Celebrating Silence

MY FAMILY

2011-05-31T02:45:00.012+09:00

Hari Dinto Gelo Sandhya Holo

Intelectual ( SAYAN )

SONA & BURI

Paytla ( SAYAN )

PETLI BURI

BABY ( PETLI'R MAA )

PROGRESS in INDIA

2011-05-29T15:14:00.000+09:00

INDIAN POVERTY

In official statements the Indian government expresses confidence in achieving the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of halving the rate of poverty by 2015. The figures are less persuasive. The rate has fallen only to 32.0% from the 1993 baseline of 45.3%.

Woman carrying water, Rajasthan © CARE India

This figure is based on a preliminary assessment of a National Sample Survey conducted in 2009/10. Even when final results are published later in 2011, the effect of high food price inflation that has troubled India recently will not be reflected.

Home to about one third of the world’s extreme poverty, India's image as a tiger economy is compromised. The justification of foreign aid for a country which boasts a space programme and is the world’s most prolific arms importer is increasingly challenged.

Investment decisions empowered by a strong economy have failed to target some of the key characteristics of poverty in India – the exclusion of the rural economy in general and the poorest States in particular.

The India Chronic Poverty Report observes that “about 65% of the poor in India live in eight (out of twenty-eight) States: Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand.” These poorest States also have to contend with the largest and fastest growing populations.

Strong macro-economic growth has nevertheless enabled the government to introduce and expand safety net schemes for the poorest families. The 2011 budget claims that as much as 36.4% of national expenditure is earmarked for “social spending”.

The best known example is the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) which guarantees 100 days of paid employment to one person from every household to work on public infrastructure projects. Initially confined to selected states, NREGA has been extended throughout rural India, reaching over 34 million households in 2010/11.

These safety net schemes have been notoriously wayward in their targeting and prone to chronic losses through the varied standards of governance within individual States which are responsible for implementation. As a result they have failed to penetrate the underlying causes of poverty in India.

The contours of inequality that define the Hindu caste system have survived generations of measures aimed at their elimination. And discrimination continues to impede prospects of 85 million tribal adivasis living in regions associated with the Naxalite insurgency.

Poverty Line Politics

Definition of the poverty line in India is political dynamite because it determines the government’s expenditure on social welfare schemes, most of which are limited to families identified as below the poverty line (BPL).

Garbage piled high in Indian municipal dumps © Centre for Science and Environment

A long overdue review of the formula was conducted in 2009 by the Tendulkar Committee, a government-appointed body. Until then, inadequate adjustments for inflation over a period of about 30 years had progressively eroded the purchasing value of the national poverty line to an embarrassingly frugal basket of food.

The Tendulkar recommendations claim to adopt the international norm of a poverty threshold which is sufficient to purchase basic food and essential non-food items. There are however arbitrary elements in the Committee’s approach which attract criticism from anti-poverty campaigners.

These critics are concerned that the country’s most critical development indicator is determined by political and economic forces rather than human necessity. Some economists have presented credible arguments to the effect that poverty in India should be regarded as close to 80%.

Nevertheless, the Tendulkar proposals passed a first stage of government approval during 2010 and appear likely to be adopted. An indication of their impact can be judged by applying them to historic data from a 2004/05 survey. This adds 100 million people to the poverty count generated by the old formula.

POLLUTED INDIA

2011-05-29T14:51:00.003+09:00

POISION PRODUCER

In the years to come, India's expanding steel production will be largely driven by sponge iron. But its manufacturing process, based on coal, is highly polluting. The repercussions are already visible near sponge iron factories which have mushroomed in iron ore- and coal-rich areas. People are protesting loudly, and in some cases even violently, while the pollution control agencies look the other way. A Centre for Science and Environment study reveals how the sector is poorly regulated and underscores the need for an action plan to reduce their environmental impa

Sometime in June 2009, the West Bengal chief minister’s office forwarded a complaint to the state pollution control board (SPCB) about three sponge iron factories in West Medinipur district.

A team was dispatched to Jhargram subdivision. It found a thick layer of grey dust coating trees and pathways, and noted that the factories stored iron ore and waste in the open; these are carried away by the wind. A month later, the state’s Pollution Control Appellate Authority indicted the three units for causing “colossal damage” to the environment and ordered immediate closure of one factory that was a repeat offender; the other two were asked to comply with pollution norms and guidelines. But the repeat offender— Rashmi Cement sponge iron plant—did not shut. Reason: the SPCB suspended the closure order, citing the appellate authority order that allowed the factory to operate once faults are rectified.

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On December 18 that year, angry people reportedly set fire to some structures and vehicles at the Rashmi Cement plant. They claimed to be Maoists and said rampant pollution from the plant prompted them to act. The police pinned the incident on the resident who had complained about pollution and on a social activist. Naba Dutta, general secretary of nonprofit Nagarik Mancha of Kolkata, was arrested on August 17, 2010, while visiting the area to attend a sit-in protest organised by tribal people against sponge iron factories.

Dutta is out on bail. Rashmi Cement is still in business and pollution continues unabated.
By: Sugandh Juneja

BAN ON GUTKHA AND THE LIMITS TO STATE ACTION

2011-05-27T20:53:00.001+09:00

Constitution of India has no provisions prescribing the use of common sense. No wonder that our leaders, judges and social activists often act in such a preposterous manner. A very simple rule of common sense is “One should only do what is within one’s capabilities and never attempt the impossible.” This rule is often ignored by those who demand State action even in areas where the State has failed repeatedly in the past. Honourable judges and respected ministers regularly pass well-intentioned orders that can never be implemented. Ban of Gutkha clears falls in such a category.

Gutkha is a mixture of pieces of betel nuts (areca nut), lime, spices, colouring and flavouring agents. Gutkha may or may not contain tobacco, but often it does. Traditionally gutkha was made and sold at a retail level by vendors selling betel leaf. It has shot into prominence in the past three decades after being sold as a branded mass-manufactured product. It was packed initially in tin cans and later in small multi-layered pouches of 5 grams or less.

Gutkha has been blamed for increasing cases of oral cancer and many other diseases. This has led social activists to demand ban on gutkha. Some High Courts, responding to public interest litigations, passed orders banning it. Supreme Court has stayed the ban. Governments both at Centre and in the states have been responding by giving mixed signals. Political parties do not know how to react. Some units of BJP youth wing have been active in demanding the ban on gutkha, while BJP General Secretary and Spokesman, Arun Jaitely appeared in Supreme Court as a lawyer on behalf of gutkha manufacturers.

The prohibitionists have focused on the harmful effects of gutkha. On the other hand gutkha manufacturers have a simple argument – “Why only gutkha, why not cigarette, bidi, chewing tobacco and liquor?” They argue that it makes no logical sense to ban gutkha without imposing a similar ban on all other tobacco products. Pro-ban lobby quotes medical reports and anti-ban lobby pleads with the help of lawyers who are paid obscene amounts of money. In the midst of all this heat and fury, the real issues seem to have been lost. There is no doubt that gutkha (or any tobacco product) is harmful to health. No one (except handsomely paid lawyers) can defend gutkha. The issue is, however, not gutkha but the feasibility and practicability of imposing a ban.

There is a long history of banning, prohibiting or restricting the sale and consumption of products harmful to human beings. Prohibition on liquor was tried in USA in the first quarter of last century and in India in the second half of last century. Gujarat continues to be a dry state even today. It is now accepted by almost all (except a handful of extremists) that the policy of prohibition has failed miserably wherever it has been tried. Prohibition in USA led to the rise of a mafia that soon became a challenge to the legitimate government. Even in India, the liquor trade moved from the hands of normal businessmen to the clutches of organized criminals in every state where prohibition was tried. Development of an unholy nexus of the underworld with politicians, bureaucrats and police officers has been a result of prohibition. It is this nexus that has been most vehemently opposing lifting of prohibition in Gujarat. Under prohibition, an average consumer pays much more for a bottle of liquor. Normally, liquor contributes the maximum revenue to state exchequer. Under prohibition, Government earns no revenue from the sale of liquor. The revenue amount (actually a higher amount) now flows to the mafia and their patrons in the state machinery. In other words, prohibition helps growth of crime and weakens the legitimate institutions of state.

It has been demonstrated time and again that prohibition does not lead to a substantial reduction in alcohol consumption. In recent years Haryana experimented with prohibition. The experiment was an utter failure. After the lifting of prohibition in Haryana, liquor consumption has increased to a level higher than that of pre-prohibition days.

Contrast the failures of experiments in prohibition with the successes of anti-smoking campaign carried out across the world for the past three decades. Four decades back, smoking was fashionable, cool and the in-thing. Almost every movie whether made in Hollywood or Bollywood showed the main lead male star smoking. Things have changed almost completely for the smokers. Films no longer show the hero with a cigarette on his lips. Smokers are not welcome at most social gatherings. A smoker has to typically hide himself in a toilet or go out into the street to have a puff. Sales of cigarette companies have been falling in most countries across the world. Three decades back more than half the students on the campuses smoked. Now this figure is less than ten per cent. All this has been achieved without any punitive measures or restrictions on manufacture, sale or consumption of cigarettes.

In fact the setbacks in the anti-smoking campaign have been in only those areas where harsh prohibitive measures were attempted. An example is the recent ban, following Supreme Court directives, on smoking in trains and railway premises anywhere in the country. The ban has been a failure. One can see smokers standing near the doors and toilets polluting the air with impunity.

The ban on gutkha may at best be a failure as the directive prohibiting smoking in trains has proved to be. What is however more likely is that it will go the way of liquor prohibition. The underworld may discover a new source of easy money. The law enforcing machinery may also find it a lucrative opportunity where they will make huge piles of money by just looking in the other direction.

Let us also look at the machinery, which is supposed to enforce the ban. In states like Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, a large number of cabinet ministers are addicted to gutkha. A significantly large number (by some estimates it is a majority) of policemen, lawyers, court officials and government employees are seen with a swollen lower lip, spitting and leaving dirty red marks in the corridors of power. Almost every government office (in most states of India) bears such testimonial marks in the corridors and in every nook and corner. Is it not ridiculous to imagine that such hopeless addicts will be able to prevent others from falling prey to the habit?

The absurdity of gutkha-prohibition is based on another simple fact. All the ingredients of gutkha – betel nut, lime, tobacco, colouring and flavouring agents – are and shall continue to be sold legally. It would also not be illegal to make the mixture. In fact small roadside shops would continue to make and sell the mixture. Prohibition would only be on the packing and sale of packaged mixture. In other words, it is like saying that there would not be a ban on sale of liquor but bottled liquor would be prohibited. Trust Indian authorities (and activists) to come up with such innovative ideas. Too bad, if you find it ludicrous.

A sensible approach to the problem would have built on the successful model of anti-smoking campaign based on education, persuasion and creating a positive social environment. As a first step, advertisement and publicity of gutkha and all tobacco based products should be prohibited. Educating the public about bad effects of chewing gutkha and tobacco should receive the priority of the Governments. Help may be taken in this regard from media, advertising agencies, social organizations etc. A complete ban should be imposed on chewing of ‘pan’ (betel leaf), gutkha and tobacco in all offices, courts and public places. High Courts, who have issued orders for general ban of gutkha, should first make their own premises free of gutkha and tobacco. A very strict view should also be taken of spitting in public. There should be a campaign to get rid of the dirty red marks on public walls across the country.

The steps suggested above are based on the understanding that there are limits to state action. A state represents the will of the people. It cannot confront and go against its own people. A state can only act as a catalyst for social reforms that seek to modify the will of the people. This is a slow process that requires patience and perseverance.

It needs no expert knowledge but good old common sense to realize that a slow and steady approach is likely to work much better than the impractical sledgehammer approach of total ban on manufacture and sale of gutkha. Let us pray that the guardians of law would go by common sense and not just by constitution and laws.

author

ANIL CHAWLA

Corruption In India: A Billion Dollar Industry

2011-05-27T20:40:00.000+09:00

It is a no brainer that Corruption In India is at its rampant best.There is not one section of the society that is spared from it.Corruption in the form of bribery takes the cake and given that it begins at the grass root level makes it even more difficult to monitor and control.TheÂ Corruption and Bribery Report published at trak.in earlier , gives a detailed breakdown of the scale of the bribes and the reasons why bribes are given.
The striking though well known findings of the report points out that close to half the bribes are requested by the Government Officials both at the state and national level.The same government personnel who are entrusted with the development of the nation are filling their own pockets.No wonder then the nation’s politicians are the most corrupt lot.

However, it it was only for the petty money minded officials filling their own pockets, the enormity of the bribery might be restricted to a certain level.What if corruption takes the shape of a billion dollar behemoth.According to Management Guru C.K.Prahalad , the cost of corruption to the country might as well exceed Rs. 250,000 crores.
The total spending for the 2009 Lok Sabha elections is pegged at a whopping Rs. 10,000 crore.The breakup of this spending throws up some interesting insights too.

Rs 1,300 crore (Rs 13 billion) by the Election Commission
Rs 700 crore (Rs 7 billion) by the Centre and state governments
Rs 8,000 crore (Rs 80 billion) were spent by political parties and individual candidates

8000 crore spent by political parties and individual candidates ? Where do they get hold of this kind of money to spend. Again, it comes as a no brainer that it is hugely attributed to the Private Funding that political parties attract from big pocket industrialists.The reasons why private spending of this scale happens again is rather simple Favourtism.It is a well known fact that government support is crucial for industries small and large.One favourable swing in a huge tender or a favourable policy, and all the benefits can be reaped.
C.K.Prahalad fitting compares politicians with Venture Capitalists :-)

Given the risky nature of the investments in elections, politicians as venture capitalists, we can assume, will not settle for less than a 10-fold return.

More than spending by individuals and political parties, what i fail to understand is , Why is a 10,000 crore rupee spend needed for carrying out Elections.There can be infrastructure and operational costs, but they can never amount to such alarming numbers.
Now, when the government is well aware of crores of amount spent on election campaigns and product like advertisements with politicians selling themselves door to door, why cant regulations be implemented to stop all this waste of money.Why cant the regulatory bodies impose a maximum cap on the amount spent on election campaigns failing which the political party is banned to contest.However, accountability is something that leaves a lot for asking and barring which none of the measures to put a stop to corruption can reap rewards.
It is embarrassing that billions of dollars are being spent on electing leaders who do nothing more than succumbing to taking bribes after getting elected.

Author: Ankit Agarwal

SCAMING INDIA (INCREDIBLE INDIA )

2011-05-26T18:07:00.005+09:00

This is the season of scams and the biggest ever corruption cases in India have been unearthed more recently. So, we decided to dig deep to see which scams were the biggest and most damaging to the country and its citizens alike.

In our daily life, most of us must have been a witness to or a victim of the corruption thriving in some or the other part of the country. It could be in the form of a taxi-driver manipulating the meter to jack-up the reading or a government officer taking bribery to promptly transfer your file to the next department or even yourself offering bribe to a traffic police on breaking a signal.

An average Indian citizen is hard working and diligent, but it is the people in charge of the system (The Babu’s) or with whom the power lays, that act as a cancer spreading the venom, slowing down progress and what all not. But, somewhere down the line, we ourselves are responsible for allowing and being taken for a ride by these people, aren’t we?

However, it is during a multi-thousand crore scam, that a tax-payer actually realizes the heartburn of being cheated from his valued contribution of funds towards the development and well-being of the nation. But, that’s what a scam, be it big or small, means – the act of swindling by some fraudulent scheme or action.

* The Top Scams in India **

1) 2G Spectrum Scam

We have had a number of scams in India; but none bigger than the scam involving the process of allocating unified access service licenses. At the heart of this Rs.1.76-lakh crore worth of scam is the former Telecom minister A Raja – who according to the CAG, has evaded norms at every level as he carried out the dubious 2G license awards in 2008 at a throw-away price which were pegged at 2001 prices.

2) Commonwealth Games Scam

Another feather in the cap of Indian scandal list is Commonwealth Games loot. Yes, literally a loot! Even before the long awaited sporting bonanza could see the day of light, the grand event was soaked in the allegations of corruption. It is estimated that out of Rs. 70000 crore spent on the Games, only half the said amount was spent on Indian sportspersons.

The Central Vigilance Commission, involved in probing the alleged corruption in various Commonwealth Games-related projects, has found discrepancies in tenders – like payment to non-existent parties, will-ful delays in execution of contracts, over-inflated price and bungling in purchase of equipment through tendering – and misappropriation of funds.

3) Telgi Scam

As they say, every scam must have something unique in it to make money out of it in an unscrupulous manner- and Telgi scam had all the suspense and drama that the scandal needed to thrive and be busted.

Abdul Karim Telgi had mastered the art of forgery in printing duplicate stamp papers and sold them to banks and other institutions. The tentacles of the fake stamp and stamp paper case had penetrated 12 states and was estimated at a whooping Rs. 20000 crore plus. The Telgi clearly had a lot of support from government departments that were responsible for the production and sale of high security stamps.

4) Satyam Scam

The scam at Satyam Computer Services is something that will shatter the peace and tranquillity of Indian investors and shareholder community beyond repair. Satyam is the biggest fraud in the corporate history to the tune of Rs. 14000 crore.

The company’s disgraced former chairman Ramalinga Raju kept everyone in the dark for a decade by fudging the books of accounts for several years and inflating revenues and profit figures of Satyam. Finally, the company was taken over by the Tech Mahindra which has done wonderfully well to revive the brand Satyam.

5) Bofors Scam

The Bofors scandal is known as the hallmark of Indian corruption. The Bofors scam was a major corruption scandal in India in the 1980s; when the then PM Rajiv Gandhi and several others including a powerful NRI family named the Hindujas, were accused of receiving kickbacks from Bofors AB for winning a bid to supply India’s 155 mm field howitzer.

The Swedish State Radio had broadcast a startling report about an undercover operation carried out by Bofors, Sweden’s biggest arms manufacturer, whereby $16 million were allegedly paid to members of PM Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress.

Most of all, the Bofors scam had a strong emotional appeal because it was a scam related to the defense services and India’s security interests.

6) The Fodder Scam

If you haven’t heard of Bihar’s fodder scam of 1996, you might still be able to recognize it by the name of “Chara Ghotala ,” as it is popularly known in the vernacular language.

In this corruption scandal worth Rs.900 crore, an unholy nexus was traced involved in fabrication of “vast herds of fictitious livestock” for which fodder, medicine and animal husbandry equipment was supposedly procured.

7) The Hawala Scandal

The Hawala case to the tune of $18 million bribery scandal, which came in the open in 1996, involved payments allegedly received by country’s leading politicians through hawala brokers. From the list of those accused also included Lal Krishna Advani who was then the Leader of Opposition.

Thus, for the first time in Indian politics, it gave a feeling of open loot all around the public, involving all the major political players being accused of having accepted bribes and also alleged connections about payments being channelled to Hizbul Mujahideen militants in Kashmir.

8) IPL Scam

Well, I am running out of time and space over here. The list of scandals in India is just not ending and becoming grave by every decade. Most of us are aware about the recent scam in IPL and embezzlement with respect to bidding for various franchisees. The scandal already claimed the portfolios of two big-wigs in the form of Shashi Tharoor and former IPL chief Lalit Modi.

9,10) Harshad Mehta & Ketan Parekh Stock Market Scam

Although not corruption scams, these have affected many people. There is no way that the investor community could forget the unfortunate Rs. 4000 crore Harshad Mehta scam and over Rs. 1000 crore Ketan Parekh scam which eroded the shareholders wealth in form of big market jolt.

So, can we live a scam-free life in India for a while now?

Jan Lokpal Bill will improve existing anti-corruption systems

2011-05-26T16:27:00.005+09:00

An institution called LOKPAL at the centre and LOKAYUKTA in each state will be set up
Like Supreme Court and Election Commission, they will be completely independent of the governments. No minister or bureaucrat will be able to influence their investigations.
Cases against corrupt people will not linger on for years anymore: Investigations in any case will have to be completed in one year. Trial should be completed in next one year so that the corrupt politician, officer or judge is sent to jail within two years.
The loss that a corrupt person caused to the government will be recovered at the time of conviction.
How will it help a common citizen: If any work of any citizen is not done in prescribed time in any government office, Lokpal will impose financial penalty on guilty officers, which will be given as compensation to the complainant.
So, you could approach Lokpal if your ration card or passport or voter card is not being made or if police is not registering your case or any other work is not being done in prescribed time. Lokpal will have to get it done in a month’s time. You could also report any case of corruption to Lokpal like ration being siphoned off, poor quality roads been constructed or panchayat funds being siphoned off. Lokpal will have to complete its investigations in a year, trial will be over in next one year and the guilty will go to jail within two years.
But won’t the government appoint corrupt and weak people as Lokpal members? That won’t be possible because its members will be selected by judges, citizens and constitutional authorities and not by politicians, through a completely transparent and participatory process.
What if some officer in Lokpal becomes corrupt? The entire functioning of Lokpal/ Lokayukta will be completely transparent. Any complaint against any officer of Lokpal shall be investigated and the officer dismissed within two months.
What will happen to existing anti-corruption agencies? CVC, departmental vigilance and anti-corruption branch of CBI will be merged into Lokpal. Lokpal will have complete powers and machinery to independently investigate and prosecute any officer, judge or politician.
It will be the duty of the Lokpal to provide protection to those who are being victimized for raising their voice against corruption.

GREEN PEACE INDIA

2011-05-26T16:12:00.003+09:00

SAVE OUR SOUL

Airtel is ignoring the voice of over 30,000 people asking the company to go renewable. The telecom giant, like others in the sector, burns lakhs of liters of climate change-causing diesel to run its mobile network towers.

          The telecom sector uses diesel at a subsidised price, which results in the government losing Rs 2600 crores.^[1] So they are accelerating the climate change crisis and robbing people’s hard-earned money at the same time. Their unsustainable practices are also making us talk dirty.

         As the market leader, Airtel alone controls lakhs of mobile towers and enjoys the biggest portion of the subsidised diesel. The company can set an example by switching to renewable energy which is cheap and clean.^[2] Over 30,000 current and potential customers have already asked them to go renewable.^[3] We need to put more pressure.

      Can you add your signature to the petition asking Airtel to switch to renewable energy?

More and more current and potential Airtel subscribers, asking them to switch to renewable energy will help increase pressure on them to act. The company is bound to provide good service to its subscribers and will find it difficult to ignore the increasing number of people asking them to switch off diesel.

Like coal and nuclear, oil too is an unsustainable energy option. The Deepwater Horizon oil spill last year showed the dangers of our addiction to oil. ^[4]

Studies conducted by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change have shown that renewable energy is capable of powering the world.^[5] Airtel needs to realise this and quit dirty energy. Tell them now.
P.S. Want to support our campaigns? We don't take money from any corporation, government or political party! We never have, and we never will. Do help Greenpeace remain fiercely and proudly independent. Click here to chip in.

SOUMEN MONDAL
Climate and Energy Campaigner
Greenpeace India

The real debate over economic reforms in India

2011-05-18T00:54:00.000+09:00

The debate over economic “reforms” in India has been going on for quite a long time now. This long and heated debate has been centered around the effects of what has been called “economic reforms”, a sharp change in the policy regime governing the Indian economy. It might be useful to recall that the policy regime in India gradually started changing right after Rajiv Gandhi came to power towards the end of 1984; of course the change was considerably accelerated after Manmohan Singh, the current prime minister, became the finance minister in the Congress government in 1991. Since then there has been no looking back; whether it is a coalition government led by the centrist Congress or led by the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), economic reforms have continued apace. In fact, consensus about the necessity and desirability of reforms is evident across the whole political spectrum, ranging from the right-wing BJP to the social democratic communist parties, CPI and CPI(M). Of course there are subtle differences in emphasis and speed of implementation, with the social democrats trying to play an oppositional role at the federal level while adopting those same policies in the states under their rule, notably West Bengal. It is as an attempt to forcefully impose this policy regime on the people of West Bengal, where a broad coalition of social democratic forces has been in power for the last three decades, that we must try to understand the recent brutalities of the State in Singur and Nandigram.
The main thrust of the policy change comprising “economic reforms” was a move towards according greater role to market forces in the economy and came in many guises. For instance it meant the lowering most tariff and non-tariff barriers to promote the trade of goods and services across Indian borders; it meant liberalizing many legal procedures related to investment, corporate taxation, trade, commercial banking, stock market activity and most importantly the hiring and firing of labour; it meant the disinvestment of public assets like public sector units, which in most cases meant selling off public assets built with tax receipts over the years at below-market prices to private capital; it meant an uncritical adoption of “fiscal fundamentalism”,i.e., paying especial attention to the balancing of the budget or at least making some serious efforts at reducing the government budget deficit; it meant the gradual entry of foreign capital into the Indian economy (both as FDI and as portfolio investment); it meant a gradual retreat of the State from the provision of social services like health and education and also meant the simultaneous encouragement of private capital to enter into these areas and many more similar changes. Compared to even the pseudo-socialist policy framework that had been established after the British departed in 1947, the new policy regime meant a massive swing in the direction of unfettered capitalism. And this could not but generate debate, vigorous and heated debate.
The debate centered around the effects of such changes; and since the effects of these policy changes would become clear only after some years, the debate almost wholly concerned itself with predictions, with the future. The crucial question was whether this new set of policies would benefit the economy as the proponents asserted or would lead to disaster as the critics pointed out. Ranged on both sides were the who’s who of the Indian economics and policymaking community. Arguing for the reforms were noted economists Jagdish Bhagwati, T N Srinivasan, Montek Ahluwalia, Manmohan Singh, Arvind Panagariya, Bibek Debroy, Surjit Bhalla, Shubhashish Ganguli and many others; on the other side of the table were equally distinguished economists like Prabhat Patnaik, C P Chandrashekhar, Jayati Ghosh, Praful Bidwai, Ashok Mitra, Amiya Bagchi and others.
Most critics of the economic “reforms” had argued that the adoption of the above set of policies would be disastrous for the Indian economy. They had argued that opening up the Indian economy to trade would lead to “deindustrialization”, i.e., foreign goods would flood our markets and displace locally produced goods leading to closing down of local industries and thus increasing unemployment in the Indian economy. This, they had argued, would lead to a fall in the growth rate of the Indian economy (once the pent-up consumption expenditure boom was over) and lead to a fall in the economy’s overall productivity. They had argued that the poverty rate as measured by the head count ratio (the proportion of the people whose annual consumption expenditure fall below the poverty line) would increase and that income and wealth inequality would also increase dramatically. They had argued that the investment rate in the Indian economy would drop and lead to a shrinking of the capital goods sector. The proponents had, on the other hand, argued exactly the opposite; they had argued that the new policy regime would lead to growth in the economy and reduction of poverty.
Fifteen (or twenty if we start from the mid 1980s) years down the line, the evidence is at best mixed; if anything the empirical evidence seems to bear out the proponents’ claims more than the critics’. The growth rate in the Indian economy (as measured by the growth rate of the per capita income) has certainly increased over the last two decades; opening up the economy has not led to deindustrialization (in fact our exports have increased as also our imports). The Indian economy does not have a large current account deficit which means that we have not been flooded with foreign capital. In fact, over the last few years, outward FDI from India has increased rapidly and in 2006, the Indian economy was a net outward FDI originator. Savings and investment rates have also dramatically increased. And probably most importantly, the poverty rate has consistently declined over the last twenty years; the rate of decline had itself declined in the nineties before picking up again in the last six years. But along with this we also have increasing income inequality, acute rural distress, a degrading environment and most importantly a stagnation in some of the most important indicators of well-being (like the infant mortality rate, the maternal mortality rate, the life expectancy at birth, the primary and secondary enrollment rates and many others).
The process of economic growth and development is more complex than either the well-known proponents or the critics would have us believe; both present only half-truths. When proponents of “reforms” ask us to look at the facts, they want us only to see that the poverty rate (as measured by the head count ratio) has declined; they do not want us to see that this decline has not been accompanied by an improvement in the measures of social well-being, they do not want us to understand the reasons behind the acute rural distress that has led to farmer suicides on such a large scale. The overemphasis on economic growth and the head count ratio by the proponents tries to discount years of research that has drawn our attention to the inherent limitations of this rather narrow measure of development and poverty.
Equally dishonest, I feel, are the intellectuals associated with the official, social democratic left. Faced with evidence that goes against their earlier pronouncements, they continually shift their stands without as much as acknowledging possible problems in their formulations. Notice how they have shifted their discourse on poverty: from poverty decline they have gradually moved onto the rate of poverty decline. Recall that most of them had started the debate by asserting that poverty would increase; once empirical evidence shows that it has not, they have started talking about how the rate of decline has itself declined! Recall also that they used to never focus attention on the indicators of social well-being that they find so important now; issues like education and health were looked at with little more than derision, matters for the “development economists” and not for radicals. Radicals indeed.
To put the whole debate in proper perspective it is important to realize that at bottom, the process of economic development is broadly a matter of increasing the productivity of social labour; and this, we know since Adam Smith and the classical political economists, can be best achieved by increasing the division of labour. Institutions which can support an extended division of labour will lead to increasing labour productivity and thus create grounds for general prosperity in the economy. I think there is much of relevance in classical political economy that can shed light on current debates and let me make a small digression into the writings of Adam Smith. Duncan Foley’s recent book, “Adam’s Fallacy: A Guide to economic Theology”, contains an extremely lucid, well-informed and critical introduction to classical political economy and I will borrow briefly from Foley’s account to motivate the point that I want to highlight.
What makes a nation prosperous, asked Adam Smith at the beginning of his inquiry into the causes of the wealth of nations. His answer is profound because of its stark simplicity: the extent of the division of labour. Not the abundance of natural resources, not the amount of precious metals like gold and silver, but the extent of the division of labour within a country determines the potential prosperity that it can offer its citizens. Behind this assertion lies the understanding - shared by all classical political economists - that the ultimate source of wealth is the labour that goes into the process of social production. The extent of the division of labour, by determining the productivity of that labour, ultimately determines the potential wealth of any nation.
In Smith’s account, the division of labour refers to “the breaking down of useful production into a series of separate tasks, each of which can be accomplished separately from the other”. It is important to realize that Smith sees the division of labour occurring at two very different levels, one at the level of the enterprise and the other at the level of society as a whole. The first, which Smith calls the detail division of labour refers to the process by which production within a firm is broken up into separate tasks; it is the detail division of labour that finally creates the conditions for the introduction of machinery into the production process. But the division of labour also occurs at the aggregate or societal level; this is what Smith refers to as the social division of labour, which is the process by which “parts of a complex production process can be separated into different points of production, which may be located in different firms, or even different geographic regions”.
Smith’s account of the causes of the wealth of nations is completed by positing a positive feedback loop between the division of labour, labour productivity and the extent of the market; this link, when and where it can take hold, operates as a positive feedback loop. Widening extent of the market (i.e., growth in effective demand) supports an increasing division of labour, which increases the productivity of labour, leading to falling prices and rising real incomes. Growth in real income increases the extent of the market in turn, completing the virtuous spiral.
Notice how, in narrating this story of economic development, Smith the political economist has almost imperceptibly melted into Smith the theologian of capitalist social relations; this is the critical point that Foley helps us understand. For hidden within his “objective” description of the workings of a capitalist economy are two implicit value-laden propositions. First, that the process of technological progress and economic growth - the virtuous spiral of economic development - is beneficial for all members of society, i.e., it is autonomous and class-neutral: how else could it be morally justified? And second, that the defining institutions of capitalism - private ownership of the means of production, and markets - are the only ways to support a society-wide, complex division of labour with its attendant benefits in terms of high labour productivity.
To my mind, this is where the critique of economic “reforms” should really be located, not where the social democratic left has placed it. If India manages to establish the institutions of capitalism properly, then there is no doubt that this can lead to technological progress and economic growth. This growth will also lead to a decline in the poverty rates, much like that has happened in Korea and is currently happening in Vietnam or China. If this is true then why oppose economic reforms? This is a legitimate question which the social democratic left does not even attempt to answer. To my mind, the opposition to economic reforms lies in opposing the claim that capitalism is the only way to support an economy-wide complex division of labour. It is to take account of the cost of economic development alongside the benefits. It is to assess the class-nature of these costs and benefits in an already class-divided society. We must ask ourselves: will we oppose a development path that reduces poverty rates but only at the cost of increasing inequality? Economic development through capitalist industrialization (whose logic is, what Marx famously called, ” Accumulate, accumulate! That is Moses and the prophets!”) will lead to dislocations of millions of lives in the medium and short run, though in the long run, the economy-wide poverty rate might go down. The question really before us is this: are we ready to ignore these medium and short-run costs for the long-run benefits which might materialize only in decades or even longer? Are we ready to accept a dispensation where the costs of economic development are disproportionately borne by those who will rarely, if ever, get to enjoy the benefits of that development?
By Dipankar Basu

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nuclear reactors in Jaitapur.

2011-05-18T00:43:00.000+09:00

One killed and eight injured. The protests against the proposed Jaitapur nuclear plant in Maharashtra have taken a grave turn.^[1] Violence does not result in anything good, and must be condemned in any situation.

The Maharashtra Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan, however, is adamant about setting up this project. ^[2] Jaitapur is in an earthquake prone zone ^[3] and the technology being used here is still under review in the UK and USA.[4] For the past one year, the government of Maharashtra has used force to suppress the non-violent and democratic struggle of the people against the plant.

Mr. Chavan needs to listen to his people. He needs to know that he cannot build Jaitapur against the people's will when alternatives exist. To tell him this we will deliver a petition to him on April 26, 2011, the 25th anniversary of the nuclear disaster in Chernobyl, Ukraine.^[5]

You should sign this petition asking CM Prithviraj Chavan to scrap the nuclear reactors in Jaitapur.
http://greenpeace.in/take-action/chavan-listen-to-the-people-of-jaitapur/

Citizens across the country, and some international governments ^[6] are questioning the need for nuclear power. Many signatures will help show the CM that opposition to the Jaitapur nuclear plant cuts across state boundaries. It will help put pressure on him to stop the project.

Clean and safe renewable energy and energy efficiency can help us meet our power needs. We need to invest more in these, instead of dangerous nuclear technology.

Even after 25 years, Chernobyl is not completely free of radiation.^[7] CM Chavan is putting the environment and the lives of current and future generations at risk. Ask him to scrap the project now!

25th anniversary of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster

2011-05-18T00:41:00.000+09:00

I am taking the unusual step of sending this direct request because I believe that the announcement by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) on the 25th anniversary of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, to continue with the proposed French-built nuclear power park at Jaitapur is a serious mistake with long term implications for our people.^[1]

Along with several others I participated in the “Tarapur to Jaitapur” yatra (march) in Maharashtra, to protest against the proposed nuclear plant in Jaitapur.^[2] We did not reach Jaitapur because many of us were detained/arrested for participating in this peaceful protest.^[3]

It is well known that the Jaitapur nuclear plant is on an earthquake-prone zone ^[4] and the French EPR reactors have not yet been tested anywhere in the world.^[5] Surprisingly the government has rejected the demands to cancel the project, which will result in the loss of land and livelihoods for many. Further, the government has shown disregard for the views of the many scientists, academicians, military experts and citizens from the rest of the country calling for a review of its earlier decisions on nuclear power plants.

Apart from announcing the creation of an independent regulatory board to ensure safety standards, the government has taken no action on the widespread demand for a fresh review of nuclear energy policy in the country. We need to tell Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Maharashtra CM, Prithviraj Chavan that they cannot ignore serious concerns raised by the people of this country.

You should send a fax to the PM and CM Chavan asking them to stop the Jaitapur nuclear plant. Add your signature to the message and we will fax it to the PM and copy CM, Chavan for you. 73,000 petition signatures opposing this plant have already been delivered to the PM.^[6] Now a large number of faxes asking him to stop the plant will make it difficult for him ignore the demand.

Safe and clean renewable energy options and energy efficiency can help meet our energy demands, all of which are available and at a much lower cost than nuclear^[7]. The government needs to invest in these instead of dangerous nuclear energy. Tell the PM and CM Chavan to stop this dangerous plant now!

Celebrating Silence: BINAYAK SENS

2011-05-17T02:47:00.002+09:00

2011-05-16T02:19:00.000+09:00

Sometime in the late-1970s, I read a tribute to one of the iconic Communist intellectuals of West Bengal — an academic who shaped many impressionable minds during his long tenure at Kolkata’s Presidency College. As evidence of his determined attachment to the then undivided Communist Party, the article narrated an anecdote dating back to the late-1940s centred on P.C. Joshi, a former party general secretary.
Joshi, it is now recognised, was one of the most innovative Communist leaders. A cerebral man, he carefully targeted bright young men and women, particularly from elite families, for conversion to the cause. His success was most marked during 1942-47 when the Congress leaders were in jail and when the Soviet Union was in the forefront of the anti-fascist war. Many of those who embraced Communism as the only alternative to barbarism regarded Joshi as their mentor.
Shortly after Independence, thanks to an abrupt change in Moscow, the Communist Party of India was compelled to disavow the “united front” approach and jump into a silly and abortive insurrection against the government of Jawaharlal Nehru. In a proverbial palace coup, Joshi was summarily removed from his post, expelled from the party and replaced by B.T. Ranadive. He became a “non-person”.
It was during this period that a harried Joshi dropped into the home of the venerable professor who he presumably viewed as a friend and comrade. It is a commentary on the human priorities of the party that Joshi was brusquely told that he wasn’t welcome any longer.
In the demonology of Communists, “revisionists” and deserters have occupied a special place. Some of the choicest and most colourful polemical invectives have been reserved for those who deviated from the “party line” and were turfed out for “anti-party” activities. To the faithful, hateful outpourings against former comrades reinforced the party as the living God; to the heretic, dissociation from the church involved mental agony and the loss of a social support system.
Six decades of living in an argumentative democracy hasn’t really changed the Communist repudiation of humanity and the worship of the party as the epitome of “scientific” evolution. The world is replete with Reds of different shades who can no longer maintain a civil relationship with their former political associates. No wonder former the Lok Sabha Speaker, Mr Somnath Chatterjee, lamented that his abrupt expulsion from the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPM) was one of the most unhappiest episodes of his life. In his imagined world, there was no meaningful life outside the party.
It is in the context of the troubled relationship of Communist parties with ex-comrades that the decision to invite Mr Chatterjee to speak at a public meeting in support of the West Bengal (CPM)’s rising star, Mr Gautam Deb, acquires significance. It is not that Mr Chatterjee is a resident in Mr Deb’s constituency or that a local committee has extended the invitation without any application of mind. The fact is that Mr Chatterjee’s inclusion in the (CPM) has been publicly endorsed — albeit as a purely one-time, election-centric issue — by Politburo members such as Sitaram Yechury and Biman Bose. The former Speaker hasn’t been rehabilitated; his existence has been acknowledged by the party.
The cautious re-embracing of a heretic has followed two paths. Firstly, it is being suggested that a desperate Left Front facing the prospect of ignominious defeat needs to garner all the support it can muster. Since Mr Chatterjee has moved on from being a comrade to “eminent citizen”, he can, arguably, play the same role as those artists and intellectuals who have flocked to support Mamata Banerjee. Secondly, it is being argued that the invitation to Mr Chatterjee is the Bengal (CPM)’s way of snubbing general secretary Prakash Karat whose stubborn “anti-imperialism” forced the withdrawal of support to the United Progressive Alliance in 2008 and facilitated the anti-Left mahajot in West Bengal.
Both explanations are valid, but there appears to be another dimension. The (CPM), it would seem, is reconciled to defeat in West Bengal on May 13. It hasn’t abandoned the fight but it is realistically battling to ensure that the Left Front tally doesn’t fall below 100 seats. What worries the (CPM) is not merely the loss of power after 34 years of pampered existence. Equally important is their concern for the physical safety of their cadres.
The fear isn’t exaggerated. For three decades the (CPM) has attempted to exercise total control of both the state and society. This has led to institutionalised intolerance and the perpetuation of a million petty tyrannies. There is huge, pent-up anger against the “cadres” who walked with a swagger, ensured the harassment and social humiliation of all those who dared disagree and probably enriched themselves through petty corruption. If the party loses on May 13, not even the best-intentioned government will be able to stop the wave of recriminations against local tyrants.
The (CPM) knows that it cannot tame a Mamata who has fought an often-lonely but always unrelenting war against it. Its best hope lies in souring the awkward relationship between the Congress and the Trinamul Congress. This can best be done at the national level by pandering to the likely disquiet in the Congress over two issues.

First, there is certain to be a lot of heartburn at the Congress being an infant partner in the Mamata-led alliance. Secondly, for Congressmen who have no stake in West Bengal, the defeat of the Left in West Bengal and possibly Kerala could signal the emergence of political bipolarity — a possible straight fight between the UPA and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in the next general election. This, in turn, would involve other anti-Congress parties such as All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, Telugu Desam and Biju Janata Dal moving away from the Left and re-establishing a relationship with the NDA. The Congress has no real stakes in a Banerjee-led Bengal, and neither has the (CPM). The (CPM)’s cautious re-recognition of Mr Chatterjee as a Bengali notable isn’t guided by a new spirit of enlightenment; it is dictated entirely by the need to re-establish a bridgehead into the Congress.

* Swapan Dasgupta is a senior journalist

Down Memory Lane

2011-05-14T01:44:00.000+09:00

Tomar smriti jhapsa hoye gayche
thik ghosa kancher moto,
moner anache kanache samanya
jetuku unki die jay,d
ische hole tao mocha jay
thik koreche tomar kotha
kokhonoi anbona mone
bhule jaboi tomay
jemon kore bardhokhe ese -
manush bhule jay joubon ke.

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2011-05-11T17:00:00.000+09:00

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2011-05-02T00:39:00.000+09:00

Nice day for a revolution: Why May Day should be a date to stand up and change the system

May Day is the occasion we celebrate the grand achievements of the workers of the world in making our world a far, far better place to live in. There is, unfortunately, not too much to celebrate these days. The past 30 years are littered with battles and skirmishes that have resulted in defeat after defeat for organised labour.
A capitalist class gone rampant has now consolidated its power to command or corrupt almost all the major institutions that regulate the body politic – the political parties (of both left and right), the media, the universities, the law, to say nothing of the repressive state apparatus and international institutions. The democracy of money power now rules. A global plutocracy exerts its will almost everywhere unchallenged.
So what is there to celebrate? We would not, of course, have what we still have now (from pensions to the remnants of reasonable health care and public education) had it not been for the labour movement. But waxing nostalgic over the undoubted achievements and heroism of the past will get us nowhere.
May Day should therefore be about relaunching a revolutionary movement to change the world. The very thought of doing that – even just saying it and writing it down – is as exhilarating as it is astonishing.
Read the full article at The Independent

BINAYAK SENS

2011-05-02T00:33:00.000+09:00

Picture Jonathan Fine and Binayak Sen

Press Release 4th January 2011

Today on the 61st birthday of Dr Binayak Sen group of physicians, health activists and human right defenders have come together to form Physician for Human Rights- India. This independent and non political organisation will work on the principles of human rights, medical ethics and social justice. Physicians for Human Rights is a worldwide organisation established in 1981 with a solid foundation of over two decades of investigation, advocacy and accomplishment. It has campaigned vigorously for the human rights of health care workers in various countries and has been in the forefront of the International campaign for justice for Binayak. In fact its founder Jonathan Fine has been in India closely following the case and was present at Binayak’s trial.

We choose to offer the position of Honorary Chairman of Physicians for Human Rights / India to Dr.Binayak Sen who has given his life to these principles and to serve the poorest among us. Without neglecting others equally worthy, we will work tirelessly for his release from prison and complete exoneration of unjust accusations. His prompt return to the fight for human rights, civil liberties and service of India’s masses is essential for the sake of our nation. We strongly communicate our dismay and call for the dropping of charges , recognition of his exceptional contribution to Health & Human rights , his sacrifices & his deep commitment , & rare integrity , his proclaimed consistent support of Non Violence .It was for the above human values reflected in his life & work he was awarded for being a role model for Medical students , by CMC Vellore his Alma Mater .R.R Keithan award for demonstrating the values of the ” father of the Nation” and Johnathan Mann award for his work with the Tribals .

Physicians for Human Rights – India will mobilize health professionals to advance health, dignity and justice, and to promote the right to health for all. Harnessing the specialized skills, rigor, and passion of doctors, nurses, public health specialists and scientists, PHR India will investigate human rights abuses and will work towards stopping them . We believe that human rights are essential preconditions for the health and well-being of all people. PHR India will educate health professionals and medical, public health, and nursing students and organize them to become active in supporting a movement for human rights and creating a culture of human rights in the medical and scientific professions.

Physicians for Human Rights – India will join with physicians and health professionals similarly organized in other countries to add our voices in support of persecuted fellow health professionals in all countries. We will speak out against torture, physical and psychological abuse, and all forms of repression harmful to the public health. We will work tirelessly to bring our medical skills to the struggle for the attainment of human rights for all people. We pledge to uphold the finest traditions of the medical and allied health professions to investigate and report objectively on all findings of abuses in contravention to the constitution of India, the United Nations Covenants on Social, Political and Economic Rights and the Geneva Conventions and Protocols.

ENDORSEMENTS

1. Dr Amte Bharati , Maharogi Seva Samiti, Anandwan, Warora, Maharashtra
2. Dr. Amte Sheetal , Maharogi Seva Samiti, Anandwan, Warora, Maharashtra
3. Dr. Amte Vikas , Maharogi Seva Samiti, Anandwan, Warora, Maharashtra
4. Dr Anand R K, Paediatrician, Mumbai
5. Dr Bal Arun, Surgeon, Mumbai
6. Bali- Mahabal Kamayani, , Health and Human Rights Activist, Mumbai
7. Dr Bhojraj Shekhar , Orthodepic Surgeon, Mumbai
8. Dr Chatterjee Garga , Researcher and Physician Kolkata
9. Datta, Saurav , Law Teacher and Human Rights Activist, Mumbai
10. Duggal Ravi, Health Activist, Mumbai
11. Dr.Gangolli Leena V Public Health Physician, Mumbai
12. Dr Gupte Manisha , Feminist and Health rights activist, Pune
13. E Pinto, Premdas Health Activist, Bangalore
14. Dr Gaitonde, Rakhal Community Health Researcher, Bangalore
15. Jesani Amar , Health Activist, Mumbai
16. Dr Kalantri, S P Physician, Wardha
17. Dr Karmarkar Santosh ,Paediatric surgeon Mumbai
18. Dr Korde Vivek Family Physician, Mumbai
19. Dr Lokhandwala, Yash Cardiologist, Mumbai
20. Dr Morparia Hemant Radiologist, Mumbai
21. Dr Nagral Sanjay GI surgeon ,Mumbai
22. Dr Naik Deven, Family Physician, Mumbai
23. Nohira Sathyashree , Health Activist, Bangalore
24. Dr Pai Sanjay , Pathologist, Bangalore
25. Dr Pandya Sunil, Neurosurgeon, Mumbai
26. Dr Roy Nobojit , Surgeon, Mumbai
27. Dr Shiva Mira , Public Health Physician ,Delhi
28. Dr Singh S P , Gastroenterologist, Cuttack
29. Dr Thomas George , Orthopaedic surgeon, Chennai

2011-04-26T00:43:00.001+09:00

Bail application of Dr. Binayak Sen has been rejected by the judges of the Chhattisgarh High Court at Raipur on February 10, 2011.
Everyone, save his sworn enemies in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh, is of the opinion that rejection of his bail move has reflected how violent the Indian judiciary has become in the recent years. The said bail application has been pleaded none other than Ram Jethmalani who is one of the greatest advocates of this country at present.

Dr. Binayak Sen has been charged with treason. Allegation against him is that he has been associated with the Communist Party of India (Maoists). Facts produced by the state administration to support this wild allegation are entirely baseless. Those are symbols of poor taste manifesting malicious intention from the part of the state.
Dr. Binayak Sen is a physician by profession. He secured his medical degree from the prestigious Christian Medical College at Vellore, Tamil Nadu, in early seventies of the last century. He decided to devote his life to provide medical treatment to the poorest of the poor in the state of Chhattisgarh within a few years after graduation. The ruthless violation of human rights at the hand of the state administration moved him to play a role as a human rights activists and he soon joined an human rights organization named People’s Union for Civil Liberties. He raised his voice against the official plundering in the mineral regions of Chhattisgarh by the corporate bodies which have forcefully dislodged millions from their soil in the recent yeas. He brought all these nuisances happening in India to the notice of the UNO organs and of Amnesty International. This is why the government of Chhattisgarh has taken this step to imprison him.

Bhagwan SAI

2011-04-25T22:26:00.001+09:00

Sathya Sai Baba of Puttaparthi died today at his own medical institute (that is, Sri Sathya Sai Institute of Higher Medical Sciences) which is located in the Anantapur district of Andhra Pradesh. On March 28, he was admitted into the hospital because he had acute cardiac and respiratory problems. He was in the ventilation support during the last days of his life. He was eighty six when he died. Visitors/devotees can pay their last homage to him at Sai Kulwant Hall on 25th and 26th of April as his body has been kept at the Hall.
Sai Baba was an important god man in contemporary India. He was born in a family which was economically weaker. Yes, he belonged to a backward caste community. He was named Sathyanarayana Raju when he was born. His performance as an organizer surprised everyone. He was accepted as a religious cult figure by the people from different cross sections of the Indian society. His name crossed the Indian boundary and he was well-known in the west too.
He had substantial influence among many important personalities of the globe. Scholars of numerous universities and leaders of different political parties used to visit him and his spiritual empire at Puttapurthy was a busy center of pilgrimage for years. He founded several educational centers and other institutions for the welfare of the people. He was like a fountain of inspiration for millions of his devotees and followers.
Hamid Ansari (Vice President of India), Manmohan Singh (Prime Minister of India), Sonia Gandhi (President of Indian National Congress) and Lal Krishna Advani (leader of Bharatiya Janata Party) sent message of condolence on his demise.
Sai Baba used to state that he was none other than Sai Baba of Sirdhi (another god man of India) in his next birth. He said that he would depart this planet at 96 years of age and that people would find him in the form of a new human.
Despite all these, it should be mentioned that his life was not free from controversy. His encounter with P.C.Sorcar (Junior) was not a happy affair to remember. His religious empire with the worth of more than Rs. 40,000 crore, perhaps, invited undesirable problems. Who will be the next in-charge of this huge property is a great question at present. At present, 6000 police forces have been deployed at Puttapurthy to maintain