2011, pp. 174–176.
Jump up ^ Mandela, Nelson. "I am prepared to die". Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Nelson Mandela Foundation. Retrieved 16 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 27–32; Sampson 2011, pp. 183–186; Smith 2010, pp. 292–295.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 33–42; Sampson 2011, pp. 186–190.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 42–57; Sampson 2011, pp. 190–194; Smith 2010, pp. 300–302.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, p. 62; Sampson 2011, pp. 194–195; Smith 2010, p. 303.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 63–68; Sampson 2011, pp. 196–197; Smith 2010, p. 306.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 75–78; Sampson 2011, p. 204; Smith 2010, pp. 307–308.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 79–80; Sampson 2011, p. 205; Meredith 2010, p. 279.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 82–84, 108–116; Sampson 2011, pp. 206–207; Meredith 2010, pp. 281–283, 290–291
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, p. 126; Sampson 2011, pp. 205, 258; Meredith 2010, p. 299.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 102–108; Sampson 2011, p. 205; Meredith 2010, p. 283.
Jump up ^ Mandela 2004, pp. 83, 90, 136–138; Meredith 2010, pp. 284, 296–298.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, pp. 210–214; Meredith 2010, pp. 298–299.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, pp. 236–241, 288–294; Meredith 2010, pp. 292–295.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, p. 232; Meredith 2010, pp. 301, 313.
Jump up ^ Sampson 2011, p. 229; Meredith 2010, pp. 295, 299–301.
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Jump up ^ "Zahara dedicates her latest release to frail Madiba". Daily Dispatch (East London, Eastern Cape). 5 July 2013. Retrieved 6 December 2013.
Jump up ^ "IMDB "Mandela" (TV) (1987)". Retrieved 6 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Keller, Bill. "Mandela and de Klerk (1997)". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 14 February 2013. Retrieved 26 October 2008.
Jump up ^ "The Color of Freedom (2007)". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 14 February 2013. Retrieved 14 February 2013.
Jump up ^ Dowell, Ben (11 March 2009). "BBC commissions Winnie Mandela drama". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 14 February 2013. Retrieved 11 March 2009.
Jump up ^ Battersby 2011, p. 601; Keller, Bill (15 August 2008). "Entering the Scrum". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 14 February 2013. Retrieved 14 February 2013.
Jump up ^ Ross, Dalton (6 December 2013). "Terrence Howard, 'Winnie Mandela' producers remember late Nelson Mandela". Insidemovies.ew.com. Retrieved 13 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Derschowitz, Jessica (19 July 2013). "Idris Elba plays Nelson Mandela in 'Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom' trailer". CBS News. Retrieved 21 August 2013.

Citations

Battersby, John (2011). "Afterword: Living Legend, Living Statue". In Anthony Sampson. Mandela: The Authorised Biography. London: HarperCollins. pp. 587–610. ISBN 978-0007437979.

Ellis, Stephen (2011). "The Genesis of the ANC's Armed Struggle in South Africa 1948–1961". Journal of Southern African Studies 37 (4): 657–676. doi:10.1080/03057070.2011.592659.

Guiloineau, Jean; Rowe, Joseph (2002). Nelson Mandela: The Early Life of Rolihlahla Madiba. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books. pp. 9–26. ISBN 1-55643-417-0.

Herbst, Jeffrey (2003). "The Nature of South African Democracy: Political Dominance and Economic Inequality". In Theodore K. Rabb, Ezra N. Suleiman. The Making and Unmaking of Democracy: Lessons from History and World Politics. London: Routledge. pp. 206–224. ISBN 978-0415933810.

Mafela, Munzhedzi James (2008). "The Revelation of African Culture in "Long Walk to Freedom"". In Anna Haebich, Frances Peters-Little, Peter Read. Indigenous Biography and Autobiography. Sydney: Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University.

Houston, Gregory; Muthien, Yvonne (2000). "Democracy and Governance in Transition". In Yvonne Muthien, Meshack Khosa and Bernard Magubane. Democracy and Governance Review: Mandela's Legacy 1994–1999. Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council Press. pp. 37–68. ISBN 978-0796919700.

Kalumba, Kibujjo M. (1995). "The Political Philosophy of Nelson Mandela: A Primer". Journal of Social Philosophy 26 (3): 161–171. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9833.1995.tb00092.x.

Mandela, Nelson (1994). Long Walk to Freedom Volume I: 1918–1962. Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 978-0754087236.

Mandela, Nelson (2004) [1994]. Long Walk to Freedom Volume II: 1962–1994 (large print edition). London: BBC AudioBooks and Time Warner Books Ltd. ISBN 978-0754087243.

Muthien, Yvonne; Khosa, Meshack; Magubane, Bernard (2000). "Democracy and Governance in Transition". In Yvonne Muthien, Meshack Khosa and Bernard Magubane. Democracy and Governance Review: Mandela's Legacy 1994–1999. Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council Press. pp. 361–374. ISBN 978-0796919700.

Meredith, Martin (2010). Mandela: A Biography. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1586488321.

Sampson, Anthony (2011) [1999]. Mandela: The Authorised Biography. London: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0007437979.

Smith, David James (2010). Young Mandela. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0297855248.

External links

أزمة الرهائنعين أميناس In Amenas hostage crisis

2014-01-24T11:47:00.005+01:00

أصبح بوسعك الآن تنزيل نسخة كاملة من موسوعة ويكيبيديا العربية لتصفحها بلا اتصال بالإنترنت.

[أغلق]

أزمة الرهائن بإن أميناس

من ويكيبيديا، الموسوعة الحرة

إحداثيات: 27.897°N 9.127°E

أزمة الرهائن بإن أميناس

المكان

عين أمناس, الجزائر

التاريخ

16 جانفي 2013–الوقت الحاضر

الهدف

عمال مصنع دولي للغاز الطبيعي

نوع الهجوم

كمين, حصار, أزمة رهائن

الأسلحة

أسلحة أوتوماتيكية, هاون, صاروخ أرض-جو, متفجرات

القتلى

37 (على الأقل 37 رهينة)^[1]^[2]

الجرحى

لا يقل عن 7^[3]

أزمة الرهائن بعين أمناس هي أزمة احتجاز رهائن بدأت في 16 يناير 2013 من قبل متطرفين إسلامويين منشقين عن القاعدة^[4] بتيقنتورين^[5]، 30 كم غرب عين أمناس في جنوب-شرق الجزائر^[6]، كرد فعل على التدخل العسكري الفرنسي في مالي التي أطلقت خمسة أيام من قبل والتي صفت بأنها "عدوان"^[6]. المحتجزين رهنوا أكثر من 650 شخصا من بينهم أكثر من 150 من الأجانب من جنسيات مختلفة، يعملون في حقل استغلال الغاز.

محتويات

السياق

التسلسل الزمني

المشاركين في العملية الأولى كانوا 32عنصرا انقسموا إلى 3 مجموعات.
الأولى كانت مكونة من 12 مسلحا، وقد كلفت باقتحام منشأة "تيقنتورين"، والثانية كانت مكلفة بمهمة نصب كمين لحافلة تقل عمالا أجانب كانت متجهة إلى مطار عين أم الناس ، وكان هدفها هو إشغال سرية الجيش الجزائري القريبة من موقع في معركة جانبية، بينما تتم عملية الاقتحام، وضمت 12 مسلحا أيضا، وانتظر 8 مسلحين آخرين، ضمن ما يسمى عسكريا بمجموعة الإسناد، التدخل لدعم أي من المجموعتين، عند الضرورة، وتمكنت المجموعة الأولى من اقتحام موقع "تيقنتورين" باستعمال سيارات مشابهة تماما لسيارات أمن شركة "سوناطراك" النفطية الجزائرية، ويعتقد بأنها هربت من ليبيا.^[7]
وقالت مصادر "الخبر الجزائرية" إن المجموعة المسلحة تسللت من موقع حدودي بين ليبيا والجزائر والنيجر يسمى تيم نيرلا، ثم تسللت إلى ليبيا من أجل جلب سيارات دفع رباعي، تم دهنها بنفس طريقة السيارات التابعة لحراسة "سوناطراك".^[7]
وقد مرت بمسالك صحراوية قريبة من بلدة "الدبداب" الحدودية مع ليبيا وبالتحديد بوادي إيجليه (30 كلم عن عين أم الناس على متن 9 سيارات من نوع تويوتا 5 منها من نوع تويوتا لاند كروزر تحمل لوحة ترقيم ليبية و4 سيارات من نوع تويوتا ستايشن 2 منها كان يستعملهما المهاجمون لحمل السلاح وأخرى لحمل المؤن.^[7]
وضمت مجموعة الخاطفين الثالثة 3 جزائريين فقط قتلوا جميعا في العملية وينحدرون من ولايتي ورقلة ووهران وآخر يقطن بولاية أدرار، و29 آخرون أجانب من جنسيات مختلفة، ليبية وتونسية ومصرية وكندية ويمنية.^[7]
وقالت المصادر إن اليمني الذي شارك في العملية يدعى أبو موسى، وكان قصيرا وأسمر اللون، وقد قضى المدعو أبو عائشة أو لمين بشنب في اليوم الأول من الهجوم العسكري على قاعدة الحياة، فهو وكنيته أبو عائشة ينحدر من ولاية ورقلة، وكان قائدا للجناح العسكري في حركة أبناء الجنوب من أجل العدالة، وقد تزوج لمين بشنب بامرأة ليبية في منطقة "العوينات" الليبية في الحدود مع منطقة طارات الجزائرية، قبل شهرين، وأقام فيها متنكرا بهوية غير حقيقية، وكان مكلفا بتوفير سيارات الدفع الرباعي التي استغلت في العملية.^[7]
ويعتقد أن أحد أقارب بشنب من ولاية ورقلة ما زال موجودا في منطقة الحدود الجزئرية الليبية، ويدعى يوسف وكنيته أبو مصطفى، ويقود الآن مجموعة مسلحة أخرى تنشط في الحدود الليبية الجزائرية، ويجري حاليا فحص جثث المهاجمين من قبل مختصين في الأدلة الجنائية من قيادة الدرك الوطني الجزائري على مستوى مستشفى عسكري بورقلة، من أجل الحصول على معلومات حول العملية الإرهابية.^[7]
وكان قرار تنفيذ الهجوم محصورا في شخص مختار بلمختار الذي قرر، قبل أقل من 3 ساعات من تنفيذ العملية، إصدار أمر لعناصره بتنفيذها، حيث تم رصد مكالمة هاتفية بهاتف الثـريا الفضائي من قبل مصالح الأمن الجزائرية، وتلقت وحدات الجيش الموجودة في صحراء عين أم الناس إنذارا من مصالح الأمن تضمن الاشتباه في وجود مجموعة مهربين أو إرهابيين في موقع بالصحراء، وقد تحركت قوة عسكرية لتمشيط المنطقة على الساعة الرابعة صباحا، بعد ساعتين من رصد المكالمة، لكن الوقت كان قد فات.^[7]
بدأ احتجاز الرهائن في صبيحة 16 يناير 2013 عندما حاولت مجموعة من الإرهابيين المدججين بالسلاح لمهاجمة الحافلة التي تغادر من موقع منصة الغاز المستغلة بشراكة بين بي بي، شتات أويل وسوناطراك في عين أمناس بالقرب من الحدود الليبية. بعد فشل هذه المحاولة توجهة المجموعة نحو قاعدة الحياة أين قاموا باحتجاز 650 رهينة بينهم 573 جزائريون وبعض 132 من جنسيات نرويجية، يابانية، فرنسية، أمريكية وبريطانية، موظفين بالقاعدة.^[6]^[8]
في 17 يناير 2013 شن الجيش الجزائري هجوما على موقع الرهائن، خلال هذا الهجوم حرر بعض الرهائن وقتل آخرين.^[9] · ^[10] بالإضافة إلى ذلك حلقت طائرة بدون طيار للجيش الجزائري (أمريكية الصنع) فوق المجمع لإعطاء السلطات الأمريكية لمحة عامة عن الوضع.^[10]

الرهائن

قدرت عدة مصادر عدد الرهائن بين 20 و40 في حين أرسل بيان من قبل الحركة الإسلامية إلى وكالة الأنباء الموريتانية أن بحوزتهم 41 رهينة أجنبية. المحتزين كانوا 13 نرويجي، 7 أمريكيين و5 يابانيين، إيرلندي وعدد غير معروف من الفرنسيين والبريطانيين. القناة التلفزيونية فرانس 24 بثت مقتطفات من محادثة هاتفية مع رهينة فرنسية إدعى أن معه بريطانيين، يابانيين وفلبينيين وماليزيين^[11] · ^[12] بالإضافة إلى 150 موظف جزائري.^[4]
حسب الجزائر قتل شخصين في العملية وهما بريطاني وجزائري.^[6] وزير الشؤون الخارجية الجزائري ذكر أيضا ستة جرحى وهم أجنبيان، إثنين من الدرك و2 من حراس الأمن.^[6]

المطالب

المختطفين الذين صرحوا بأنهم قادمون من مالي،^[4] وإدعوا أنهم من كتيبة مختار بلمختار الجزائري المخلوع مؤخرا من تنظيم القاعدة في بلاد المغرب الإسلامي وقالوا أنهم قاموا بالعملية كرد فعل إنتقامي ضد التدخل العسكري الفرنسي في مالي الذي يصفونه "بالعدوان"^[6]. طالبوا، من بين أمور أخرى، "وقف العدوان على مالي" وإطلاق سراح مائة من الإسلاميين المسجونين في الجزائر،^[4] كما هددوا بنسف الموقع إذا لم تنسحب القوات الجزائرية المسلحة التي أحاطة بالمنصة.^[6]

ردود الفعل الدولية

الجزائر: وزير الداخلية الجزائري دحو ولد قابلية ذكر أن الجزائر ««لا تستطيع ان تلبي مطالب الإرهابيين»» ولن تتفاوض مع خاطفي الرهائن.^[13]
جمهورية أيرلندا: التانيست الإيرلندي ايمون غيلمور أكد لوسائل الإعلام أن مواطنا من أيرلندا الشمالية اصله من مقاطعة أنترم إحتجز رهينة وصرح ««الحكومة مستعدة لاستخدام كل الموارد المتاحة لضمان أن يتم تحرير مواطننا في أقرب وقت ممكن»»^[14]
الولايات المتحدة: مباشرة بعد الإعلان عن إحتجاز الرهائن، المتحدث باسم وزارة الخارجية الأمريكية أكد للصحفيين أن عددا غير معروف من المواطنين الأمريكيين موجود من بين الرهائن.^[13] وفي هذا الصدد، أدان الرئيس الامريكي باراك أوباما، مساء أول أمس السبت، الهجوم الإرهابي على الموقع الغازي بعين امناس، مضيفا أن مسؤولية هذه العملية الارهابية تقع على عاتق الارهابيين الذين قاموا بها. وقال أوباما في بيان نشره البيت الأبيض “إن مسؤولية هذه المأسأة تقع على عاتق الارهابيين الذين نفذوها والولايات المتحدة تدين أعمالهم بأقوى العبارات”. مضيفا “لقد كنا على اتصال دائم مع المسؤولين الجزائريين ونحن مستعدون لتقديم أي مساعدة يحتاجونها عقب هذا الهجوم”. وذكر أوباما أيضا أن الولايات المتحدة “ستواصل العمل عن كثب مع كل شركائها لمكافحة ظاهرة الإرهاب في المنطقة التي أودت بحياة عدد كبير من الابرياء” وتابع أن الهجوم على الموقع الغازي بعين امناس “تذكير آخر بالتهديد الذي تشكله القاعدة والجماعات المتطرفة العنيفة الاخرى في شمال أفريقيا”.^[15]
المملكة المتحدة: وزير الدولة للشؤون الخارجية والكومنولث ويليام هيغ أكد وفاة مواطن بريطاني في اليوم التالي للهجوم ورفض أي صلة مع التدخل العسكري الفرنسي في مالي ووصف ذلك بأنه ذريعة للقتل "بدم بارد".^[16]
فرنسا: الرئيس الفرنسي فرانسوا أولاند أكد وجود رهائن فرنسيين في الموقع وقال انه يجب أن تتوقع الأخبار السيئة حول نتائج العملية الجوية الجزائرية.^[17]
رومانيا: روبرت كازانسيوك الأمين العام لوزارة الخارجية، أكد أن هناك مواطن روماني من بين الرهائن وأنه قد تم إنشاء خلية أزمة بالوزارة.
اليابان:

In Amenas hostage crisis

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In Amenas hostage crisis

Location	West of In Amenas, Algeria
Coordinates	27.897°N 9.127°ECoordinates: 27.897°N 9.127°E
Date	16 January 2013–19 January 2013 (CET – UTC +1)
Target	International natural gas plant workers
Attack type	Ambush, siege, hostage crisis
Weapon(s)	Automatic weapons Mortars Anti-aircraft missiles Explosives
Deaths	At least 67 (at least 37 foreign hostages, an Algerian security guard, and 29 militants)^[1]^[2]^[3]
Injured (non-fatal)	Currently unknown
Assailants	The al-Mua'qi'oon Biddam Brigade^[4]
Motive	Opposition against Operation Serval

[hide]

Northern Mali conflict

Timeline (Jan 2012-present) · ICC investigation

Tuareg rebellion (2012):

2012 Malian coup d'état
Islamist-Tuareg conflict:

1st Gao

Foreign intervention:

The In Amenas hostage crisis began on 16 January 2013, when al-Qaeda-linked terrorists affiliated with a brigade led by Mokhtar Belmokhtar took over 800 people hostage at the Tigantourine gas facility near In Amenas, Algeria.^[5] One of Belmokhtar's senior lieutenants, Abdul al Nigeri, led the attack^[6] and was among the terrorists killed.^[7] After four days, the Algerian special forces raided the site, in an effort to free the hostages.^[8]
At least 39 foreign hostages were killed along with an Algerian security guard, as were 29 militants.^[9] A total of 685 Algerian workers and 107 foreigners were freed.^[1]^[10] Three militants were captured.^[9]
It was one of many attacks in the Maghreb carried out by Islamist groups since 2002.

Attack

The Tigantourine gas facility is located about 40 kilometres (25 mi) south-west of In Amenas, close to the Libyan border and about 1,300 kilometres (810 mi) south-east of Algeria's capital city, Algiers. The Algerian state oil company Sonatrach operates the gas field jointly with the British firm BP and the Norwegian firm Statoil. It supplies 10% of Algeria's natural gas production.^[11]

Map of the In Amenas facility

The crisis began in the early morning of 16 January 2013. Around 40 Islamist terrorists in three vehicles, who had entered Algeria from Libya and northern Mali, attacked two buses transporting employees from a natural gas plant near the town of In Amenas in far eastern Algeria, about 60 kilometres (37 mi) west of the border with Libya, killing a number of the employees.^[11] At 5:40 AM, militant gunmen in Toyota Land Cruisers stormed the plant, heading to the living quarters.^[11] The terrorists and their hostages moved into the facility itself.^[10]^[12]^[13] The terrorists rigged the plant with explosives, and threatened a "tragic end" should attempts be made to free the captives.^[14]^[15]
As the assault began at the plant's gates, guard Mohamed Lamine Lahmar succeeded in activating a plant-wide alarm, warning the whole site that a terrorist attack was in progress. Lahmar's actions made it possible for some people to hide and for others to shut down essential processes of the site and possibly prevent its destruction from explosives detonation. Lahmar was shot to death by the terrorists immediately afterward.^[16] In addition, a Briton was also killed and at least seven others were injured during the initial capture of hostages and assault on the plant.^[8]^[14]^[17]^[18]
For a number of hours, the gunmen hunted door-to-door for foreigners, dragging workers from under beds and behind cupboards, beating some who refused to leave, shooting others as they tried to run away.^[11] Some foreigners had their hands bound behind their backs, and some had their mouths taped.^[11] The gunmen affixed Semtex bombs around the necks and waists of some of them.^[11] Many were killed with a bullet to the head.^[11] Several Algerians helped to hide foreigners.^[11]
Subsequently, Algerian security forces surrounded the facility.^[19] At midday local time on 17 January, Algerian special forces launched an attack to retake the facility and free the hostages.^[20] During the fighting, some hostages were shot in the head by the militants, and others were used as human shields.^[11]

Perpetrators

An al-Qaeda-affiliated group, known variously as both Katibat al-Mulathameen ('The Masked Brigade') and al-Muwaqqi‘ūn bi-d-Dimā’ (Arabic: الموقعون بالدماء 'Those who Sign with Blood'), perpetrated the attack.^[4]^[21]^[22] The terrorists were under the command of Mokhtar Belmokhtar, known also as Khalid Abu al-Abbas.^[4]
Belmokhtar, a veteran of Algeria's civil war and the Soviet war in Afghanistan and dubbed "The Uncatchable" by French intelligence, was a senior commander in al-Qaeda's local branch before deciding to form his own armed Islamist group late in 2012 after an apparent fallout with other terrorist leaders.^[8] Despite the split, his fighters remain loyal to al-Qaeda, a fact mentioned in their communication with the media after the initial assault.^[8]
The Algerian Prime Minister said 32 terrorists were involved in the attack, and that one-third were Algerian while the rest were made up of eight nationalities, including 11 Tunisians, 2 Canadians, plus Egyptian, Malian, Nigerian, and Mauritanians.^[9]^[10] An Algerian news website had reported that three Egyptians, two Algerians, two Tunisians, two Libyans, one Mali national, and one French national were among the attackers,^[23]^[24] but the French Minister of the Interior Manuel Valls disputed the presence of a French national among the attackers.^[25]
On 19 January, Algerian state media announced that 11 of the hostage-takers were killed after a military offensive which ended the siege. Seven hostages were executed by the perpetrators during the offensive.^[26]
Algeria's Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sellal said on 21 January that 29 of the attackers had been killed and 3 captured alive.^[10] The New York Times reported that one of the captured attackers said the Egyptians involved in the attack were also involved in the 2012 Benghazi attack.^[27]
Initially, Abdelmalek Sellal stated there was at least one Canadian dead among the hostage-takers, but did not identify him. He later identified the Canadian man only as "Chedad", and that "Chedad" had co-ordinated and headed the attack; survivors had described a young hostage-taker with fair skin, blond hair, and blue or green eyes, who spoke in perfect North American English. This led to intense media speculation in Canada, and the story quickly became a daily headline for several weeks. The two Canadian attackers' remains were later identified as those of as Ali Medlej, 24, and Xris Katsiroubas, 22, two friends, both of London, Ontario. The two along with a third friend, 24-year-old Aaron Yoon, also from London, traveled to Mauritania in 2011 to study Islam and the Arabic language. All three were born in Canada, and attended London South Collegiate Institute. Medlej was raised Muslim; Katsiroubas, a Greek-Canadian, and Yoon, a Korean-Canadian, converted to Islam Greek Orthodox and Catholic, respectively, during their high school years. At some point in late 2011, Yoon became separated from Medlej and Katsiroubas. In December 2011, in Mauritania, Yoon was arrested, charged, and convicted of terrorism, and sentenced to 18 months in prison, more than a year before Medlej and Katsiroubas staged the attack in Algeria. Yoon has maintained his innocence. In 2012, he was visited by an official from Amnesty International, but requested that the circumstances of his arrest and detention remain confidential. The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation reported that Yoon was also visited by a Canadian government official in 2012. Yoon's family was unaware of his detention until more than a month after the hostage crisis, believing he was still studying Islam and the Arabic language. Yoon was briefly interviewed by the CBC in early 2013, via cellphone, while a group of inmates surrounded him to protect him from the guards and other inmates. CBC News reported 9 May 2013 that at least one among Medlej and Katsiroubas Canadian militants worked at the plant.[26] Yoon was released from prison in July, 2013, and subsequently arrived at Toronto's Pearson International Airport; the Canadian authorities are not expected to lay any charges against him. Residents of London, both known and unknown to the trio, have expressed shock and disbelief at their deaths and the circumstances of their deaths. Medlej was variously described by high school friends as a good student who "got high marks but would hide it from his peers", played high school football, was loud, funny, a "wannabe thug", "kind of an ass sometimes, depending who he was with", a "good guy who stood up for a friend (who was being picked on)", and would on occasion slam his fist against a locker in frustration. Friends said Medlej was not very serious about his Muslim faith, saying that he would drink alcohol and smoke. Katsiroubas was described by friends as being seriously invested in his faith, devoutly attending prayers at the mosque; Yoon has been described as private on the subject of his conversion to Islam, and uninvested in his schoolwork, until his conversion to Islam apparently provoked "academic curiosity" within him.^{[citation needed]}
Libyan hardline Islamist sources declared that the kidnappers had logistical support from Islamists in Libya, such as aiding the media to contact the terrorists, while local Algerian outlets like Numidia News or TSA said that the attackers wore Libyan uniforms, had Libyan weapons and vehicles.^[28]^[29]
According to a senior Algerian security source, Zintan brigadesmen sold arms to the assailants group, and former Libyan Islamic Fighting Group emir Abdelhakim Belhadj had prior knowledge of the attack on In Amenas.^[30]^[31]

Demands

The militants demanded an end to French military operations against Islamists in northern Mali, in return for the safety of the hostages. A spokesman claiming to represent the "Masked Brigade" (or al-Mulathameen Brigade) said the hostage seizure was a response to Algeria's opening of its airspace to French warplanes that attacked Mali's militants five days prior.^[32]^[33] Another report mentioned a demand for the release of Aafia Siddiqui and Omar Abdel-Rahman, both held in American prisons on terrorism-related convictions.^[34] Other reports suggested the hostage-takers demanded the release of about 100 Islamist prisoners held in Algeria.^[14]

Hostages

According to U.S. officials, 132 foreign nationals were taken hostage.^[35] In all, over 800 people were taken hostage.^[3] A statement released by the Islamist group to a Mauritanian news agency said they had 41 foreign nationals. Five were reportedly being held at the gas facility, and the rest at a nearby housing unit.^[8] The number included 13 Norwegians (4 of whom escaped to a nearby military camp),^[36] 7 U.S. citizens, 5 Japanese, 1 Irish, as well as nationals from France, Romania, and the United Kingdom. France 24 broadcast parts of a phone conversation with a French hostage, who said he was being held along with British, Japanese, Filipino, and Malaysian nationals.^[37]^[38]
On 17 January 2013, one Algerian security official told the Associated Press that at least 20 foreigners had escaped. Algeria's private Ennahar TV channel cited 15 foreign hostages, including 2 Japanese, a French couple and the sole Irish national, as having escaped or been freed. Earlier, the Algeria Press Service news agency reported that some 30 Algerian workers managed to free themselves.^[39]^[40]
According to U.S. officials, 100 of the 132 foreign nationals had either escaped or been set free by mid-day 18 January. The same reports stated that 500 Algerians had been rescued as of 18 January.^[35] One American worker was also confirmed dead on 18 January.^[41]

Deaths

On 19 January, 11 militants and 7 hostages were killed in a final assault to end the standoff. In addition, 16 foreign hostages were freed, including 2 Americans, 2 Germans, and 1 Portuguese.^[41]
One Algerian hostage (a security guard) and 39 foreign hostages from nine different countries are believed to have died.^[3] The nationality breakdown of the dead hostages, as of 25 January 2013, was as follows:^[42]

#	Country	Names^{[dubious – discuss]}	Notes
10	Japan	Tadanori Aratani, 66 of Tokyo; Rokuro Fuchida, 64 of Fujisawa; Yasuji Goto, 59; Fumihiro Ito, 59 of Minamisanriku; Keisuke Kawabata, 49; Satoshi Kiyama, 29 of Kumamoto; Hidemi Maekawa, 60; Bunshiro Naito, 44 of Toyohashi; Hiroaki Ogata, 57; and Takashi Yamada, 72.^[43]^[44]^[45]^[46]^[47]^[48]^[49]^[50]
8	Philippines	Angelito Manaois Jr	Maintenance. 2 missing^[51]^[52]^[53]
5	Norway	Tore Bech, 58 of Bergen;^[54] Hans M. Bjone, 55 of Bergen;^[55] Victor Sneberg, 56 of Sandnes;^[56] Thomas Snekkevik, 35 of Austrheim;^[54] and Alf Vik, 43 of Grimstad.^[57]
5	United Kingdom	Garry Barlow, 49 of Liverpool; Carson Bilsland, 46 of Bridge of Cally, Perthshire, Scotland; Sebastian John, 26 of Gamston; Steve Green, 47 Paul Morgan, 46 of Liverpool; and Kenneth Whiteside, 59 of Glenrothes, Fife, Scotland.^[44]^[58]
3	United States	Frederick Buttacio, 58 of Katy, Texas; Victor Lynn Lovelady, 58 of Nederland, Texas; and Gordon Lee Rowan, 59 of Sumpter, Oregon.^[10]^[59]^[60]^[61]
2	Malaysia	Chong Chung Ngen, 55, of Ipoh, Perak; and Tan Ping Wee, 48 of Port Dickson, Negeri Sembilan.^[62]^[63]
2	Romania	Mihail Bucur, 40 of Ploiești; and Tiberiu Ionuţ Costache, 36 of Bărcăneşti, Prahova.^[64]^[65]^[66]^[67]
1	Algeria	Mohamed Lamine Lahmar	Security guard
1	Colombia	Carlos Estrada, of Bogotá.^[68]^[69]	Lived in Chelsea, London. BP Vice President for North Africa.^[70]^[71]
1	France	Yann Desjeux, 52 of Anglet.^[72]^[73]

Algerian rescue operation

Russian-built Mi-24 gunship of the type used for the rescue attempt.

Minister of Interior Dahou Ould Kablia said the Algerian government would not "respond to the demands of terrorists", and would not negotiate with the hostage takers.^[12]
On the afternoon of 17 January 2013, the Algerian Special Intervention Group began an assault on the complex using helicopter gunships and heavy weapons. Algerian commanders explained they launched the assault because the gunmen had demanded to be allowed to take the hostages abroad.^[74] The Mauritanian news agency ANI said the assault came while the militants were attempting to move hostages by vehicle.^[75] An Irish engineer who survived is reported as having said he saw four trucks of hostages being blown up by the Algerian forces.^[74] Hostages in two other SUVs were freed by the Algerian forces.^[76]
An Algerian security source said that 30 hostages and 11 militants were killed during the raid, which was reported as lasting eight hours. According to the ANI, militants claimed that 34 of the hostages and 14 of the Islamists were killed in this initial attack. According to a kidnapper who spoke with the agency, seven hostages were still being held – three Belgians, two Americans, one Japanese, and one British citizen. An Algerian security source earlier confirmed that about 25 foreign hostages had escaped the compound. At least 180 Algerian workers had either escaped the complex or been freed, according to local sources, with a number of others still remaining inside.^[77]^[78]
Several Western officials bemoaned Algeria's failure to minimize casualties, while Japan criticized Algeria for failing to heed Japan's earlier request to "put human lives first and asked Algeria to strictly refrain".^[79]
Analysts say Algeria's lack of consultation fit in with a general pattern of acting independently, its policy of no negotiation with terrorists, and, according to Anouar Boukhars of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, that "Algerians are jealous of their sovereignty".^[80]
Algeria's prime minister Abdelmalek Sellal in a press conference on 21 January praised the decision by Algerian special forces to storm the site, adding that the aim of the kidnappers was to "blow up the gas plant". He stressed that "The terrorists also shot some of the hostages in the head, killing them".^[10]

International impact

Canada: The Canadian government said "Canada condemns in the strongest possible terms this deplorable and cowardly attack and all terrorist groups which seek to create and perpetuate insecurity in the Sahel countries of West Africa".^[81]
Colombia: The Colombian government confirmed the death of Carlos Estrada, BP Vice-President for Northern Africa, who had worked for the company for more than 18 years. Estrada was at the time a resident of the United Kingdom.^[68]
France: French officials confirmed that one French citizen was killed.^[35] France defended Algeria's handling of the crisis.^[82]
Iran: Iran's Press TV conducted an interview titled "West liable for Algeria hostage taking", which interviewed Lawrence Freeman of the Executive Intelligence Review. Press TV supported his conclusion that "the U.S. and their puppets Saudi Arabia and Qatar which have in the first place played a role in the creation of rebels are the root cause of incidents such as that which took place in Algeria".^[83]
Japan: There were 17 Japanese hostages, of whom 10 died and 7 survived.^[84] Prime Minister Shinzo Abe cut short his visit to Southeast Asia to return to Tokyo to focus on the situation.^[85] Japanese firm JGC Corp., which is involved in gas production in the plant, held meetings with the Japanese government.^[86] The Algerian ambassador was summoned to provide clarifications over the hostage-taking crisis.^[87]
Malaysia: The Malaysian embassy in Algiers confirmed quality control inspector Chong Chung Ngen had been killed,^[88] while a second Malaysian missing in the hostage crisis was confirmed dead by Wisma Putra later. The Malaysian Foreign Ministry said in a statement on 26 January 2013 that Tan Ping Wee was identified by the forensic team through his dental records as well as confirmation of his tattoo by his family. The Malaysian Embassy in Algiers and the JGC Corp are arranging for the remains of Tan Ping Wee and Chong Chung Ngen to be flown home.^[89]
Norway: Norwegian officials said that nine Norwegian citizens were held hostage. By the morning of 18 January, one had been freed.^[90] Norway sent a crisis team to their embassy in Algeria.^[91] They sent a commercial airliner that had been modified into a flying hospital.^[92]
Philippines: Raul Hernandez, spokesperson for the Department of Foreign Affairs, said that at least 6 Filipinos were killed.^[93]
Romania: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that five Romanian citizens had been taken hostage, one of whom was killed while trying to escape. Another died hours later in a hospital.^[94]
Turkey: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that three Turkish nationals survived. The ministry identified the incident as a "terrorist attack", and strongly condemned it.^[95]
United Kingdom: Prime Minister David Cameron confirmed that three British nationals had been killed, and another three were presumed dead. He stated he had not been informed in advance by Algerian authorities that an attempt to free the hostages would take place shortly.^[96]^[97]
United States: Three Americans were killed: Frederick Buttacio of Katy, Texas, Victor Lynn Lovelady of Nederland, Texas who lived in the Houston area, and Gordon Lee Rowan of Sumpter, Oregon.^[10]^[59]^[60] The U.S. maintained its policy of zero negotiation with terrorists.^[35]

عبد العزيز بوتفليقة Abdelaziz Bouteflika

2014-01-24T11:45:00.003+01:00

عبد العزيز بوتفليقة

من ويكيبيديا، الموسوعة الحرة

الرئيس العاشر للجمهورية الجزائرية
عبد العزيز بوتفليقة

في المنصب	27 أبريل 1999 -
سبقه	اليمين زروال
تاريخ الميلاد	2 مارس 1937 (العمر 76 سنة)^[1]
مكان الميلاد	وجدة^[1]

عبد العزيز بوتفليقة (2 مارس 1937 -)، الرئيس العاشر للجزائر منذ التكوين والرئيس الثامن منذ الاستقلال. في يناير 2005 عين من قبل المؤتمر الثامن رئيساً لحزب جبهة التحرير الوطني. ولد بمدينة وجدة المغربية وهو من اصول امازيغية ، ودخل مبكراً الخضم النضالي من أجل القضية الوطنية. التحق بعد نهاية دراسته الثانوية بصفوف جيش التحرير الوطني الجزائري وهو في 19 من عمره في 1956.

في نوفمبر 2012 تجاوز في مدة حكمه مدة حكم الرئيس هواري بومدين ليصبح أطول رؤساء الجزائر حكماً.

محتويات

عمله

أنيط له بمهمتين وذلك بصفته مراقب عام للولاية الخامسة، الأولى سنة 1958 والثانية سنة 1960، وبعدئذ مارس مأمورياته ضابطاً في المنطقتين الرابعة والسابعة بالولاية الخامسة، وألحق على التوالي بهيئة قيادة العمليات العسكرية بالغرب، وبعدها بهيئة قيادة الأركان بالغرب ثم لدى هيئة قيادة الأركان العامة، وذلك قبل أن يوفد عام 1960 إلى حدود البلاد الجنوبية لقيادة (جبهة المالي).

بعد الاستقلال

بعد الاستقلال في عام 1962 تقلد العضوية في أول مجلس تأسيسي وطني، ثم تولى وهو في سن الخامسة والعشرين وزارة الشباب والسياحة. وفي سنة 1963 عين وزيراً للخارجية.
في عام 1964 اِنتخبه مؤتمر حزب جبهة التحرير الوطني عضوا في اللجنة المركزية وفي المكتب السياسي. شارك بصفة فعالة في انقلاب 19 يونيو/جوان على الرئيس أحمد بن بلة، وصار لاحقا عضواً لمجلس الثورة تحت رئاسة الرئيس هواري بومدين.
جعل منصب وزير الخارجية منبراً للدفاع عن المصالح المشروعة للجزائر ومناصرة القضايا العادلة بإفريقيا وآسيا وأمريكا اللاتينية.
وقد عمل طوال فترة توليه المنصب على عده أمور، ومنها :

عمل على الاعتراف الدولي للحدود الجزائرية وتنمية علاقة حسن الجوار مع البلدان المجاورة.
عمل على النداء للوحدة العربية بمناسبة قمة الخرطوم سنة 1967 ثم تزامنا مع حرب أكتوبر 1973.
عمل على إفشال الحصار ضد الجزائر بمناسبة تأميم المحروقات.
نادى على تقوية تأثير منظمات العالم الثالث والعمل لتوحيد عملهم خاصة بمناسبة انعقاد قمتي منظمة الـ 77 منظمة الوحدة الإفريقية المنعقدتين بالجزائر، وكذالك بمناسبة الأعمال التحضيرية لقمة دول عدم الانحياز.
نادى لمساعدة الحركات التحررية في إفريقيا بصفة خاصة والعالم بصفة عامة.
نادى للاعتراف بالجزائر كناطق باسم بلدان العالم في مناداته بنظام دولي جديد.

كما إنتخب بالإجماع رئيساً للدورة التاسعة والعشرون لجمعية الأمم المتحدة، وكذلك بالنسبة للدورة الاستثنائية السادسة المخصصة للطاقة والمواد الأولية التي كانت الجزائر أحد البلدان المنادين لانعقادها.
وطوال الفترة التي قضاها في الحكومة شارك في تحديد الإتجاهات الكبرى للسياسة الجزائرية في جميع المجالات منادياً داخل الهيئات السياسية لنظام أكثر مرونة.
وبعد وفاة الرئيس هواري بومدين، وبحكم العلاقة الوطيدة التي كانت تربطه به ألقى كلمه الوداع. وبعد وفاة بومدين كان هو الهدف الرئيسي لسياسة محو آثار الرئيس هواري بومدين، حيث أرغم على الابتعاد عن الجزائر لمدة ستة سنوات. ^{[بحاجة لمصدر]}
وعاد إلى الجزائر سنة 1987. كان من موقعي وثيقة الـ 18 التي تلت أحداث 5 أكتوبر 1988، وشارك في مؤتمر حزب جبهة التحرير الوطني في عام 1989 وانتخب عضواً للجنة المركزية.
وإقترح اسمه لشغل وزير - مستشار لدى المجلس الأعلى للدولة وممثل دائم للجزائر بالأمم المتحدة، لكن قوبل الاقتراحين بالرفض. وقد رفض منصب رئيس الدولة نظراً لخلافه حول ميكانزمات تسيير المرحلة الانتقالية.^{[بحاجة لمصدر]}

رئاسة الجمهورية

تواجده خارج الجزائر لم يكن واضحا، إلا أنه أخذ الإمارات كمستقر مؤقت. عاد بعدها بطلب من دوائر السلطة للانتخابات الرئاسية. معلناً نيته دخول المنافسة الرئاسية في ديسمبر 1998 كمرشح حر. وقبل يوم من إجراء هذه الانتخابات إنسحب جميع المرشحين المنافسين الآخرين (حسين آيت أحمد، مولود حمروش، مقداد سيفي، أحمد طالب الإبراهيمي، عبد الله جاب الله، يوسف الخطيب] بحجة دعم الجيش له ونيه التزوير الواضحة، ليبقى هو المرشح الوحيد للانتخابات. ونجاحه بالانتخابات لم يكن بارز، كما وصفته الأوساط السياسية بالرئيس المستورد مثله مثل الرئيس بوضياف) كاشفاً الخلل العميق في السلطة. ورغم فوزه في أبريل 1999 بالرئاسة إلا أن شعبيته لم تكن عالية وسط جيل الشباب الذي لم يعرفه من قبل.

السياسة الداخلية

شهدت فترة رئاسته الأولى مشاكل سياسية وقانونية ومشاكل مع الصحافة وخرق حرياتها لصالح الصحفيين والحقوقيين، وفضائح المال العام مع بنك الخليفة وسياسة المحاباه في الحقائب الوزارية والصفقات الدولية المشبوهة حيق التلاعب في المناقصات من أجل شركات الاتصلات للهواتف المحمولة .
وقد فترته الرئاسية الأولى وبعد أحداث القبائل المأساوية باعتبار الأمازيغية لغة وطنية. ولما أخذ الأمن يستتب تدريجياً، أتى له الشروع في برنامج واسع لتعزيز دعائم الدولة الجزائرية من خلال إصلاح كل من هياكل الدولة ومهامها والمنظومة القضائية والمنظومة التربوية، وإتخاذ جملة من الإجراءات الاقتصادية شملت على وجه الخصوص إصلاح المنظومة المصرفية بقصد تحسين أداء الاقتصاد الجزائري مما مكن الجزائر من دخول اقتصاد السوق واستعادة النمو ورفع نسبة النمو الاقتصادي.
وقد جدد حال توليه مهامه تأكيده العزم على إخماد نار الفتنة وإعادة الأمن والسلم والاستقرار، وباشر في سبيل ذلك مساراً تشريعياً للوئام المدني حرص على تكريسه وتزكيته عن طريق استفتاء شعبي نال فيه مشروع الوئام أكثر من 98% من الأصوات.

السياسة الخارجية

قام بمواصلة بناء اتحاد المغرب العربي. كما أبرمت الجزائر اتفاق شراكة مع الإتحاد الأوروبي في 22 أبريل 2001، كما أصبحت الجزائر تشارك في قمة مجموعة الثمانية بعد أن أصبحت شريكاً مرموقاً في هذه المجموعة منذ سنة 2000. الرئيس بوتفليقة إستطاع بفضل خبرته الدبلوماسية أن يمثل الجزائر أحسن تمثيل ويقيم علاقات مع أهم دول العالم ويبرم صفقات و معاهدات. الرئيس الجزائري أقام علاقات متميزة مع عدة زعماء نظرا للزيارات المكوكية بينه وبين القادة الأجانب وكذلك حظوره الدؤوب لمختلف القمم و المؤتمرات.

الفترة الرئاسية الثانية

في 22 فبراير 2004 أعلن عن ترشحه لفترة رئاسية ثانية، فقاد حملته الانتخابية مشجعا بالنتائج الايجابية التي حققتها فترته الرئاسية الأولى ومدافعاً عن الأفكار والآراء الكامنة في مشروع المجتمع الذي يؤمن به ولا سيما المصالحة الوطنية، ومراجعة قانون الأسرة، ومحاربة الفساد، ومواصلة الإصلاحات. وأعيد انتخابه يوم 8 أبريل 2004 بما يقارب 85% من الأصوات.

مرض الرئيس

أصيب بوعكة صحية غير خطيرة في 26 نوفمبر 2005 ونقل لمستشفى فرنسي، وبدون وجود نائب رئيس وقعت البلاد في فوضى إعلامية، وكان إن سمع الجزائريون الأخبار شبه الرسمية عن صحة حاكمهم من أحد مغني الراي. خرج بعدها من المستشفى في 31 ديسمبر 2005.
طبيعة المرض الرسمية تقول بأنها قرحة معدية، واتهمت أجهزة التلفاز الرسمية أوساط أجنبية بإثارة الشائعات في وقت نسبت الصحف الفرنسية لمرافقة نيكولا ساركوزي إنه كان بخطر واضح كاد يؤدي بحياته في ساعات.

محاولة الاغتيال

في 6 سبتمبر 2007 تعرض لمحاولة اغتيال في باتنة (400 كم عن العاصمة) حيث حصل انفجار قبل 40 دقيقة من وصوله للمنصة الشرفية خلال جولة له شرق البلاد، وقد خلف الحادث 15 قتيل و71 جريح.
التفجير تم بواسطة انتحاري يحمل حزام ناسف حيث تم اكتشاف أمره من طرف شرطي هرب إلى الجمهور الذين ينتظرون الرئيس ففجر نفسه بين الحشود.
زار الرئيس مباشرة ضحايا الاعتداء، وأطل على الشاشة منزعجا، قائلا أن لا بديل عن سياسة المصالحة، متهما أيضا جهتين وراء الحادث ^[2].

الفترة الرئاسية الثالثة

سمح تعديل الدستور لبوتفليقة بفرصة الترشح لعهدة رئاسية ثالثة بعد أن حدد النص السابق للدستور عدد العهدات بإثنين فقط.
في يوم الخميس 9 أبريل 2009 أعاد الجزائريون انتخاب عبد العزيز بوتفليقة للمرة الثالثة على التوالي بأغلبية ساحقة قدرت بنسبة 90.24%.^[3]

تكريماته

دكتوراه فخرية من جامعة بكين^[4]

عودة مرض الرئيس

تعرض الرئيس للمرض مرة ثانية إثر جلطة دماغية، و نقل مباشرة إلى مستشفى فال دو قراس العسكري في فرنسا ، أبريل 2013 ثم نقل إلى مصحة ليزانفاليد بباريس . عاد الرئيس بوتفليقة إلى ارض الوطن يوم 17 يوليو 2013 و هو على كرسي متحرك . و هذا ما زاد في الجدل حول قدرة الرئيس على تولي مهام الحكم في البلاد . ودفع هذا الوضع الصحي ببعض أحزاب المعارضة للمطالبة بإعلان شغور المنصب وتنظيم انتخابات مسبقة وفقا للمادة 88 من الدستور بسبب "عجز الرئيس عن أداء مهامه في 16 جويلية 2013 عاد الرئيس بوتفليقة إلى الجزائر بعد غياب تجاوزت مدته ال80 يوم. بسبب المرض غاب الرئيس الجزائري عن عدة مناسبات تعود على حضورها أهمها:ذكرى عيد الإستقلال،نهائي كأس الجزائر،تخرج الدفعات بأكادمية شرشال العسكرية،ليلة القدر،صلاة عيد الفطر. ".^[5]

Abdelaziz Bouteflika

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Abdelaziz Bouteflika عبد العزيز بوتفليقة

5th President of Algeria
Incumbent
Assumed office 27 April 1999
Prime Minister	Smail Hamdani Ahmed Benbitour Ali Benflis Ahmed Ouyahia Abdelaziz Belkhadem Ahmed Ouyahia Abdelmalek Sellal
Preceded by	Liamine Zéroual
Personal details
Born	2 March 1937 (age 76) Oujda, French Morocco
Political party	National Liberation Front
Spouse(s)	Amal Triki
Religion	Sunni Islam

Abdelaziz Bouteflika ( pronunciation (help·info); Arabic: عبد العزيز بوتفليقة‎ [ʕaːbd lʕziz butfliqa]; born 2 March 1937) is an Algerian politician who has been the fifth President of Algeria since 1999.^[1] Previously he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1963 to 1979. As President, he presided over the end of the bloody Algerian Civil War in 2002, and he ended emergency rule in February 2011 amidst regional unrest. He has also served as president of the United Nations General Assembly.
Protests in Algeria took place between 2010 and 2012; protesters demanded a regime change, as well as solutions to problems with unemployment, corruption, restrictions of freedom of speech, and poor living conditions.
In November 2012 he surpassed Houari Boumédienne as the longest-serving President of Algeria.

Family

Abdelaziz Bouteflika was born on 2 March 1937 in Oujda, French Morocco.^[2]^[3]
He was the first child of his mother and the second child of his father (Fatima, his half-sister, preceded him). His father (Ahmed Bouteflika) and mother (Mansouria Ghezlaoui) originated from the region of Tlemcen, Algeria.^[3] Bouteflika has three half-sisters (Fatima, Yamina, and Aïcha), as well as four brothers (Abdelghani, Mustapha, Abderahim and Saïd) and one sister (Latifa). Saïd serves as Abdelaziz Bouteflika's personal physician, and is said by some to be an important figure in Bouteflika's inner circle of advisers.

Early years and War of Independence

Bouteflika was raised in Oujda, where his father had emigrated as a youngster.^[3] He successively attended three schools there: "Sidi Ziane", "El Hoceinia" and the "Abdel Moumen" high-school, where he reportedly excelled academically.^[3] He was also affiliated with Kadiri Zaouia in Oujda.^[3]
In 1956, Bouteflika went to the village of Ouled Amer near Tlemcen and subsequently joined—at the age of 19—the Army of National Liberation which was a military branch of the National liberation Front party. He was militarily instructed at the "Ecole des Cadres" in Dar El Kebdani, Morocco.^[3] In 1957–1958, He was designated a controller of the Wilaya V,^[3] making reports on the conditions at the Moroccan border and in west Algeria, but later became the administrative secretary of Houari Boumédienne. He emerged as one of the closest collaborators of the influential Boumédienne, and a core member of his Oujda group. In 1962, at the arrival of independence, he aligned with Boumédienne and the border armies in support of Ahmed Ben Bella against the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic.

Post-independence political career

Bouteflika in the 1970s with Saddam Hussein and Hafez al-Assad

After French independence in 1962, Bouteflika became deputy of Tlemcen in the Constituent Assembly and Minister for Youth and Sport in the government led by Ahmed Ben Bella; the following year, he was appointed as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was later a prime mover in the military coup led by Houari Boumédienne that overthrew Ben Bella on 19 June 1965.^[4] Bouteflika continued as Minister for Foreign Affairs until the death of President Boumédienne in 1978.
He was also President of the 29th UN General Assembly in 1974 and that of the Seventh special session in 1975. While in these posts he came in for severe criticism from US for what were regarded as politically partisan decisions.
In 1981, he was sued for having stolen Algerian embassies money between 1965 and 1979. On 8 August 1983, Bouteflika was convicted by The Court of Financial Auditors and found guilty of having fraudulently taken 60 million dinars during his diplomatic career.
In his defence Bouteflika said that he reserved that money to build a new building for the foreign affairs ministry, the court judged his argument as fallacious. In 1979, just after the death of Boumédiène, Bouteflika reimbursed 12,212,875.81 dinars out of the 70 million dinars that was deposited in a Swiss bank. Although Bouteflika was granted amnesty by the president Chadli Bendjedid, his colleagues Senouci and Boudjakdji were jailed.
After the amnesty, Bouteflika was given back his diplomatic passport, a villa where he used to live but did not own and all his debt was erased. He never paid back the money "he reserved for a new foreign affairs ministry's building".^[5]

Succession struggle and exile

Following Boumédienne's unexpected death in 1978, Bouteflika was seen as one of the two main candidates to succeed the powerful president. Bouteflika was thought to represent the party's "right wing" that was more open to economic reform and rapprochement with the West. Colonel Mohamed Salah Yahiaoui represented the "boumédiennist" left wing.^[6] In the end, the military opted for a compromise candidate, the senior army colonel Chadli Bendjedid. Bouteflika was reassigned the role of Minister of State, but successively lost power as Bendjedid's policies of "de-Boumédiennisation" marginalized the old guard.
After six years abroad, the army brought him back to the Central Committee of the FLN in 1989, after the country had entered a troubled period of unrest and disorganized attempts at reform, with power-struggles between Bendjedid and a group of army generals paralyzing decision-making. In 1992, the reform process ended abruptly when the army took power and scrapped elections that were about to bring the fundamentalist Islamic Salvation Front to power. This triggered a civil war that would last throughout the 1990s. During this period, Bouteflika stayed on the sidelines, with little presence in the media and no political role. In January 1994, Bouteflika is said to have refused the Army's proposal to succeed the assassinated president, Mohamed Boudiaf; he claimed later that this was because the army would not grant him full control over the armed forces. Instead, General Liamine Zéroual became President.

First term as President, 1999–2004

Abdelaziz Bouteflika in the G8 family photo 2010

Abdelaziz Bouteflika meets Dmitry Medvedev in the United States 25 September 2009

In 1999, Zéroual unexpectedly stepped down and announced early elections. The reasons behind his decision remain unclear, but it is widely claimed that his pro-reconciliation policies towards the Islamist insurgency had incurred the wrath of a hard-line faction in the armed forces; or that some other disagreement with the military, which still dominated politics, lay behind the schism. Bouteflika ran for President as an independent candidate, supported by the military. He was elected with 74% of the votes, according to the official count. All other candidates withdrew from the election immediately prior to the vote, citing fraud concerns. Bouteflika subsequently organized a referendum on his policies to restore peace and security to Algeria (involving amnesties for Islamist guerrillas) and to test his support among his countrymen after the contested election. He won with 81% of the vote, but this figure was also disputed by opponents.

Economics

During his first mandate Bouteflika launched a five-year economic plan (2000–2004), called the Support Plan for Economic Recovery (PSRE: Plan de Soutien à la Relance Économique). The plan was a package of various sub-plans such as the National Plan for Agricultural Development (PNDA: Plan National pour le Développement Agricole), aimed at boosting agricultural production. Other sub-plans included the construction of social housing units, roads, and other infrastructure projects. The PSRE totalled $7 billion worth of spending, and gave satisfactory results with the economy averaging higher than 5% annual growth rates, with a peak of 6.3% in the year 2003. Bouteflika also pushed through a fiscal reform which contributed to the economic revival.

Foreign policy

Bouteflika was also active on the international scene, presiding over what many have characterized as Algeria's return to international affairs, after almost a decade of international isolation. He presided over the African Union in 2000, secured the Algiers Peace Treaty between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and supported peace efforts in the African Great Lakes region. He also secured a friendship treaty with neighbouring Spain in 2002, and welcomed president Chirac of France on a state visit to Algiers in 2003. This was intended as a prelude to the signature of a friendship treaty.
Algeria has been particularly active in African relations, and in mending ties with the West, as well as trying to some extent to resurrect its role in the declining non-Aligned movement. However, it has played a more limited role in Arab politics, its other traditional sphere of interest. Relations with the Kingdom of Morocco remained quite tense, with diplomatic clashes on the issue of the Western Sahara, despite some expectations of a thaw in 1999, which was also the year of King Mohamed VI's accession to the throne in Morocco.

Second term as President, 2004–09

On 8 April 2004, he was re-elected by an unexpectedly high 85% of the vote in an election that was accepted by OSCE observers as a free and fair election, despite minor irregularities. This was contested by his rival and former Chief of Staff Ali Benflis. Several opponents alleged that the election had not been fair, and pointed to extensive state control over the broadcast media. The electoral victory was widely seen as a confirmation of Bouteflika's strengthened control over the state apparatus, and many saw the following retirement of longtime armed forces commander Gen. Mohammed Lamari in the light of this. He and military commanders allied to him were thought to have opposed Bouteflika's bid for a second term and backed Benflis. Other major military power-brokers would be reassigned to minor posts or withdraw from politics in the years that followed, underlining Bouteflika's gradual monopolizing of decision-making.
The Kabyle population boycotted the election; participation did not exceed 11%.

Reconciliation plan

During the first year of his second term, President Bouteflika held a referendum on his "Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation", inspired by the 1995 "Sant'Egidio Platform" document. Bouteflika's plan aims at concluding his efforts of ending the civil war, from a political and judicial point of view. He obtained large popular support with this referendum and has since instructed the government and Parliament to work on the technical details of its implementation. Critics claimed that the plan will only grant immunity to members of the armed forces responsible for crimes, as well as to terrorists and have argued for a plan similar to South Africa's "truth and reconciliation commission" to be adopted instead. Bouteflika dismissed the calls, claiming that each country needs to find its own solutions to ending painful chapters of its history. He has received large political support on this issue, from both the Islamist and the Nationalist camps, and from parts of the Democratic opposition.
The amnesty plan was rejected by the main remaining insurgent group, the GSPC, although perhaps as many as several hundred fighters still left their hideouts to claim amnesty. The group's warfare against the Algerian state continues despite reconciliation plan, although Bouteflika's government claims it has had an impact in removing support for the group. In 2006, the GSPC was officially accepted as a branch of al-Qaida in a video message by Ayman al-Zawahiri; soon thereafter, it changed its name to al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Bouteflika has kept the amnesty option open – apparently open-ended despite the end of the deadline stipulated by the reconciliation law – while simultaneously pursuing the rebel group militarily. Algerian forces have scored several major captures of GSPC/AQIM commanders, but the groups top leadership remains at large, and armed activity is frequent in Kabylie, with AQIM-connected smuggling networks active in parts of the desert south. Unlike in previous years, AQIM have begun using suicide attack tactics and in 2007–2008 launched several major attacks in Algiers and other big cities.

Economic policies

The first year of Bouteflika's second term also featured a new five-year plan, much larger this time drafted. The Complementary Plan for Economic Growth Support (PCSC: Plan Complementaire de la Croissance Économique) aims for the construction of 1 million housing units, the creation of 2 million jobs, the completion of the East-West highway, the completion of the Algiers subway project, the delivery of the new Algiers airport, and other similar large scale infrastructure projects. The PCSC totals $60 billion of spending over the five-year period. Bouteflika also aims to bring down the external debt from $21 billion to $12 billion in the same time. He has also obtained from Parliament the reform of the law governing the oil and gas industries, despite initial opposition from the workers unions. However, Bouteflika has since stepped back from this position, supporting amendments to the hydrocarbon law in 2006, which propose watering down some of the clauses of the 2005 legislation relating to the role of Sonatrach, the state owned oil & gas company, in new developments. It also proposes new provisions enabling the country to benefit from windfall taxes on foreign investors in times of high prices. Bouteflika has also put up for sale 1300 public sector companies, and has already achieved privatization of about 150 of them, mainly in the tourism, food processing, cement, construction material and chemical industries.

Foreign policy

Bouteflika with then President of Russia Vladimir Putin at Houari Boumedienne Airport in Algiers on 10 March 2006.

Abdelaziz Bouteflika and George W. Bush exchange handshakes (Tōyako Town, on 7 July 2008). With them are President Dmitriy Medvedev, left, and Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, right.

Abdelaziz Bouteflika meets the President of Brazil, Lula da Silva, on a state visit to Brasília, in 2005.

Abdelaziz Bouteflika meets the President of Argentina, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner

On the international scene, Bouteflika's second term has seen diplomatic tensions rise with France due to the controversial voting by the French Parliament of a law ordering French history school books to teach that French colonisation had positive effects abroad, especially in North Africa. The diplomatic crisis which ensued has put on hold the signing of a friendship treaty with France (23 February 2004, re-endorsed in December 2005). Ties to Russia have been strengthened by large imports of Russian military hardware – about 7 billion USD were spent in one single purchase – although relations entered a rocky phase, at least temporarily, when Algeria refused to accept some MiG fighter jets due to their allegedly poor quality. Rumors of the two countries negotiating a form of cartel for natural gas, similar to OPEC's role in oil affairs, with Iran and Qatar also involved, have appeared repeatedly, and Bouteflika has confirmed an interest in the idea. (Russia is the no. 1 gas supplier to the EU, and Algeria the no. 2 supplier.) Bouteflika has also carefully cultivated a relationship with China, with exchanges of state visits between the two countries.
Algeria has remained involved in Arab affairs, and seen a somewhat growing role there. In 2004 Bouteflika also organised the Arab League Summit and became President of the Arab League for one year. His calls for reform of the League did not gain sufficient support to pass in during the Algiers summit however. Like in previous years since the late 1980s, Algeria has kept a relatively low profile in the Palestine and Iraq issues. Algeria has remained preoccupied with the Western Sahara issue, counter-lobbying Moroccan attempts to gain international acceptance for Moroccan-ruled autonomy in the disputed territory, at the expense of Polisario's (and Algeria's) calls for the long-since decided self-determination referendum to finally be held. Relations with Morocco therefore remain poor, and Algeria in 2008 repeatedly refused to answer Moroccan demands to open the common land border, which has been closed since 1994. Both Morocco and Algeria have since approximately 2005 spent several billion dollars in what could be described as an arms race between them, mainly on modernizing and expanding their air forces.
In sub-Saharan Africa, a major concern of Bouteflika's Algeria has been on-and-off Tuareg rebellions in northern Mali. Algeria has asserted itself forcefully as mediator in the conflict, perhaps underlining its growing regional influence. Algerian interest is driven by its extensive interests in the region: smuggling routes as well as legal economic activity crosses these virtually unguarded borderlands, and refugees from the conflict have entered southern Algeria to mix with the Tuareg populations there. Also, the area is known as a hideout of a southern branch of AQIM, further heightening Algeria's interest in the area. Compromise peace agreements were reached in 2007 and 2008, both mediated by Algiers. The related Touareg revolt in neighbouring Niger has not seen the same Algerian involvement, even if the anti-government MNJ movement has on at least one occasion called for Algerian mediation similar to in Mali. Algeria's involvement in Africa has otherwise been concerned with supporting the African Union, and been marked by a rapidly strengthening coordination with South Africa, which, among other things, has emerged as Algeria's main ally on the Western Sahara issue.
All in all, Algeria's foreign policy under Bouteflika remains hinged on same axis as under earlier governments, emphasizing South–South ties, especially with growing Third World powers (China, South Africa, Brazil, etc.) and guarding the country's independence in decision-making vis-a-vis the West, although simultaneously striving for good trade relations and non-confrontational political relations with the EU and USA.
President of Vietnam Nguyen Minh Triet on 16 July 2009 met with Bouteflika on the sidelines of the 15th Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) summit in Egypt. President Triet and Bouteflika agreed that the two countries still have great potential for development of political and trade relations. Triet thanked the Algerian government for creating favourable conditions for the Vietnam Oil and Gas Group to invest in oil and gas exploration and exploitation in Algeria.^[7]

Hospitalization in 2005 and later

Bouteflika was admitted to a hospital in France on 26 November 2005, reportedly suffering from a gastric ulcer hemorrhage, and discharged three weeks later.^[8] However, the length of time for which Bouteflika remained virtually incommunicado led to rumours that he was critically ill with stomach cancer.^[9] He checked into the hospital again in April 2006.^[10]
A leaked diplomatic cable reveals that by the end of 2008, Bouteflika had developed stomach cancer.^[11]
On 26 July 2013, after almost four months in a hospital in Paris dealing with health problems, Bouteflika is en route to Algiers.^[12]

Constitutional amendment for a third term

Bouteflika appointed a new Prime Minister, Abdelaziz Belkhadem, in 2006. Belkhadem then announced plans to amend the Algerian Constitution to allow the President to run for office indefinitely and increase his powers.^[13] This was widely regarded as aimed to let Bouteflika run for president a third term, and he has not denied that he plans to do so. A referendum was originally scheduled for 2007, but cancelled for reasons never explained. In 2008, Belkhadem was again shifted out of the premiership and his predecessor Ahmed Ouyahia brought in, having also come out in favor of the constitutional amendment.
The Council of Ministers announced on 3 November 2008 that the planned constitutional revision proposal would remove the presidential term limit previously included in Article 74.^[14] The People's National Assembly endorsed the removal of the term limit on 12 November 2008; only the Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) voted against its removal.^[15]

Third term as President, 2009–present

Following the constitutional amendment allowing him to run for a third term, on 12 February 2009, Bouteflika announced his independent candidacy in the 2009 presidential election.^[16] On 10 April 2009, it was announced that Bouteflika had won the election with 90.24% of the vote, on a turnout of 74%,^[17] thereby obtaining a new five-year term. Several opposition parties had boycotted the election, with the opposition Socialist Forces Front citing a "tsunami of massive fraud."[

''الرئيس السوليتار'' ليامين زروال يرفض الدخول في اللعبة !

2014-01-24T11:40:00.000+01:00

''الرئيس السوليتار'' ليامين زروال يرفض الدخول في اللعبة !

رفض نهار أمس الرئيس الأسبق اليامين زروال استقبال ممثلين عن "أبناء الشهداء الأحرار "..

الكاتب : ــ المعتز بالله ــ

رفض نهار أمس الرئيس الأسبق اليامين زروال استقبال ممثلين عن "أبناء الشهداء الأحرار "جاؤوا لزيارته بمنزله الكائن بحي بوزوران بباتنة في إطار ما وصف بأنه محاولة أخرى لإقناع الرئيس الأسبق بالترشح لرئاسيات أفريل المقبل ، و كذا تجديد الدعم الذي عبروا عنه في زيارة مماثلة شهر جوان من السنة الماضية ، حيث أكد بعضهم بأنها زيارة فجائية للرئيس زروال لتجديد التمسك به كمرشح لهم للرئاسيات ، و يذكر أن ممثلين عن لجان دعم المترشح علي بن فليس كانوا ضمن وفود الزائرين مثلما أكده ممثل للجنة دعم من ولاية بجاية صرح بأنهم ينوون الحصول على دعم من الرئيس الأسبق زروال لمرشحهم علي بن فليس ، تزامنا مع الإعلان الرسمي لهذا الأخير ترشحه للاستحقاقات الرئاسية المقبلة.
و تجدر الإشارة إلى أن الرئيس زروال استقبل ممثلين عن نفس التنظيم " أبناء الشهداء الأحرار " شهر جوان من السنة الماضية و عبر لهم عن رفضه الترشح للرئاسيات بعد ّأن طالبوه بتولي زمام الحكم

المصدر:http://www.elbilad.net/article/detail?id=9338

4 أسماء .. أيّ منهم سيختاره الرئيس نائبا له؟

2014-01-24T11:38:00.003+01:00

4 أسماء .. أيّ منهم سيختاره الرئيس نائبا له؟

في الوقت الذي توسع الحديث حول ترشح الرئيس لعهدة رابعة .. يجري الحديث بالتزامن عن وجود توجه لدى الرئيس بتعيين شخصية رفيعة لشغل منصب نائب الرئيس..

الكاتب : البلاد اون لاين

كشفت مصادر مؤكدة أنّ أن التحضيرات جارية على قدم وساق تحضيرا للحملة الانتخابية للرئيس عبد العزيز بوتفليقة، الذي -حسب ذات المصادر- حسم رسميا أمر مشاركته في الانتخابات الرئاسية المرتقبة بتاريخ 17 أفريل من هذا العام.
وكان الأمين العام لجبهة التحرير الوطني عمار سعداني قد أعلن ذلك أيضا يوم أمس، وردّ على المشككين في إمكانية ترشح رئيس الجمهورية عبد العزيز بوتفليقة لرئاسيات 17 أفريل المقبل قائلا "حتى يضع كل واحد من هؤلاء المشككين حجرته، نعلن رسميا باسم الحزب أن مرشحنا مترشح"، وكرر سعداني العبارة مرة أخرى باللهجة الدارجة "الرئيس راه مترشح"، وتابع يقول "بصفتي أمين عام للأفلان أعلن أن الرئيس مترشح، وأن الإعلان الرسمي سيتم من طرفه في اليوم الذي يراه هو مناسبا".
يأتي هذا في الوقت الذي تتحدث فيه العديد من الجهات عن وجود توجه لدى رئيس الجمهورية لاستحداث منصب رسمي رفيع في الدولة يتمثل في منصب "نائب الرئيس"، خاصة وأنّ أمينا عام "الأفلان" السابق والحالي، عبد العزيز بلخادم وعمار سعداني أعلنا وأكدا أنّ الرئيس بوتفليقة لا يحتاج لتعديل الدستور من أجل استحداث منصب نائب الرئيس، حيث أشارت مصادر إلى أنّ الرئيس وفي حال ترشحه لعهدة رئاسية رابعة وفوزه في الانتخابات المرتقبة في 17 أفريل المقبل، سيقوم مباشرة بعد ادائه اليمين الدستورية بتعيين احدى الشخصيات السياسية المعروفة "نائبا له".
ويدور الحديث حول شخصيات وأسماء بعينها، منها رئيس مجلس الأمة عبد القادر بن صالح، الذي يعد حاليا الرجل الثاني في الدولة، كما تشير مصادر أخرى إلى وجود قائمة من الأسماء المرشحة لاداء دور نائب الرئيس خلال المرحلة المقبلة، ويأتي في مقدمتها، رئيس الحكومة الأسبق عبد العزيز بلخادم، وأيضا الوزير الأول السابق أحمد اويحي، وأيضا الوزير الأول الحالي عبد المالك سلال.

سعداني يشرح: كيف ومتى سيعلن الرئيس بوتفليقة ترشحه لعهدة رابعة؟

2014-01-24T11:37:00.002+01:00

سعداني يشرح: كيف ومتى سيعلن الرئيس بوتفليقة ترشحه لعهدة رابعة؟

قال إن الرئيس سيودع ملف الترشح كاملا بما فيه الشهادة الطبية لدى المجلس الدستوري ..

الكاتب : البلاد اون لاين

بعد خرجاته الاعلامية المكثفة خلال الأيام الاخيرة والتي أفرد جميعها للاعلان عن ترشيح الرئيس عبد العزيز بوتفليقة للانتخابات الرئاسية المقبلة باسم حزب جبهة التحرير الوطني، أطلّ الأمين العام لـ "الأفلان" من جديد، شارحا بعض الأمور التي بقيت غامضة لدى الرأي العام حول مسألة ترشح الرئيس.
وقال سعداني في حوار مع الموقع الاخباري "كل شيء عن الجزائر"، أنّ الأفلان يعتبر الرئيس عبد العزيز بوتفليقة مرشحه الرسمي للانتخابات الرئاسية، قبل ان يؤكد "مرشحنا مترشح رسميا للرئاسيات"، غير انّ موعد اعلان الترشح، قال المتحدث إنّ هذا الامر يعود للرئيس شخصيا وهو الذي يرى الوقت المناسب لاعلان ذلك.
وأضاف سعداني قائلا " بوتفليقة معروف عنه أنّه رجل اللحظات الأخيرة، ولهذا يطلق عليه الناس لقب "رجل السوسبانس" في اشارة إلى أنّ الرئيس قد يُبقي على اعلان ترشحه للرئاسيات للحظات الأخيرة قبل انتهاء الآجال القانونية لاعلان الترشح.
وأشار المتحدث إلى أنّ اصراره على ترشيح الرئيس بوتفليقة لعهدة رئاسية رابعة نابع من قناعته بان الرئيس لما يجد رغبة لدى الشعب ولدى الأطياف السياسية في ترشحه لرئاسة الجزائر من جديد، سيستجيب ومستحيل ان يرفض الترشح لما يطلب منه ذلك الشعب والتشكيلات السياسية.
وشدد سعداني على انّ الرئيس بوتفليقة "في "حالة صحية جيدة " وسيودع ملفا كاملا للترشح بما في ذلك الشهادة الطبية لدى المجلس الدستوري مثلما يمليه القانون. مضيفا انّ الطاقم الطبي للرئيس سبق له وأن أكد أن هذا الأخير بصحة جيدة وبإمكانه خوض الرئاسيات من جديد.
المصدر موقع جريدة البلاد

الجزائر تكذّب الافتراءات والمزاعم المغربية: "لم نطرد أي رعية سورية.. ومرحبا بهم بيننا"

2014-01-24T11:35:00.003+01:00

الجزائر تكذّب الافتراءات والمزاعم المغربية: "لم نطرد أي رعية سورية.. ومرحبا بهم بيننا"

الخارجية الجزائرية: "نحن نتمنى للسوريين اقامة طيبة بيننا في ظل الكرامة وعودة قريبة الى بلادهم بمجرد توفير الشروط الامنية لهم."..

الكاتب : البلاد اون لاين

فندت الجزائر اليوم على لسان الناطق باسم وزارة الشؤون الخارجية عمار بلاني طردها لرعايا سوريين يوجدون على اراضيها.
و كان موقع الكتروني مغربي نقل خبرا زعم فيه ان الجزائر طردت رعايا سوريين يوجدون على اراضيها. وهي ادعاءات مغرضة ما فتئت تطلقها يوميا تلك المواقع الالكترونية المزعومة لبلد جار والتي تخصصت في المناورات الاعلامية المقززة المعادية للجزائر.
و اضاف الناطق باسم الشؤون الخارجية ان الجزائر لا تطرد الرعايا السوريين الموجدين على اراضيها لان هؤلاء ,و كما أكد ذلك مؤخرا وزير الشؤون الخارجية رمطان لعمامرة, قد استقبلوا في الجزائر في اطار التضامن والاخوة و نحن نتمنى لهم اقامة طيبة بيننا في ظل الكرامة وعودة قريبة الى بلادهم بمجرد توفير الشروط الامنية لهم.
المصدر : جريدة البلاد

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Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela

Contents

Early life

Childhood: 1918–1936

Clarkebury, Healdtown, and Fort Hare: 1936–1940

Arriving in Johannesburg: 1941–1943

Revolutionary activity

Law studies and the ANC Youth League: 1943–1949

Defiance Campaign and Transvaal ANC Presidency: 1950–1954

Congress of the People and the Treason Trial: 1955–1961

MK, the SACP, and African tour: 1961–1962

Imprisonment

Arrest and Rivonia trial: 1962–1964

Robben Island: 1964–1982

Pollsmoor Prison: 1982–1988

Victor Verster Prison and release: 1988–1990

End of apartheid

Early negotiations: 1990–1991

CODESA talks: 1991–1992

General election: 1994

Presidency of South Africa: 1994–1999

National reconciliation

Domestic programmes

Foreign affairs

Withdrawing from politics

Retirement

Continued activism and philanthropy: 1999–2004

"Retiring from retirement", illness: 2004–2013

Death and funeral

Political ideology

Personal life

Influence and legacy

Orders, decorations, and monuments

Tributes by musicians

Cinema and television

References

Footnotes

Citations

External links

أزمة الرهائنعين أميناس In Amenas hostage crisis

أزمة الرهائن بإن أميناس

محتويات

السياق

التسلسل الزمني

الرهائن