The source stressed Escudero will not be Senate president.

Sen. Joel Villanueva is also expected to join the Gatchalian bloc this week, following Escudero’s move on June 3, according to the same source. His transfer would increase the bloc’s strength to 13 senators, enough to elect a Senate president after the position was declared vacant last Wednesday.

With the support of 12 senators now identified as the new Senate majority, Sen. Sherwin Gatchalian was elected Senate president pro tempore and, as such, was designated acting Senate president.

Senate Resolution No. 430, as amended by the new Senate majority on June 3, provides that the Senate president shall serve as presiding officer in an impeachment trial “unless the Senate, by a majority vote of the members present, elects another senator as the presiding officer.”

The source noted that only two members of the new Senate majority are lawyers: Escudero and Sen. Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan.
While a law degree is not required for a presiding officer in a vice presidential impeachment trial, legal experts say legal training would be an advantage.

Escudero, however, carries the baggage of his failure to convene an impeachment court for Duterte’s 2025 impeachment case despite the Supreme Court’s directive that the Senate proceed “forthwith.”

Escudero was ousted as Senate president on Sept. 8 following exposés alleging massive corruption in flood-control projects through budget insertions. He was succeeded by Vicente “Tito” Sotto III, who in turn was unseated on May 11 by then minority leader Alan Peter Cayetano after the latter secured the support of 13 senators, aided by the presence of fugitive Sen. Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, who faces an outstanding arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court.

The subsequent detention of Sen. Jinggoy Estrada on plunder charges and Dela Rosa’s absence reduced the Cayetano bloc to 11 members. Escudero’s transfer to the Gatchalian bloc supplied the numbers needed for a quorum, based on the Supreme Court’s 1949 ruling in Avelino v. Cuenco.

In her ponencia voiding the 2019 dismissal of then deputy ombudsman Melchor Arthur Carandang, Supreme Court Associate Justice Filomena D. Singh, a Duterte appointee, warned of the dangers of “abuse of power.”

“The rule of law requires that those tasked with scrutinizing authority remain insulated from it, lest oversight become illusory and the constitutional design of checks and balances give way to political expediency.”

She underscored that an earlier Supreme Court decision “unequivocally recognized the ombudsman as the proper disciplinary authority over the deputy ombudsman.”

“Yet, in the order dated June 14, 2019, Ombudsman [Samuel] Martires effectively dismissed Carandang by declaring the position of overall deputy ombudsman vacant. However, the order was issued solely in reliance on the Office of the President’s decision and resolution. There is no showing that the ombudsman conducted an independent evaluation of the administrative charges or afforded Carandang the opportunity to be heard and to present evidence. For this reason, the court likewise finds the said order infirm,” the decision, concurred in by the other three members of the Third Division, stated in part.

The ruling rights the wrong done to Carandang by former president Rodrigo Duterte, covering his retirement benefits and salaries withheld during his preventive suspension and dismissal. However, he cannot be reinstated as his term expired in 2020.

Singh’s ponencia, promulgated Jan. 29, 2026, made an impact on the public as it came 10 days after former senator Antonio Trillanes IV presented details of the mind-boggling deposits in the joint account of the former president and his daughter, Vice President Sara Duterte—much of it in the Bank of the Philippine Islands Julia Vargas, Ortigas branch—during a House Committee on Justice hearing on Sara’s impeachment.

That bank account lay at the center of Carandang’s seven-year ordeal.

How Carandang came to handle the Duterte plunder case

In 2016, four days before the May 9 elections, Trillanes, armed with copies of the Dutertes’ bank transactions reaching P2.2 billion, filed a plunder complaint against Rodrigo and Sara Duterte before the Office of the Ombudsman. He alleged they failed to disclose in their statements of assets, liabilities and net worth substantial deposits and investments reflected in their BPI joint account from 2006 to 2014, when they were mayor and vice mayor of Davao City.

At the time, Rodrigo Duterte was leading the presidential race, vowing to eradicate illegal drugs “in three to six months” and warning of filling the streets with dead bodies.

Then ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales inhibited herself due to her relation by affinity to Sara Duterte. The case was assigned to Carandang.

Despite the explosive Trillanes exposé, Duterte won the presidency.

With the immense power of the presidency, he went all out to seal access to his BPI accounts and to punish those who tried to investigate them.

Suspecting Trillanes’ documents came from the Anti-Money Laundering Council, then headed by Julia C. Bacay-Abad (not related to former budget secretary Florencio “Butch” Abad), Duterte caused her resignation on Jan. 30, 2017, more than a year before her five-year term ended. She was replaced by Mel Georgie B. Racela, who remained compliant throughout his term, which ended in August 2022.

Verify with AMLC

Working on the Dutertes’ plunder case, Carandang first sought to verify with the AMLC whether the bank records attached to Trillanes’ complaint were authentic and matched with those they have in their records.

Reporters closely tracked developments.

On Sept. 27, 2017, journalists Henry Omaga-Diaz of ABS-CBN and Nikko Dizon chanced upon Carandang at the Ombudsman canteen and asked about the AMLC documents. He confirmed he had “received bank transactions coming from AMLC.”

Asked if they matched Trillanes’ documents, he replied, “More or less.”

The High Court’s decision quoted Carandang in more detail: “Yung billions kasi baka add-in na nila itong lahat ng transactions… Pag in-add mo siguro ’yan aabot ng billion… Ang dami… P40 million, P40 million… 200 million kaagad ito… Yung iba P50 million… ang dami.”

Racela immediately denied sending such records. If not from him or the secretariat, could they have come from within AMLC?

A week later, lawyers Manuelito Luna and Eligio Mallari filed an administrative complaint against Carandang before the Office of the President, alleging unauthorized disclosure, graft, misconduct, negligence, and dishonesty amounting to betrayal of public trust. Later, lawyers Jacinto Paras and Glenn Chong filed a similar complaint.

Months into his post, Racela informed Carandang the AMLC would not provide documents, citing presidential immunity. Carandang was forced to terminate the fact-finding on Nov. 29, 2017.

Harassment

The pressure did not stop. Carandang and his family were placed under constant surveillance, both subtle and blatant.

In January 2018, the Office of the President, through then executive secretary Salvador Medialdea, formally charged him and ordered his preventive suspension. Carpio-Morales refused to enforce it, maintaining that only the ombudsman could discipline a deputy.

The scrupulous Carpio-Morales, however, retired on July 25, 2018 and was succeeded by Samuel Martires, a Duterte lackey.

On June 14, 2019, Martires ordered Carandang to “cease and desist” from performing his duties and declared his post vacant.
Stripped of salary and benefits, Carandang went to the Court of Appeals, which ruled the president’s disciplinary action unconstitutional and void.

The Office of the President, through the Office of the Solicitor General, elevated the case to the Supreme Court—leading to a decision that helps restore faith in the justice system, despite its flaws and distortions.

But it would be foolhardy to presume that positive developments such as the case of Carandang spells the end of the Dutertes’ malevolent empire.

As more information emerges to support and explain the entries in the Dutertes’ bank accounts, a sprawling, multi-layered network comes into view—one they will fight to protect.

That makes the 2028 elections all the more crucial.

Covering the Duterte case also requires seeking information and insights from all sides, online and offline.

One steady source of updates on Duterte is the Meta (formerly Facebook) vlog Alvin and Tourism. It is run by Alvin Dave Sarzate, a Filipino based in The Netherlands and a Duterte loyalist. His Facebook page has 1.7 million followers. Several times a week, he posts updates through interviews with family members who visit the former president at the Scheveningen penitentiary.

I found the comments on Alvin’s post about the Feb. 13 statement of Duterte’s British-Israeli lawyer, Nicholas Kaufman, particularly revealing. The statement dealt with the release of the names of the former president’s alleged co-perpetrators in the crimes against humanity case linked to Duterte’s bloody war on drugs.

Here is Kaufman’s full statement:

“The former President and his Defence team have known the identities of the alleged co-perpetrators for almost a year and, as required by the Court, have guarded them in absolute confidentiality. This puts to lie the utter falsity of the claim that the former President’s interim release would endanger the integrity of the Prosecution’s investigation.

“I had a brief meeting with the Prosecution, last week, and stated that for the parties to make meaningful submissions at confirmation for the benefit of the public, the document containing the charges would have to be less redacted.

“Accordingly, the Prosecution has now revealed the names of what it alleges to be criminal co-perpetrators — something that we will prove to be completely lacking in truth. None of these co-perpetrators are, in my opinion, currently subject to arrest warrants. It flies in the face of prosecutorial logic to seek further warrants in the Philippines situation before the decision of the Appeals Chamber on the former President’s jurisdictional challenge.

“The sensational reporting of this list, however, is clearly politically motivated and designed to decimate the Senate in the hope of perverting the democratic will of the Filipino people.”

In sharing the comments that followed, I’ll use initials instead of their full names.

KT asked: “Hi Alvin! Is it possible for you to paraphrase the statement of Atty. Kaufman so ordinary people, like me, can understand it better? You may show him the simpler/paraphrased form before you post it for us. Thanks in advance! More power to you and to the Defence Team of FPRRD!”

Alvin replied: “KT, I cannot change his statement, as that would be unethical. That is his response, verbatim.”

KT persisted: “I understand! But can you just give a simpler version so people from the province will also be in the loop? You do not change it, just give the gist, if possible. I guess it is not unethical at all.”

Later, someone translated the statement into Filipino.

After reading the Filipino version, JDG was puzzled: “Ayy ganun pala ehh, bakit parang nagbunyi ang iba dito sa Pinas?”

MF chimed in: “Boss, boss marami nang kasama si Digong sa ICC.” He added laughing emojis.

The developments at the ICC are not entirely lost on Duterte loyalists, and many are turning to God.
PP lamented: “Nakakapagod magbasa ng updates. Walang nangyayari. Pray na lang for God’s intervention, tanging pag-asa.”

MJC posted: “Father Almighty, Ikaw lang ang may alam ng lahat-lahat kaya ipinaubaya namin sa inyo ang lahat ng galaw at gawa para kay President Duterte at sa bayan. Ang lahat ng ito may plano ka. In Jesus’ name, our savior, your son. Amen.”

NL echoed the prayer: “Pray, pray God’s miracle answers what Filipinos want — to free (Duterte) from ICC. Prayers too for Atty. Kaufman.”
Amen.

Despite the Jan. 23 ruling of the Pre-Trial Chamber that the soon-to-be 81-year-old Duterte is fit to stand trial, his counsel, Nicholas Kaufman, insists that his client is “enfeebled.”

In an appeal filed Feb. 5 reiterating the indefinite adjournment of the hearings, Kaufman argued that the chamber committed substantial errors of fact and law when it declined to consider the medical report submitted by experts hired by Duterte. “The Medical Report detailed Mr Duterte’s lack of executive functioning, sustained planning capacity, and rapid decision-making—to say nothing of his enfeebled physical state—that would make it impossible for him to evade custody,” Kaufman said.

What does enfeebled mean?

The Britannica Dictionary defines it as “made very weak or tired.”

The problem with Kaufman’s claim that Duterte is “enfeebled” and suffering from “cognitive impairments in multiple domains” is that, it is contradicted by accounts from his daughter, Vice President Sara Duterte, in interviews with The Hague–based vlogger Alvin Dave Sarzate following her prison visits.

By her own telling, the older Duterte continues to make key decisions. He personally chose to keep Kaufman as counsel despite calls from supporters to replace him after repeated setbacks at the ICC.

On the birthday of Sen. Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa last Jan. 21, Sara said her father asked her to relay a message to the absentee senator: “Magpakatigas ka na parang bato.”

Dela Rosa has not been seen for more than two months since Ombudsman Boying Remulla said in November that he had seen an ICC arrest warrant for the senator. Dela Rosa is named in ICC documents as a co-perpetrator in the crimes against humanity charge arising from Duterte’s war on drugs.

It is unlikely the ICC will be persuaded to accept the findings of Duterte-hired medical experts over those of the three-member multidisciplinary panel appointed by the chamber, composed of specialists in forensic psychiatry, neuropsychology, and geriatric and behavioral neurology.

Notably, the panel included a section titled “Concerning Reliability,” which Kaufman objected to. In it, the chamber noted that the panel unanimously agreed that “Mr Duterte is an unreliable historian concerning his health and mental functions” and that “Mr Duterte’s complaints of memory difficulty and apparent impaired performance on assessment are disproportionate to his observed abilities at interview.”

That is a polite way of saying Duterte’s words cannot be taken at face value—hardly news to Filipinos. He has long gotten away with lying, from the jet ski to the Spratlys, to the fake war on drugs, to his denial of multimillion-peso bank accounts allegedly funded by drug lords, among many others.

Now, like the boy who cried wolf, the lies appear to be catching up with him.

Kaufman’s latest move, filed Feb. 6, is a request to add items to the defense’s list of evidence.

The chamber has clarified that the purpose of the confirmation hearings is “to determine whether there is sufficient evidence to establish substantial grounds to believe that the person committed each of the crimes charged.” If any charges are confirmed, the case will move to a Trial Chamber for the next phase: the trial proper.

The hearings are scheduled for Feb. 23, 24, 26 and 27, with no hearing on Feb. 25 to allow Duterte to rest. Proceedings begin at 10 a.m. Netherlands time (5 p.m. in the Philippines). For a more detailed schedule, please click here.

The ICC has also formally designated human rights lawyers Joel Butuyan and Gilbert Andres of CenterLaw as legal representatives for the victims. (Disclosure: Butuyan is a trustee of VERA Files. )

CNN further reported that Washington plans to seize Venezuela’s vast oil reserves, a move that appears to confirm what Maduro has long claimed: that control of oil, not democracy or drugs, is at the heart of Trump’s fixation on Venezuela.

According to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, Venezuela holds about 303 billion barrels of oil, roughly one-fifth of the world’s proven reserves, the largest on the planet.

International alarm

The response from the international community was swift. United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, through spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric, warned that “independently of the situation in Venezuela, these developments constitute a dangerous precedent.”

“He’s deeply concerned that the rules of international law have not been respected,” Dujarric added.

Article 2(4) of the U.N. Charter is unequivocal: All members shall refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.

In Manila, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has remained silent (as of this writing, Jan. 5, 3 p.m), though the Department of Foreign Affairs issued a carefully worded statement urging “concerned parties to resolve disputes through peaceful means, and to exercise restraint to prevent escalation of conflict.”

The following day, the DFA updated its statement underscoring the importance of adherence to international law: “The Philippines views with concern the evolving events in Venezuela and their consequential impact on peace and stability in the region as well as on the rules-based international order.

“While acknowledging the United States’ underlying security considerations, the Philippines stresses the relevant principles of international law, including the independence and sovereign equality of states, the peaceful resolution of disputes, the prohibition against the threat or use of force, and non-interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign states.”

Among ASEAN leaders, only Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim issued an unequivocal condemnation.
“The leader of Venezuela and his wife were seized in a United States military operation of unusual scope and nature,” Ibrahim said. “Such actions constitute a clear violation of international law and amount to an unlawful use of force against a sovereign state.”

“It is for the people of Venezuela to determine their own political future,” he added, warning that regime change imposed by external force “will bring more harm than good.”

Trump’s justification, and the facts

Trump has justified the attack by branding Maduro as one of the world’s top drug lords, accusing him of colluding with cartels to flood the United States with fentanyl-laced cocaine.

But this narrative collapses under scrutiny.

A BBC report notes that “Venezuela does not produce large quantities of cocaine — that’s mainly Colombia, Peru and Bolivia.”
Meanwhile, a 2025 report by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration says 84% of cocaine seized in the U.S. comes from Colombia, with Venezuela notably absent from its main trafficking routes.

The same report makes clear that fentanyl is largely produced in Mexico, not South America, and enters the U.S. mainly through the southern border.

Why Filipinos should care

Why should Filipinos care about Venezuela, a country more than 100,000 kilometers away?

Filipino human rights lawyer Edre Olalia, president of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, captured the stakes succinctly. While watching the news early Saturday, he wrote on Facebook: “Offhand, this is not only outrageous but is shameless arrogance that does not appear to have any valid legal basis nor justification. It can only be seen as imperialist aggression and overreach to have global domination and driven by greed over Venezuela’s oil.”

Why would Filipinos care about Maduro who has been widely described as an authoritarian who disrespects human rights?

But international law does not recognize exceptions based on a leader’s character. Every independent and sovereignty state, which Venezuela is, has the freedom from external control from other states and has the supreme right to command obedience within its territory.

Dangerous precedent

The Philippine government’s concern should go far beyond the safety of the 74 Filipinos currently in Venezuela, as monitored by the DFA. What matters is the precedent being set.

As Trump and his advisers gloat over what they have done to Venezuela— even floating future targets such as Greenland — the most dangerous consequence is the signal sent to the world: that power, not law, determines legitimacy. Might is right.

As the U.N. secretary-general warned, it sets “a dangerous precedent.”

If the Trump government gets away unsanctioned for the Jan. 3 attack of an independent country and the abduction of a sitting president, despicable he maybe, it would encourage country-bullies to do the same.

What would stop China from forcibly taking over Taiwan, which it considers an integral part of its territory and recognized by many countries under the One-China principle?

An uglier scenario that would directly involve the Philippines should China attack the EDCA sites in Cagayan, which is a shooting distance to Taiwan.

What would prevent Beijing from seizing BRP Sierra Madre at Ayungin Shoal, tightening its grip over the West Philippine Sea?

Notably, China, a close ally of Venezuela, has itself condemned Trump’s action as a “blatant use of force” and a clear violation of international law.

You may also read this column in VERA Files, Malaya Business Insight and Canadian-Fil.net

The revelation by Interior Secretary Jonvic Remulla about the construction of a five-level basement vault in the Forbes Park home of former Ako Bicol Party-list representative Zaldy Co makes us wonder if he got the idea of having an underground storage place to keep his loot from the Korean drama, Vincenzo.

In an interview with Karen Davila on ANC on Dec. 23, Remulla said the structure was not designed for parking. “It’s not for cars. It’s for money,” he said flatly.

Co, now a fugitive and reported to be in Portugal, chaired the powerful House Appropriations Committee from 2022 to 2025.
Remulla said with the enormous amount that Co accumulated from government funds through fraudulent means, “there’s no way he could deposit that in Philippine banks.”

The house design, Remulla said, and accounts from construction workers suggest the basement vault was intended for cash storage. Fire, after all, spreads upward. So the money was to be kept at the lowest point of the house, fully waterproofed, to survive both flames and floods. “They made it water proof to make it safe,” Remulla added.

Co and his brother co-own several construction firms, most notably Sunwest Corporation, which has been repeatedly linked to ghost and substandard flood control projects. The same firm has also been tagged in the anomalous P8-billion Pharmally contract and the P2.4-billion overpriced laptop deal for the Department of Education during the term of Vice President Sara Duterte.

There is no official accounting of Co’s alleged loot, but unverified estimates put it at as much as P100 billion.

Even as Co’s lawyer, Ruy Rondain, denies the existence of an underground cash vault, Remulla said the property is now subject to civil forfeiture proceedings.

Had Co not been exposed, the challenges would not have ended with the construction. Who would have access to the vault—and how? How does one guarantee absolute secrecy when architects, engineers, construction workers, and IT specialists are inevitably involved?

This, incidentally, is the central problem explored in the Korean drama Vincenzo.

In Vincenzo, the story revolves around Vincenzo Cassano, played by Song Joong-ki, an Italian mafia consigliere who attempts to retrieve 1.5 tons of gold bars hidden in a high-tech underground vault beneath an aging commercial building in Seoul.

The gold bars, owned by Chinese tycoon Wang Shaolin, was concealed beneath a Buddhist temple in Geumga Plaza, in an operation executed by Vincenzo and his Seoul-based associate Mr. Woo.

Aside from the gold bars, there was also something valuable kept in that vault: the Guillotine Files, a list complete with incriminating evidence of the behind-the-scenes dealings of powerful politicians contained in a USB.

The vault was designed by an IT specialist – piano teacher who was one of the tenants of Geumga Plaza. It could only be opened by scanning Wang Shaolin’s biometric iris. Any attempt to force entry would trigger the collapse of the building, burying both gold and the Guillotine files forever. To ensure complete secrecy, the workers who built the vault and moved the gold were all killed. Or so they thought.

The plot complication arises when Wang Shaolin died suddenly of a heart attack in China. How Vincenzo ultimately retrieves the gold bars becomes the highlight of the 20-episode hit K-drama series.

Fiction or non-fiction, same takeaways.

Vincenzo is fiction. The alleged plunder of public funds attributed to Co is not.

Yet both point to the same enduring truth: there is no such thing as a permanent secret. No matter how deep the vault, how advanced the technology, or how powerful the people involved, the truth has a way of surfacing.

As history has shown time and again, there is no perfect crime. Truth, like water, always finds a way to come out.

You may read this column also in VERA Files, Canadian-Filipino.net, and Malaya Business Insight.

Without Chiz Escudero as Senate president to manipulate the process in her favor and the possible absence of Sen. Ronaldo Dela Rosa (who is expected to be in detention at The Hague by then), it is the position of the vice president that is likely to be vacated soon, not the presidency.

Although the vice president is not immune from suit, the Constitution provides that the vice president, like the president, the members of the Supreme Court, the members of the Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman, “may be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust.”

If Duterte is ousted as vice president by impeachment, that would spell the end of her political career because she would be disqualified from holding any office in the country. She would be open to charges, some of them enumerated in the Articles of Impeachment that the House of Representatives transmitted to the Senate in February.

To recall, those include misuse and malversation of public funds relating to the confidential and intelligence funds for both the Office of the Vice President and the Department of Education; allegations that she plotted to murder or assassinate the incumbent President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., First Lady Liza Marcos, and now resigned House speaker Martin Romualdez; accusations of amassing unexplained wealth and failing to disclose all her properties in her Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth.

The Supreme Court, in a much-criticized July 5 decision, declared the Feb. 5 Articles of Impeachment “unconstitutional” and covered by the one- year ban.

The High Court statement underscored that it was “not absolving Vice President Duterte from any of the charges against her. But any subsequent impeachment complaint may only be filed starting February 6, 2026.”

That’s a little over two months from today. Time flies fast. That’s the reason why Duterte and her supporters are panicking and again resorting to short cuts. Her supporters from among the retired military and police officers have been enticing, without success, the military leadership to withdraw support from Marcos.

They have shamelessly tried to ride on the public outrage over massive corruption in the government infrastructure funds without thinking that many of those involved are identified with the Dutertes. Prominent among them are Escudero, Sara’s protector in the Senate; Sen. Bong Go; and Davao City Rep. Paolo Duterte.

They were reportedly spurned when they tried to join the Iglesia Ni Cristo rally in Rizal Park (cut short to two days from the originally planned three days) with their “Marcos Resign placards. “

Last Tuesday, feeding on the narrative her camp has been vigorously spreading the past weeks, a reporter asked her during a home town press conference how prepared she was about the possibility of taking over the presidency, Duterte said, “There is no question about my readiness. I presented myself to you when I was a candidate for vice president with the understanding that I am the first in line in succession.”

“Pinresenta ko sa inyo, tumakbo ako bilang vice president. Alam ko na first in line ako sa succession. Wala nang tanong dun kung ano ang gagawin ko. ‘Yun ang mandate sa akin ng Constitution, at alam ko ‘yun noong ako ay tumakbo at binoto niyo ako as vice president knowing that I am the first in line.”

Palace Spokesperson Claire Castro pointed out the inappropriateness of Duterte’s statement: “’Unang-una po, ang bise presidente, hindi acceptable, it is not acceptable for a vice president to anticipate the resignation of the president – presidente na pinagsisigawan nilang bumaba sa puwesto,” she said, adding that it is “destabilizing.”

She added: ”This is definitely a form of political destabilization; pinapahina niya ang public confidence ng tao sa administrasyon. And those words contribute to the climate of uncertainty and crisis. Kung handa siya, makikita po natin, nag-anticipate siya na mawawala ang pangulo—iyan po ang balak nila, iyan po ang nasa isip nila, at iyan po ang ginagawa nila ngayon.”

Castro asked a question that answered why the public are not responsive to calls for Marcos to step down: “Itanong din natin sa taumbayan: Handa na po ba kayo sa mas marami pang Mary Grace Piattos?”

That would be jumping from the frying pan to the fire. And that actually makes Marcos lucky that his vice president is Sara Duterte.

This column was carried also by VERA Files, Malaya Business Insight and Canadian-Filipino.net

As I write this column Sunday afternoon, the latest information I got was that Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano does not have 11 senators for his Senate presidency bid that would convince the Villar brother-sister team to defect and complete a change of leadership.

Rumors have been swirling the past few days about the unrest in the Senate brought about by the horrifying revelations in the Ping Lacson-led Blue Ribbon Committee investigating anomalies in flood control projects that resulted in government losses reaching trillions of pesos (that’s 12 zeros). At least three incumbent and two former senators have been named. Names of some members of the House of Representatives have also been mentioned, notably former House speaker Martin Romualdez and resigned Bicol Ako party list representative and former chair of the powerful Appropriations Committee, Zaldy Co.

Last Saturday (Oct. 4), my colleague Antonio Montalvan II posted on Facebook that “ALAN PETER CAYETANO is poised to become the new SENATE PRESIDENT if the minority’s coup will take place this Monday, October 6.”

He further said: “The aim of the coup, of course, is to cover up their complicity in the budget insertions. In the previous Senate, all senators benefitted from this grand robbery, except Risa Hontiveros and Koko Pimentel.

“Apparently, the massive Trillion Peso March did not scare these senators from their wits. More needs to be done.

“What can probably scare them? When another march will surround the Senate on Monday that will make them virtual hostages of the people’s demand for accountability that is now bordering on collective anger?”

Two days before Montalvan’s post Sen. JV Ejercito shared with the media his unhappiness over the effect of the reports about flood control anomalies and budget insertions on the Senate: “Because if this is the direction we’re headed, it’s like we’re burning down our own house.”
Three incumbent senators are included among the persons being investigated by the Department of Justice in connection with the flood control anomalies: Chiz Escudero, Joel Villanueva and Jinggoy Estrada. Dismissed public works officials and contractors named them in the illegal transactions that diverted billions of pesos for projects to them. Former senators Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr. and Nancy Binay, now Makati City mayor, were also mentioned.

Ejercito’s complaint shows the ocean-wide difference in perspective of the senators and the public in matters of governance, transparency and accountability. While the hearings of the Lacson-chaired Blue Ribbon Committee have caused low morale on senators, it is blockbuster to the public. Everybody follows the hearings – taxi drivers, tricycle drivers, market vendors, street sweepers, housewives, officer workers, students. Everybody knows about the 40 luxury vehicles of the Discayas and the P45- million Rolls Royce they bought because it came with a free umbrella.

Everybody was dumbfounded by the bundles of kickback money that went to government officials, instead of public services and assistance that they badly need.

The public demands accountability. That’s democracy functioning!

Social media is vibrant with people voicing their outrage. (Although, malevolent forces are actively at work sowing confusion.) The Trillion Peso protest rallies last Sept. 21, and another one being organized on Nov. 30, are vivid demonstrations of people participating in governance. The people are telling government officials what they want.

It is lamentable that the senators are taking it negatively.

What do they want then? Replace Sotto with Cayetano as Senate president and return Rodante Marcoleta as Blue Ribbon chair?
This afternoon, Lacson said he was stepping down as Blue Ribbon Committee chair following complaints from some senators of his handling of the investigation. Earlier, Lacson has cancelled the Oct. 8 hearing.

Some political analysts see this as a strategic move – “calming the storm.” Hopefully, this would result in Cayetano not getting the numbers he needs to take over the Senate presidency, and Marcoleta not retaking the Blue Ribbon chairmanship.

Hopefully. We will see on Monday (Oct. 6).

That’s what many feel Senate President Chiz Escudero is trying to pull something on the Filipino people with his dilly-dallying tactics on the impeachment trial of Vice President Sara Duterte.

Activist priest, Fr. Flavie Villanueva, SVD, who runs Program Paghilum (Healing), which helps widows and orphans of extra-judicial killings during former president Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal war on drugs get justice and rebuild their lives, sent me a message last Wednesday that he too deposited P123 to the controversial BPI joint account of Rodrigo and Sara Duterte after reading my column that I deposited P100 to confirm that it is still active.

Why P123?

Fr, Flavie titled his message: Na 1-2-3: A mocking deposit

He related that the bank manager asked him, “Father, sure ka mag deposit ka sa account na to?”

To which, he replied:“Sure po ako Ma’am.

He added, “In the name of justice that was denied to thousands of families who lost their loved ones due to former President Rodrigo Duterte’s state policy of “kill, kill, kill”, I make this mocking deposit.”

Fr. Flavie said the “Na 1-2-3” deposit is also a call for the vigilance: That’s also a “Na 1-2-3” ni Digong at Sara ang Bayan noon at hanggang ngayon!

He urged the incumbent senators to “demand an investigation into this controversial bank account.”

“Choose courage over cowardice, truth over convenience, and the people’s welfare over self-interest. Then and only then will the world and nation know the amassed and illegal wealth of Rodrigo and Sara Duterte possess. Finally, our entire nation will realize, na-1-2-3 tayo noon at hanggang ngayon ni Rodrigo at Sara Duterte!

He said: “Nang-tokhang si Rody ng mga dukha kababayan. Ngayon, si Sara nang tokhang ng kaban ng bayan. Impeach at litisin si Sara NOW!

There are protest actions being organized to send a message to the senators that we won’t allow another 1-2-3:
June 9 (Monday) Assembly time: 9:30 a.m. at the Film Center , then march to the Senate gate.
The Senate of the Philippines is located at GSIS Building, Financial Center, Roxas Boulevard in Pasay City.
June 10 (Tuesday) Time: 5 p.m. to 9 p.m. at the Senate Café.
June 11 (Wednesday) Time: 1 pm – 5 p.m. March from Film Center to Senate gate

Last Monday, June 2, I went to a BPI branch and deposited P100 (not P500 as what my friend did on April 28, 2016 to disprove Duterte’s claim that the account was non-existent). It was accepted. See above deposit slip. Proof that the account is still active.

On several occasions, former senator Antonio Trillanes IV gave the public a preview of the mind-boggling content of that BPI account, such as the deposits of Sammy Uy’s managers checks—ranging from P7 million to P10 million each — totaling almost P134 million in the name of Duterte and members of his family – Sara, Paolo, Sebastian and Cielito S. Avanceña, his long-time partner.

Sammy Uy was identified as a drug lord by self-confessed member of the Davao Death Squad, Arturo Lascañas.

There could be much more explosive information in the entries in more than 40 pages of BPI bank documents that Trillanes obtained and submitted to the Senate and to the office of the Ombudsman in 2017. The Duterte-appointed Ombudsman Samuel Martires, who is ending his seven-year term on July 27, effectively quashed any attempt to pursue the investigation of the plunder case Trillanes filed against Rodrigo and Sara Duterte based on the bank account transactions that amounted to P2.2 billion. The deposits were not reported in their respective Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth, as required by the law for government officials.

The former president harassed an official of the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) he suspected as Trillanes’ source on the bank records. He also prohibited the council from releasing any information on the bank account to the Ombudsman.

In those documents, the bank account numbers of the source of the deposits are listed, but the identity of the account owners are not. The entries on March 28, 2014 are interesting and intriguing. That was the 69th birthday of Rodrigo Duterte, who was then mayor of Davao City. There were seven deposits totaling P193,705,615.88 on that day. The first was in the amount of P55,131,747.32, followed by P41,721,035.62. Then, four deposits in the amount of P20,000,000.00 each came in. The last deposit for the day was in the amount of P16,852,832.94.

The deposits could have been birthday gifts for the mayor, which is a violation of Republic Act No. 6713, or the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees.

A P20 million birthday check is staggering to a Filipino wage earner. But it is not an unusual story- wealthy businessmen giving the chief executive multi-million peso gifts for a mutually satisfactory business relationship. But who writes a birthday gift down to the last centavo, such as the P55,131,747.32 deposit? Is it payment for something? A dividend? What business were Duterte and his daughter running?

That bank account is Duterte’s Pandora’s Box. Once opened, it is expected to reveal anomalies more appalling than what the House Quadcom hearings have uncovered.
We will only know when the AMLC allows the scrutiny of that joint bank account because an impeachment case is one of the exceptions to the Bank Secrecy Law.

That is precisely the reason why the Dutertes are marshalling all their forces to block the impeachment trial. Their battle strategy is not to gather enough votes to block the conviction of the vice president but to PREVENT the convening of the impeachment court and the holding of the trial.

And they have no less than Senate President Chiz Escudero leading the maneuvers to frustrate the public’s desire for Sara Duterte to “address the impeachment charges, answer all allegations pertaining to corruption and clear her name” as conveyed in the May 2- 6 survey by the Social Weather Stations.

Sara Duterte has been charged with culpable violation of the Constitution, betrayal of public trust, graft and corruption, and other high crimes.

When it transmitted the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate last February, the House leadership said in a statement that the grounds for Duterte’s impeachment are a “series of grave allegations, including conspiracy to assassinate Marcos, large-scale corruption, abuse of public funds, and involvement in extrajudicial killings.”

Escudero’s sinister scheme has become too obvious. From his decision not to touch the Articles of Impeachment sent by the House of Representatives last February, and instead scheduled it to July, after the May elections, and postponing the presentation by the House prosecution panel of the impeachment articles from June 2 to June 11, he is trying to kill the impeachment trial.

Lawyer Barry Gutierrez’s post on X (formerly Twitter) expresses the disgust of many to what Escudero is doing. He said: “Chiz Escudero deliberately ran the clock out on the impeachment to ensure there would be no trial in the 19th Congress. And NOW they claim the impeachment can no longer carry over to the 20th Congress? Sinadya niyong magbagalbagalan tapos sasabihin nyo wala nang oras? Kalokohan. “