Chauhan's History Blog

The Traces of Feudalism as Reflected in two Prasastis of Baijnath; Gian Chauhan: Maharashi Dayanand University Research Journal (Arts)

noreply@blogger.com (Rameshwar Dutt) — Sun, 22 Oct 2017 04:06:00 +0000

Fuedalisation of Educational Institutions in Early India; Gian Chand Chauhan

noreply@blogger.com (Rameshwar Dutt) — Fri, 05 Feb 2016 08:09:00 +0000

A Rational Understanding Of Some Copper Plate Inscriptions Of Western Himalayas(Himachal Pradesh) Gian Chand Chauhan

noreply@blogger.com (Rameshwar Dutt) — Wed, 11 Feb 2015 07:02:00 +0000

स्मृतियों में स्त्री धन ; प्राचीन भारत में स्त्री धन की अवधारणा पर प्रोफेसर जी . सी चौहान द्वारा एक विशिष्ट लेख

noreply@blogger.com (Rameshwar Dutt) — Wed, 11 Feb 2015 06:56:00 +0000

ECONOMIC THOUGHT AS GLEANED FROM THE KAUTILYA ARTHAŚᾹSTRA Dr. G.C.Chauhan Associate Professors in history DES-MDRC, PANJAB UNIVERSITY CHANDIGARH

noreply@blogger.com (Anonymous) — Wed, 26 Nov 2014 06:16:00 +0000

The economic affairs like other affairs had undergone a process of evolution which resulted inestimable economic developments and contributions as reflected in the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya one of the great economic thinkers of his times. The Mauryan state itself took part in a number of economic activities keeping a close watch and control in sectors like, trade, treasury, commerce, agriculture, industries and labour problems etc. The role played by Kautilya in the process of its evolution had been very decisive. Nevertheless, Early Indian Economic thought is a field still practically untilled, and economic thought in any age only reflects its time and life, it moves with the variation of economic condition. The economic interpretation of our past economy is one of the first fruits of the study of early Indian economic thought that study enabled us to visualized not only the life of our ancestors but it also helped us to recognized and interpret even the purpose of their every day economic activities and affairs. Our knowledge of early economic thought acknowledged the contribution and role of great thinker like Kautilya and obtained for him his due position among the economists of the ancient world.

Since human knowledge can be analyzed and categorized into different sciences, economic science in ancient India was also a result of the some process which deals with the economic phenomena of human life. However, it can be interpreted as the set of theories, doctrines, laws and analyses applied to the study and solution of economic dimension and problem. But economic thought was not a given and fixed set of economic theories or tools and mechanisms of analyses. However, in present day economic scenario economic is a dynamic science, a feature which acquires an account of various reasons. Since human society is a complex phenomenon, a very large number of courses are likely to be at work in most cases. The different scholars could very well differ as to the choice of most relevant courses at work. An economy is a dynamic phenomenon and therefore, economic science is a dynamic one with social change, new economic questions present themselves. And man’s thinking is influenced by his social and physical environment. Since, the economic thought developed along two lines. One hand, within the basic framework of a free economy and its institutional set up, there is always a scope for deeper and intensive investigation which provides a basis for further analyses and theorizing. On the other hand, the very dynamism of an economy provides a basis for further investigation. In a closed or feudal economy, there is not much scope for further investigation. But free economy poses new challenges which economic thinkers have to meet.

Thus it seems that economic science is change oriented. Over successive time intervals, specific sets of economic ideas, theories, doctrines, tools and techniques acquire recognition and acceptance implying thereby that different contexts. We have different system of economic thought. Therefore, the study of the economic thought of Kautilya’s automatically becomes the study of various system of economic thought of Ancient India.

In fact, the economic thought of any civilization or age was the reflex of the life of human of that age or civilization, and the economic life of any people or epoch is again conditioned and programmed very largely by their natural and social environment. The physical background of early Indian economic could hardly have been very different from what it is at present day economic scenario. For example, the dependence of our agriculture on the moon-soon and on the water supply will explain not merely the emphasis laid by the government of the present day as the provision of vast schemes of protective irrigation, but they will show, how, in early India, the provision of similar works utility was justified as much by economic statement ship of Kautilya that rural bodies or villagers should maintain an efficient system of irrigational tank and channels of villages those who damage lakes, embankment and works of irrigation would be penalized”¹

The Arthaśāstra a work of substantial importance has been attributed to Kautilya, who played dominating role in the formation of the Mauryan throne that expelled the Macedonian army from India. His role in the field of scholarship is undoubtly laudable, gave detailed analysis of different aspects of early Indian economy. Kautilya and his master work Arthaśāstra are misunderstood. Historians and economists are of the opinions that in early India kings were self centered and their concern was the attainment of personal aggrandizement. But it is simply misconception and the misunderstanding of the scholars. We glean from Arthaśāstra various welfare measures of the state for its subjects, it speaks of kings aims:

“In the happiness of his subject lies the king’s happiness; in their welfare his welfare. He shall not consider as good only that which pleases him but treat as beneficial to him whatever pleases his subject.”^1A

But for clear comprehension of Kautilya’s economic thought and their applications to the present economic scenario, for that we have to be aware of the essential characteristics of the core content of the AŚ, such as, agriculture, mining , Industries and forestry, transport, trade and commerce, taxation, wages, allowance, salaries, social security, replenishment of treasury during emergencies, provision for uniform weights and measurement, fixation of percentage of interest, regularization of marketing of commodities etc.² Kautilya states that if state passes through a deep economic crisis in that situation king should direct the superintendent of the temples to collect the property, money gold, silvers of the temples and deposit them in the state treasury.³

Thus Arthaśāstra gives us idea that if our contemporary government in India adopt this particular Kautilya’s economic thought then our economic crises would be solved.? Kautilya warns: “A person cannot acquire and maintain wealth, which possessed deep faith in astrology’. ‘Wealth will pass away from the childish man who constantly consults the stars; for wealth is the star for wealth; what will the stars do”. Men without wealth do not attain their object even it with hundreds of efforts; objects are secured through objects, as elephants are through elephants set to catch them.”⁴

Thus Kautilya advised the king not to adopt such religious beliefs which put hurdle in the execution of his important plans he should not hesitate to prescribe for the deposition of the wealth and property of temples in the state treasury during the grave economic emergency.

Though, Early Indian literary traditions refer four branches of knowledge such as, philosophy, religion, economic and polity. The term Vārtā (economics) is referred in AŚ which primarily represents Vṛtti or means of livelihood. It is very clearly depicted in AŚ that Vārtā deals with agriculture, cattle breeding and trade.⁵ But in modern nomenclature, Vārtā deals with the economics of agriculture, trade, banking and industry, which shows that consumption, distribution, and taxation, forming a modern economic were left out of the scope of Vārtā. It seems that Artha and Artha-Śāstra were quite distinct,⁶ the later never deals with the artha in the sense of wealth, which was the subject matter of Vārtā. Ancient literary traditions of India fully recognized the significance of economic science where the Vārtā was considered as essential for the material interest of the people as were the Vedas for their spiritual well-being.⁷ K.V.R. Aiyangar rightly argued that the “aim of the ancient Indian conception of wealth was to be its material quality, its appropriability, its being the result acquisition, it’s not being quite identical with gold, its consumbility, and its attractiveness due to scarcity.”⁸

Kautilya was aware of the significance of wealth in the scheme of life for the gaining the ends of human life, and were fully conscious of depressing influence of poverty. Wealth however, was regarded as an end in itself, but as a means to an end. Contrary to common notions, he condemned asceticism and held those seeking to embrace the ascetic order without discharging their duties liable to punishment,⁹ both ancient and modern economists, give predominance to rural economies, because agriculture has been the occupation of the pupils throughout ages. Along with cattle breading and doing farming agriculture contributed the most important part of Vārtā, which a king was enjoined to study. The AS speaks that concerted efforts of the state are essential to attain growth with stability in the field of state agricultural production. It is further stated that for enriching the state treasury, abundance of harvest was considered absolutely essential. Thus the attainment of maximum agricultural production was considered as basic requirement for the welfare of the subject and strengthening the state. Farmers were under an obligation to cultivate their fields. It was punishable offence for a farmer, on a tenant, to neglect or abandon his field of the time of sowing or for the farmer to take away the land from tenant.¹⁰ Thus it seems that development of land was the principal factor in the success of agriculture. The state and the people were enjoined to strive for the prosperity of agriculture. The interests of the peasantry were guarded against distraction or nuisance by banning the intrusion of non-productive classes such as actors, dancers, singers, drummers, buffoons and wandering minstrels into village.”¹¹ The state officers and servants were to live outside the limits of the village apparently to save peasantry from oppression. The AŚ prescribes that army men should not enter into villages except in emergency they were not to oppress peasants or have any dealings with them. It was further depicted that the army was to be used for no other purpose than fighting.¹² The economic interest of the farmers were safe guarded by fixing fair prices with a view to lowering agricultural prices.¹³ A Dasguta rightly argues that “The Mauryan state attached considerable significance to the land holding, settlement and cultivation of land.”¹⁴ The AŚ prescribes that the state should bear in mind the settlement of the agricultural region, which had settled before, on which had not been settled before, by bringing in people from foreign lands or by shifting the overflow of population from his own country.¹⁵ It is prescribed by Kautilya that in newly settled villages, agricultural operations were carried through after preparing the waste land. He states that such land worth of cultivation should be settled permanently, and economic burden should not be put on peasants, who cultivated waste land, but they should be provided with cattle and seeds to colonies waste land. It was also kept in mind that local markets were to be founded for the sale of agricultural produces and variation of fertility was to be considered while fixing the taxes on peasantry.¹⁶ The productivity of piece of land was dependent not merely on its soil, irritability and cultivability, but on its quality of extension, size, situation and accessibility. The AŚ speaks of certain penalties if somebody abstract agricultural operation. If a person forcibly occupied the land of other, he was to be punished like a thief. Encroachment and destruction of boundaries were considered serious offences, encroachers and guilty were fined 24 pāṇas. If the person encroaches land of other during the time of sowing seeds was to be punished with 12 Pāṇas.¹⁷ Kautilya refers certain penalties for harming pastures, which were considered beneficial for the development of agricultural economy. Extremely stringent punishment has been prescribed for setting fire to pastures. Such person if found guilty, was to be thrown into fire.¹⁸ It seems that Kautilya prescribed such hard punishment only in order to check completely the deliberate burning of pastures. However, it must be admitted that prescription of such stringent punishment lacked humanitarian touch. The damage of crops of peasant by the cattle, the owner of the cattle was punished by imposing fine double the amount of loss incurred. If an owner of the cattle deliberately left them to stray, he was to be punished with a fine of 24 pāṇas.¹⁹

However, we notice certain incentives prescribed by Kautilya to peasants, who played very vital role in agricultural economy by producing food products not only for their family members but also for those who live in urban areas. The land tenures provided incentives to peasant for better participation in agricultural operation. Prepared land was allotted for life time to the peasants. The AŚ reveals that “unprepared lands shall not be taken away from those who are preparing them for cultivation.”²⁰ The peasant should be provided relief by the state during the famine and other calamities, and they should be provided seeds and provision.²¹ The AŚ further speaks of exemption from the payment of grain tax for year together, when they had contributed to improvement of infrastructure, such as the construction of new tanks, lakes, roads, etc.; repairing neglected or ruined works of similar nature, taxes were remitted for years, for extending or restoring water sources, over-grown with weeds.²² The AŚ prescribes proper arrangement for weight and measures for market places so that peasants could obtain reasonable price of their surplus yield. The peasants were duly helped by the state to utilize maximum irrigation facilities in order to raise production. The AŚ depicted the seasonal agricultural operations extremely essential, it is argued that peasants while engaged in agricultural works would not be arrested,²³ the peasants were given loans in forms of cash or kind. The rate of interest on such loans was at one pāṇa and a quarter per hundred i.e. 15% per annum for non-commercial purpose. The rate of interest was higher if related to trade. Those who were engaged in over sea-trade had to pay at the rate of 20% which was highest. The Kautilya’s theory of Interest in the field of agriculture varied between five times and one third of the value of the quantity of pledged.²⁴ The AŚ tells us that interest on grain was not to exceed in season of good harvest, more than half when valued in terms of money. Interest on stocks was one half of the profit and it had to be regularly paid. If it was allowed to accumulate intentionally, the amount payable was to be equal to twice the share or its principal.₂₅ His theory of rate of interest reflects the welfare of the state. He states that: “The welfare of the state depends on the nature of the transactions they should be properly scrutinized’’.²⁶

Thus the payment of interest when due only have been in forced through the power of law or else as Kautilya had so shrewdly observed the welfare of the state would have been disturbed resulting by the economics of disturbance. This implied that public welfare depended largely on the economic dealing between debtors and creditors.

Interestingly, the AŚ has prescribed reasonable relief to debtors, who, due to circumstances over which they had no control, were unable to pay interest over period during which the disability on inability least, he argued that for non-accumulation of debts were minority of the debtors, illness, stay in the teacher’s house (to complete education), engaged in a sacrifice lasting for a considered period and bankrupting or extreme physical infirmity and widow etc.²⁷ Thus Kautilya reminded money lender and state agencies of their social responsibilities by giving certain exemptions and relief’s on the ground of their educational or socio-religious preoccupation which shows that Kautilya concern sociological values and mechanism to cheek the hardship of such categorizes of people living thereon.

The land-system which has been referred in the AŚ time and again is debatable, and has been debated by the scholars since remotest time. The question of land ownership is still undecided, but the difference of opinion among the scholars reflects a difference on how ownership is to be defined, but it can be surmised that the actual position might have changed over the period of time. The AŚ recommended tax free land-grants to Brāhmaṇa priests, state official such as, superintendents, accountants, gōpas, Sthānikas, veterinary surgeon, physicians, horses trainers, and messengers,²⁸ might be in lieu of cash salary for their services, but they had no right to alienate by sale or mortgage. Thus the Mauryan State indicates the scarcity of coins and certain ingredient of feudal economy?

The Mauryan state took keen interest for the development of forests, of which it was the sole owner. The AŚ refers that it was the duty of the state to protect, develop, promote and maintain forest, emphasized the need of a forestation,²⁹ keeping in mind the enormous benefit of forest for mankind. Kautilya laid the duty of the superintendent of forest. “The superintendent of forest shall collect timbers and other products of forest by employing those who guard productive forest, fix adequate fines, which cause any damage to productive forest’’30

. Further prescribed that state should establish product forests, one for each important products, as well as factories for manufacturing goods made from the forest produce to enhance economy of the state.

Nonetheless, the great advance in agriculture in early India and the thorough knowledge of the minute details of agricultural pursuits possessed by ancient economist are seen in Arthaśāstra such as the concept of irrigation by rain, rivers, tanks, reservoirs. The numbers of villages were held jointly and severally liable for keeping, water, channels, and tanks in efficient repair, which ensured project maintenance of irrigational works. Any damage of such works of public utility was to be urgently rectified even from resources of temples. Special facilities were to be given to those who constructed tanks, dams, wells out of piety, so that the state might receive co-operation from individuals in providing irrigation works.³¹

Land revenue was the main source of income and formed an important ingredient of the Mauryan economic system. The AŚ refers one-sixth of state share as land revenue from the peasants. But during economic emergency,³² the AŚ prescribe one-third or one-forth as state share. Generally a large portion of the revenue was collected in kind, and the proper keeping and periodical/ renewal of the collected stock was prescribed. Kautilya insists on a full and flowing treasury for the state by appropriating a large portion of the state revenue for the creation of a reserve found or treasury, which was not to be touched except on occasion of a grave calamity.³³ Thus policy of Kautilya on economic is quite understandable when one considers the unstable political condition of the time demanding constant preparedness for war because of constant danger from neighbouring state. Thus in early India, when state load was unknown, the only mean available for the state to tide over an economic crisis was the possession of a well-stocked treasury and granary. The AŚ depicted different sources of revenue differently at the different place. Two important categories were body of income and sources of income, each subdivided under seven heads,³⁴ for irrigated agriculture, a water rate was an even more important source of state revenue than the land tax.

This was payable whenever water for irrigations works was used by the peasants, even if the works belong to the peasant himself.³⁵ There was a graduated schedule of the rate to be changed, depending on the nature of the irrigation works used. If the works were such that the water was set in motion by land, the rate payable was one-fifth of the produce, if set in motion by shoulders, the rate was one-fourth, the latter rate also applied to lift-irrigation, water being lifted from tanks, wells, rivers and lakes while the rate increased to one-third when water was set flowing in channels by a mechanical device.³⁶ In all cases the water rate was addition to the normal land tax of one-sixth. This means that a peasant utilizing mechanical irrigation which used flowing water were liable to pay half of his produce as tax. The AŚ presented certain exemption from water tax for limited period five years for newly built tanks and embankments, four years for ruined or abandoned tanks on renovated embankment, three years for those that one cleared after having become over grown with weeds.³⁷

Now the question arises whether there were any limits to the state levying exorbitant taxes. Kautilya has considered the point, and he was of the view, that the threat of disaffection among the subject and their possible migration to another state appears to have worked as a deterrent on kings taxing their subject beyond their means. The AŚ prescribes partial or total exemption of taxation, it is noticed that on humanitarian grounds certain classes of people like learned Brāhmaṇas, the dumb, the deaf, the blind, student studying in a Gurukula, and hermits were exempted from paying taxes; infants, those far advances in age, women newly confined or destitute, poor widows, and people otherwise helpless were also tax free.³⁸ Kautilya, prescribed special efforts by the state to enrich the treasury during economic crises, emergencies, besides benevolences, forcible loans and donations, emergency taxes, arbitrary enhancement of normal rates, and fraudulent and forcible collection under several pretexts, which are exhaustively dealt with by Kautilya, who prescribes to the sale of divine images and the entire property of the religious shrines was to be confiscated. The dramatists, singers, dancer, prostitutes had to pay 50% their income as compulsory payments to the state.³⁹ Thus certain undesirable methods to enrich the state treasury during economic crises was the practice of the Mauryan times. But state officials, drawing high amount as salary, were left unaffected during economic crises.

The development of mineral resources was the important state activity and specials attention for the exploitation of mines was paid, and considered mining as the important source of state income. The mining during the Mauryan times was directly connected with various kinds of industrial production. The AŚ speaks of the opulence of industrial production contributed significantly in enriching the treasury. All mines belonged to the Mauryan state were put under the supervision of the superintendent of mines who must be an expert in Sulbaśāstra geology, and dhatuśāstra, metallurgy.⁴⁰ The digging of new mines and the renewal of old discarded ones was an important duty of the superintendent of mines. Kautilya states that those mines are the best which yield rich ores, are easily accessible and capable of being operated at a small cost. Diamond and gold mines were highly preferred.⁴¹ But Kautilya was in favour of a large mine, even if it yields products of small economic value, as the ground that products of small economic value command continuous sale, but the product of high economic value have a limited sale and demand particularly among the common people.⁴² Although all mines belonged to the state, but not all of them were to be worked directly by the state. The mines with high operating cost were leased out, on for a fixed rent.⁴³ Kautilya prescribes that all salt mines should be leased out for a share on hire.⁴⁴ Thus credit goes to Kautilya for providing new dimension to the exploitation of mines and setting up separate department for operating mine and manufacture of metals.

However, the early Indian economy was an agricultural economy; the fertile Indo-Gangetic plains provided ample scope for the greeted industrial enterprise in the form of agriculture. But other industrials or agricultural products and natural wealth of the land also developed during Mauryan times. Sugar industry was the most important industry of early India. Kautilya suggests that the lands that are frequently over flown by water for long are suitable for growing sugar cane, and the forming of sugar-cane possessed the risk of facing flood or flood like situation, comparatitively the cost of production of growing sugar cane was much greater. The AŚ prescribes that the special efforts and expenditure were required for transporting and crushing reaped sugar-cane.⁴⁵ Thus the sugar production was considered most at difficult and worst in agricultural production system.

Another industrial activity of the Mauryan state which was given considerable attention was textiles. The Artisans of the Mauryan state had attained a high degree of proficiency in spinning and weaving fine textiles. The Mauryan economy was partly pastoral and partly agricultural. As such tending of cattle and shearing off goats and sheep hair constituted important occupation, resulting in the weaving of woolen clothes. Textile industries during the Mauryan were snot state monopoly, but Kautilya refers to private production. However, the Mauryan state was expected to engage in production of textile on an extensive scale, and to maintain strict state control and supervision of that part of industry which was in private hand.⁴⁶ The AŚ refers to the Sūtradhyakśā who was suppose to get yarn spun from wool, bark-fiber cotton, hemp and flax by woman, especially those without support, women from respectable families should be allowed to spin in their homes. The officers in change was directed to look after the manufacture of ropes, thongs and straps, useful for carts, chariots, etc., used in the anmy.⁴⁷ The AŚ prescribes that those women who do not stir out of their Houses, those whose husbands are gone abroad and those who are cripple or girls may, when obliged to work for subsistence, be provided with work in due courtesy through the medium of maid servant while making construction in a new fort, places were allotted to artisans in a corners of a fort, guild of artisans and cooperation of workmen resided within the fort. It was on the sweet will of the artisans to allow others of their profession to reside in the locality.⁴⁸ Thus besides giving Protection to the workers and artisans, state also kept a strict watch over their mal-practices and mischief’s. Ratio of raw material and finished goods were fixed. Adulterations in commodities were properly supervised and monetary and corporal punishment was suggested to anti-social workers.⁴⁹ We notice plethora of reference to various guilds and corporation in AŚ. Kautilya states that the guilds of artisans as well as those who carry on any co-operative work shall divide their earning either equally or as agreed upon among themselves,⁵⁰ certain artisans working independently with their own capital and in their own work-shop. Whereas the artisans working in guild system, guaranteed the customer against loss, damage, etc., caused by artisans. Even there were master artisans, employing a number of artisans to do work for the customers, and earning a profit, the delay in delivery and failure to carry out the customers instructions were offence punishable by the state. During the Mauryan times guild had became very rich and powerful and some of them maintained troops of their own. The AŚ refers to the danger of provoking these corporations and advocates several methods of exploiting them in the king’s name.⁵² The potential danger to the state from the unrestrained power to these guilds seems to underlie the severe regulation restricting their activities. Another important responsibility of the Mauryan state was to arrange for storage of a wide variety of goods. The construction of the stores is described at length. The part of the stores was made up of goods produced by state and enterprise, the rest was received by the state in kind. The store provided a convenient means of creating buffer stocks and preventing a wide fluctuation in rice, the director of the trade being expected to buy when there was a slut and sell when there was scarcity.⁵³

The media of exchange was also an important ingredient of the Mauryan state. Throughout the Mauryan times, money has been an important media of exchange. It has on the one hand relieved the commercial and economic fields from the defects of barter system while on the other guaranteed a great impetus to payments for goods or carrying other kinds of business obligations. The AŚ refers to several types of coins, such as gold, silver and copper coins. The coinage was a state monopoly, and the special official under the Mint Master received bullion from the public to be struck into coins on payment of seignior age changes.⁵⁴

However, trade was one of the most significant economic activities in Mauryan state and received a large part of its income from trade and was having monopoly over the manufacturing of a large variety of goods. The AŚ tells us that it was made obligatory for traders to get license, while, and foreign traders were required to get passport in addition. Kautilya classified trade into two distant categories – Svabhūmija, indigenously produced or pārabhūmija, produced in foreign lands. Indigenous good belonging to the state were sold in one place, presumably, the capital city, where all state stores were located. Imported goods were to be sold in a number of centers. In both the interests of the customers were to be kept in mind while fixing the selling price. The AŚ prescribes that a large profit must be avoided if it was harmful to the subjects, especially in the case of commodities constantly in demand.⁵⁵ The AŚ refers two factors to be considered in fixing value of price were (a) the cost of production as determining the supply; and (b) the demand for article as determined by its utility.⁵⁶ Whole scale price for goods were fixed by the superintendent of commerce, as they passed the custom house. A margin of profit was allowed to retailers. The public, consumers and customers were protected by the state, which employed an army of spies and market inspectors against unauthorized price and fraudulent transactions. Goods had to be sold at fixed market, places, and the dealer had to specify particulars as to quality, quantity, and price, which were scrutinized and recorded in official book.⁵⁷ The superintendent of commerce not only prevented or minimized the chances of deceit, or of undue advantage being taken by the seller over the buyer, but also ensuring that the prices were not exorbitant or unconscionable, and that the material, its style, quantity, or measure precisely corresponded to the terms of the bargain.⁵⁸ Normally state goods were sold by the state officials but the help of private traders was sought. In that case, traders were required to pay a fee, to make up for the loss of profit which the state would have earned by sale through its officials.⁵⁹ The involvement of private traders in selling state goods indicates the ingredients of the privatization of trade even during the Mauryan period, which is considered the feature of present day economic trends and ideas.

However, the economic advantages of both inland and foreign trade were duly recognized. The organization of castes and guild led not only to localization of industry, but also to the creation of special local market for the sale of product. The freedom of the market was implied in the rule prohibiting the king from going into the market with his retinue. The existence of grade of middle men, between retail traders and the powerful magnates who were able to create ‘corners’ and to manipulate the market in their own interest was not only implied but provided against.⁶⁰ The officer in charge of trade was to arrange for the export of state goods to foreign lands. When undertaking such a venture, he was to taken to consideration all relevant factors such as costs of transport, duties prevailing prices in different places and so on to determine the profitable. He could also investigate the possibility of bartering state goods for those from foreign lands.⁶¹ The general principle of export- import trade was to ensure profit. Should there be no profit, he should see it there is any advantage in taking out goods or in bringing goods in exchange for goods, and along river routes he should ascertain condition of trade before hand and should proceed to where there is profit, avoiding places where no profit can be had.⁶² They had to secure new market for the surplus products of the country. Rest houses and store-houses were to be provided for traders, for whose protection proper police escorts were also recommended. River boats and ocean going ship were to be pressed into services. The AŚ prescribes: “the state administration must granted it security against thieves, forest tribes, wild forest folk, etc.; and undertook to make good losses in transit’’.⁶³ The AŚ further prescribes to encourage import, suitable- rebates to foreign traders, if current rate did not leave a proper margin of profit for them.⁶⁴ To encourage, promote, and facilitate trade, both inland and foreign, state were enjoined to improve and increase the means of communication and transports. Thus Kautilya refers several trading facilities which were afforded to encourage foreign trade. Foreign merchant could sue in Indian court, and were protected from being harassed by suits against them in local courts.

Kautilya accepted that in spite of all precautions; it was impossible to eradicate corruption from amongst the state employees who participated in financial transaction. He states that: “just as it is not possible not to taste honey or poison placed on the surface of the tongue, even so it is not possible for one dealing with the money of the state not to taste the money in however small a quantity.”⁶⁵

The AŚ depicted that, “just as fish moving under water cannot possibly be found out either as drinking or not drinking water, so the state employee carrying out state work cannot be found out while taking money for themselves’’.

Kautilya prescribes the transfer of state employee from one work to another work or one place to another place, so they could not misappropriate govt. money.⁶⁶

Thus it is very clear that the problem of corruption among the state employee is as old as early Indian state and not the practice of modern time only. It seems to be a universal practice from ancient to present time, which is not accepted fact in our modern administrative system. But AŚ also prescribes certain incentives to those employees who enhance the state revenue instead of eating it up, and loyally devoted to the state services, should be made permanent in state services,⁶⁷even AŚ refers forty ways of embezzlement of revenue of the state by its officials. All possible efforts were suggested by Kautilya to minimize the practices of corruption among the government employees.

However, the AŚ prescribes and discusses the principles on which salaries of the various state/government officers and employees should be determined. The amount of salaries paid to different grades of employees during the Mauryan times reflected some basic aspects of an economy. Monthly salary was prescribed by Kautilya in terms of Pāṇa, which were legal tender as well as medium of exchange. A Pāṇa contained silver equal to three-forth of Tola (10 gm).⁶⁹ The silver content of a Pāṇa in the present time will be approximately of the value of rupee fifty. The salaries were fixed on a cash basis but could be paid in kind or as a mixture of the two; a formula is given for converting a part of salary into a mixture of mostly grain and a little cash. An official could, in lieu of a part of his salary be allotted land to be formed by him for his own benefit but such land could neither be sold nor mortgaged and could be used only as long as he held the office.⁷⁰ The paying state officers through land grants is the indication of the presence of the ingredients of feudal economy. The principles of salary fixation as depicted in Arthaśāstra as follows:

The total salary bill of the state shall be determined in accordance with the capacity (to pay) of the city and the country sides and shall be (about) one quarter of the revenue of the state. The salary scales shall be such as to enable the accomplishment of state activities (by attaching the right type of people), shall be adequate for meeting the bodily needs of state servants and shall not be in contradiction to the principle of dharma and Artha. If the (amount of the actual cash in the) Treasury is inadequate salary may be paid (partly) in forest produce, cattle or land, supplemented by a little money.⁷¹ However, in the case of the settlement of virgin lands, all salaries shall be paid in cash; no land shall be allotted (as a part of the salary) until the affairs of the (new) village are fully stabilized.⁷² The AŚ further states that salary of any individual employee, permanent or temporary, shall be fixed in accordance’s with the principles of salary fixations, taking into account each one’s level of knowledge and expertise in the work allotted.⁷³ The AŚ refers to special provision for the honorarium for teachers and learned men as minimum 500 pāṇas and a maximum of 1000 pāṇas (for each occasion).⁷⁴ Traveling allowances are prescribed for middle grade officers as 10 pāṇas per yojana, upto 10 yojańas – 20 pāṇas per yojańa, between 10 to 100 yojańa, if any government officer dies during his duty. His sons and wives shall be entitled to his salary and food allowances. Minor children and old or sick relatives shall be (suitably) assisted economically.⁷⁵

Conclusion: Economic though of Kautilya attracted the attention of scholars all over the world. Probably no early human civilizations practically witnessed the economic system prevailed as envisaged in the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya. But it is also true that AŚ does not discuss wholly impossible utopias; the economic thought was often pedantic, but usually more or less feasible. However, it is not likely that any state conducted its affairs wholly on textbook lines, and the prescriptions of the experts were/are not always put into practice. The so called state controlled economy of the Mauryan kings was confined to the middle Genetic plains, which did not last during the later Mauryan times and post-Mauryan periods, where land seems to have been newly in possession of individual farmers and peasants. The controlled cultivation was replaced by individual cultivation. But we must bear in mind that Kautilya had little interest in ethical issues, unlike the Buddhist. However, Kautilya categories three types of goals such as spiritual goals, material well being and sensual pleasure, but he advocated that material well being alone is supreme, spiritual goals and sensual pleasure depend on material well being. Thus, he states, it is wealth not stars, that leads to achievement of any kind.

B. Belier is of the view that the Mauryan economy was a planned economy and points out that Kautilya economic planning was necessitated by the very circumstances and factors presented in early India occasioned by climate and nature.⁷⁶ He further argues that there is no trace of such a planned economy in European theories until recent time.⁷⁷ His extensive work on Kautilya planned economy can be negated from the stand point of modern economics. Kautilya presented virtually as an anticipator of economic planning. This is a serious proposition and eminently opens to challenge and negation. Breuer had been trained in Marxist tradition and ideology, and influenced by Russian and Marxist ethos and ideas. Thus it is inevitable that he would want to compare and trace the idea of Russian planned economy model with that of early Indian Economy of the Mauryan times. The economic planning was indeed in one sense such a simple, elementary and human category that almost every individual even of the most primitive times may be said to be an economic planner in so for as he makes provisions for the future. Similarly every state that make a yearly budget is also used to planning out the future ahead.⁷⁸ In a more limited sense economic planning implies his intervention of the state in the private economy of its citizen, even modern state also control and interfere in the private economy through certain laws. This is almost an eternal as well as a universal fact of economic history from the remotest times. “The regulation of prices, wages, and interest, the prescription as to the kind of food grains to grow, the control of commerce by tolls, excise and customs, the redistribution of national wealth and income by taxation and currency, manipulations, and of course, the promotion of public health Vidyas, Kālas, arts and services etc.; have been the regular features of state activities in the East and the west.⁷⁹ Breloer used a common place category economic planning without distinguishing its old and new contents. But we must bear in mind that modern economic planning has to be distinguished from the kind of planning visualized in Arthaśāstra. The modern concept of economic planning or for the development, the state prepares a plan which may spread over a certain number of years, lays down priorities in the matter of development, allocates resources in men and capital in accordance with the priorities and watches over the progress of the plan in the various field from year to year, but Arthaśāstra does not prescribed these things.

How for does the picture of economic thought gleans from the Arthaśāstra conform to actual conditions? This is indisputable that some sort of control over economic activities was necessary in the interest of the state revenue. But we cannot state in precision that Kautilya was directly associated with the economic policy of the Mauryan state. As a matter of fact, the economic thought depicted in AŚ might not be the innovation of Kautilya, there might be derived from earlier traditions. The Arthaśāstra of Kautilya prescribed the model of mixed economy, in which private and public sectors played their important role. It prescribed for the adoption of standardized weight and measures for the entire economy. Kautilya was aware of the fact that regularized marketing and provision of cheap credit were basic requirement for the rapid and stable economy. Some of the features of the Kautilya economy are adopted by states of modern world. The state had monopoly in the production of served goods and participated with private entrepreneurs in the exploration of mines. Fixed rate of interest and profit were prescribed. Traders were compelled to use standard weight and measures, the implication of a comprehensive programme of social security measures. Utmost care was taken to promote economy and the welfare of the people which was the main agenda of the Mauryan state. Thus it can be surmised from the analytical survey of Arthaśāstra that some of the Kautilya’s economic thought keep relevance in the present day economic scenario.

The Arthaśāstra of Kautilya emphasized to pay proper attention for a forestation. He advocated the adoption of monoculture of some valuable trees species to enrich the forest reserve of the country. The AŚ prescribed for the proper maintenance of recreational forest. Wildlife protection was given due importance, chief credit and marketing was prescribed in order to accelerate the tempo economic growth. Kautilya suggest the maximum irrigation facility in farming to attain growth with stability, and was in favour of regularized marketing system in the field of agricultural production. Kautilya paid supreme importance to the maintenance of rich treasury, which favourably affected entire activities of the state. In his opinion the augmentation of the treasury depends mainly on abundance of harvest, opulence of industrial production, prosperity of trade and commerce as well as on good economic management. The AŚ prescribed that the dependants of deceased employees of the state, must provided maintenances those economic security measures adopted by the state keep relevance in the present time.

Thus, it can be deduced that the Mauryan state must run a diversified economic activity, efficiently, prudently and profitably. The kings were advised to be ever active in the management of economic because the root of wealth was economic activity inactivity brings material distress. Without any active state economic policy, both current prosperity and future gains are destroyed. Thus state should be active in managing the economy because source of material wealth is economic activity. Without it natural well being is not possible. And kings were advised to maintain a diversified economy, within the limits of the technology available at that time. It is very clearly depicted in AŚ that artha has a much wider significance than merely ‘wealth’. The material well-being of an individual was a part of it. As Arthaśāstra in its concluding part depicted that the source of the livelihood of human being is wealth which is both the territory of the state and its inhabitants who may follow a variety of profession. Thus it is the sacred duty of government of a state/nation to maintain the material well-being of the nation and its people.

References:

1. R. Shamasastry (ed-&-tr.) Kautilya Arthaśāstra, Mysore, edition, 1929 and 1960-61 (hereafter R. Shamasastry AŠ, pp. 47, 227. R.P. Kan‍gle, The Kautilya Arthaśāstra, 3 Pts. Rep. Delhi, 1986 (hereafter as Kangle AŠ) II.I, IV.10, L.N. Rangarajan, Kautilya the Arthaśāstra, Delhi, 1992. (hereafter as L.N. Rangarajan AŠ).

1A. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, IV.3, V. 2. 37-38,p.26, R. Shamasastry, AS, p. 38. T. Ganapati Sastri, The Arthaśāstra of Kautilya, Pts. Trivandrum, 1924-25. (hereafter as T. Ganapati Sastri AŚ) Devadatta Sastri, Hindi Tr. Kautilya Arthaśāstra, Allahabad, 1957. (hereafter Devaddutta Sastri, AŠ).

2. L.N. Rangarajan, AŚ, pp. 14, 16, 81, 89-95, 242-293. R.P. Kangle, II.12, 16, 17, 19, IV. 2, III, 14, V. 2, 3.

3. R.P. Kangle, AŚ,V. 2.37-38,p.155

4. R. Shamasastry, AŚ, pp. 378-79, L.N. Rangarajan, AŠ, p. 637, R.P. Kangle, IX, 4. 26-27,p.225

5. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, I.2, 4.

6. Ibid. I.4, XV.1. Vidyabhaskar Vedratna and Udayveer Sastri, (tr.) Kautilya Arthaśāstra, 1.4, XV.1, (hereafter Vidyabhaskar As).

7. The Cultural Heritage of India, published by The Ramakrishan Mission, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1962, pp. 655-56 (herafter as CHI).

8. K.V.R. Aiyangar, Aspects of Ancient Indian Economic thought Varanasi, 1934, pp. 23-26.

9. CHI, op.cit. p. 656.

10. R.P. Kangle, AŚ. I.5, III. 10.8.

11. Ibid. I.1.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid. IV. 2.

14. Ajit Dasgupta, A History of Economic Thought, London, 1993, p.29. (hereafter as Ajit Dasgupta)

15. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, II. 1.1.

16. Ibid. II. 4.3, II. 24, R. Shamasastri, AŚ, pp. 116-117.

17. R. Shamasastri, AŚ, pp. 192-194, AAIC, op.cit., p.71, R.P. Kangle;. AŚ, II. 10.1, IV. 10.

18. Ibid. IV. 9.

19. Ibid., III. 10, K.N. Jha and L.K. Jha, Chanakya the Pioneer Economist, Delhi, 1997, p. 63, (hereafter K.N. Jha & L.K. Jha).

20. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, II.1

21. Ibid. IV.3.

22. L.N. Rangarajan, AŚ, p. 81-82, 265-269. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, III.9.

23. K.N. Jha S- L.K. Jha, op.cit. p. 56, AŚ,III. 11.

24. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, XI. 1, 2, 5. Nagarajan, Foundation of Hindu Economic State, Nagpur, 1997, p. 205.

25. G.C. Chauhan, “The Kautilyan Theory of Rate of Interest: An Ingredient of Welfare State”, in ABORI, LXXXIX, 2008, pp. 35-37.

26. Vidyabhaskar, AŚ, III. 5, R.N. Saletore, Early Indian Economy, 2^nd Ed. Bombay, 1993, p. 668.

27. R.P. Kangle, AŚ. III. 11.

28. Ibid. II.1.p.32, G.C. Chauhan, Origin and Growth of Feudalism in Early India, (From the Mauryas to 650 A.D.), Delhi, 2004, p.81

29. R.P. Kangle, AŚII. 1-2, L.N. Rangarajan, op. cit. PR 44, 27, 83, 88 181, 623.

30. Ibid. II. 17, 25. P.67

31. Ibid. II. 1-2, 24, VII, 11, VIII. 4 L.N. Rangarajan, AŚ, op.cit., pp. 78, 237-40.

32. Ibid. II.6, 15.

33. CH1, op.cit., p. 665.

34. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, II.6. two categories such as ayasarira (body of income and Ayamakha, Sources of income).

35. Ajit Dasgupta, op.cit., p.34.

36. R.P. Kangle,, II.24.

37. Ibid. II. 9.

38. R.P. Kangle, AŚ. II, 1. 7-18, III. 9-33.

39. Ibid. V. 2, L.N. Rangarajan, op.cit., pp. 14-16, 55, 265-269.

40. Ibid. II. 12.1, II. 12.7.

41. Ibid. VII.12, Ajit Dasgupta, op.cit., p.30.

42. Ibid.VII. 12. 14-16.

43. Ibid. II. 2.22.

44. Ibid. II 12.28.

45. Ibid. II. 14-15.

46. Ibid. II. 23, Ajit Dasgupta, op.cit., p. 32.

47. Ibid. II. 23.11, 18-19.

48. Ibid. II 4, 38.

49. Ibid. II. 14-15.

50. Ibid. II, 4-6, L.N. Rangarajan, AŚ, op.cit., pp. 95, 181, 252.

51. Ibid. IV. 1. 5-7.

52. Ibid. XI. 1.

53. Ibid. II. 5, 1-6, Ajit Dasgupta, op.cit. p. 33.

54. Ibid. II. 12-14.

55. Ibid. II. 16, 4-6.

56. Ibid.

57. CHI, op.cit., p. 661.

58. R.P. Kangle, II. 16, 11, 21, IV. 2. L.N. Rangarajan, op. cit., pp. 16, 77, 91-93, 242-248.

59. Ibid. II. 16. 8-16.

60. Ibid. IV. 2.

61. Ibid. II. 16.

62. Ibid. II. 16. 16-25. L.N. Rangaranjan, op.cit. pp. 83, 182, 242, 307, 326-348.

63. Ibid. II. 21, 22, 28, 34, IV. 13.

64. Ibid. II. 16.

65. Ibid. II. 9.32.p.48

66. Ibid. II 9. 33-34.p.47

67. Ibid. II. 9.36.

68. Ibid. II. 8.20.

69. Ibid. V. 3, L.N. Rangarajan, op.cit. pp. 289-293. K.N. Jha-&- L.K. Jha, op.cit., p. 224.

70. L.N. Rangarajan, op.cit., p. 179, R.P. Kangle, AŚ, II. 2.7.

71. Kishor Thanawala, “Kautilya’s Arthaśāstra: A Neglected work in the History of Economic Thought”, in B.B. Price, (Ed). Ancient Economic Thought, Vol. I, New York, 1997, pp. 43-57. R.P. Kangle, AŚ, V. 3. 1-2.

72. Ibid. V. 3.52.

73. Ibid. V. 4.33.

74. Ibid. V. 3, 18-21, 28-30.

75. L.N. Rangarajan, op.cit. pp. 289-292. R.P. Kangle, the Kautilya Arthaśāstra, Part III, Delhi, Rep. 1986, pp. 208-210.

76. B.K. Sarkar, “Kautilya, Economic Planning and Climatology”, in Indian Historical Quarterly, Vole, XX, Calcutta, 1935, pp. 329, 356.

77. B. Breloer quoted by R.P. Kangle in The Kautilya Arthaśāstra, Part II, rep. Delhi, 1986, p. 191.

78. B.K. Sarkar, Loc. Cit, p. 343.

79. Ibid.

A STUDY OF EARLY INDO-CHINESE COMMERCIAL ROUTES: LINKAGES AND INTERACTION

noreply@blogger.com (Anonymous) — Wed, 26 Nov 2014 06:09:00 +0000

This is an attempt to amalgamate diverse aspects of early Indo-Chinese commercial linkages and interactions such as the trade routes, the commercial centers and its items exchanged. Even, this could be established from the various historical accounts that early Indo-Chinese interface was always two ways traffic and the elements of exchange may be categorized as material-religious, through the different trans-continentals commercial routes from second century B.C. to eighth Century A.D. The Chinese silk was in great demands among the Buddhist monks, traders and ruling families of early India.

Although, religion was important institution which synchronized social life but urbanization was negated and discouraged in Brahminical literary traditions. These literary tradition advised the king to regulate urban life by banishing bad elements including men living by showing their proficiency in arts, and clever ‘harlots’ and those non-Aryan who consider themselves as Aryans. But the development of the Mahayana school of Buddhism in the early Christian era enlarged the numbers of Buddhist lay adherents. Traders and guilds supported monasteries financially. An urban culture was born in a Buddhist community and mercantile community. The artisans and Buddhist monasteries crystallized in the explosion of Buddhist arts and monasteries. Still more mystifying is the fixing up of the first commercial contact between Chinese and the Indians. Though some of the scholars did try to trace and establish the commercial contact between these two ancient civilizations of Asia as back as to the 4th century B.C.¹, but there is no definite historical record as yet to establish this.

Certainly, it is an accepted belief that the commercial and the spiritual contacts between these two ancient societies took place through the silk routes. The early Indo-Chinese linkages and interactions were established by the selfless Buddhist monks of both ancient societies who used to carry and spread the message of love and peace, which Buddha delivered to balm the ailing and suffering mankind. The cultural interaction between these great societies was primarily initiated by the Chinese.However; the great achievements of these iconoclasts are not recorded in early history of Chinese and Indian History. Thus, these unsung torch-bearers of Indian civilization in China remain unknown.

In fact, for many centuries the Chinese society was primarily agrarian in nature, with no urbanization, but this, closed economy of China was transformed into trade economy by these trans-continental routes and ultimately economic interaction and urbanization came into being in early China. Moreover, the Chinese silk was in great demands in East and West. China fulfilled this ever increasing demand of silk in world market, sometimes through Indian traders-who served as middleman.²

Kautilya also indorses silk trade with China, which clearly throws light on the regular commercial linkages between early India and early China. Kautilya specifically depicts two types of commodities of Chinese origin, skins and fabrics of Chinese manufacture³,even this is supported by the report given by the Chinese envoy Chang Kien- being the first to negotiate the route across Chinese Turkestan and sojourned in Bactria (127 B.C.) He found to his great surprise that bamboos and textiles from southwestern China were sold in the local market but were not exported by China itself. Rather on enquiry, he learnt that these were brought to eastern India through upper Burma, and then carried the whole way across north India. ^3A

Interestingly, the early Indian secular and religious traditions inform us about two kinds of commercial routes between China and India. But this trade was regularly hampered on account of constant wars. The trade, therefore, remained confined within the frontiers of the country and later on extended to the boundaries of the other countries.⁴

In fact, the overland routes played very significant role in commercial and cultural linkages which ultimately, facilitated interaction between early India and China: The Indo-Chinese pilgrim routes, the Indo-Assam-Burma-China route and Indo-Tibetan-China routes were the major routes of commercial and cultural exchange. Thus, the merit and demerits of overland routes like those of the sea appear to have been realized as early as fourth century B.C. by both Kautilya and his preceptor. Though, Kautilya and his preceptor differed on certain issues. The question of overland routes was also subject of difference when his preceptor held that overland routes, viz-a-viz the sea routes, were more expensive and less productive in realizing profits, Kautilya disagreed with this view as he firmly held that overland routes were not liable to obstruction.⁵

Early India had several mountain Passes in the North-East and North West frontiers through which overland commercial linkages and interactions were experienced between early China and India, Burma and other Indo-Chinese countries on the North. From the North-Eastern frontiers of India, i.e. from the Assam hills, several overland commercial routes connected early India with China.⁶ B.R. Deeapk, states that Assam-Burma and Yunnan route originated in Chengdu, Sichuan province of China and entered Dali, Bashan and Tang Chong of Yunnan province. From Yunnan it passed through the northern part of Burma and entered Assam in the North-East of India. The Southern silk route finally merged with the Central Asian route.⁷ It is believed that this was the earliest route for Indo-Chinese interaction and commercial linkages. Long before second century B.C., Chinese Cotton was carried through this route to Bactria via Uttrapatha. From Campa Chinese goods were dispatched to all commercial markets of early India. Through this overland route, Chinese silk came to Bharakaccha which later was exported to the markets of Selevcia and Alexandria.⁸ P.C. Bagchi, argues that the Assam-Burma route to

China

which started from Pataliputra passed through Campa, Kajangala and Pundravardhana and extended to Kamarup. From Assam three commercial routes went to Burma, one, through the valleys of the Brahmaputra up to Patkoi range and then through its Passes up to upper Burma, and second through Manipur up to the Chindwin Valley, and the third through Arakan up to the Trawadi valley. These three routes converged on the frontier of Burma near Bhamo and then moved further over mountains and across river valleys to Yunnan-fu i.e. Kunming, in the Southern province of China.⁹

From Bactria, the western gateway of India several routes led to China through Central Asia. China explored the trade routes which crossed that territory in order to export to India and the west. It was through this great commercial interacting caravan of business that India and China came to know each other so well. The exports include porcelain, paper, ginger and various fruits, as well as the treasured silk which was so important an industry, as to give its name to the silk road, or Central Asian Road,¹⁰ across which silks were carried to Indian market or west through Indian market.

Surprisingly, the founding of this caravan trade through the commercial route led to the exploration of the long and dangerous route across the desert stretch which is known as Gobi. It was by means of this commercial linkage and interaction that symbiotic and friendly relationships were established between people who otherwise might have never met. This commercial route between early China and India however, did not only carry traders, merchants and patient, camel-drivers. But also a wholly different class of men whose hearts were not set on gaining any advantage from exchange of the rich produce of one land with that of another, nor were they interested in the subjugation of any small kingdoms by a great and strong empire, even though that great empire were their own native land. They were pilgrims, monks, who craved knowledge and were convinced that the source of knowledge lay in the distant land of India where the young prince Gautama had lived. These inquisitive minds trod the length of this commercial route from India to the cities of China and from China across the Pamir’s to India. They became the medium for the spread of Buddhism through silk route from India to China. Thus the Buddhist ideology revolutionized the cultural commercial life of the people of Indian and Chinese,¹¹ the Chinese traveler, Fa-Hien, had also taken this route from Ch’ang-ngan, passed through Lung and Western part of Shen-Se and eastern part of Kan-Suh, crossed the mountain of Yang low to reach the emporium of Chang-yih. From there, he visited the kingdom of Shen-Shon, to the south and not far from Lake Noo into which the Tarim flows.

After a month and five days, he arrived at Yu-teen (Khotn), a large district on the south-west of Gobi desert. Khotan, according to Heiun Tsang, was a colony of Indians settled there by Kunala, the crown prince of Asoka. Its capital was Yotkan, from where the routes passed through Danalan, Ulik, Niya, Endre and others centers of Buddhism and commercial contact with India.¹² Another important routes passed through the southern basin of the Tarim river of Tun-huang, which was the western port confine of China proper. Hieun-Tsang and Marco polo also had followed this track through the desert,¹³ besides these, even the northern routes was also important from the point of Indian commerce and cultural interaction with China. The route between Kashgar and Kuch was an important trade settlement,¹⁴ that passed along Faizabad, Mahalbashi, Ueh Turfan and Aks. From Kuch, this route merged with the main route coming via Khotan to Tum-huong.¹⁵

However, we learn about the Indo-Tibetan route from the experience of a Chinese pilgrim, Heiun-Tsang in 627 A.D. On leaving China, he traveled across the desert, finally reached Tibet. From, there with the aid of King Strongbtsan Syampo’s Chinese wife, he was safely escorted to Jullundur in the Punjab. This route was abandoned during seventh and eighth centuries because of political tension between China and Tibet; but appears to have been current only in tenth century when a Chinese traveler, Ki-ye returned to China through this route.¹⁶

However, the existence of sea routes for commercial contacts and linkages has been the hall mark of early Indian traditions. Therefore, it is difficult to accept the Kautilya belief that the water route was liable to destruction was not permanent, and a source of imminent dangers as it was incapable of defence.¹⁷ R.N. Saletore rightly argues that, “it is surprising that Kautilya symbolic of royal power, should have held such a view and could only have come to such conclusion in the absence of a strong sea- power and probably from an ignorance of the real position of sea - ways.”¹⁸ The main threat at sea were the pirates whose ship, bound for the country of an enemy as well as those which violated the customs and rules in force in ports towns, were recommended to be destroyed, who thus could have both obstructive, destructive and dangerous. But sea routes could hardly have been dubbed indefensible unless the sea power of the government was extremely feeble to cope with their defenses. If these objections had been really genuine and had actually existed during Mauryan supremacy then the foreign trade, about which Kautilya has given so many details could hardly have been viable

However, there were specific periods of the year during such sea voyages could be undertaken between India and China. Villages on the sea-shores and lakes or rivers had to pay a fixed amount of tax². This could not be interpreted to mean that there were no harbours from which a ship could not sail out to the seas. Kautilya tells us that ships at harbours or on their way, may be requested to pay tolls,²¹ it is very clear in Arthasastra that foreign traders, who often visited the country and those who were known to local traders were allowed to land on ports.²²

In fact, Early India had an extensive sea board, since its borders were bounded on three sides of the sea. It had a network of navigable rivers free from the freezing effect of the cold climate. It is also noticed that the western as well as the eastern coasts had a number of good commercial harbours and emporium which were the trade units and partners of early Indian foreign trade. The early medieval literary traditions of the Sino-Indian interface could be traced to the Han dynasty (B.C. 206 - A.D. 220). The first information is provided by Si Maqion (B.C. 145. B.C. 90) ,the Great Chinese historian in his master piece Shiji. The traditions depicts that Zhang Qian who was Han envoy in the western regions returned to the court of Chinese emperor in 122 B.C.,²³ through the sea route. The Jataka refers to some merchants who undertook the voyage to Suvarnabhumi (Land of Gold) for wealth and profit.²⁴ wherefore; certain commercial routes between India and

China

were noticed. One commercial sea route started from Bharakaccha to the coast of Suvarnbhumi.²⁵ Ptolemy informs us about another sea route, which was generally adopted by the merchants and traders of Kalinga. The ships set- sail from Polura, near the mouth of the Ganjam, would cross the Bay of Bengal for the Eastern Peninsula in the Far-East.²⁶ Bairam Srivastava argues that “for the traders of Mathura, Katsambis, Varanasi and Campa the most convenient port was Tamralipati. From Tamralipati the ships sailed on the open sea for Suvarnabhumi and other countries like Yanadvipa, Campa and Kamboja.”²⁷ Mission from Funan, which started from India, in the first Century A.D. actually landed on the part of Tamarlipati.

The Malayan Peninsula also played a very important part in the maritime activities of the Indians in the Far-East since long before the Christian era. It was the central place between India and China. Its famous port was Takkola, which may be identified with Takua Pa,²⁸ a Chinese ambassador during the Wu dynasty while going to India come to the port of Takkola and then took the route to India through gulf of Martaban. ²⁹ Java also played an equally important role in the trade between early India and Far-East.³⁰ It was colonized in the first century AD, by Aji Saka of Gujarat. Later on, Indian traders developed their direct commercial relations with China in the second century A.D., during the regime of Deva Varman a Hindu king of Java.³¹ According to the Chinese tradition, the king of Campa sent an ambassador in about 240-245 A.D. It took nearly one year to reach the mouth of Ganga from Campa.³² The commercial route from Campa to Southern China was a direct one,³³ the trader from Tabal in Kamboja could reach Canton, the most important emporium of Southern China, within a few days.³⁴

The Chinese travelers, who visited India and returned to their home through sea routes, often recounted their journey. One such, probably the best Chinese description is given by Fa- Hien, who tells us how he left Tamralepti for Ch’ang Kwang sailing down to Ceylon with a favourable wind, he embarked on board a ship which had more than two hundreds merchants and it had a tailor-boat which was small in size and tied to the larger vessel to serve as a life-boat in cases of emergency. The traders in extreme and difficult sea condition were constrained to throw over-board many of their heavier cargoes, which involved considerable losses to the unfortunate merchants.³⁵ The utter helplessness and the agonies of these miserable merchants, who had obviously secured neither on adequate ship nor a proper pilot, have been graphically described by Fa-Hien thus: “The merchants were full of terror, not knowing where they were going. After more than ninety days, they arrived at country called Javadvipa.” Again, embarking there from in another merchant who was also carrying more than two hundred men, they transported provisions for fifty days and they continued the voyage on the l6^th days of the fourth month. Then they took a course to the north-east intending to proceed to Kwang-Chero.³⁶ Fa-Hien took 172 days or five months and twenty-two days from Ceylon to reach Kwang-tung in

China

. In A.D. 453 a Chinese Buddhist called Dharmakrama, had also undertaken the sea route from Southern India on his way back to China. The 6^th century saw a continued development of many such interactions and linkages between early India and China. In A.D. 526 Bodhidharma, the great patriarch of Indian Buddhism, who was the son of a king of Southern India, “reached Canton by sea”. He was received with the honour due to his age and Character, and invited to Nanking, where the Emperor of South China held his court.³⁷ BeaI while referring to the life of Heiun-Tsang alludes to Baskarvarmana as having asked the great teacher that he would be escorted by his officials if he preferred returning back to China by the Southern sea route,³⁸ it indicates that the king of Assam Baskarvarmana had his control over the commercial sea-route leading to China.³⁹ Evidences of a regular sea- service from Kwang-Tung and the capital of Sri Vijaya, can also be found in history. I-Tsing tells us that it took him more than ten days to reach Kwang -Tang to reach Ka-Cha from here he left a north-westerly direction, reached Tamralipati in “about half a month time”. He further states that “from Sri Bhoja they sailed to ka-cha and, after a voyage of more than ten days they came to the country of naked people and from there proceeded to Tamralipati.⁴⁰ l-Tsing seems to have taken about four months to reach from Tomralipati to Kwang-tung by sea. A Japanese text of the mid 8^th century A.D. states that heavily laden merchant ships from India and Malaya regularly visited the part of Canton.⁴¹ An Indian monk named Bodhisena, a Brahman a of south India, set out for China by sea, and met on the way a priest of North India named Buttetsu a standard victim of ship wreck. They arrived together in China in 733 A.D., and then went to

Japan

in a ship in 736 A.D. ⁴²

During the Tang period (A.D. 618 to A.D. 907), the commercial interaction and linkages with early India reached he highest peak in China. Thousands of Indian travelers thronged the principle cities in China. The period also witnessed a great development of the sea -borne trade interaction between India and China. An account written about 749 A.D. refers to the numerous traders and merchants belonging to the Poloman (i.e. Brahman of India) sailing in the river of Canton. Coins of Tang dynasty have been discovered in South India.⁴³ The Chinese annals contain references to a kingdom called San-fo-tsi (Sailandra Empire) sent embassies to China in 904, 960-62, 971-72, 974-75, 980 and 983 A.D., for strengthening of trade relations with

China

. In 971 A.D., a regular shipping - house is said to have been opened at Canton and two more subsequently at later periods, came up. These were frequented by the merchants from San-fo-tsi and other places in the East-Indies.⁴⁴

III

The journeys of Buddhists scholars and monks between India and China provide a convenient background for the understanding of commercial linkage and interaction between two ancient societies. In the second century B.C., the Chinese traveler Chang K’ien found that Chinese silk was imported into Bactria via India, suggesting that even at this stage the Indian had not yet fully mastered the art of spinning and weaving fine silks, which they certainly did later. Besides silkworm another insect of commercial importance was the lace-insect, which provide both the resin used for shellac, and also the dye known as lace. The above fact was also established by the great Chinese historian in his masterpiece Shiji. Xinanyizhuan. The record narrates that Zhang Qian who was Han enemy in the eastern regions returned to the royal court in 122 B.C., he reported to the Emperor, that while in Bactria, he saw clothes made in Shu and the walking sticks of bamboo. When asked where these things came from the man answered’, “these are from Shenda (Sindhu) served thousands from here in the south-east, we bought them at the Shu merchant’s market there.”⁴⁵ From this statement, it can be surmised that, during the times of the Emperor Wu in 122 B.C. and the Bactrian traders used to go to India and there trade in Chinese cloths and bamboos which were sold in India by the Chinese businessman of Shu.⁴⁶ This establishes the fact that Chinese goods must have been sold in Indian market, and Chinese businessmen had their own shops along with their Indian counterparts. This also shows that Indian traders had pronounced close commercial linkage and interaction with their Chinese counterparts, who seem to have been given the facility of setting up their own shops in Indian Territory. The records of grand historians of China throw some further light on the commercial aspiration of Bactria which was eager to open trade relation directly with

China

apparently through the northern routes but, as the Huna were blocking that route; such a course was not feasible. The Chinese emperor, Wu, tried to reach to the Bactrians through the South-western land route to India but the South-Western barbarians of K’un-ming did not let it happen. It shows that north and south routes were controlled by the barbarians and to that extent the trade of China, particularly in silk, must have been affected. But for them a trade might, therefore, have been conducted, which would have proved prospers for the inhabitants of China. China was actually cut off from both the northern and southern land routes, Chinese goods from the Shu province came to

India

where Chinese traders or businessmen sold them and these were purchased by the merchants from Bactria.⁴⁷

Uniquely, the Kautilya policy regarding the import and exports of goods involved two main principles: The first being public welfare and second being the public prosperity. The import of such goods which were not easily available for production purposes like seeds and goods of daily needs etc, were exempted from payments of toll - charges which, if levied, would have only inflected the price of a large number and variety of goods, intended for public consumption. Kautilya argues that if article of trade was not beneficial to the welfare of the public or any commodity was easily available, than its import was not permitted into the country. In fact, the objective of public welfare is summed up by Kautilya in his estimate of a king’s happiness, thus, “In the happiness of his subjects lies his happiness; in their welfare, his welfare; whatever pleases him he shall not consider as good, but whatever pleases his subject he shall consider as good.”⁴⁸ The Superintendent of Commerce had specific duties in fixing the prices of merchandise imported from a distant country.⁴⁹ The Office in-charge of boundaries after carefully examining foreign goods as to their quality and stamped them with his seal before sending them on to the Superintendent of Toll.⁵⁰

Interestingly, during the Mauryan times special concessions were granted to foreign traders, who come into the country for selling their goods and this shows the Mauryan Kings were infavour of economic liberazition. Whenever weather-beaten ship arrived at a port-town, the superintendent of Ships had to show fatherly kindness to it. As regard quality of foreign goods of the village Accountant and the district officer, puts spies, in the guise of merchants determined to such goods arrived there, had to ascertain the amount of toll, road tariff, conveyance cess.⁵²Thus it is clear from the Arthasastra that concerned officials had to observe that foreign traders were granted certain concession but not spared in cases of offences. The state policy of bestowing concessions to traders engaged in foreign trade seems to have continued down to the early medieval terms. An inscription of a king named Visnusena (592 AD.) refers that traders staying abroad for a year were not to pay the entrance fee in the shape of toll while returning to their native place, but were to pay an exit tax when they went out again. This kind of an exemption can be considered an attempt to encourage foreign investment.

The official histories, as well as unofficial sources, record numerous instances of tribute to the Chinese emperor as acknowledgement of submission and as token of good will, or to a trader’s payment to the emperor for permission to trade in China,⁵⁴ the donated items never went outside the palace in Chinese markets. Various items such as, Coral, pearls, glass and certain kinds of fragrances appear to be the important items exported from early India or through India to China; Silk was the major item exported from China to

India

Chinese silk was the only Chinese item which had reached the Western regions of Central Asia before the T’ang in large quantities, and because much silk was transported to Roman market through India in order to bye pass the strife ridden Roman and the Persians empires,⁵⁵ The Buddhist traditions reveal us that silk was used as s status item in decoration in Indian royalty⁵⁶ - as industries, semi culture and weaving, were well established in India during the Gupta periods. The wealth of the well known Mandason silk weaving guild testifies to the prosperity of the silk trade.⁵⁷ In the early seventh century when Heiun-Tsang visited India, he listed silk as one of the most popular materials for clothing in the country. But he used the word Kauseya for the commonly worn silk fabric because it was obtained from a species of wild silk worm.⁵⁸ Heiun-Tsang clearly distinguished between the two kinds of silk. Obviously the difference between Kauseya and Chinese silk was quite clear.

China exported both fine silk textiles and silk yarn to India, which controlled part of the silk trade between China and Byzantine. Before the Byzantians acquired the knowledge of semi culture, their silk industry was heavily dependent on Chinese yarn, which they obtained from the Persians. The Persians in turn bought silk yarn from the Central Asian and Indian traders. The Persians had to buy the Chinese silk from India, and the Persians had no direct trade links with China as the Indians dealt in Chinese silk yarn. The Chinese silk Cinamasuka was used by the Indian elite; it was woven from Chinese yarn in

India

. But during the Gupta periods, the Chinese had already lost their monopoly over the silk market. The decline of the Roman market for the silk might have slowdown silk export and production in India. It was due to the rise of the Byzantians Empire that almost made up for the loss of Roman trade. Along with it many other luxury goods from Asia, came to occupy importance in the Byzantian Court and Church.⁵⁹ The Byzantian’s emperor tried to get Ethiopian merchants to buy silk from India, but the Ethiopians could not reach the source since, Persia monopolized the Chinese silk trade via India and its seas.⁶⁰

Thus, it is important to recall the shift in trade tendencies and the resulted loss to the Indian merchants as the Byzantians traders came to have a direct commerce deal with their Chinese counterparts. This shift further loss back to the Indian-Chinese traders as the Byzantians came to develop their own technology in semi culture-as was the basis of trade monopoly late in the century.⁶¹ In spite of these setbacks the silk industry continued to prosper in India. Bana Bhatt (646 A.D.), refers to coconuts balanced on loops made of slips of China silk hanging from yoke.⁶² This shows that silk from China apparently continued to come to India, was in great demand especially on festive occasions. This, however, should not be interpreted to mean that there was no local industry of silk in the country as can be proved from the words of Heiun-Tsang himself.⁶³

In fact, Silk consumption in India was closely related to the lives of elite social groups-especially the urban and monastic elite, and also certain religious needs and social customs, ritual and standards. This is evident from the Mandasor Inscription on the silk-weaving guild which prohibits a woman from meeting her lover in privacy until she has put on two silken garments.⁶⁴ Kalidasa described its customary significance during weddings in his works - Kumarsambhava and Raghivamsa where both the bride and bridge groom wear silk outfits.⁶⁵ Silk banners were indispensable during Buddhist ceremonies. Fa-Hien observed silk banners hung over monks’ seats at a grand Buddhist ceremony held in Chieh-Ch’s. In Kashmir, silk banners were donated to the Buddha’s garden near Sravasti and were also hung in the parade of the Buddha image in Patilaputra.⁶⁶ As official participation/delegations were rare, most of these banners were donated by traders passing by or, by people who bought these banners.

Another, item Storax, was imported into India from China, which was used for perfumery and medicine. It was utilized as an ingredient for manufacturing ointments and unguents.⁶⁷ Aromatic, items of like clove were also imported into India by Chinese traders.⁶⁸ Aloe⁶⁹ another ingredient for perfume, Skin and fabrics were also imported into India from China.⁷⁰

This two-way traffic of commercial exchange and linkage between early India and China saw the export of “Sugar” from India to China. Although China grew sugarcane since long but did not have technology of making Sugar. It is important to state that the term sugar was not to be found in China’s first dictionary Shuowen Jiezi compiled by Xushen as early as that 100 A.D. The Sugar manufacturing is beyond doubt the technology traveled to China from India, as word sugar, later on, came too referred in the supplements of the above mentioned ‘dictionary. More convincing evidence to this effect was found in Xin Tangshu (New Tang Annals) which informs us that the Chinese emperor T’ai Tsung (647 A.D.) sent a mission to

India

to acquire the recipe of sugar making. This technology was later adopted and improved by the sugar-cane groups of Yun-Cou, and resulted in the improvement of its colour and taste.⁷¹

The crystal was yet another precious metal from early India which was exported to a China, during the sixth century A.D. Chang’s Yue work Mirrors of Four Loards of the Lian dynasty, informs us that huge quantity of fine crystal “which belonged from western India, arrived in China” by some merchants The sellers often quoted one million strings of copper coins. The Chinese emperor ordered his officials to raise the sum as the treasury did not hold enough to pay this amount. This reflects that such mirrors were highly expensive.⁷³

The Buddhist literary traditions refer blue or green precious stone, primarily lapis. Lazuli.⁷⁴ a product of the Kashmir.⁷⁵ Thus, it can be surmised that Indian artisans must have been familiar with the technology of processing glass. B.B. Lal viewed that “glassed titles in Texila reveal that Indian was skilful at molding large pieces of glass,⁷⁶ the glass bottle, boards and small artifacts were buried along the reliquaries under Buddhist stupa.⁷⁷

Various other item of Indian export are refers in early Indian traditions, such as Coral and Pearls. These items could gradually spread from the royal court to the houses of other members of the elite, the Chinese aristocrats, Shih Ch’ung and Wang K’ai, vied each other to display their wealth. Wang K’ai boasted to Shih that he had received a beautiful piece of Branch Coral two feet tall from emperor Wu of Chin.⁷⁸ This indicates that after Chin period Chinese rulers of small states continued to acquire Indian Coral. There were three possible commercial routs to ship the Coral to China from India. The most frequented route was the southern route to India the Periplus informs us that the primarily destination of Coral in Roman Cargo ship was India and then India to China. Pliny mentions that Coral was an highly treasured in India as Pearls were in Rome.⁷⁹ Hirth states that from the first century to sixth centuries, the Syrian merchants continued to export Indian Corals along with other goods for sale to Parthia and China.⁸⁰ Coral beads along with beads of other precious materials have been found in north Indian sites,⁸¹ still coral continued to fetch high prices in the Gupta and post Gupta’s times, which appears that it was a item of luxury in early China and India. Coral was also one of the treasures in the house of the rich courtesan Vasantsena.⁸² Dikshitar states that Coral necklaces, Conches were largely in demands in China and the Chinese emperors were fascinated by the product of western India.⁸³ Since, the India was the main market for Roman Coral, it follows that Coral beads which have arrived in China passed mainly through India, on through Red Sea to South China. S.K. Maity argues that Coral was transferred to North India from South during Kalidasa times but M.S. Shukla negated his argument and informs us about the fishing in and ornamental Coral was missing on the shores of South India.⁸⁴ From where did it originate? Is an unsettled query, but certainly north India was the major exporter of Coral to China before T’ang dynasty.

However, Fa-Hien informs us that the treasures of the Buddhist communities in Ceylon and India, were full of many priceless pearls .⁸⁵ The Per plus reveals that the pearls from Persia were lower quality than Indian Pearls, exported to Far-East.⁸⁶ Marshal found a casket full of various kinds of beads, including pearls, inside a Stupa at Taxila, verifies the association of pearls with Buddhist building remains. In North China pearls were also associated with Buddhist remains. A few hundred pearls were found in a casket under the foundation of a Northern Wei monastery, and also around the foundation of a famous Yung-ning Stupa in the Northern Wer Loyang.⁸⁷ Thus, the finding of Indian Pearls under the foundation of Buddhist shrines suggests the trade in pearls between early China and India.

Conclusion

Thus, from the above exhaustive discussion, it can be conveniently inferred that trans-countries commercial routes played a leading and decisive role to harmonize the unevenly distributed economic resources between the Indian and the Chinese - the two ancient civilization of world from the fourth century B.C. They referred different commercial and cultural routes facilitated the flow of luxurious goods from places-where they were plentiful, to those where scarcity prevailed. This set right the balance of surplus production. With the growth of agriculture, the village economy of the people gradually changed its character because of the plethoric growth of towns, especially on the land and sea routes and the centers of pilgrimage, commercial linkages and interaction between China and India.

The Chinese standard histories, with such inter developmental reforms, detail the goods like Coral, pearls, glass, sugar and certain kinds of fragrances that were exported from or through India to China, with silk being the major item of import from China.

This active trade between the two ancient societies funneled the transmission of Buddhism to China in the first century A.D. The increased intellectual communication of the Buddhist monks helped in spreading of knowledge, cultural communion and understanding of the two civilizations. Mutuality came to be the hallmark of the age because besides traders, the pilgrims and monks traveled in caravans on the arduous routes. The Buddhist monks became agents of commerce and carried goods viz silks, corals, pearls, Buddhist texts, irons, relics to defray their travel coasts, and thereby patronage and received hospitality because of self sufficiency.⁸⁹ Silk, corals, pearls and crystal acquired sanctity as these were pursued for religious purposes, especially in relic worship. The relic of the Buddha gained in commercial value when there was a market demand for it. Since the Buddhist relics came to be valued as treasures, the otherwise luxury goods trade thus, came to play special role in the development of Buddhism. This developed a desire to donate and enlarged the market for goods listed as the seven treasures, even though these had to be transported from India. Thus, without the trade in non-indigenous goods such as corals and pearls from north India, and without the foreign market which raised the value of products controlled by Indians, such as lapis Lazuli and crystal, the maturation of the concept of seven treasures would have been impossible. The Buddhist theological developments, therefore, provided a new market by creating the ritual needs for certain goods. The concept of sharing merits encouraged lay devotes to worship and denote, therefore, increased the demands for the exchange of gods between Indio-China via trans-countries routes.

The trade between China and

India

even though, was only for the satisfaction of a small elite segment of the both the ancient societies, yet its impact on the economy of these societies was a reaching and permanent. Simultaneously, it also alludes to the social and- economic disparities in both ancient societies of the world, which were/are suggestive of the class war, as did finally take place in the modern age. It can be, therefore, conclusively said the 20^th century went into the 21^st century - with a shift which extenuates the ancient concept of mutuality and self reliance through-once the old, and now the modernized commercial routes, linkages and cultural interaction. History yet again repeats itself but with an ostensible difference.

REFERENCES

1. Subramanian Swamy, India’s China perspective, Delhi, 2001, pp.1-2. R.N. Saletore, Early Indian Economic History, Bombay, 2nd ed. 1993. pp. 94-101. Latika Lahiri, (Tr.) Chinese Monks in India, Delhi, Introduction Xinu Liu, Silk and Religion, Delhi, 1996, Introduction. E.H. Schafer, Great Ages of Man, Ancient China,

Netherlands

Rep. 1995, pp. 38-39. A.L. Basham, The Wonder that was India, Delhi, 20thi ed., 1994, pp. 198-99. S.K. Dass. Economic History of Ancient

India

, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1937, p. 162.

2. P.C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Delhi, 1977, pp. 66-67, B.R. Deepak, India-China Relations in the First Half of the 20^th Century, Delhi, 2001, pp. 1-3. Mansura Haidar, Indo-Central Asian Relation from Early Times to Medieval Period, Delhi, 2004, pp. 253-59. Mildred Cable, “The Central Asian Buddhist Road to China”, in Journal of Royal Central Asian Society, Vol. XXX, London, 1943, pp. 275-83. Cm Parkash, “India’s Foreign Trade between 300 B.C. and A.D. 1000: Assumptions and Issues.” Proceeding of Indian History Conference, Kurukshetra, 1982, pp.109-14.

3. Kautilya Arthasastra (Tr.) R. Shamasastry, Mysore, 1960-61.11.11,II.30. Arthasastra of Kautilya, (Hereafter AS) (ed.) T. Ganapati Sastri, Trivandrum, 1924-25,pp, 94-95. R.P. Kangle, The Kautilya Arthasastra Parts, 3, Bombay, 1965.

3A. K.A.N. Sastri, “The Beginnings of Intercourse between. India and China”, The Indian Historical Quarterly (hereafter) IHQ, Vol. XIV, No. 1 Calcutta, 1938, pp. 381-382. Cm Prakash, “

India

’s Foreign Trade between op.cit. pp. 109-113.

4. Manusmrti With the Manubhasya of Mdhatithi (Tr.) C. Jha, Calcutta, 1932-39, VIII. 153; 406. Manu Smrti (tr)(Hindi) Jawala prashad Chaturvedi, Haridawar, 2002,; VIII. 406.

5. AS VII. 12, Jataka Stories, (Tr.) Robert Chalmers 11. 243. III, 385 IV, 495, V. 520, 536.

6. PeIlicot, Bulletion del Ecole Fran cease d’ Extreme Orient, Hanoi, 1904, pp. 142. S.M. Devi, Economic condition of Ancient India, Delhi, 1987, pp. 156-57. P.C. Bagchi, India and China, 2^nd (ed.) Calcutta, 1981, pp. 5, 16.. Bairam Srivastava, Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Varanasi, 1968. pp. 112-113.

7. Proceeding of American Orientat Society, New York, Vol. XXXVII, 1917, p. 89. Zhang Chuanxi, (ed) Zhongguo Gudaishi Gngyao (An outline of Chinese Ancient History) Vol. II, Beijing University, Press, Beijing, 1989, pp. 76-78. Collection of South Asian Historical Materials from Chinese Sources, Vol. I, Shanghi Guji, Publishing House, Shanghi, 1994, pp. 4-5. Geng Yinzeng, Hanwen Nanya Shiliaoxue (Historical Data of South Asia from Chinese Sources), Beijing, 1990, pp. 6-8. D.C. Sircar, Early Indian Trade and Industry, Calcutta, 1972, W.H. Schoft, (Tr.) Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, London, 1912 (hereafter Periplus), 46.

8. W.W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bacteria and India, Cambridge, 1951, p. 364.

9. S. Beal, Hiuen Tsiang, Si-Yu-Ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, London, 1888, I, pp. 17, 19, 24, 30-38, 69, 172, 173, 176, II, pp. 198-99. Chhan Chunaj, Chhan, Si-Yu-Ki (Tr) Hindi (Maha Thang Rajavams Kat Mein Pishcham Kee Teerth Yatra ka Vrantant), Beeijing, 1991, pp. 267-71.

10. L. Gopal, The Economic Life of Northern India, 2^nd revised (ed). Delhi, 1989, pp. 107-108. Mildred Cable, ‘The Central Asian Buddhist Road to

China

’, Loc.Cit, pp. 275-77. Sir Hanry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. I, London, 1918, pp. 61-70. Xinru Liu, Ancient India and Ancient China, Delhi, 2^nd (ed.) 1999, pp. 25-57.

11. L. Boulnas, The Silk Road, London, pp. 223-33. Mildred Cable, Loc cit. pp. 275-76. Xinru Liu, Silk and Religion, op.cit. pp. 22-23.

12. A Stein, On Ancient Central Asian, Tracks, London, 1933, p. 157.

13. Moti Chandera, Trade and Trade Rentes in Ancient India, Delhi, 1977, p. 12.

14. E.H. Cutts, “Chinese Indian Contacts” IHQ, Vol. XIV, part I, Calcutta, 1938, pp. 487-502.

15. K.A.N. Sastri, “The Beginnings of Intercourse between India and China” IHQ, Loc. Cit. pp. 38 1-87.

16. . P.C. Bagchi, “Sino-Indian Relations the period of United Expires 618-1100 A.D.” in Sino-Indian Studies, (hereafter SIS), Vol. Part-I Calcutta, 1944, pp. 66-84.

17. AS VII, 12. R. Champaklakshmi, Trade, Ideology and Urbanization in South India, 300 B.C. to A.D. 1300, Delhi) 1996, pp. 101-107.

18. Ranbir Chakravarti, (ed.) Trade in Early India, Delhi, 2001, Introduction, pp. 1-110.

19. AS 11.28. Kautilya further dilates, in pursuance of these principles, on the actual routes to be taken in the sea for commercial purposes.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid. E.H. Cutts, “Chinese-Indian Contacts” in SIS, Vol, XIV, No.1, Calcutta, 1938, pp. 381-87.

23. Institute of South Asian Studies, Beijing University (ed.) Collection of South Asian Historical Material from Chinese Formers, Vol. I, p. 4.

25. R.C. Maumdar, Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far-East Vol. 1, Pts. I-I, Decca, 1937-38, Svarnadivpa, 1, p.4.

26. G.E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy’s Geogrphy of Eastern Asia, London, 1909, p. 743. (Hereafter, Ptolem’s) J.W. Mc Crindle (Tr.) Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, Calcutta, 1825.

27. G.L. Adhya, Early Indian Economic, Bombay, 1966, p. 169.

28. R.C. Mazumdar, Hindu Colonies in the Far East, Calcutta, 1944, p.16. E.H. Warmington, Commerce between Roman Empire and India,Cambridge, 1928, p. 127. R.K. Mookerji, Indian Shipping, Delhi, 1962, pp. 114-115.

29. T.W. Rhys Davids, (Tr.) Milindapanho, Sacred Books of the East (hereafter) SBE London, 1880, Vol. II, 269.

30. R.C. Mazumdar, Hindu - Colonies in the Far-East, p. 19

31. Ibid.

32. Balram Srivastava, op.cit. p. 112. Moti Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes, op. cit. p. 19.

33. E.H. Warmington, Commerce between Roman Experience and India, op.cit. 129.

34. R.C. Majumdar, Hindu Colonies in the Far-East, op.cit. pp. 8-9, H.C. Clifford, Further India, New York, 1904, pp. 6-7.

35. Fa-Hien, A Records of Buddistic Kingdoms, being an account of the Chinese Monk. Fa-Hien’s Travels in India and Ceylon, (Tr.) James. Legge, Oxford, 1886, pp. 111-12.

36. R.K. Mookeerji, Indian Shipping, op. cit. p. 116.

37. Edkins “Chinese Buddhism”, in Journal of Royal Asatic Society, London, 1896, p. 100.

38. S. Beal. Si-Yu-Ki: Vol. II, p. 188. Si-Yu-Ki (tr.) in Hindi, op.cit. pp.1-7.

39. Ibid. Introduction, pp. XXV-XXVI.

40. 1-Ising (tr.)J. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, as Practised in India and the Malay Archipalego, Oxford, 1896, pp.XXX-XXXIII.

41. Epigraphia India, Govt. of India Publications, various volumes, (hereafter El) XVII, p. 310.

42. Pellicot, Loc cit. pp. 24-26

43. P.C. Bagchi, “Report on a New Hord of Chinese Coins”, SIS, Vol. IV, Calcutta, 1953, pp. 194-96.

44. R.C. Majumdar (ed). The Age of Imperial Kanauj, Vol. IV, Bombay, 1955, p. 413. S.M. Devi, op. cit. p. 152.

45. A.L. Basham, Wonder that was India, op.cit. p. 199, H.P. Ray, “Trade and Contacts” in Romila Thapar (ed.) Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History. 2^nd Revised (ed., Bombay, 1998, pp. 158-5946. Burten Watson (tr.) Records of the Grand Historian of China, London, 1961, Vol. I, p.269.

47 V. Mishra, “Sea and Land Routes in India as Revealed in the Buddhist Literature”, Journal of Indian History, Vol. 32, 1954, pp. 117-129. H.P. Ray, “Early Maritime contacts between South and Southeast Asia,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 20, 1989, pp. 42-54.

48. AS 1.19. ,AS 11.4.

49. AS 11.11.

50. Ibid, 11.12

51. Ibid, 11.25.

52. Ibid,XV.51.

53. E.l., XXX, p. 171.

54. Xinru Liu, Ancient India and Ancient China, op.cit. p. 53.

55. E.H. Schafer, Great Ages of Man Ancient China. Op.cit. 166-172. Balram rivastava, op.cit. pp. 109-117.

56. The Buddhacarita of Asvaghosha, SBE, Delhi, Rep. 1985, Vol. 49. The Buddhacarita,(ed) E.H. Johnston, New Delhi, 1995, IV 49. The Mahavastu, (tr.) J.J. Jones, 3 vols. London, 1949-56-I, 149, 11175, III, 141. IV, 49, VIII, 21. J.F. Fleet. Corpus Inscriptionam Indicarum, Varanasi, 1963, pp. 84-85, Vol. III. 5K. Maity, Economic Life of Northern India in Gupta period (A.D. 300-500). Calcutta, 1957 p. 113.

58. S.K. Maity op.cit. p. 178.

59. Xinru Liu, Ancient India and China, op. cit. pp. 65-66.

60. Ibid.

61. R.S. Sharma, India Feadulism, 2^nd ed. Delhi, 1989, p. 55.

62. Harsacarita, E.B. Cowells, F. Thomas (Tr) Londan, 1997, p. 242.

63. Hiuen Tsiang had observed in AD. 639 that the garments of Indian were made of Kauseya which he added was the product of the wild silk worm.

64. Nancy Lee Swan, (tr.) Food and Money in Ancient China, The Earliest Economic History of

China

AD. 25, Princeton, 1950, pp. 65, 198, 231.

65. M.R. Kale (tr.) Kumarsambhava, Delhi, 1967, VII, 7, 26, 73. R. Anotine (tr.) Calcutta, 1972, Raghuvamsa, VII, 18, 19.

66. Xinru liu, Ancient India and Ancient China, op. cit. p. 68.

67. RN. Saletore, op.cit. p. 114.

68. Ibid, p. 115.

69. Ibid. p. 120.

70. AS 11.11.

71. B.R. Deepak (tr.) Ji Xianlin, “Zhongyin Wenhua Jiaoliu yuan yuan liuchang” (Endless flow of Cross Cultural Current between India and China in Indian Horizon, Indian council of Cultural Relations, Delhi, 1995, pp. 5-6.

72. J. Bostock and H.T. Riley, Pliny, the Elder. The National History, Vol. 6, Lodan, 1855-77, VI, p. 380.

73. Ximnru Liu, Ancient Indian and China, op. cit. p. 59. P.C. Parsad, op.cit. p. 213.

74. Pliny. XXX VII. 8, 10.

75. M.G. Diskshit, History of Indian Glass, University of Bombay, 1969, p. 25.

76. B.B. Lal, “Examination of some Ancient Indian Glass Specimens”, Ancient

India

, No. 1, 1952, p. 22

77. John, Marshall, Taxila, Vol. I, Cambridge, 1951, p. 238. R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, Delhi, 1987, p. 149.

78. Xinru Liu, Ancient India and Ancient China, op. cit. p. 54. Ranbir Chakravarti, (ed).Trade in Early India, p. 39.

79. Nayanjot Lahiri. The Archeology of Indian Trade Routes up to 200BC, Delhi, 1999, pp. 79-85.

80. F. Hirth, The Ancient History of China, New York, 1911, pp. 73-74. Om Parkash, Economy and Food in Ancient India, Part I, Delhi,1987, pp. 97-112.

81. A.K. Narain, and others, Excavations at Raghat, pts. l-IV, Varanasi, 1976-78, Pts. II, p. 12.

82. P.B. Kane, (tr.), Malvikagnimitra of Kalidasa, Bombay, 1950. C.R. Devadhar (ed.) The works of Kalidasa, Delhi, 1986. verses, 164-5.

83. V.R.R. Dikshitar, “Southern India and China”, in SIS, Vol. II, Part I, Calcutta, 1946, pp. 160-161.

84. M.S. Shukla, A History of Gem Industry in Ancient and medieval India, Varanasi, 1972, p. 44.

85. James Leg, (Tr) Fa-Hien’s Travels in Indian and Ceylon, 1886, p.101.

86. Pariplus, 36. Xinra Liu, Silk and Religion, op.cit. pp. 26-30.

87. R.S. Aggarwal, Trade Centres and Routes in Northern India, Delhi, 1982, pp. 120-135.

88. R. Deepak, op.cit. p. 3. Xinru Liu, Silk and Religion, op.cit. p. 26-27. Xinru Liu, Ancient India and Ancient China, op.cit. pp. 175-176. R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, op.cit. 202-203.

The Agnisnan (fire-bath) a Rajputs Feudal Fashion (from 7th to 13th C.A.D.) by Gian Chand Chauhan

noreply@blogger.com (Anonymous) — Wed, 26 Nov 2014 06:03:00 +0000

The widow who was burnt on the funeral pyre of her dead husband is depicted in Indian Brahmanical traditions and in popular English accounts. Sometime, it was used as an adjective or a noun and means ‘that which is’ which exists, or that which is ‘free’, more specific meanings can be derived such as ‘good’, ‘faithful’, ‘virtuous’ honest, or ideal wife who was linked with her husband in a relationship of unshakeable devotion and subordination. The depictions of this are found in Brahmanical mythology. The term Sati was not always used for widow burning on the funeral pyre of her husband as the episodes of ‘Sati Parvati’, ‘Sati Sita Mata and ‘Sati Savatri’ etc. In early Indian mythology the notion was portrayed in complete accordance with the ideal of Sati, but not a widow.

India. Very clean distinctions was made between the widow burning herself-along with her husband body, which was called Sahagamana or Sahamarna and the widow burning herself after her husband had been cremated, for which the terms anugamana or anumanrana were used, but in all probability widow had to burn herself on the pyre-term as the custom of Agnisnan (fire-bath). From the Indian perspective, the trial by fire was nothing but an “act of truth”. The woman proved her virtues (sat) by showing no physical pain at the time of the ordeal.² According to popular belief, the Sat (virtues) protects the Sati like an urgent coating or armour. Death on the pyre was compared to be such a woman “has taken a fire bath”. It was also said that flames refreshed the Sati like sandal wood paste, a morning bath or still water of a lotus ponds.

We observed different connotations and usages for the act self-burning or burning on the pyre in literacy traditions of early

The feudal fashion of Agnisnan (fire-bath) of Rajputs widows was widely prevailed among the Rajputs of Rajputana, the prevalence of this feudal fashion among the warlike people is not difficult to understand. The fighting races were very jealous and suspicious of their wives, they married the women of subjugated enemies and turned them into wives, could not completely shed the feeling of suspicion and disdain for them. The matrix seem to be considerably responsible for shaping the traditional attitudes toward women. It was natural for the victories kings/chiefs to be suspicious of their wives who were subjugated and forcibly married them. Thus, the low assessment of women be embedded in the very roots of the traditional Rajputs thoughts and social structure. Therefore, the social position of widow shows a perceptible deadline with the passage of time where the fidelity and loyalty of widow was doubted.

According to the popular belief in feudal societies that “it was pious duty of the relatives of the dead man to provide all the things that he usually needed when alive. Especially when an important personage like a king, a nobleman or a warrior died, it was felt that his usual paraphernalia should be ‘sent’ with him”.³ Such a belief might have given rise to the custom of widow burning on the funeral pyre. The popular belief in the hereafter indicates very clearly that it became the basis for the burning of widow on the funeral pyre of her husband in Rajputana, although our religious literacy traditions have very definite notion of the hereafter but the fashion of taking Agnisnan has never been a part of religion, and, infact, they opposed it my strongly. Our religious tradition did not recommend and prescribed this feudal fashion of ‘fire-bath’.

However, everyone had the right to be accompanied by others. But this possibility seldom materialized. This limitation helps prevent the self-destruction of society and at the some time ensures that the custom retained it egalitarian nature.⁴ Only certain categories of people like Rajputs followed the fashion of fire-bath-and pained death, where social inequality become the second necessary precondition of this feudal fashion of agnisnan. Another circumstances behind the burning of widow on her husband funeral pyre might be the intention of relatives to get rid of her, to appropriate her wealth and save the cost of her upkeep. The certain condition, especially developed structures of inequality where women were compared with dog, Sudras and the blackbird, because they are untruth.⁵ Thus, it seems that the social status of woman was reduced to the level of an animal in feudal society of Rajputana. Among Rajputs Satis were idealized as Devi (deity) placed on a high pedestal, and worshiped, but worshiping is one question and giving freedom to widow is quite another. For example we do worship cow, but we do not leave it free.

The widow who willingly burnt (or took fire bath) on the funeral pyre of her husband, might be victim of various compulsions. Often what was in store for her was a life of poverty and misery, devoid of all social contact, and or being regarded as a lesser being⁶ (bracked with Sudras and animals). Her decision to burn on the pyre was taken immediately after the death of her husband – taken therefore in a state of shock and in a fit of deep depression. Generally her relatives and priests would direct her to do it. She was grown up in a society in which socialization was based on the subordination of women to men. Could one speak of free choice in a feudal society or a strong patriarchal society like Rajput? Thus the widow in Rajput feudal society was the victim of social and economic constraints and she was the victim of perpetual structural violence.

The Vedic literary traditions do not recommend agnisnan or fire-bath (so called sati) as an act to be practiced, although we find a reference to this custom in Vedic traditions.⁷ But these traditions do not subscribe the custom of widow burning the appears the feudal fashion as early as 400 B.C., but did not get religious sanction till medieval times. Even Kautilya does not mention this custom in Arthasastra, Manu, compares this for custom to as suicide and condemns the act as a form of suicide which would consign the perpetrators soul to hell.⁸ The Mahabharta and Ramayana refer the custom of widow-burning. But it is quite clear that it is due to the anachronism of its compilers. The Mahabharta itself made it clear that all the widows of the fallen heroes remained behind and offered them funeral oblations.⁹ In the original portion of the Ramayana¹⁰ there is no case of Sati. In the Uttarakanda, we find Vedavatis mother becoming a Sati, but this story is more legendary than historical, and seems to be a later addition. Despite growing support to widow burning there was a strong tradition of opposition to this feudal fashion. Banabhatta in his work Kadambari,¹¹ condemned the fashion of fire-bath as inhuman and called it a foolish mistake of stupendous magnitude, committed under the reckless impulse of despair and infatuation. However, the textual references to this custom of widow burning have been quoted and misquoted time and again with regards to the custom of Sati. Now historians and sociologists begun to took more broadly at the socio-cultural environment that created it. The early Indian textual origin of this, fashion of fire-bath on her husband funeral pyre is confused and difficult to pinpoint exactly, so the social and cultural forces that lead to the adoption of the custom are obscure and a matter mainly of confecture.¹² Most of the information that we have on social customs in early India has been glared from secular and religious traditions are far from providing us with any unproblematic explanations of the root cause of the this feudal fashion of widow burning.

The approach in traditional historiography of Sati is textual and it almost ignored epigraphical traditions. The scholars who wrote about widow burning are confined to the texual traditions in order to cleanse it of its andocentric biases. Since, this brief paper is mainly based on epigraphic traditions. The main argument is that the women presented in literary traditions mostly emerge from an andocentric perspective and therefore, are rarely real women. In contrast, those figuring in epigraphic traditions are real women in flesh and blood.”¹³ The women in epigraphic traditions are closer to historical reality than the idealized women of literary traditions.

Memorial stones were erected for the widows, although among Hindu memorial monuments were rarely erected to the dead, this was conspicuous. The memorial stones displayed special visual elements. The most common was the raised right arms with a Lemon held in the hand; the bangles, symbolizing the married women, were shown on the arms. Some times the stone show the figure of a woman, often accompanied by that of a man, but such portrayals are occasionally accompanied by inscriptions.¹⁴

The earliest historical reference to widow burning or taking fire bath on the funeral pyre of her husband was referred by Diodorus in his account. Many scholars referred this custom of widow burning in their respective writing very briefly. The wife of Hindu general Keteus, who died in 316 B.C., while fighting against Antigonons. Diodorus siculus said:” she was set upon the pyre by her own brother and was regarded with wonder by the crowd that had run together to the spectacle, and heroically ended her life, the whole force with their arms thrice marching round the pyre before it was kindled.¹⁵ The Greek historians made it clear that the custom was confined to the Kathians of Punjab.¹⁶

The earliest epigraphic evidence of widow burning is recorded in Earn Stone Pillar Inscription of Bhanagupta 510 A.D., in the Sagar district of Madhya Pradesh. “The wife of general Goparaja, one of the army commanders of Bhanagupta died at this place in battle while fighting for his country against Huna, his wife immolated herself on her husband’s funeral pyre.

“Hither came Bhanu Gupta, the bravest man on earth,

a great king, a hero bold as Arjana;

and hither Goporaja followed him, as a friend follows a friend. And he fought a great and famous battle,

and passed to heaven, a God among chieftains.

His wife, loyal and loving, beloved and fair,

followed close behind him into the flames”.¹⁷

The custom of widow-burning (agnisnan) was found in another inscription of Madhya Pradesh which does not have a date, but can be ascribed to the a second century A.D.¹⁸ D.D. Kosami is of the view that “the widow of a warrior among the Madra and Bahlika clans would even immolate herself with her husband’s corpse, and this horrifying custom was well known in feudal time”¹⁹

A large number of Sati memorials stones found all over Rajputana, but they have not been studied systematically as yet. Therefore, it is very difficult to any thing in precision regarding the frequency and the regional variation of the custom of Agnisnan or finebath. Many of the memorial Sati stones merely speak of the death of an individual. But, in some cases an individual wife or wives burnt themselves on husband funeral pyre as is recorded in Chhoti Khata Sati Memorial Inscriptions of A.D. 686 A.D. 688 A.D., 692 A.D. and 770 A.D,²⁰ where the custom of fire-burning of four widows of four persons are commemorated separately. Similar, memorial stones are found at Osian Jodhpur 838 A.D., contained the figure of a standing male. This figure is relieved within a niche at the top of the pillar and bears close resemblance to an image found in religious edifices. The top contains a carving of an amalaka and a kumbhi. The inscription engraved on the lower portion of the ventricle slabs or square pillars of the memorial.²¹Another, Sati memorial (devlis) are found in the desert area of western Rajasthan where the wives of the warrior, who burnt-themselves, are carved near their husband figure.²²

The Balaknath Temple Parmar Memorial Inscription of 1013 A.D., records the fire-bath taken by Meehimadevi wife of Dhedhok Rajput Chief.²³ An inscription of 1023 A.D. refers the burning of Rani Sampika on the funeral pyre of her husband,²⁴ similar act of widow burning is referred in an inscription of 1027 A.D.²⁵ A Sati memorial inscription tells us about the widow burning in 1134 A.D.,²⁶ and the similar act of widow burning in Jodhpur region in the year 1143 A.D. is recorded.²⁷ The pillar inscription of 1126, refers the act of agnisnan (fire-bath)²⁸ of three Rajput womens such as Salekhadevi Chauhan, Sawaladevi Solikanee and Saijandevi wives Rathor king Salakharao. This show that among the ruling families of Rajputana the custom or feudal fashion of agnisnan or fire-bath on the pyre of the dead husband was firmly established by the eleventh and twelfth centuries A.D., became a historical fact by that time. The average Rajputs widow welcomed the opportunity to take agnisnan. A Sati memorial inscription of 1160 A.D.,²⁹ reveals us the act of fire-bath or fire-burning by the two widows of Guhila Chief on his funeral pyre. Similarly, the lohari inscription of 1179 A.D.,³⁰ refers the act of (agnisnan) fire-bath by nine widows of Jalsala on his pyre. An identical act of widow burning of Ajaypala three wives, Somaladevi, Osthalada and Sridevi, at Bassi, in 1132 is recorded.³¹ A records from Jaismlair depicts the Sangli widow of Chauhan Chief Kusara burnt herself on the funeral pyre of her husband in the year 1174 A.D.³² It seems that Rajputana was the strong hold of widow burning. Most of the act of widow burning can be recorded in early medieval Rajasthan among the ruling class of that region. Since, most of the Rajput clans trace their ancestry to the noble and the high military officers of the various invaders who came into Rajputana and founded kingdom or fiefs in early medieval times.

The Goth-Manglod Inscription of 1175 A.D.,³³ refers the act of fire-bath of Tribhuvan devi on the pyre of her busband, in similar feudal fashion three widows of Guhila Rana Thaihanpal burnt themselves on the pyre of their husband in 1180 A.D.³⁴ Another memorial inscription of 1187 A.D.,³⁵ from Jodhpur refers the act of a Sati in similar feudal fashion. Another inscription of 1188 A.D.,³⁶ reveals us that Mata Goheilnee Veesaldevi too followed the fashion of agnisnan on the pyre of her Chauhan husband. Usatra memorial inscription 1192 A.D.,³⁷ from Jodhpur region, refers the death of Guhilota Rama Motishwera and his queen widow Rajee burnt herself on his pyre, the similar act of fire-bath is referred in inscription of 1191 A.D.³⁸ Thus the study of Rajputs memorial inscriptions show us that the this feudal fashion of widow burning among the Rajputs was widespread and glaring. Since, Rajputs were considered aggressive community expected more fidelity and loyalty from their women servants and other.

The Sati memorial Inscription 1192 A.D.,³⁹ records the fire-bath of Sonaldevi on the pyre of her husband Nalha. Kainasarya Sati memorial pillor inscription 1243,⁴⁰ refers the fire-bath taken by Rani Neeladevi on the funeral pyre of her husband. Another inscription of 1273 A.D.,⁴¹ records the death of Rathor Rao Sighajee and his wife Rani Parvati followed him to next world by burning herself on the funeral pyre of Sighajee.

Thus, it is very clear from the study of Rajput memorial inscriptions that, the military virtues of fearlessness and valour came to be highly valued in feudal Rajputs society; in addition,⁴² so called honour had always been an overriding notion in feudal society. In feudal society a glorious death was to be welcomed for Rajputs in battle field, and for women, in a fiery end through the feudal fashion of fire-bath (agnisnan) If death rather than defeat and dishonour, was the motto for the Rajputs, death rather than disgrace and dishonour through ravishment, was its equivalent for the women.

In Rajputana, court bards prepared the psychological ground for widow burning or fire-bath by providing the suitable ideological rationale making this feudal fashion of fire-bath a strong feudal model for women chastity, fidelity and loyalty connecting it with pativratadharma This feudal custom of widow-burning into a heroic sacrifice and effectively linked it to the honour and prestige of a woman’s natal and conjugal clans. But it is very clear that this feudal fashion of widow-burning was not the monopoly of Rajputs only, it was prevalent among others. They also adopted and copied the feudal fashion culture and various practices of Rajputs. The feudal fashion of widow burning or agnisnan, or fire-bath was peculiar to early Rajputs society. It seem that they were burnt on the funeral pyre of their husband either under social pressure or because of their entrenched belief in the eternal and exclusive loyalty and fidelity to their husband. It shows that the feudal fashion of fire-bath was common in the feudal phase in Rajaputana and got social legitimatization. Since, the early medieval period of Rajputs was marked by constant military activity, because of the physical dominance of men became all powerful.

Women are indispensable for the continuation of society; they have the unique power of giving birth. But this realization received less and less emphasis among the early medieval Rajputs society, so much so that women, widows in particular, ultimately came to be treated as a liability rather than a precious asset. The importance of women in this regards was thus obviously, and perhaps intentionally underrated and subjugated to the level of non-being.

References

1. Jong Fisch, Immolating Women A Global History of Widow Burning from Ancient to the Present. (Tr.) from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan, Delhi, 2005, p. 214 (hereafter Jorg Fisch) Ramayana of Valmiki, (ed) by U.P. Shah, Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1962-75.6.103.17-6. 104.26. 6.103.17-20, 6.104.24.

2. C.W. Thomas, Ashes of Immortality Widow-Burning in India, (tr.) by Jeffrey Mehlman and Daniel Gordon Write, Delhi, 2000, p.43. E.W. Burtingame, “The Act of Truth: A Hindu Spell and its Employment as a Psychic Motif in Hindu Fiction”, Journal of royal Asiatic Society, England, 1917, pp. 429-67.

3. A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Delhi, rep. 1983. pp. 116-17.

4. Jorg Fisch, op. cit., pp. 10-11.

5. G.D. Upadhaya, Satpatha Brahmana, Delhi, 1967-69, XIV. 1.1.31.

6. Jorg Fisch, op. cit., p.16.

7. H.H. Wilson (tr.) The Rgvedic Samhita, Delhi, 1977; X, 18,7.

Atharuveda, (tr.) Devi Chand, Delhi, 1982, XVIII, 3, 13. 2.1.3.

8. Jawala Prasad, Manusmrati, Bombay 1963, V. 157, 160-162, Yajnanalkya Smriti, (ed.) Naragana Sastri, Varanasi, 1930, 1.75.

9. Mahabharta, (tr.) D. Satwalekor Pardi, Gorkhpur, 1971-74, IV, 23,4. Adiparva XVII, 7.1 8-24.

10. Ramayana, 17,14.

11. Nir (ed) Kadambri, Bombay, 1910, Purvardha, p. 308. Andrea Major, (ed) SATI A Historical Anthology, Delhi, 2007 p. xxi.

12. Andrea major, op.cit., p. XXII.

13. K.K. Shah, The Problem of Identity: Women in Early Indian Inscriptions, Delhi, 2001, p. VII.

14. S. Settar, Inviting death Indian Attitude towards the ritual death, Leiden, 1989, pp. 148-59, Jong Fisch, op. cit., p. 227.

15. Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati A Study of widow Burning in India, Delhi, 1998, p. 138, Andrea Major, op. cit., p. XIX, Jong Fish, op. cit., p. 224.

16. Sakuntala Rao, “Suttee” in Annals of the Bhardarkar Oriental research Institute, Bombay, p. 222. A.S. Altekar, the position of women, op. cit., p. 123, R.S. Sharma, Perspective in Social and Economic History of Early India, Delhi, 2005, rep. p. 95.

17. B.C. Chhabra G.S. Gai (eds) Corpus Inscriptionun Indicarum, Vol. III, Delhi, 1981 No. 43, pp. 352-53. J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Leiden, Vol. III, 1988, p. 93, A.L. Basham, Wonder that was India, Delhi, Rep. 1994, p. 189. Jong Fisch, op. cit., p. 226. Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati, op. Cit., p. 164.

18. Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. VII, 1978, pp. 136-37. D.C. Sircar, Sati, A Mythological Story, Calcutta, 1916, pp. 210-15.

19. D.D. Kasambi, the Culture and Civilization of Ancient Indian Historical Outline, Bombay, 1970, p. Shankuntala Narasimhan, Sati, op.cit., p. 167.

20. Govind Srimali, Rajsthan Kai Abhilekhs, Jodhpur, 2000, p. 78. S. Settar and G.D. Sontheimer, (eds) Memorial Stones, Delhi, 1982, p. 142.

21. R.C. Agrawala in S.Settar and G.D. Sontheimer (eds) Memorial Stones, “Govardhana Pilliars from Rajsthan an Iconographic Study”, p. 151. Govind Srimali, op. cit., pp. 14-15.

22. Goetz, H., “Rajput Reliefs”. Oriental Art X(3) London, 1964, pp. 167-168. D. Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, Delhi, 1959, pp. 257-58. R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic, op.cit., p. 96.

23. Govind Srimali, op. cit., p. 59.

24. Ibid., p.61.

25. Ibid.

26. Govind Srimali, op. cit., p. 100. Anita Sudan, A Study of Chauhan Inscriptions of Rajasthan, Jodhpur, 1989, pp. 195-96.

27. Govind Srimali, op.cit., p. 107.

28. Ibid, pp. 132-33. Sakuntala Rao, Loc. Cit., p. 333.

29. Govind Srimali, op.cit., p. 134.

30. B.D. Chattopadhyaya in S. Setters G.D. Sonthcimer (eds) Memorial Stone, op.cit., p. 142.

31. Epigraphica Indica, Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1965, 1981, XXXVII, pp. 163-64.

32. Govind Srimali op. cit., p. 167.

33. Ibid., p.171.

34. Ibid., p. 183. R.S. Sharma, Perspectives of Social, op.cit., p.99.

35. Govind Srimali, op.cit., p. 195.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 199.

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid., p. 200.

40. Ibid, p. 216, EI, XII, No. 12 p. 58.

41. Govind Srimali, op. cit., p. 235.

42. Romila, Thapar, In History in Symposium on Sati, Seminar, Vol. 342, Feb. 1988, Andrea Major, (ed), Sati op. cit., p. XXVI-XXVII.

Ashoka's Dharma : Its interpretations and paradigms as gleaned from rock edicts; An article by Dr. G C Chauhan

noreply@blogger.com (Anonymous) — Sat, 22 Feb 2014 04:12:00 +0000

ASOKA DHARMA: ITS INTERPRETATIONS AND PARADIGMS AS GLEANED FROM ROCK EDICTS

Dharma is one of those Sanskrit terms that defy all attempt at an exact rendering into English or any other language. This term has passed through several changes. My attempt here is to briefly define and examine the Asoka ‘Dharma’ through the lances of epigraphic traditions of Asoka’s times and explain the paradigms of Dharmaas reflected in the edicts of Asoka and the changes introduced over the time. The notion of dharma which has been depicted in Asoken epigraphic traditions time and again in all-comprehensive, confusing and the same time difficult to define or understand.

The term dharma is derived from root ‘dhr’ meaning to uphold to support and to nourish.¹ It is therefore, the conceptual result of a contemplative empirical awareness by which the social, moral and material order of the world is upheld and efficiently maintained. But, at a deeper level dharma is also the awareness of these cosmic forces that hold things apart. Dharma seems to be a notion of par-excellence of the indic philosophical universe. Although it initially emerged in the Vedic cosmological and social speculation but has been employed with preeminent consistency by Jain, Buddha and Sikh systems of social and metaphysical discourse and occupies a very central part in the world views of all the streams of the Indic thoughts system. “An understanding of dharma is essential for the understanding of the world and man’s place in it. Dharma not only relates to the physical exteriority of manifested phenomena and the inner world of sentient existence, but also to the interrelationship of the two in which moral behaviour seeks to find meaning within the context of temporal flux and contingency.”² Thus the world in which we are living appertains in significant manner to the world of our conscious thoughts, and the relivance of its meaning and order is intimately associated with the perceptional frame of observant mind.

However, the society needs to follow the path of dharma, the happy synthesis of moral and material values, for securing true welfare on an enduring basis, with harmony between human being as also between human being and rest of the creation. Since living species are part of the world, their lives constitute an integral pattern of its rhythm. The world of human being inner self as well as his outer physical life are meaningful and integrated. The function of the dharma is to find out the parameters of this meaningfulness and integration. Dharma is decipherment and explication of the meaning of the world and human life. It seeks to understand social as well as ontological ethies.³Dharma is, therefore, associated, on the one hand with social life of an individual and his personal ethics, and on the other with the perennial principles of truth and cosmic order-the Satya and the rta, the imperishable, the unsubtatable and the fundamental. The seeking of dharma is to seek answers to certain fundamental queries as follows:

What the world is? Who we are? What should we do? What is conducive to happiness? What is not? etc. Thus seeking cannot be static, and the answer to these queries can neither be finally stated nor fixed for all time to come. The Mahabharat⁴ speaks that dhrama is extremely subtle, intricate and deep. At one level it is fundamental, timeless and eternal, at the other, it is swifter than light. It evolves with time and hence it is both absolute and dynamic. The Mahabharata further tells us that dharma is not a one-time revelation of fixed teleological precepts but a record of the relative and temporal contingency of his existence. Manu argues that ‘dharma’ is governed by the four ends of life or aims of human Endeavour. As per the code of Manu the uniqueness of dharma is truth and one should not adept any violent and servile methods; thus the same dharma which is truth is also non violence. He further interprets dharma in very plain language. “Thus it is good to teach dharma to the world, but it should be done without hurting people and using sweet and refined words. Manu Smrti⁵ speaks that dharmawhen violated, verily destroys, dharma when preserved, preserves, dharma, alone can be helpful in establishing peace and harmony all over the world. If we kill dharma, we ourselves shall be killed”.

The Buddhist tradition, explain dharma as Buddha’s doctrine or teaching, as in the well known formula where one seeks refuge in the Buddha, the dhamma and the Samgha. Gautama Buddha advised monks during his first sermon at Sarnath, “monks, I say that the dharma is to be seen for oneself, is timeless, is come and see, going further, to be actualized individually by the wise”⁶ The Buddhist tradition further speaks of dharma having its four meaning, features, teaching, scripture and things.⁷ Since the fundamental concern of Buddhism was the process and the possibility of deliverance from phenomenal life, and mainly concentrated on human existence.⁸ Buddhism was concerned with the understanding the chains of causation, the transience of life, the insubstantiality of things, the conditioned nature of existence and the understanding of dependent origination.⁹ The main aim of Buddhism is to free its followers from the cycles of birth and death and from the suffering.¹⁰ Thus the notion of dharma which Buddha saw and then preached was not very different from what the sages and seers of India prior to him had expounded. Thus the Buddhism was grafted on the religious ideology that dated before the time of Buddha. The Buddhism offered an opportunity to the monks and the lay followers to pattern their social and individual lives as such as such ethical and spiritual values that would conduce towards happiness and a state of passionlessness.

The literary traditions of Jainism interpreted the word dharma as signifying right conduct applicable for a monks particular station and stage of life, a path of personal and social purification which ultimately leads to all round spiritual welfare. Dharma in Jain traditions includes both philosophy and religion, theory and practice of good life, ascetic culture and ethical behavior. Therefore, as per jains traditions, dharma liberate the soul from all the impurities and ultimately it protect one from degradation and downfall.¹¹ Asoka left behind his Edicts propagating dharma, might long endure. Asoka wished that his contemporaries, particularly his own peoples, to imbibe, and so too the future generations. Asoka inscribed his message on ‘Pillar Edict” II, where he had made an attempt to define or explicate the meaning of dharma. He said, “The practice of Dharma” is commendable but what constitutes the dharma, (these constitute the dharma, viz) – little sin, many good deeds, mercifulness, charity, thankfulness and purity.”¹² Thus Asoka in his way, used the word dharma that existed in pre-Buddhist traditions. Asoka did not use the dharma in the sense of duty specific to a particular class of persons or community. Even Asoka’s use of the terms made his own contemporary translators render it differently.¹³Thus the dharma was applied to the idea and norms that maintained the social and moral order. Besides good, virtue and truth, forever, since its inception the word dharma was used to refer to the customs and duties observed by people.

The Asokan Edicts contain two forms of records: one relating to the good faith which he professed as his dharma, and the other to the religious ideology which he propounded and propagated. Here a question arises – how far was the religious ideology he propounded and propagated consistent with the dharma professed by him? Thus the dichotomy between Asoka’s dharma and Buddhism remained debatable which drow my attention to this discourse, to revisit and re-examine the contents of the Asokan Edicts in regard to his dharma. However, despite the plethora of references contained in Asokan Edicts, historians hardly are unanimous in their arguments of such debatable issue as Asokandharma. The plethora of reference to Asoka’s dharma and his application in Edicts assert that Asoka was a Buddhist, but, nowhere did he speak of essentials of Buddhism such as four noble truths, eightfold path and the notion of Nirvana. But, what Asoka called dharma and propagated among his subject, was not Buddhism. If dharma of Asokan Edicts was not Buddhism, what was it?

Historians and scholars of religions have offered different interpretations of Asoka’s dharma. J.F. Fleet argues that Asoka’s dharma was a form of Rajadharma consisting in the politico-moral principles such as those embodied in the Great Epic,¹⁴ and S.J. Heras calls it as Brahmanism.¹⁵ J.M., Macphail¹⁶ is of the view that “Asoka dharma was nothing new but Hinduism” D.R., Bhandarkar, is of the opinion that Asoka dharma can be considered as upasaka Buddha dharma and propounded the theory of secular Buddhism. He states that Asokadharma comprised such principles of Buddhism as had a universal appeal and applicability.¹⁷ But a couple of scholars like E. Thomas and Rhys Davids negated Bhandarkar view on the basis that Asokan edicts did not contain the theory of four noble truth, eight fold paths and Nirvana.¹⁸ D.R. Bhandarkar argues that Asoka held a status intermediate between an upasaka and a bhiksu monk is debatable. He came to this conclusion by interpreting the evidence of the visit to the Sangha as an indication of Asoka’s temporary stay in the community as a monk,¹⁹ but visiting to the Sangha does not proves Asoka’s as Buddhist monk, his visit to Sangha might be simply political and social obligation and the part of his policy of appeasement towards community. In B.M.Barua’s view, “the Asokan Edicts which are Buddhist in spirit, describes Asoka as a ruler and the monk”.²⁰ But we do not find the slightest suggestion as to his withdrawal from the world. The political philosophy of ancient India speak of the king who was a active functionary and the final authority and the fountain head of the state not monk or sage. There were only two courses open to him king was either to rule or to abdicate. Some scholars believed that “Asoka was a Brahmanist and not a Buddhist, thy argue that Asoka dharma was in fact only Brahmanic notion, in the wide range of application.²¹ The view has been expressed that Asoka was adherent of Jainism.²² But, if he was a jain, he would have mentioned the Tirthankaras or principles of Jainism. N.K.Sastri states that “Asoka could make use of some well known traditional idea of Brahmanism, which had still retained considerable importance in that period. However, all this does not disprove the view that Asoka was a follower of Buddhism.”²³ The importance of Brahmanic tradition form an analysis of the Edicts seems justified, however, one can hardly agree with his negative attitude towards the interpretation of some words and terms from a Buddhist perspective.²⁴ R.K. Mookerji, R.S. Tripathi and V.A. Smith consider Asoka dharma as universal religion, “the dharma of the edicts was not any particular dharma or religious system, but the moral law independent of any caste and creed, the sara or essence of all religion” and G.M. Bongard Levin, too argues that the dharma of the Edicts can not be identified with the Buddhist doctrine.²⁵ No religion can be called universal religion, we have to bear in mind that the social, cultural, political and geographical variation while studying any religious ideology, since no particular religion can not be a replica of other religious ideology. RomilaThapar depicts that dharma was Asoka’s own invention and used it as device to solve the political, social, religious and economic tensions prevailing during his time. She argues that it may have borrowed from Buddhist and Hindu thought, but it was in essence an attempt on part of the king to suggest a way of life, which was both practical and convenient as well as being highly moral. It was intended as a happy compromise for those of his subjects who did not have the leisure to indulge in philosophic speculation.²⁶Romila further states that Asoka dharma as his own to solve conflicts in the social fabric and the other tensions created by the states of the mercantile community, the power of the guild in urban centre, the strain of a highly centralized political system and the sheer size of the empire”²⁷ is to inject modern idea in its nature and scope. But as dharma always aimed at building up an attitude of mind in which social responsibility, the behavior of one person towards another was considered of great relevance.”²⁸The so-called conflicts and tensions referred by Thapar are more imaginary than real, we do not notice any positive evidence to show that the mercantile community, guild and the centralized political system had created any menace to the society of Ancient India. In fact, they provided greater strength and stability to it. She has taken religion and philosophy as if they were antagonistic to each other. V.C.Pandey rightly argues that Ancient India had no religion without some philosophy. Asoka’s dharmaitself rested on the philosophy of Svadharma (one’s duty). So where is the question of a compromise between religion and philosophy? Philosophy in society and community was the pastime of leisure of the masses. It was always the product of the deep sight and insight of a few intellectual peers.²⁹ Although RomilaThaparacknowledged the debt of Asoka’s dharma to Brahmanism and Buddhism, but ignored Jainism which produced a great impact of Asoka’s dharma. Dharma, in its wider sense, had always been a non-sectarian duty-oriented code of conduct for individuals and institutions. It was always rooted in morality, steering clear of philosophical speculations. Its fundamentals were the common property of all dharma.³⁰ Thus it is wrong to consider it as Asoka’s device to solve the political, social, religious and economic problems of his time.³¹

It is argued that “Asoka’s dharma was the most appropriate way to bind together a vast and variegated society of the empire and providing it with a cultural and spiritual value-system.”³¹ Thus the practicability, morality, simplicity and the harmonizing features of Asoka’s dharma were its eternal contents and not Asoka’s innovative intents.

Thus we can surmise that Asoka grafted his dharma on one of the branches of already existed tree of religious ideologies in early India. In fact, dharma policy of Asoka was his deliberate political policy of appeasement towards non-Buddhist sect like Ajivikas, the jains, Brahmanism and other who remained active during Asoka’s time. It was, therefore, basically an exercise to restrain all factions from tormenting trouble, and he could not afford the growth of tension and conflict in a multi-religious society of early India.

It would be of prime importance to re-examine the contents of the Asokan Edicts in regards to the paradigms of Asokadharma. B.M. Barua, states that treat it as a paradigm of Rajadharma, or as paradigm of Buddhism-upasaka – dharma, or even as a paradigm of universal religion, this position remains and unaltered, KautilyaArthasastr speaks of Rajadharma which was based on the notion of dandaniti³³ supported by the science of wealth (varta), both elements of Rajadharma were/are indispensable for the survival of any king or state. Kautilya further argues that to uphold the social customs; general principles of law of equity by the king. The Brahmanical traditions mention that king supreme duty is to pleases his subject and the king and his subjects are inseparable and he should always give priority to the good of his subject.³⁴ The Kalinga war described in terms of remorse and poignant grief by Asoka himself in Rock Edict XIII³⁵ involved for so small an area the slaughter of a hundred thousand, the enslavement of half as many more and the death and suffering of yet more among whom were Brahmanas, Sramanas, women and children. It was simply his remorse over the slaughter and suffering of the innocent people. Asoka assured paternal care and kindness to the people of Kalinga. The Asoka’s notion of paternal treatment to all his subject was in fact the Brahmanic concept, in its wide range of application. He applied the doctrine of ‘natal debt to the relation of king and subject and of the king and his officers. He discharges his duty to all living beings by righteous rule; and the officers discharge their debt to their master by faithfully carrying out his beneficent intentions towards the people. This indebtedness extends to all men, like that of a father to his children. Asoka stresses upon each and every constituent of the state and society to follow its dharma. The ruler and the bureaucracy were the two indispensable wheels and elements of the Mauryan state. Asoka’s personal religions might be Buddhism, but his Rajadharma forbade him to discriminate between the Buddhist and the non-Buddhist. That is why, he assures his subject through his Edicts that he respects and gives gifts to all religious sects, and Brahmana. “The beloved of gods, reverenus people of all (religious) sects, whether (wandering) ascetics or householders with gifts and various kinds of reverence as that-what is it? There should be a growth of the essence in all sects. By doing thus one promotes one’s own sect and at the same time does good to other sect”³⁶ Again the notion of Rajadharma forced Asoka to abolish restrictions on certain sections of society to live only in demarcated area, now could live anywhere in his empire, irrespective of their caste and creeds: “The Beloved of the Gods desires everywhere – may all the sects live or devil. For they all desire sect-control and mental purity. Man, however, is possessed of various impulses and attachment.”³⁷ The enjoyment of freedom of settlement for all sects was part of a general environment of communal amity that Asoka wished to foster. For such amity, Asoka regarded self-restraint, especially in speech. He advocated a mutual dialogue by which the different sects should all prosper together. Thus Asoka undertook several philanthropic works to translate his wishes into practice, not only in his empire but also in the border regions and outside his empire. Rock Edicts II speaks of medical aid where medicines were not available were imported and planted medicinal, dug wells and planted trees for man and animals.³⁸ Asoka R.E. XII speaks of the stryadhyaksha-mahamatras who were directed to protect the interest of the women folk,³⁹doing of justice to his subject is the supreme duty of the king. Asoka’s main ambition was to win the support and affection of all men; and followed the policy of appeasement towards his subject by adopting several philanthropic works during his time. He depute those officers to deal with the subjects who were not harsh in their language not fierce in their nature but were of winsome cordiality.⁴⁰ He appointed a special class of dharmamahamatra, to look after Brahman and Snamanas while they were carrying on their noble missions.⁴¹ He liberally helped them with alms and gifts and honoured them in various ways. He tried to persuade them to co-operate with one another for their healthy growth in knowledge and matters essential so that they might be better equipped for the great work before them. Thus these philanthropic works were the need of the time.

We come to know from the RE V⁴² that king Asoka dedicated four beautiful cave – dwelling to the Ajivikas, in the Khalitika hills which can be treated as Asoka’s policy of appeasement towards non-Buddhist. However, these royal edicts, whose aim was to impress the subjects the idea of equality pursued by the king, but real situation was sometime quite different from that depicted in the Edicts. The certain Edicts of Asoka’s stresses upon various social and state obligation towards the subjects such as, proper treatment towards slaves, servants, parents, relatives, friends, acquaintances, Brahmana, Sramanas etc.⁴³ giving proper treatment and respects to parents, Brahmanas, Sramanas slaves and servants was not the innovation of Asoka’s it is as old as our literary traditions, so followed the established norms. In fact, all these referred duities were shared by the ancient state and was a part of Rajadharma.

The DhauliSepanate RE I, speaks of applying balm to the wounds of the people of a devastated Kalinga, Asoka emphasizes his Rajadharma to treat those people as his children, assures them of his kindness and intense desire to see them happy and well in this life and hereafter. The king Asoka directed his bureaucrats to rise above lethargy, rashness, anger and other view and see to it that no one was imprisoned need or tortured without reason.⁴⁴ Asoka was the victims of the guilt, after the Kalinga war and his guilt forced him to apply the balm to the wounds of the people of ruined Kalinga. Asoka seems to be one of the few politicians of the world, who realized that propaganda is more important than legislation in matter relating to the people’s inclination and sentiments. He adopted different ways to propagate his dharma. RE I reveals us that he prohibited the killing of those animals and birds which neither eatable nor were of any utility.⁴⁵ But the killing of animals remained as use of the daily practice. Asoka confession regarding the killing of thousands of animals for royal kitchen previously is remarkable, but during his time this killing was minimized to three lives only. King Asoka was very critical of certain popular ceremonies, such as Samajas, religious gathering where animals were slaughtered for sacrifice, and stopped vihara-yatra and Asoka personally contacted people exchanged views on dharma, replying their question, the Edict further informs us that he replaced vihara-yatra by dharma-yatras.⁴⁶ Asoka took administrative measures to propagate his dharma-yatras.⁴⁶ Asoka took administrative measures to propagate his dharma by appointing Dharma mahamatras whose main duty was to ensure the growth of dharma. Appointing separate cadre of officers for the prorogation of a particular religion was not in the interest of any state which ultimately proved a heavy economic burden and heavy economic losses to the state. But it is not fair to designate them as a type of priesthood of dharma,⁴⁷ as RomilaThapar argues. Priest were only Brahmanas, had their classified literature and ritualistic expertise. But the dharmmahamatra were the bureaucrate belonged from any section of society for administrative and religious purposes. The Pradesikes and the Nagara – Vyaraharikas were divested exclusively to the Rajukas⁴⁸ to dispense uniform justice, granted three day’s respite to convicts sentenced to death. The idea behind this respite was to give sometime to those convicts to prepare themselves mentally for death and make their last wishes known to their families. To expedite the dispensation of justice, he directed his reporters to call on him any time whether he was in the dining room or harem on his private Chamber or on horse-back or in pleasure-garden.⁴⁹Since the propaganda of Dharma was the prime concern of Asoka, the bureaucracy was involved in the propagation of religion. The involvement of bureaucracy for preaching religion might have resulted heavy administrative losses to the state.

The paradigm of upasaka dharma is clearly reflected in Asokan Edicts which denote – the householders included in a religious community as lay adherents the followers of a sect of the Sramanas or the Brahmanas or jain.⁵⁰ Each sect had its own doctrinal tradition, and the upasakas of a particular sect were supposed to believe in whatever was embodied in such a tradition. The upasakas were mere householders and their lives were regulated by certain social customs and usages, certain rules of decorum and conduct, and certain law of the land enforced by the state.⁵¹B.M.Barua rightly argues that Rajadharma was primarily concerned with secular affairs of the subject, it is ultimately reducible to upasak or Grihastha dharma. Intact, there is state sanction behind the rajadharma, while the upasak-dharma had nothing behind it. The common aim of both are the attainment of good and happiness here and the attainment of heaven hereafter the attainment of Nirvana or Moksha is for beyond their scopes. The chief interest of both centre round the three (topes) ingredient of the upasaka-dharma such as dana and sila are considered two means to the attainment of heaven.⁵² The six fold duties of a good householders are depicted in various Rock Edicts of Asoka and their reciprocal relationship are as follows – the reciprocal relations between the parents and son, teachers and pupil, husband and wife, kinsmen and kinsmen, friend and friends, master and slaves and hirelings, the Sramanas and Brahmanas and the lay supporter. There is nothing to prevent one from adding to these such other relation as those between king and subject, brother and brother, brother and sister, neighbour and neighbour, the rich and poor etc.⁵³ Thus Asokan Edicts recommended the development of respect, understanding the cordiality among these social units in the name of dharma-mangla and dharma dana and took several measures to end the discrimination on the basis of religious ideologies. We must bear in mind that in outlining the principles of pious social behaviors, he made use of some well known traditional beliefs system, which had still retained considerable importance during Asoka’s time.

The early Indian traditions speak of deep concern for parents, teachers, servant and slaves etc, these traditions further state that all beings should be viewed with friendly eye, it include proper conduct towards neighbors, friends, relatives, servant and slaves, gave highest respect to teachers.⁵⁴Kautilya threatened penal against those who abandoned their parents. Atharaveda aim at achieving the good of all people including the Sudras.Kautilya further ordains that the king was like a father to his subject and that the happiness of his subject was his happiness. Asoka tried to re-affirmed this already existed concept.⁵⁵Asokan edicts refer six, greatest good, kindness, liberality, truthfulness and purity,⁵⁶ they are as ancient as our Vedic traditions, these too find mention in them.

The notion of universal religion applied to Asokadharma by scholars is vague and empty word of over glorification. His dharma was mainly based upon the principle of toleration which was not invented by Asoka, it is as ancient as our non-Buddhist traditions. Asoka being a shrewd statesman, he understood the importance of controlling the non-Buddhist sects and their lives and activities that is why he embarked on a policy of religious tolerance, but the towards the end of his period his policy of religious toleration was proved myth. Asoka patronized Buddhism and actively interfered in the affairs of the Sangha. Asoka openly declares his devotion to the Buddha the dharma and the Sangha.⁵⁷The tone of the “Schism Edicts”⁵⁸ clear shows the emptiness and myth of Asoka notion of religious toleration.

Conclusion:

The contents Asokan Rock Edicts are nothing but apologies that reflected deeply ingrained sin and guilt psychosis of Asoka that had after Kalinga war. These confessions reveal the shattered psyche of the so called great king, who was tying to seek comforts thereof. This was not a religion which historians have wrongly termed as Asokadharma. The term itself is a misnomer. Realistically analyzing the said observation, it can be conclusively inferred that Asoka was only practicing the values of a system of beliefs, that were already in existence, but had been ignored and negated by him in lust of power. His reverting to imbibing of old values wrongly construed as a new religion – Asoka Dharma, whereas it is nothing best reinforcing the basic religions of the times – the Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism. It is a different matter that he learnt the lesson the hard way. Perhaps it is only in this limited context that the resultant transformation can be termed as a realization if it can be termed one. In such an eventuality, then the basic religion – the ancient Indian religions can also be termed as Asokadharma. But then ifs and buts do not form or make history.

References

1. VishvaVandhu (ed) Rigveda with commentaries, in 7 parts, Hoshiarur, 1963-65 (Tr) by Swami SatyaParkashSarsvati and SatyakamVidyalankar, Various Vols., Delhi, 1977, I. 18.7.1, X.9.2 (hereafter R.V.)

2. S.S.Sharma, Imagined Manuvad, Delhi, 2005, p.38, (hereafter Manuvad).

3. Ibid., p.39.

4. D. SatavakaParodi (Tr.) (Hindi) Mahabharta, Varnasi edition, 1952, and critical edition, B.O.R.I., Poona, 1971-74, Sabha-Parva, 68, XII. 28, 51, 68, 29.110-112. AnusasanaParva, 115.1, VanaParva, 373. 76. (hereafterMbh)

5. J.P.Chalturvedi (tr) Manusmrti, Haridwar, 6^th edition, 2002, 11.224, 159, VII. 15.

6. MotilalPandit, Beyond the World: Buddhist Approaches to Knowledge and Reality, Delhi, 1997, p.IX, (hereafter beyond the word).

7. HirakawaAkira, (tr) Paul Grover: A History of Indian Buddhism, Delhi, 1998, pp. 39-46 (hereafter as HiraKawa).

8. Beyond the world, op. cit. p. 65.

9. Hirakawa, op.cit., p. 39.

10. Manuvad, op.cit., p.45.

11. Ibid., pp. 44-46, N.J. Shah (tr) JainaDarsana, Delhi, 2000, pp. 27-96.

12. R.K. Mookharji, Asoka, 3^rd revised edition, Delhi; 1962, pp. 174-175 (hereafter as Mookherji Asoka) S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, Delhi, 2000, pp. 111-112.RomilaThapar, Asoka and the Decline of Mauryas, 6^th edition, Delhi, 1985, p. 262 (hereafter RomilaAsoka). P.K.Muzamdar, India’s Ancient Epigraphs, Delhi, 2006, pp. 30-97.

13. IrfanHabib, and V.K.Jha. Mauryan India, 3^rd, edition, Delhi, 2002, p. 63.

14. J.F. Fleet, “The Date of Buddha’s Death as Determined by a record of Asoka,” JRAS, London, 1908, p. 471.

15. S.J. Heras, “Asoka’s Dharma and Religion” in Cr JMS, Banglsore, vol. XVIII, No.4, p. 255.

16. J.M.Macphail, Asoka, rep. Calcutta, 1980, pp. 29-30.

17. D.R.Bhandarkar, Asoka, London, 1877, pp. 130-140.

18. E.Thomas, Early Faith of Asoka, JRAS, London, Vol. X, pp. 1-21, RhgsDavids, Buddhist India, London, 1903, rep. Delhi, 1995, p.297.

19. D.R.Bhandarkar, Asoka, pp. 73-74.

20. B.M.Barua, Asoka and his Inscription, Calcutta, 2^nd edition, 1955, pp. 216-217.

21. V.R.M., Dikshtar, TheMauryan Polity, University of Madrass, 1953. pp – 276-299. D.C. Sircar, Inscription of Asoka, Ootcamund, 1956, pp. 16-17; G.S. Murti and A.N. KrishanaAiyangar, Edicts of Asoka, Madras, 1950, pp. XXIV-XXV.

22. T.L. Shah, Ancient India, Vol, II pt. IV, Baroda, 1939, pp. 302-305.

23. N.K.Sastro. Age of Nanda and Mauryas, Benaras, 1952, p. 230.

24. G. Bahler, The pillar Edicts of Asoka, in EpigraphiaIndica (E1) Vol, 2 1894, pp. 245-274.

25. V.A.Smith, Asoka – The Buddhist Emperor of India, London, 1901 and 2^nd edition 1964, Delhi, pp. 18-25, V.C. Panday, New History of Ancient India, Jallandhar, 1998, p. 231, R.S. Trapathi, History of Ancient India, Delhi, rep. 1985, pp. 162-175. R.K.Mookerji, Asoka, 3^rd Edition, Delhi, 1962, pp, 60-79.G.M. Bongavol-Lenin, MauryanIndia, Dellhi; 1985, pp – 340-369.

26. RomilaThapar, Asoka, op. cit, pp. 145-149.

27. RomilaThapar, History of India, I rep. Delhi, 1990, p. 86.

28. Ibid.

29. V.C.Panday, New History, op. cit, pp 232-233.

30. Ibid.

31. B.Avari, India :The Ancient Past, New-York, 2007, p-114.

32. B.M.Barua, Asoka, op.cit., pp. 225-226.

33. KautilyaArthasastra, RakeshSastri, Delhi, 2009, R.Shamasastry (tr) KautilyaArthasastra, Mysore, 1960, I.1 (hereafter as AS).

34. AS X. 1-4.

35. R.G.Basak, Asokan Inscription, Calcutta, 1959, pp. 70-73. S.R.E.IIKalinga Rock Edict II, pp. 125-120.

36. A.N. KrishanaAiyangar, Edicts of Asoka,op.cit., pp. 33-38, R.G. Basak, Asokan Inscription, op.cit., pp. 57-69.

37. A.N.KrishanaAiyangar, Edicts of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 38-39, pp. 115-119, V.C. Pandey, New History, op.cit., p. 228.

38. D.C. Sircar, Inscription of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 40-41.

39. A.N. Krishna Aiyangar, Edicts of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 57-60.

40. Ibid., pp. 53-54, D.C. Sircar, Inscription of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 48-49.

41. R.G.Basak, Asokan Inscription, op.cit., pp. 26-27.

42. B.M.Barua, Asoka, op.cit., p. 239.

43. S.N.Bhattacharya, Select Asokan Epigraphs, Calcutta, 1960, p. 40 (hereafter as Bhattacharya) R.G.Basak, op.cit., pp. 57-61. Dr. Bhandarkar, Asoka, op.cit., pp. 177-78, 357-58, R.K.Mookarji, Asoka, op.cit. p.3.

44. D.C. Sircar, Inscriptions of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 64-65, Minor Pillar Edict II, RE XI, RE. VIII.

45. R.G.Basak, Asokan Inscriptions, op.cit., pp. 3-5.

46. Ibid., pp. 100-103, A.N.KrishanAiyangar, Edicts of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 2-4; 99-102.

47. D.C. Sircar, Inscription of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 43-44. R.G.Basak, Asokan Inscriptions, op.cit., pp. 26-27.

48. Ibid., P.E. IV, pp. 94-95.

49. Ibid., R.E. VI, pp. 34-35.

50. Ibid., R.E.XII, R.E.XIII, pp.

51. B.M.Barua, Asoka, op.cit., p. 266.

52. R.G.Basak, Asokan Inscriptions, op.cit., p. 39, RI VII.

53. B.M.Barua, Asoka, op.cit., pp. 267-268. Asokan Edicts. RE III, IV; VIII;IX, XI; XIII, PEVII; SREII.

54. DeviChand, tr. Atharvaveda, Delhi, 1982. III. 30, 2-3, 36.18.

55. AS, 11.1.18; IV. 3.43.

56. R.V. VI. 75.70 VI, 75.18, Raj BahadurPandey, Yajurveda, Delhi, 2002, V. 1.5. S.Radhakrishnan (tr.) TheBhagavatGita, and ShrimadBhagavatGita, by YagaVadantSena.

57. R.G.Basak, AsokanInscription, op. cit., Smiti, Ahamadava, 2002, pp. 129-130. A.N. Krishna Aiyangar, Edicts of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 77-81.

58. D.C.Sircar, Inscription of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 63-65, A.N. Krishna, Aiyangar, Edicts of Asoka, op.cit., pp. 120-125.

Welcome to Chauhan's HIstory Blog

noreply@blogger.com (Anonymous) — Mon, 27 Jan 2014 06:26:00 +0000

History has been quite a subject of interest amongst people but the perception that youth has of History shows their ignorance of such a vast, wide rational discipline. We grow up in a society where more leverage is often given to life sciences, mechanical and technical streams and other vocational discipline rather than humanities. It is not for the reason that these streams interest them more but this is merely notion in India that one can produce the best intellect if one has ever been the part of a Science School or Engineering College or a Medical Institution. With the passage of time this thought also changed a bit and people got attracted to paramedical and non-medical sciences. Above all with the growing influnces of capitalization and industrialization, commerce got bit more preference. Still Humanity lacked behind. It is general perception in India that one who can not opt for either of Commerce or Science, should opt for ART as there is hardly anything else left for him to do.

Anywhere else in the world , career of the student is motivated by his interests but in India, career

interests are themselves motivated by financial and social security. Only the outcome and financial outcome of the course will decide the interest of a student hence degradation of education and education system in India.

In this race,Humanities or social sciences have lagged far behind. There is a small section of the society which opt for humanities as a career and that too because they find it suitable in one way or other to feed them in long run and not because they have any particular interest in researching into the ways and methods of Social Sciences. This discrimination has led to the subject degradation in India and to the wrong assumption among students that there is nothing much to do in Social Sciences.

Of late there has been certain inclination towards social sciences. But are these really genuine ? We really do not know. But What we know is that the time has come when people should get to know the real meaning of Humanities and its significance in everyday life.

If we do not have proper know how of leading a peaceful and prosperous life, what good are thoudsands of inventions and discoverises. They would only near us to the maker. A good social life can only be taught by a social science and in my opinion every individual who is part of society ought to know this.

Being particular about History, one must realize that history is not mere the chronological record of our past. More than that it is the invaluable document of experiences and wisdom. Had we realized it , we would never have suffered the chronic effects of world wars and world disturbances. Making world peace would never have been such a big problem.

This is also appeal to the students who study Humanity that do not demean yourselves. The discipline you study is not mere a subject but the basis of human life. One must comprehend its importance.

Thus Humanities in India should not only be studied but applied. This is how slowly and steadly we would progress toward a beautiful and prosperous world where Humanity would breathe with utmost ease.