Wiley: Digest of Middle East Studies: Table of Contents

“American Islam”: The Politics of Religious Authenticity in Iran

Fateh Saeidi — Tue, 02 Jun 2026 22:32:14 -0700

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes “American Islam” as a political category of religious authenticity in the Islamic Republic of Iran rather than as a fixed theological concept. Using a critical discourse-analytic framework, it examines how Ayatollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei construct and operationalize the opposition between pure Muhammadan Islam and American Islam across text, institutional circulation, and social practice. It argues that Khomeini introduced the term within a revolutionary context to delegitimize monarchism, clerical quietism, and any separation between religion and politics, embedding this dichotomy in the constitutional and institutional architecture of the new state. Under Khamenei the concept is expanded and securitized to target reformist intellectuals and the discourse of “Islam of Mercy” alike. By tracing this transformation, the article demonstrates how claims to doctrinal purity function as instruments of political authority, narrowing interpretive plurality and redefining dissent as ideological deviation within the Islamic Republic of Iran.

摘要

本文将“美国伊斯兰”视为伊朗伊斯兰共和国境内一种政治性的宗教权威范畴, 而非一个固定的神学概念。文章运用批判性话语分析框架, 考察了霍梅尼和哈梅内伊如何在文本、制度传播和社会实践中构建并运作“纯粹穆罕默德式伊斯兰”与“美国伊斯兰”之间的对立。文章认为, 霍梅尼在革命背景下引入“美国伊斯兰”一词, 旨在否定君主制、教权主义的静默以及政教分离的合法性, 并将这种二元对立嵌入新国家的宪政和制度架构之中。在哈梅内伊的领导下, 这一概念被扩展并赋予了政治意义, 以打击改革派知识分子和“仁慈伊斯兰”的论述。通过追溯这一转变, 本文揭示了教义纯洁性的主张如何成为政治权威的工具, 限制了诠释的多元性, 并将异议重新定义为伊斯兰国家内部的意识形态偏差。

Resumen

Este artículo analiza el «Islam estadounidense» como una categoría política de autenticidad religiosa en la República Islámica de Irán, más que como un concepto teológico fijo. Mediante un marco de análisis crítico del discurso, examina cómo el ayatolá Jomeini y el ayatolá Jamenei construyen y operacionalizan la oposición entre el «Islam mohamedano puro» y el «Islam estadounidense» a través de textos, la circulación institucional y las prácticas sociales. El artículo sostiene que Jomeini introdujo el término en un contexto revolucionario para deslegitimar el monarquismo, el quietismo clerical y cualquier separación entre religión y política, incrustando dicha dicotomía en la arquitectura constitucional e institucional del nuevo Estado. Bajo el liderazgo de Jamenei, el concepto se amplía y se somete a un proceso de securitización para atacar, por igual, tanto a los intelectuales reformistas como al discurso del «Islam de la Misericordia». Al rastrear esta transformación, el artículo demuestra cómo las reivindicaciones de pureza doctrinal funcionan como instrumentos de autoridad política, restringiendo la pluralidad interpretativa y redefiniendo la disidencia como una desviación ideológica dentro de un Estado islámico.

Crown Prince to Virtual Ruler: Consolidation of Power by Muhammad Bin Salman in Saudi Arabia

Ayesha Aftab, Muhammad Umar Abbasi — Mon, 01 Jun 2026 11:10:20 -0700

ABSTRACT

The consolidation of power under the leadership of Muhammad bin Salman (MBS) is seen as a watershed moment in the contemporary political landscape of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). His swift ascent to power has been characterized by the opportunities created by King Salman that have been efficiently exploited by MBS. This research enquires how the consolidation of power of MBS is taking place in the KSA. It engages with existing scholarship to position the KSA case study within broader debates on authoritarian consolidation. It provides valuable insights into MBS's strategies for consolidating his power, using a qualitative research methodology that includes surveys and interviews with practitioners, academics, and experts in Saudi Arabian politics. The research is theoretically grounded in Personalist Authoritarianism, applying its assumptions like elite threat management, rival neutralization, and hold over coercive and legal institutions. Moreover, this study has found that, along with the above three key indicators of consolidation of power suggested by the theory, two more indicators, including support from the clerics and support from like-minded young princes, are significantly relevant in the consolidation of power by MBS. Therefore, this study proposes enhancements to the existing theoretical framework by adding these elements, thereby aiming to facilitate future research on the consolidation of power. The findings show that MBS has successfully consolidated his power while securing short- to medium-term stability, making him the undisputed leader in Saudi Arabia's current political scene.

Red Sea Disturbances and Their Far‐Reaching Implications: Longer Transit Times and Sky‐High Freight Rates

Siham Matallah — Mon, 18 May 2026 02:20:14 -0700

ABSTRACT

The Red Sea, a critical artery for global maritime trade, has experienced significant disruption since November 2023 due to a surge in Houthi attacks on commercial shipping. These actions—publicly framed by the Houthis as linked to the Gaza conflict—have led to substantial increases in shipping costs, extended transit times, and heightened war-risk premiums, profoundly impacting global supply chains and economic stability. This study examines the Houthi campaign through the analytical lens of naval and coercive diplomacy, highlighting how non-state actors can leverage geopolitical tensions to influence international commerce. The research analyzes both the operational evolution of the attacks and their economic repercussions. In fact, the study demonstrates that the disruptions have triggered vessel rerouting, increased logistics costs, and heightened uncertainty across global trade networks. It underscores the urgent need for comprehensive approaches that address the multifaceted geopolitical factors contributing to regional instability, advocating for diplomatic resolutions to secure this vital maritime corridor and ensure the resilience of global trade.

Issue Information

Wed, 06 May 2026 11:01:20 -0700

Digest of Middle East Studies, Volume 35, Issue 3, Summer 2026.

Analyzing Iran's Border Provinces Through the Framework of the Security‐Development Nexus and the Woman, Life, Freedom Protests

Eric Lob, Mazaher Koruzhde — Wed, 06 May 2026 11:00:43 -0700

ABSTRACT

Building on previous scholarship (Elling 2013, Dudoignon, 2017, Lob & Habibi, 2019), this paper argues that the state's historical marginalization and securitization of the ethnic-minority border provinces, coupled with their economic underdevelopment and sociopolitical discrimination, have correlated with political violence and popular protest—which, in turn, have led to greater state repression. Methodologically, this paper is based on a dataset that we acquired from the Statistics Organization of Iran on development outcomes at the provincial level between 2006 and 2021. Within the framework of the security-development nexus and social movement theory, we contend that the uneven development between the Persian-majority center and ethnic-minority periphery, combined with other grievances that transcend economics, has increased the discontent of residents and their propensity to participate in political violence and popular protest against the state. In response, the state has subjected the border provinces to heightened securitization and created a vicious cycle of repression and radicalization. Our analysis of the data and other sources demonstrate a direct correlation between lower development and higher repression during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests in these provinces, particularly Sistan and Baluchestan, Kurdistan, and West Azerbaijan.

摘要

本文以先前的研究(Elling 2013, Dudoignon, 2017, Lob and Habibi, 2019)为基础, 论证了国家历史上对少数民族边境省份的边缘化和安全化, 以及这些省份经济发展滞后和社会政治歧视, 与政治暴力和民众抗议活动密切相关——而这些活动反过来又导致了国家镇压的加剧。在方法论上, 本文基于我们从伊朗统计局获取的2006年至2021年省级发展成果数据集。在安全-发展关系和社会运动理论的框架下, 我们认为, 波斯族占多数的中心地区与少数民族聚居的边缘地区之间发展不平衡, 以及其他超越经济层面的不满, 加剧了居民的不满情绪, 并促使他们更倾向于参与政治暴力和反对国家的民众抗议活动。作为回应, 伊朗政府加强了边境省份的安全管控, 并由此形成了一个镇压与激进化的恶性循环。我们对数据和其他资料的分析表明, 在这些省份, 特别是锡斯坦-俾路支斯坦省、库尔德斯坦省和西阿塞拜疆省, 在“妇女、生命、自由”抗议活动期间, 发展水平较低与镇压程度较高之间存在直接关联。

Resumen

Partiendo de investigaciones previas (Elling 2013; Dudoignon, 2017; Lob y Habibi, 2019), este artículo sostiene que la histórica marginación y securitización por parte del Estado de las provincias fronterizas con minorías étnicas —sumadas a su subdesarrollo económico y a la discriminación sociopolítica que padecen— han guardado correlación con la violencia política y la protesta popular; fenómenos que, a su vez, han derivado en una mayor represión estatal. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, el presente trabajo se fundamenta en un conjunto de datos que obtuvimos de la Organización de Estadísticas de Irán, relativos a los indicadores de desarrollo a nivel provincial entre los años 2006 y 2021. En el marco del nexo entre seguridad y desarrollo, así como de la teoría de los movimientos sociales, argumentamos que el desarrollo desigual existente entre el centro del país—de mayoría persa—y la periferia—habitada por minorías étnicas—, combinado con otros agravios de índole no exclusivamente económica, ha intensificado el descontento de los residentes y su propensión a participar en actos de violencia política y protesta popular contra el Estado. Como respuesta, este ha sometido a las provincias fronterizas a un proceso de securitización intensificada, generando así un círculo vicioso de represión y radicalización. Nuestro análisis de los datos y de otras fuentes documentales revela una correlación directa entre un menor nivel de desarrollo y una mayor represión durante las protestas del movimiento «Mujer, Vida, Libertad» en dichas provincias, particularmente en Sistán y Baluchistán, Kurdistán y Azerbaiyán Occidental.