Hevallo. Turkey and The Kurdish Question. And Rojava Kurdistan!

Kurdish Fighters Descend Mountains to Symbolically Destroy Weapons.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 18 Jul 2025 21:47:00 +0000

FOR 40 years many of these Kurdish fighters have not left the mountains, but here led by KCK Co Chair Besê Hozat, descending the mountains to support Abdullah Öcalan’s call to lay down arms! An extremely powerful and symbolic image of the Kurdish people’s honourable struggle for freedom! Pic: Via ANF.

Historic Speech of Kurdish Leader Abdullah Öcalan from Imrali Island. [Video] (English subtitles)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 18 Jul 2025 21:40:00 +0000

PKK’s statement on their decision to disband.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 21 May 2025 13:44:00 +0000

The process initiated by Leader Abdullah Öcalan’s statement on February 27, and further shaped by his extensive work and multidimensional perspectives, culminated in the successful convening of our 12th Party Congress between May 5–7.
Despite ongoing clashes, aerial and ground attacks, continued siege of our regions, and the KDP embargo, our congress was held securely under challenging conditions. Due to security concerns, it was conducted simultaneously in two different locations. With the participation of 232 delegates in total, the PKK 12th Congress discussed Leadership, Martyrs, Veterans, the Organizational Structure of the PKK and Armed Struggle, and Democratic Society Building, culminating in historic decisions marking the beginning of a new era for our Freedom Movement.

All activities under the PKK name have been concluded
The Extraordinary 12th Congress evaluated that the PKK’s struggle has dismantled the policies of denial and annihilation imposed on our people, bringing the Kurdish issue to a point where it can be resolved through democratic politics. It concluded that the PKK has fulfilled its historical mission. Based on this, the 12th Congress resolved to dissolve the PKK’s organizational structure and end the armed struggle, with the implementation process to be managed and led by Leader Apo [Abdullah Öcalan]. All activities conducted under the PKK name have therefore been concluded.
Our party, the PKK, emerged as a Kurdish freedom movement in opposition to the denial and annihilation policies rooted in the Treaty of Lausanne and the 1924 Constitution. Influenced by real socialism at its inception, it embraced the principle of national self-determination and carried out a legitimate, just struggle through armed resistance. The PKK was formed under conditions dominated by aggressive Kurdish denial, annihilation, genocide, and assimilation policies.
Since 1978, the PKK has conducted a freedom struggle aimed at securing recognition for Kurdish existence and establishing the Kurdish issue as a fundamental reality of Turkey. As a result of this successful struggle, our movement achieved a resurrection revolution for our people, becoming a symbol of hope and a dignified life for the peoples of the region.
During the 1990s, a period of major gains for our people, Turkish President Turgut Özal began seeking a political solution to the Kurdish issue. In response, Leader Apo declared a ceasefire on March 17, 1993, launching a new phase. However, the collapse of real socialism, the imposition of gang-like tactics on our war strategy, and the deep state’s elimination of Özal and his team sabotaged this initiative. The state intensified its denial and annihilation policies, escalating the war. Thousands of villages were evacuated and burned; millions of Kurds were displaced; tens of thousands were tortured and imprisoned; and thousands were killed under suspicious circumstances.
In response, the Freedom Movement grew both in size and capacity. Guerrilla warfare spread across Kurdistan and Turkey. The impact of the guerrilla struggle led the Kurdish people to rise in mass uprisings (serhildans), turning war into the primary option for both sides. The resulting mutual escalation of war could not be reversed, and Leader Apo’s efforts to solve the Kurdish issue through democratic and peaceful means ultimately failed."
Rebuilding Turkish-Kurdish relations is inevitable
The process entered a different phase with the international conspiracy of February 15, 1999. In this process, one of the main goals of the conspiracy, a Kurdish-Turkish war, was prevented thanks to the great sacrifices and efforts of Leader Apo. Despite being held in the İmralı torture and genocide system, he persisted in seeking a democratic and peaceful solution to the Kurdish issue. For 27 years, Leader Apo has resisted the İmralı system of annihilation, nullifying the international conspiracy. In his struggle, he analyzed the male-dominated, power-driven statist system and developed a paradigm for a democratic, ecological, and women's freedom-oriented society. Thus, he materialized an alternative freedom system for our people, women, and oppressed humanity.
Leader Apo, by referring to the period before the Treaty of Lausanne and the 1924 Constitution, where Kurdish-Turkish relations became problematic, proposed a framework for resolving the Kurdish issue based on the Democratic Republic of Turkey and the concept of a Democratic Nation, founded on the idea of a Common Homeland and co-founding peoples. The Kurdish uprisings throughout the history of the Republic, the 1000-year Kurdish-Turkish dialectic, and 52 years of leadership struggle have shown that the Kurdish issue can only be resolved based on a Common Homeland and Equal Citizenship. Current developments in the Middle East within the scope of World War III also make the restructuring of Kurdish-Turkish relations inevitable.
Our people will understand the dissolution of the PKK and the end of armed struggle better than anyone and embrace the duties of this era
Our honorable people, who have joined the Leadership and PKK path for 52 years at great cost, resisting policies of denial, annihilation, genocide, and assimilation, will support the peace and democratic society process more consciously and organizedly. We firmly believe that our people will understand the decision to dissolve the PKK and end the method of armed struggle better than anyone and will embrace the responsibilities of the democratic struggle era based on building a democratic society. It is of vital importance that our people, led by women and youth, build their self-organizations in all areas of life, organize on the basis of self-sufficiency through their language, identity, and culture, become self-defensive in the face of attacks, and build a communal democratic society with a spirit of mobilization. On this basis, we believe that Kurdish political parties, democratic organizations, and opinion leaders will fulfill their responsibilities to advance Kurdish democracy and the democratic nationhood of the Kurds.
With the legacy of our history of freedom, struggle, and resistance, and the decisions of the PKK’s 12th Congress, the democratic political path will develop more strongly, and the future of our peoples will progress based on freedom and equality. The poor and working peoples, all faith groups, women and youth, workers, peasants, and all excluded segments will assert their rights and develop a common life in a just and democratic environment.
We call on everyone to join the peace and democratic society process
The decision of our Congress to dissolve the PKK and end the method of armed struggle offers a strong basis for lasting peace and a democratic solution. Implementing these decisions requires that Leader Apo lead and guide the process, that his right to democratic politics be recognized, and that solid, comprehensive legal guarantees be established. At this stage, it is essential that the Grand National Assembly of Turkey play its role with historical responsibility. Likewise, we call on the government, the main opposition party, all political parties represented in parliament, civil society organizations, religious and faith communities, democratic media outlets, opinion leaders, intellectuals, academics, artists, labor unions, women’s and youth organizations, and ecological movements to assume responsibility and join the peace and democratic society process.
The involvement of Turkey’s leftist-socialist forces, revolutionary structures, organizations, and individuals in the peace and democratic society process will elevate the struggle of peoples, women, and the oppressed to a new level. This will mean achieving the goals of the great revolutionaries whose last words were “Long live the brotherhood of the Turkish and Kurdish peoples and a fully independent Turkey!”
With Democratic Society Socialism representing a new phase in the peace and democratic society process and the struggle for socialism, the global democracy movement will advance, and a just and equal world will emerge. On this basis, we call on democratic public opinion, especially our comrades leading the Global Freedom Initiative, to expand international solidarity within the framework of the democratic modernity theory.
We call on international powers to acknowledge their responsibilities in the century-long genocide policies against our people, not to obstruct a democratic solution, and to contribute constructively to the process.
We announce the martyrdom of Ali Haydar Kaytan and Riza Altun
Our 12th PKK Congress, convened at the call of our leadership, has declared the martyrdom of Fuat-Ali Haydar Kaytan, one of our party’s leading cadres, who was martyred on July 3, 2018, and comrade Riza Altun, martyred on September 25, 2019. On this basis, it has recognized comrade Fuat-Ali Haydar Kaytan, one of the founding leading cadres of the PKK, as the symbol of “Loyalty to the Leader, Truth, and Sacred Life,” and comrade Riza Altun, one of Leader Apo’s first comrades, as the symbol of “Freedom Comradeship.” We dedicate our historic 12th Party Congress to these two great martyr comrades who have
led us from the beginning of our Freedom Movement until today with their uninterrupted struggle. In their names, we renew our promise to all martyrs of the struggle and affirm our commitment to fulfilling the dreams of Peace and Democracy Martyr Comrade Sırrı Süreyya Önder."

Translation of full text first published in Bianet.

The Historic Belgium Case of the Decriminalisation of the PKK.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 02 Jun 2020 22:51:00 +0000

An Event in Kurdistan That Changed My Life Forever.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 27 Feb 2020 00:46:00 +0000

By Mark Campbell

The following testimony is from a UK Trade Union Delegation of 11 people that travelled to Turkey and Kurdistan in Nov 1993. We spent about 12 days in what was called 'The Emergency Region' that was kept under savage military emergency law. Every single day we witnessed serious and systematic human rights violations against the Kurds by the Turkish army and civilian death squads. Below was yet another incident at the end of our trip that changed my life forever.

We had been hearing about Kurdish villages being systematically burnt by the Turkish army from the many villagers who came to the Human Rights Office in Diyarbakir. When asked if they would take us to the villages to witness, the villagers all refused, saying it would mean certain death for them. However, later in the week when we visited the IHD office to interview some Kurdish women there was a villager sitting at the desk (pictured below) when we arrived describing what had happened to his village to the duty human rights worker. The human rights office was regularly closed down by the Turkish state and the workers arrested, so we were lucky it was functioning that morning. The human rights worker apologised that he maybe a little time as this villager was reporting his village being destroyed and he had to document his testimony. We again asked the human rights worker if he would ask the villager to consider taking us to the village to witness the crime. He said he would ask but doubted it.

Half an hour later, Mustafa (the HR worker) came into the room with the ashen-faced villager and told us that the villager was prepared to take us if it would make a difference and we could publicise it. Now it was much more real and serious so we took another half an hour to discuss the proposal in our group and came to the majority decision to go to the village to bear witness to Turkey's horrendous human rights crimes. We waited a few hours, as now we were going, journalists from the legendary Kurdish newspaper Ozgur Gundem wanted to come with us. We would say that they were our translators if we were caught. The Kurdish journalists were never able to get access to the burnt villages so it was a good opportunity for them, now our group had decided to go. We all got into the villager's minibus and he drove us out of Diyarbakir towards Bismil. We managed to get through many army checkpoints and eventually we were on a dirt track going over hills and valleys to avoid the army blockades. Adrenalin was running through our veins and the Kurdish villager was visibly terrified, our two Ozgur Gundem journalists were chain smoking one cigarette after the other eyes fixed watching the road ahead for what was to come. Eventually, we came over a small hill and in front of us in the distance was a village on fire. We stopped at the neighbouring village that straddled the hill perhaps 700 metres from the burning village of Agilli (Turkish name) Birik (Kurdish name).

It was a little wet as I remember and our minibus got stuck in some mud and shuddered to a halt. We all jumped out and went to meet with the villagers who greeted us. Most of the women from Birik had fled here after their village was burnt. They detailed how the Turkish army had arrived around 24 hours before and had rounded up all the villagers from their houses by dragging many by the hair. The Turkish soldiers had urinated on some of them and had randomly picked three people out and put them against the wall and shot them dead. The soldiers had set fire to their houses and destroyed their crops, tractors and animals. We could hear the wailing of Kurdish mourning laments coming over the small river to the village. Everything seemed to be happening in slow motion and it was impossible to take everything in. Some suggested we take the minibus and drive into the village. After some struggle to get the minibus out of the mud we drove down the small hill, through the river, and up into the destroyed village. Again, like in slow motion, the minibus came bumping to a halt and we tumbled out into scenes one would normally only see in films or read about in books. Smouldering ashes and some still on fire, wailing Kurdish laments mourning the dead, women sifting through the ashes of their homes trying to recover what they could into blankets. One elderly Kurdish woman when she saw us tumble out of the van screamed at us to get away while we could, "The soldiers are still here, they will kill you!" she screamed urging us to escape. But it was too late, we turned to see a line of soldiers with balaclavas covering their faces and pointing their rifles at us screaming in Turkish and running directly towards us down the hill. Again, I'm in slow motion and I'm thinking to myself that literally anything can happen in the next few seconds and I have absolutely no control over it, they could open fire, we could all die. Strange feeling, not feeling afraid, just that everything seemed to be happening in slow motion is the best way to describe it.

Otherworldly, like I was hovering above the scene looking down on this burning village with soldiers running towards our group pointing the rifles and aggressively screaming at us. Luckily our translator loudly and urgently explained something in Turkish that managed to eventually calm them down. They rolled up their masks and ushered us up the hill at gunpoint. We walked, in a daze through the village, smouldering, burning, flickering flames coming from the ashes and the Kurdish laments of mourning coming from the depths of the village. We eventually got to the top of the hill, still in the village, where the soldiers had lit a small campfire and had presumably been sitting around it before we entered the village. It was clear that they had been left to make sure that all the villagers left the village. Half an hour later one of the soldiers asked who was driving the minibus, I raised my hand nervously. "Come with us!" he barked aggressively. I was marched back down the hill, through the smouldering village again, to where our minibus had again got stuck in the mud. "Get in!" They had ordered other villagers from another village to bring a tractor and had connected the minibus to the tractor with a thick rope.

I got in and steered the minibus out of the mud and began to steer as the tractor pulled it up the hill. My camera was within reach on the passenger side and I nervously picked it up, checking where the soldiers were before snapping on autofocus, pointing in the general direction of the burning houses, my heart pounding. With this camera, I had also earlier taken pictures of the two Ozgur Gundem journalists interviewing Kurdish women who had fled from the village. (All the men had been taken away in lorries). This was the thing that I was to get myself in knots over during the next 3 hours. It was pre-digital and a film camera. I had to decide what to do with this roll of film. I quickly finished the film and took out the finished roll and replaced it with a new roll in case my camera was confiscated. Now I had the roll with the images of the village, which I stuffed down my sock, but it also had images of the journalists interviewing villagers on it and could put them in danger. There was in the end only one right decision and that was to destroy it by exposing it to light, which I did in the minibus on the way to the contra guerilla HQ that the Turkish army eventually took us to for interrogation. The tractor brought the minibus up to the fire where the others were being held and we were all ordered into the minibus. From here the psychological tension that had already been prevalent in the group began to massively increase. Nervous conversations broke out about what we should do and how we should act, all the while the two Ozgur Gundem journalists smoked, cigarette after cigarette, constantly.

They knew, in their own minds, they were now going to die. Many of their colleagues had been extrajudicially executed that year already for far lesser 'crimes'. It's hard to now try to explain the atmosphere but again, it all seemed to be happening in slow motion. Some of us decided that the best way to get through this was to focus on trying to protect Necmiye and Nalan, so we quickly reiterated to the group that the story was that we had paid them both to be our translators and that was all, a financial contract. The soldiers who had been guarding us had radioed their superiors and 2 hours later a whole convoy of troops and military vehicles arrived to take us away. It was getting dark and we were many miles from any main road. They placed our minibus in between two military land rovers and told me to turn off the mini busses headlights and just follow the vehicle in front. We set off leaving the smouldering village behind and an uncertain future ahead. It was a nerve-wracking drive as the Turkish soldiers clearly were doing everything to intimidate us by driving and pushing us fast along this dirt track sandwiched in between the military convoy, without our lights while they screamed orders and insults at us. We eventually came to some sort of military base that was full of soldiers and village guards. We were made to park the minibus in a dark corner of the parking lot and marched towards the main doors of the building where a group of village guards and Turkish military in civilian clothes awaited us under a flickering light and slung insults and threats at our two translators. Unluckily, Nalan was immediately recognised and identified as a 'terrorist whore' by some of the guards who knew her and she was snatched away from us before we could hold on to her. She was taken away for 'interrogation'. But we quickly spun around and made a lunge for Necmiye who we held onto tightly insisting that she stayed with us and was our translator. Luckily, she was able to stay with us, for now. We had been taken to a Contra Guerilla HQ somewhere in Bismil, SE Turkey (Or N Kurdistan to the Kurds) and we were going to be held there for we did not know how long. It seems that we were initially officially 'disappeared' as we heard later a local journalist who came to the building to enquire about us was told by the commander of the camp that we were not there as he coldly covered up our pile of passports on the desk while looking the journalist directly in the eye. They took us and placed us all in a long room where we stayed all night not knowing what was to happen to us.

In the middle of the night, again some soldiers came into the room and asked who was driving the minibus. Again, I nervously put up my hand. "Come with us!" they barked. They took me out of the building and into the dark car park and right into the corner where we had left the minibus. Aggressively they made me open the door and sit in the driver's seat. "Turn it on!" I turned the key. Play the tape machine. It then came to me what they were doing. Frankly, I don't mind admitting, I was terrified and thought for the third time already that my life may be under threat. I flashed back to the drive from Diyarbakir to the village over the dirt tracks, the villager had a Kurdish music tape playing in the tape player. They wanted me to play the Kurdish tape and perhaps then interrogate me or abuse me for it. I played completely dumb and said I had no idea how to play the tape machine and tried to change the conversation as though I had no idea what they were intending. Luckily, I was soon marched back to the building put back in the room without any further incident in the car park. 

Unknown to us, news had got back to the UK that our delegation had gone 'missing' in SE Turkey investigating 'alleged human rights abuses against the Kurds'. We found out later that there was blanket coverage, with our situation being the first item of all the news channels and main news in the evening. 6 Oclock BBC News, 7 Channel Four News, 10 Oclock BBC and ITV News, BBC's Newsnight at 10.30pm all ran with our plight as the first headline story of the day's news, interviewing Lord Avebury, Mark Muller and Kurdish rights activists about what was happening to the Kurds in Turkey. It had apparently gone to diplomatic levels and the Turkish government were being pressurised to reveal where we were and release us. But we did not know this and were still being held in the contra guerilla HQ by the next morning. The commander of the HQ had us all brought to his office where he made a very dramatic show of lining up our cameras that had been confiscated from us the night before. His hand slowly ran along the cameras before falling on mine, a clearly professional Nikon F4 and picking it up making a big deal of trying to intimidate again. He opened up the back of the camera and roughly pulled the film from the inside. Making a dramatic show of holding the cartridge in one hand and slowly unrolling the film, exposing it to light therefore ruining the film, the message was very clear. We were told we would now be transferred to Diyarbakir Military HQ for further questioning and were then corralled to the front of the building where another larger military convoy was waiting to 'escort' us. As we left the building the commander came up very close to Necmiye and whispered something to her in a very threatening manner. She turned, ashen-faced, looked me in the eye and walked towards the minibus. When we were positioned in the middle of the convoy and underway I asked her what he said. As she lit another cigarette, she calmly told me that he had told her that they were going to kill her and Nalan for taking us to the village. 

We were driven at speed to Diyarbakir, through red lights, traffic was stopped as we were sped through the streets. We finally arrived outside the Turkish army Headquarters and the gate opened and we were ushered in. They made us park the minibus just outside the main entrance in a small gravel car park there. Two Turkish military vehicles parked themselves on each side of the minibus, so close that we could not get out and there we were left for possibly another 4 or 5 hours. The psychology amongst the group was now at fever pitch with arguments and stress showing itself in all sorts of ways. Again, some of us focused on Nalan and Necmiye who were clearly facing death. We didn't yet know what our fate was to be and we didn't still know about the media coverage our situation was creating back in the UK. But we hoped that being UK passport holders that our situation was in no way comparable to that which was facing the two brave Kurdish women journalists from Ozgur Gundem. 

The hours went by and eventually, wiping the condensation from the windows of the minibus we could see that there was a commotion going on outside with soldiers out brushing the road and officers gathering. Soon, a convoy of top military cars with flags waving on the bonnets indicating top officers came sweeping in through the gates stopping by the main doors and lots of activity as many people went into the building. About one hour later, we were summoned and taken out of the minibus and into the main reception area of the building at Turkish Military HQ in Diyarbakir. We had to very reluctantly leave Nalan and Necmiye in the minibus although we constantly made demands to see them throughout the day. I was once allowed to take some cigarettes to them in the minibus but that was all. We waited in the reception area for around an hour or so being guarded by soldiers. Eventually, again some commotion with junior ranks polishing and sweeping the floor in preparation for a very high ranking important person. 

Eventually, after the arrival of more junior officers and more senior officers, this man arrived who was clearly God in the eyes of the junior soldiers who literally walked backwards bowing in front of him. This we found out later was the top Turkish Commander of the whole of the Emergency Area (Kurdistan) or OHAL who had come directly from some battle somewhere especially to 'deal with us'. He had his arm bandaged in a sling with patches of blood visible and a pistol strapped to his side.  The large salon was divided into two halves with our side filled with rows of chairs while on the other side there was a large table. The Commander of the OHAL (Emergency Region) marched to the table, clearly in a spitting rage and sat himself down. He bellowed across the hall if there was anyone who spoke Turkish and if so they were to come over to him. Our amazingly brave translator, Sandra walked calmly over to his side. She came back a few moments later and told us that he had told her he was going to come over to where we were sitting and ask us two simple questions, who we were and what we were doing in the region? The delegation was by this point, frankly, nearly at a breaking point, psychologically. And it was not helped when the angry Turkish commander of the emergency region with his wound and rage stood up from the table, walked over to where we were sitting, with two military video teams now filming us and asked the person who he first came to, "What is your name and why did you come here!?" Not knowing how to respond and clearly, in a lot of stress, the first person shouted out that they 'demanded to talk to their ambassador,' at which point I thought the commander of the whole emergency region with his wound and his rage was going to take out the pistol he had strapped to his side and shoot this person for such an insulting reply in his view. His whole body language certainly suggested that. He twitched visibly and ignored the reply and walked along to the next person who was the partner of the first and who also repeated the demand to 'speak to our ambassador'. There was a sharp intake of breath in the room as people waited and watched to see if he actually was going to put his gun to their heads and blow their brains all over the beautifully polished marble floor. But before he did that, he tried one more time. Luckily, I was next and although I had no knowledge of Turkish culture I'd kind of sussed out that it was worth at least feigning a level of respect in terms of simply answering the questions that this clearly crazed military lunatic was asking and so I was happy to inform him that 'My name is Mark Campbell and we have tradition in our country in the trade union movement of internationalism and we were simply visiting trade unionists in Turkey to find out their experiences." It was as though someone opened the windows and cool wind of fresh air came in and everyone could take a deep breath. He visibly 'took his hand off his gun' and continued down the line asking the same question to which the remaining members of the group replied in a similar manner.

He left, with his answers and went upstairs. Other high ranking officers arrived and joined him upstairs in an office. We were eventually summoned and taken up to the office as well. Seated, with the officers standing around over us we were informed that we could finally have one call to our embassy in Ankara. So each one of us, in turn, was put through and it was only then that we understood that there were many people including the world's media that were enquiring to our whereabouts.  I can't remember why but in that office one of the officers went to physically strike one of the group but stopped at the last minute. It was now dark and after the phone calls to the embassy, we were taken down the stairs and brought to a backyard type place that was in darkness apart from being dimly lit from the light of the offices. Here, we were ominously handed over to two men in civilian clothes with long beards who were shouldering AK 47s. One look at their AK 47s and you immediately noticed the curved long bullet magazines. Not only were they very long and curved but they were taped together so that when one magazine was spent one could quickly turn around the magazine to access the other magazine of bullets. We were told that we were being released but I was now at my most nervous and feared, again, for the security of our whole group. There was an electricity blackout and we had just been handed over to these two civilian men with beards and long curved magazines taped together with lots of bullets. Men who pretty much perfectly fitted the description of the Turkish state-sponsored assassins of Hizbullah (Turkish version not Lebanese) that we had been graphically told about in the preceding weeks investigating 'human right abuse allegations' against the Kurds in SE Turkey.  Who we had also heard 'at work' when we stayed one night in Batman where we met with oil workers and visited Hasankeyf as a cover to speak with human rights workers. 11 Kurds were assassinated in the streets outside our hotel that night. We were driven off in the minibus by these two armed men into the night.

As some of our group were clearly relieved to have 'been freed', I was frantically trying to work out how to grasp the AK47 of this Hizbullah assassin who was standing over us in the minibus as we drove at speed through the empty streets of a blacked-out Diyarbakir under curfew.  I thought if I grabbed the gun and head-butted him I could perhaps be able to get the gun off him to use it against the driver. Just as I was eyeing the gun up and down the minibus came to an abrupt stop and we were shouted at to get out. We tumbled out onto the street only to realise we were outside the hotel that we had based ourselves in during our trip. The minibus sped off and our Kurdish friends in the hotel ran outside embracing us and frantically asking us where we had been and if we were okay. As we were assuring them that we were, the regular uniformed Turkish army turned up in full force with vehicles and announced that we were to be taken to the airport and deported straight away. We were to go to our rooms, collect our belongings and come straight down. Amongst the commotion, we started receiving phone calls from international media and journalists. As we were walking to the hotel door from the minibus, Sandra, our heroic translator, had come up close to me and said, "Mark, what about Nalan and Necmeye?" I looked at her. I knew immediately what she meant and knew what we had to do. As the remaining 8 others of the delegation were running down the stairs with their bags eager to be deported and away from this nightmare three of us, myself, Sandra and Gill decided that we could not go and had to stay to demand the release of Nalan and Necmiye. Not to do so would have meant certain and immediate death for them. So, we locked ourselves in our hotel room and worked the phones to international journalists informing them that we were not going to leave Diyarbakir until the two Ozgur Gundem journalists were freed. We were in for a long night with death threats and abuse hurled at us. The next morning, we arose. The rest of our delegation had 'escaped' and were in Istanbul organising flights home to the UK. One of the members of the delegation, while at Diyarbakir airport waiting to be deported and on the phone had a bullet fired into the floor inches from her feet. We found out later it had been one of the first times that Turkey's ethnic cleansing of the Kurds in the South East of Turkey had been witnessed and exposed in such a public way by a Western human rights delegation with full media coverage. And one of the first times that journalists from Ozgur Gundem had been able to visit one of the thousands of burnt villages and report on it from the ground. It had clearly rattled the Turkish authorities who had, up until then, made every effort to keep the systematic destruction of Kurdish villages covered up with a cocktail of psychological warfare, the assassination of journalists, production of misinformation and lies. 

We came down for breakfast the next morning only to find the adjacent lounge wall was lined with JITEM assassins brandishing guns and walkie talkies who were placed perfectly to watch us eat our breakfast. We began nervously eating our breakfast discussing what we were going to do that day. First, we agreed we would get a taxi to the Military HQ where we were held the previous day and demand that the Ozgur Gundem journalists were released and that the army gave the minibus back to the Kurdish villager who it had been impounded from. Before we finished our breakfast the human rights worker from the previous day, who introduced us to the villager arrived to check if we were okay and thank us for staying. He came straight up the stairs and to our table without looking around at the long line of perhaps 20 JITEM assassins lining the wall behind us. When Sandra whispered to him of their presence he could not help himself but look around. He turned towards us and the blood had literally drained from his face and he whispered something about there being one of the most notorious assassins present in the group, 'Yesil' and that he, Mustafa, was going to have to leave us and go downstairs to catch a taxi out of Diyarbakir and if we would be so kind as to at least come to the window to make sure he got into the taxi. Which we did. And he did. We then got ourselves into another taxi and made our way to the Military HQ that we had been held at the day before. We had a flurry of white Renaults follow our every move. The Turkish military intelligence followers also came with us into the military base as we demanded the release of the journalists and the minibus. It was here that one of them approached Sandra and again some words were exchanged that I obviously did not understand but could see from Sandra's reaction was serious. She told me later, on the way back to the hotel, that they told her if she was ever to return to Turkey she would be killed. It was not long after this that we received a call at the hotel from Hasan, the editor of Ozgur Gundem that our two friends had been released and we were to come to the offices of Ozgur Gundem to see them. Shaking with excitement and joy we grabbed a taxi and went straight there to an ecstatic reunion with Nalan and Necmiye. After hugs and tears, we sat down with some glasses of tea to hear what had happened to them after we left the minibus almost 24 hours before. 

Thiers is a completely different story to ours. Not long after we were taken into the army building from the minibus, they were handcuffed behind their backs and had hoods placed on their heads. They were left like that until the early hours when a lorry rumbled along and they were thrown, like bags of rubbish, into the open back. They landed on other Kurdish men, also hooded and cuffed who had been detained in a village that had been burnt down in Mus. They were all then driven to a detention camp of some sort and pushed inside. At this point, Nalan and Necmiye both in their minds knew they were going to be killed and called out their names so someone would know where they were last known to have been. They were taken inside and tortured. The Turkish police tried to get them to sign a false confession saying they were 'PKK terrorists' who took the foreign delegation to the village. They were told that the foreign delegation had been killed and were they happy now. They were then taken and told they too were going to be killed. They were ready for death. They were bound and taken blindfolded in a white Renault outside the walls of Diyarbakir. There, standing alone in the road, the police put a gun to their heads as though to shoot them. You can only try to imagine their state of mind. Then after a moment, they heard the car door of the white Renault slam shut and drive off. They took off their hoods and realised they had been spared. They hitchhiked a lift back into Diyarbakir and went straight to the Ozgur Gundem offices where we met them. As we arrived at the offices they had both finished and filed their story about the Kurdish village that was destroyed by the Turkish army, one of over 4,000 Kurdish villages razed in such ways in 90s. Despite doing all we could to try to support them from afar, making them honorary members of the NUJ and organising delegations to trials. (One headed by Sadiq Khan) Nalan and Necmiye suffered terribly as a result of this incident. Nalan is no longer alive and Necmeye suffered the most horrific sexual torture you can imagine. We eventually went to the airport and left Diyarbakir with floods of tears running down our cheeks as we climbed up into the night sky looking down on that city en route to Istanbul and then London. My time in Kurdistan changed my life forever and Kurdish women have ever since been my inspiration and held in the highest of admiration and esteem."

A Calculated Planned Move by US State Dept to Betray the Kurds.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 03 Nov 2019 20:11:00 +0000

by Seth J. Frantzman

The more I read about the “US betrayed Kurds,” I don’t think it’s a betrayal; I think it was calculated primarily at the State Department by Pompeo and Jeffrey since last year. The goal was to end America’s involvement with the SDF but in such a way that the SDF would be partially destroyed in Kurdish areas so that the US would only end up with Arab tribal areas and the Arab component of the SDF, which the US viewed as vetted and non-YPG. The goal was, as part of the anti-Iran campaign, to get Turkey to be against Iran (which it isn’t).

To do that up to 1 million Kurds would have to be displaced to make way for Turkey to conduct a population transfer of refugees. For some US and EU policy makers this was welcome because it would alleviate the refugee crises haunting Europe and reduce far-right populism.

The policy makers wanted a kind of sterilized ethnic cleansing hidden behind language like “safe zone” and “peace corridor” which were tested in English language media before being rolled out.

The SDF, which the US helped create and arm and which the US urged to take Raqqa and sacrifice 11,000 people fighting ISIS, would be reduced to a sub-contractor to jail ISIS detainees, of which there are some 10,000. The Pentagon would continue training SDF forces, up to around 100,000 of them, to be used for “internal security” and guarding ISIS.

The US policy makers calculated after Kirkuk and Afrin that one can ethnically cleanse around 180,000 Kurds at a time without international notice, because that is what happened in Kirkuk and Afrin. The idea would be to sell it to the SDF sequentially as “let’s give Turkey just a little bit to make them feel their security concerns are being addressed.” Under the guise of “security” 180,000 people would be cleansed in October 2019. Then the US would return to broker a “pause” in operations until Turkey was done and then Turkey would be given more Kurdish areas until its entire “safe zone” was constructed bit by bit with US aircover providing Turkey coordinates to bomb the SDF positions that the US knew about since the US had helped create the SDF in the first place and worked closely with them.

Step 1 has been accomplished. Get Turkey a safe zone and remove 180,000 Kurds.

Step 2 has been accomplished: get the SDF to be a contractor detaining ISIS members.

Step 3 has been accomplished; work more closely with only Arab areas of SDF control.

Step 4 is to prepare for Turkey’s next incursion and another 200,000 Kurds to be removed.

The US has calculated that most Kurds can be removed from Syria bit-by-bit because they saw how the YPG “successfully” sacrificed Afrin at US urging. The US told the YPG in January 2018 “just let Turkey have Afrin, you can keep eastern Syria.” Now the US says “just let Turkey ethnically cleanse a few hundred thousand so we can keep working together.”

The question perhaps is when Kurds will realize that systematically they are being removed by the US, Turkey, EU and SDF, all so that the SDF can keep holding ISIS detainees for western powers that don’t want them.

It’s very smart policy from Washington’s point of view. Find poor and vulnerable people, arm them to fight terrorists and then let your NATO ally bomb them while making sure they work as your jailers. You make sure they work until they are no longer needed and then you cleanse and remove their families and expel them.

The worst thing the Kurds in Syria did was ally with the US. Because of that they will eventually lose all of their homes on some bizarre adventure of jailing ISIS detainees without any recognition. The US, for instance, excluded all Kurds from the Geneva process. This should have been evidence that the US goal in eastern Syria was eventually to cleanse it of Kurds, so that it could be given to some other power. But the SDF wandered along blindly trusting Washington. Ok, we’ll give up Afrin. Ok, no need to be at Geneva. Ok. 180,000 people cleansed, it’s ok, please please let us keep one or two homes somewhere near an oil well which we will guard for you.

Never has the US found a better ally than the SDF, one that you can sacrifice, order to have it fight for you, jail your prisoners and even expel its families and it still works for you.

Smart “allies” like Turkey make sure to get something from Washington and get the US to work for them.

It’s not clear if there is ever a breaking point for the SDF. So far it seems that it will always do the fighting and sacrificing and let its people be cleansed, and never ask the US for anything in return.

Generally, I’d say if someone is going to ask me to fight and tell my family to be ethnically cleansed that I’ll opt for “no, thanks.”

If the SDF has just worked directly with Iran or Russia from the beginning it will today still have its lands and its people have homes. It chose the wrong “partner.” Because most US policy makers like James Jeffrey didn’t regard the people of eastern Syria as deserving any say. They don’t see Middle Eastern people as having the same rights.

When you’re asked to partner with someone and they tell you to eat on the floor in a back room while they eat at the table, you’re not a partner, you’re a mistress or a servant. The SDF accepted servant status for some reason. You can’t betray a servant or mistress. Unfortunately due to the structure of the SDF there isn’t much internal critique or questioning allowed of its policies.

BBC News Report on Kurdish Hunger Strike in London.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 14 May 2019 14:32:00 +0000

Russell Brands Signs his New Book "For People Resisting in #Kobane!" @Rustyrockets #TwitterKurds

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 23 Oct 2014 14:32:00 +0000

SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN WITH KOBANE. Sing Ax Kobane on video!

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 24 Sep 2014 17:00:00 +0000

PLEASE JOIN ME TRYING TO GET THIS Twitter campaign going where sing or we try to learn and sing this song, Ax Kobane, sung top by an injured YPJ fighter, injured in a firefight with ISIS, and RECORD it on a short video!

#KobaneIsNotAlone

As much or as little as you like and however you like. In a group or alone. When you post your video onto #TwitterKurds nominate someone to make a video too! But don't wait to be nominated!

Who wants to go first?

KURDÎ
Kobanê îro xemgîn e
Dişewite, laş bi xwîn e
Hestirê çavan dibarîne
Oh Kobane!

Ciwanên wan çek ra kirin
Rext û bûmba êrîş kirin
Gulek bi sîngê wan ve kirin
Bijî her du hêzên şervan
Di tîrmehê de azad bû koban
Dîlan gerand heval viyan
Gelê me bi yek dengî bang kir
Bijî mamosteyê ziman

ENGLISH
Kobane is sad today,
Crying with a blooded bodies
Pouring our tears
Oh Kobane!

Youths grabbed the weapons in their hands
Attacked with bombs and weapons
Poured the roses on their chests (hearts)
Long live to two warrior spirits (strengths)
Kobane is set free in the month July
Viyan heval stood for the folkdance
Our people joined to our voice with one voice
with "Long live our language teachers" speeches.

Look, the Euphrates River is Flowing with Blood.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 24 Aug 2014 17:15:00 +0000

Look, the Euphrates River is Flowing with Blood!

"They worship the devil, the sun, the earth, and fire, it is said.

The devil that rebelled against God, it is said.

Who did see the devil? Who did appear before God?

In some respect, Yezidis are right.

It is the earth, the sun, water and air that brings life into being and creates.

Yezidis turn their face toward the sun and say prayers three times a day, at sunrise, at noon and at sunset.

These people were killed, exiled, tortured and humiliated for centuries, yet they did not fear and did not end.

The might in humans does never end, rust, or die; just like the earth, light and water.

I am not a Yezidi but I love their strength to resist, their humanity and their friendship, I respect their resistance.

They don't kill man and they excommunicate those who do.

They see war as mass murder, and resist to not to join a war.

They have been drenched in blood for centuries, their blood has always flooded, endlessly.

They could find no food but grass, yet their heart did not turn black, nor did they lose their joy, living in cavities of glorious mountains like eagles, no matter in which circumstances.

They turn their face toward the sun and say prayers three times a day, I said.

And they don't have memorised prayers like ours.

Anyone, whether a child or an elder, whether a sheik or a leader, turns toward the sun and express how they feel inside at that moment.

Maybe their prayers are the most beautiful ones said by the human race so far.

Maybe the most beautiful ballads and most beautiful poems arose from these prayers.

And maybe these prayers lie at the heart of all the epics in Mesopotamia."

Yasar Kemal translated by Berna Ozgencil

LATEST VIDEO FROM SINJAR with English translation below.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 07 Aug 2014 14:31:00 +0000

0:23(man) We escaped from Khanesor village. We don’t know what to do. They [Isis] came, then we escaped. We are trying to save our children
0:35 (little girl) We escaped. No food, no water, hungry and thirsty. There is nothing to eat. They raided our village, then We escaped in the night time. Our feet is hurting from walking.
1:05 (lady) what can we say. We been ruined. Left homeless on the mountains. we were devastated. Nothing to eat. Our children are hungry. They are killing men, taking women with them selves, kidnapping our girls. They are torturing
1:27 (lady) they kidnapped our girls. Killed many people. Our children died.. my son just died, and left him behind, he was two years old.
1:50 (YPG fighter-women) we are YPG members, we came from Rojava. We are here to save, came to the cries our Yazidi people and Shengal. We don’t want 73rd massacre to happen on our Yazidi people. We will not let it to happen. We will do anything even give our lives to save them. We wont sell and we will not anyone to sell our people. Our people are with us and fighting against them. We will liberate Shengal.
2:22 (YPG fighter-man) we are member of YPG. We came to the cries our Yazidi people. We and Yezidi people are together struggling and fighting against İsis gangs. İsis tries to make the 73rd massacre on our Yezidi people. But we as President Apo’s soldiers are here to save our people and will do anything to save them.

Dayika Kurd Ser Kobanê Dipeyîve

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 06 Jul 2014 22:32:00 +0000

Brief translation from Kurdish-Kurmanji:
Kobanê (her town under attack by islamic jihadists, ISIS, in Northern Syria on the border with Turkey)
We say Kobanê is not alone, we know it has the support of Cizîr, Derîk, Kerkuk and Hewlêr (names of other Kurdish towns in Syrian and Iraqi Kurdistan).
We say to the violent, brutal so called "radical islamic" gangs, remove your dirty hands and bodies from our clean land, this clean land is ours, this country is ours, it is the land of our forfathers, we were born and raised here.
These so called "radical islamists", who are coming from Ukrain, Afganistan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran, what are they after in our land, they should go and create their radical Islamic State in Saudia Arabia, in Konya (a city in central Turkey), in the mafia and hashis/opium infested country of Iran, not in the clean lands of the Kurds.
We are the descendants of Saladin Ayubi ( was the first Sultan of Egypt and Syria and the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. A Muslim Kurd, Saladin led the Muslim opposition to the European Crusaders in the Levant in the 11th century). We are Muslim Kurds, these radicals we want them to leave us alone, and get out of our lands, we will not leave our land to these radicals. These lands are left to us by our forefathers, these are our and our childrens lands, we will not give them up.
Long live the resistance and struggle of Kobanê, you are not alone.
Qamishlo, Afrin, Raco (Rajo) --- names of other Syrian-Kurdistanî towns ---they are all in support of Kobanê.

URGENT APPEAL FROM KOBANE CANTON!

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 26 Mar 2014 12:53:00 +0000

Kobanê, 25th March 2014
Urgent Call to UN and European Union

The region of Kobanê (Ayn-Al-Arab) has been under attack from gangs linked to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) for about 3 weeks. ISIS has been attacking the area from three directions: Jarablus to the west, Sarrin to the south, and Tal Abyad to the east. They have surrounded Kobanê from three sides after gathering all their forces deployed in Deyrel Zor, Halep, Raqqa, Lazkiye and other regions around the Kobane Canton.

Hundreds of Kurds and Arabs have been forced to leave their homes in villages in Rakka and Tel Abyad due to threats from ISIS.

The aim of these attacks is to sever links between the Kurdish cantons of Kobane, Afrin and Cizîre that were declared in January this year. The Canton of Kobane, was the first declared canton. We are seeing the current attacks as revenge against the Kurdish solution of Democratic Autonomy. The attacks are aiming to punish our people for their demands of the internationally legitimate right to self-determination, which was practised in Rojava in the form of the Cantons.

The goal of the attacks in Rojava and Kobanê is to install the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) in the lands of Syria. Surrounding countries and in particular Turkey are continuing to support these forces, because these states were not happy with the Kurdish solution of Cantons.

These various gangs, particularly ISIS, are saying that they are against the Syrian regime; they say that they are coming to power with their advances against Damascus, Dêrezor, and Lazkiye. But in recent days they have pulled their forces back from here and sent them to Rojava. The clear aim is to destroy the Kurdish solution of Democratic Autonomy in Syria, which was organised due to the three Cantons.

Since the ISIS is surrounding the Canton they are targeting the civilians systematically. In addition to our call to the Kurdish political parties as well as the Kurdish people, we are calling for immediate aid and international diplomatic and political intervention to stop these current attacks. So long as the attacks of ISIS will continue the people of the Kobane canton will face a serious human tragedy. It seems that the ISIS will continue to surround the whole region. Since the attack of ISIS and Al Qaeda the population of the Kobanê Canton has tripled and reached nearly 700 thousand.

The only border crossing open at present is the Mürşitpınar (Kobane) gate opened to Urfa's Suruç in Turkey.

The UN and EU must ensure the opening of border gates from Turkey for humanitarian aid and human rights organisations. Furthermore, the UN and EU must urge Turkey for an immediate halt to support for the gangs against the Kurdish people in Rojava.

Enver Muslim
President of the Kobanê Canton

FREE İLHAN ÇOMAK!

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 27 Feb 2014 12:48:00 +0000

Respondent for the Campaign: Bekir Bozdağ , Justice Minister

Free İLHAN ÇOMAK who is on trial for the last 20 years!

Media coverage in Turkey has been occupied by the intense discussion over re-trial issues in recent days.

One of the people who have suffered from this is Ilhan Çomak, who has been kept under detention for the last 20 years waiting to hear the verdict in the court case against him.

He was arrested in 1994 when he was just a student at the geography department of Science and Letters Faculty of Istanbul University. He was kept under police detention for 16 days and tortured severely.

Following the police detention he was taken to the court and sent to Istanbul Bayrampasa prison. His trial took place at State Security Court with an indictment based on statements prepared by the police during the torture.

He was sentenced for life in 2000 based on the fabricated statements prepared by the police and without any concrete evidence for the alleged crime.

He has taken his case to European Court of Human Rights following the Appeal Court’s decision to uphold State Security Court’s decision. In 2007 ECHR delivered its judgment on his application and declared that he did not have a fair trial and therefore he had to be re-trialed. In 2005 his lawyers had applied to the court for him to benefit from the changes made to the Turkish Penal Code.

Although the local court had refused their application, in 2007 the Appeal Court overturned the decision on procedural basis. He started to attend the trials in Istanbul following this decision.

His and his lawyer’s requests for the re-trial, on the basis of the ECHR decision, were continuously denied by the court with the excuse that there is no ground for re-trial under the rules and regulations of that time. In January 2013 the local court delivered its decision and upheld the previous decision for the life in prison. The case file has been referred to the Appeal Court again.

In April 2013 the goverment passed the 4th Legislative Package which opened the way for the re-trial of 220 case files pending before the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers. His lawyers application for re-trial was refused by the local court despite the new law.

However his application was later accepted by the upper courts. His first trial took place on 19th December 2013 and was postponed until 11 March 2014. İlhan Çomak has been in prison for almost 20 years now. He already served 2/3 of his prison sentences.

He has been under trial for the last 20 years. Although his re-trial has started, his request to be released while pending trial has been refused. We expect justice to take place in his next trial on the 11th of March and hear the verdict for his release. İlhan Çomak should be freed! PLEASE SIGN HERE!

Kurdish Fighter in Rojava Singing Revolutionary Song While Under Surgery for Battle Wound.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 05 Feb 2014 14:28:00 +0000

Biji Berxwedan e YPG! Long Live the Resistance of YPG!

Syria's Kurds Initiate Experiment in Self Rule.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 31 Jan 2014 20:21:00 +0000

Syria’s Kurds initiate experiment in self-rule

By Borzou Daragahi in Cairo

©AFP

President Bashar al-Assad

The long-oppressed Kurdish minority inSyria has begun an experiment in self-rule that will shake up the balance of power in an already volatile Middle East and potentially complicate Geneva peace talksto end the country’s civil war.

Last week, Syrian Kurds declared the establishment of the semi-autonomous region of Rojava, the Kurdish name for one of three departments in the oil-rich Jazeera, the northwestern corridor wedged between Iraq and Turkey. They named 22 cabinet ministers to a regional government based in the city of Qamishli, where hundreds of revellers poured into the streets for a flag-waving celebration on the eve of the Geneva talks.

ON THIS TOPIC

IN MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA

“This declaration is considered a historical event,” said Nawaf Khalil, spokesman for the Democratic Union party, known by the acronym, PYD, which is the driving force of the self-rule experiment. “While many regions in Syria are witnessing a major increase in brutality that has reached the stage of civil war, Kurds along with [other ethnic groups] succeeded in collaborating and declaring an autonomous government.”

The formal establishment of Rojava challenges the calculations of several key players: the Syrian regime and the opposition Syrian National Coalition, or SNC,now negotiating in Geneva; the hardcore Islamist fighting groups vying for control of the country’s north; and Turkey, which is nervous about the nationalist aspirations of its own large Kurdish minority.

It also marks a significant step in what many have seen as the fragmentation of Syria, an amalgam of Arab Sunni, various Shia sects and Christian denominations as well as ethnic Kurds and Assyrians.

“It’s extremely significant and it could be a harbinger of things to come, not just in the Kurdish region but elsewhere,” said Andrew Tabler, a Syria expert at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “For well over a year, the country has been de facto partitioned. When you start getting this kind of autonomy you get de jure partition, because you actually have parties that are declaring autonomy, and this is extremely controversial because that makes it more like the Balkans.”

Kurds, numbering about 2m in Syria and up to 30m from the Caspian to the Mediterranean seas, have a language and culture distinct from the Middle East’s Arabs, Persians and Turks. They have suffered under the rule of the Assad clan, especially Bashar, who tightened restrictions on their traditions, language and political rights.

“They were always suppressed and used by Assad and other Kurdish parties for their own aims and interests.” said Wladimir van Wilgenburg, a Kurdish specialist at the Jamestown Foundation think-tank. “Now they’re playing their own role. Now they have their own television, radio stations and armed forces.”

Officials of the autonomous government insist they are not seeking to break away from the country but to create the nucleus of a future federal democratic Syria embodying the original spirit of the uprising against Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Its leadership includes Christian and Muslim Arabs as well as Kurds, and among its aims is fending off the advances of extremist Islamist groups that make up the core of the armed rebellion against Mr Assad.

“This new government is made up of different ethnic and religious backgrounds,” said Mohamed Saleh Kado, secretary-general of the Left Democratic party and the spokesman for the new government, in an interview from Qamishli. “Rojava means for me unity because it is a gathering of Syrians from different backgrounds. We have no intension to divide Syria or to become an independent entity.”

Mr Khalil described the Jazeera region, which includes both Rojava and the 100,000 barrel-a-day Suwaydah oilfield, as the heart of Syria’s economy. “It represents more than 60 per cent of the country’s oil production,” he said. “In addition, the agricultural sector is one of the most prosperous of Syria, and according to our data, the new autonomous region will be able to sustain itself economically.”

But the declaration also adds yet another dimension of complexity and uncertainty to the multifaceted civil war and international efforts to end it. The PYD is considered an arm of the powerful Kurdistan Workers party, or PKK, the guerrilla group that has been fighting Nato member Turkey for decades.

Kurds have long opposed Mr Assad but they have clashed with the Sunni Arab-dominated opposition, sometimes violently. Many Kurds have grown wary of the SNC, which has at times accused Kurds of collaborating with the regime and at other times tacitly endorsed attacks on Kurds by extremist Islamist groups. Fighting between Kurds and rebel groups exploded frequently over the past year, empowering the PYD and its militia, the People’s Protection Units.

Most regional experts say there is an informal non-aggression agreement between Syrian Kurds and the Assad regime, but no collaboration.

“Over the arc of 2013, the jihadis spent more time fighting the Kurds than they fought Assad,” said Kirk H. Sowell, founder of Uticensis Risk Services, a political risk consultancy based in Amman, Jordan. “You also find mainstream SNC figures refer to the PYD as part of the regime.”

Qamishli and the surrounding Hasaka province declared autonomy after Kurds were denied their own seat at the table at Geneva; they were welcomed only under the auspices of the SNC. The Syrian opposition abroad includes a Kurdish contingent largely loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic party, the dominant political and military force among Kurdish Iraqis, who are also being drawn into the Syrian conflict.

Experts say Iraqi Kurdistan increasingly serves as a base for Syrian Kurdish factions looking to that economically booming and increasingly powerful region as a role model. “At a minimum, it’s providing very clear logistics and political support,” said Mr Sowell.

Financial Times

I Feel Like A Witness!

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 15 Jan 2014 16:25:00 +0000

Lice is in the news with the trial of the commanding officer involved in the murderous crimes committed agains the people of Lice beginning tomorrow.

I'm proud that my images of Lice are being widely used in the Turkish media

as I am proud they were used in the European Court of Human Rights against Turkey.

Kurdish Town of 35,000 Burnt to the Ground by Turkish Army in

Oct 21/22/23 1993.

Pictures by Hevallo.

All of these pictures were taken under the most extreme circumstances. They were taken clandestinely as we were under very close 'supervision' by different teams of Turkish Army and Police Intelligence Agencies. They were presented to the European Court of Human Rights by the Kurdish Human Rights Project in their case against Turkey.

Only these two shops were not burnt. Jash or Kurdish traitors owned them, they had to be protected by the army!

Lice (Pronounced Leejay)22nd October 1993. A Kurdish conscript of the Turkish army came to the town school and told the teachers to take the children somewhere safe as, "there is going to be a massacre here today". Then hundreds of soldiers entered the town with jeeps, tanks, helicopters and flamethrowers.

Many people were shot in the streets as they ran for cover. Holes from millions of rounds ammunition peppered all the buildings and the minaret of the local mosque had a hole the size of a large car at the base.

Eye witness statements told of Land Rovers with small trailers on the back full of 'a chemical substance' which was being shovelled by soldiers onto the floors of shops, only to spontaneously combust into flames.

The only house to be left standing was one that had a Turkish flag hanging in the garden. A young Kurdish pupil had been instructed by the Turkish teacher to take the flag home the previous day so as to wash and dry it. So it was hanging on the washing line. All the shops in the main street were gutted by fire.

A large town with a population of around 30,000 people razed and not a word, not a whisper from the international community. During the nineties over 4,000 Kurdish villages, towns and hamlets were destroyed like this. Always accompanied by the most barbaric human rights abuses carried out by the Turkish army. Killings, mutilations, rape, torture, humilation etc.

"Ten people were burnt alive in this room" a visiting UK trade union delegation were told when they visited the town less than one month after the atrocity. Local people say that over 100 people were brutally killed on 22nd and 23rd of October 1993 when the Turkish army razed Lice.

When this and hundreds of other towns, villages and hamlets were being systematically burnt and sacked, European tourists were coming and oiling themselves with suncream and complaining about the showers in their hotels.

Not a word of protest from anyone!

Kurdish Community Mugged by Metropolitan Police!

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 15 Jan 2014 09:27:00 +0000

Tea and Terrorism Act 2000 Schedule 7.

I popped into the Kurdish Community Centre yesterday for a glass of tea and a chat.

Meeting up with old friends and having discussions about the latest developments in Turkey and Kurdistan.

Half way through our tea, in through the door comes a group of women, chatting and grasping bundles of legal papers and looking very worried.

With them is Asye Gul, who has just translated for them at their solicitors who explains what has happened.

3 coaches, 1 from Kurdish Community Centre (KCC) and 2 from Halkevi had set off from London on the evening of Friday the 11th Jan to the demonstration in Paris to mark the first year since the assassination of Kurdish activists, Sakine Cansiz, Leyla Saylemez and Fidan Dogan.

When the coach from KCC with 36 adults and 2 children arrived in Dover it was met with around 50 policemen from London Metropolitan Branch who ordered the travellers off the coach and were escorted, each surrounded by four officers like 'dangerous terrorists' into an area where they were all individually body searched.

Kurdish women were searched by female officers in front of policemen and subjected to degrading and inhumane treatment. The officers were putting their hands into their underwear and raking their hands through their hair. One woman fainted with the shock and embarrassment of the ordeal. Another woman had her veil pulled off her hair in front of male officers.

All the women were in deep shock and embarrassment at the treatment of UK police.

"We were treated like dangerous terrorists" one woman told me.

"I have never been subjected to such degrading and insulting behaviour in my life and now I am afraid to go home in case my home is raided by these people, what can I do? Who will protect me? Why did they do this?" She began to cry.

24 people in total had all their personal money (small amounts of £100, £200 etc that you expect to carry going to another country on a trip) confiscated from them and were charged with "Money laundering for a terrorist organisation!!" under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

All 36 adults on the coach were interviewed under duress and confusion. Many of them did not have English as a first language and when they requested a Kurmanji translator a Sorani translator was provided and when they objected the police ignored their protests and continued the interview brushing their concerns aside saying, "I'm sure you speak English!"

They were pressurised to sign documents they did not understand and are left in deep shock and worry they have been labelled as 'terrorists' and the consequences for them and their families.

They have all taken legal advise and will be taking action against the Metropolitan police.

I came away from the Kurdish Community Centre is shock.

In 20 years of campaigning for Kurdish rights from the UK, I have never come across an incident so grave, designed to criminalise the whole Kurdish community.

With other conversations from other centre members it soon became clear that this is part of a wider intimidation and a seemingly new operation against the Kurdish community in the UK.

No doubt instigated at the request of the Turkish regime, the UK government are now in full swing repressing the Kurdish people in the UK with the full apparatus of the secret state.

The criminalisation of a people who have fled into exile having suffered torture, murder and racism is one of the worst crimes against humanity.

It makes me feel ashamed to be a citizen of this country!

The Guardian has picked it up and reported it. :O)

Leaked Video Connects Turkish Secret Services to Turkish assassin Omer Guney.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 13 Jan 2014 19:04:00 +0000

We publish here the full transcript of the alleged Ömer Güney recording which has been circulating on social media.

The date of the recorded conversations is not known. However there are discrepancies between the audio record and the written record on video.

In the written introduction to the video the person who says he is a relative of Ömer Güney alleges that Ömer Güney gave him the audio record, saying "if anything happens to me you will publish these documents."

The phrase: "I am a relative of Ömer Güney who killed three women in Paris/France" is striking.

What has changed in the investigation, where Güney has up to now not confessed to the investigating magistrate to carrying out the murders? Why does he feel the need to explain these things now?

At the beginning of the sound recording is the sentence "I gather the actual target was Sakine Cansız, he had to kill the others because they were there," which was independently added to the recording. In the recording of Ömer Güney’s conversations there is no mention of Sakine Cansız. Her name is only mentioned in writing with reference to the word Abram (Abram- Sakine Cansız).

In the sources reached by the ANF a person who works at the Youth Assembly in Paris (Halil İbrahim Gündoğdu) is said to be called Abram by his friends.

The conversation between Ömer Güney and two people claimed to be members of MIT is as follows:

ÖMER GÜNEY: There were some problems in the house after you left. My father is a bit curious about these things. When I first got into MIT they told me I shouldn't tell anyone. I agreed, but it was difficult with my father. He did some research. Apparently on his side of the family there were people who were members of MIT. They're dead, it was a long time ago. He asked me about this, but I denied it. I told him he would be the first person I'd tell if I had a secret. I told him no harm would come to him either economically or any other. I told him all the mobile phones were encrypted. Even if they look at my computer there there's nothing. It's empty. I deleted everything.
First person: Well done. Did the security forces, the French police and gendarme, did they notice?

ÖMER GÜNEY: There was intensive surveillance. By the intelligence.
First person: Did they interview you?

ÖMER GÜNEY: No, there was absolutely no contact. But I'm afraid it may happen, as my situation is open to this. It's occurred to me before.

Abram (In the caption added to the image this is written as Abram-Sakine Cansız) Halil İbrahim Gündoğdu the president of the assembly was a highly significant person. He has sent 200 people to the mountains from Europe. He goes to toilet in the woods, if you'll excuse my language. I was behind him. I could have eradicated him and Nedim, Uzun, the one they call heval Şiyar right there. I could have killed the two of them. There was time, it was suitable. I was alone in the forest. I didn't do anything as I didn't have permission. I didn't take any materials. When you give financial support I will.

First person: I was asking if you had any debts.

ÖMER GÜNEY: No, I didn't incur any. I was intending to in Belgium. There are Arabs near our shop. I've known them for 8 years, they're reliable. They know lots of people. I got in touch with one without being followed. I said I needed two guns. You might ask why I wanted two. Because in this sort of operation even the best gun will jam, so I wanted a second one in case the other guy was armed. One silence and three cartridge clips. I said 9 millimetre bullets in 5 boxes. These were necessary for the operation, for the assassination I was going to carry out. They said 4.5. They said 2,500 for one weapon, one silencer and two cartridge clips. I agreed and told the friends.

First person: Okay.

ÖMER GÜNEY: They're ready and waiting. The place is sound, they said there were no worries in that regard. They said they would take me there clandestinely without being followed.

ÖMER GÜNEY: Shall I explain the plan to you?

Second person: Okay.

ÖMER GÜNEY: Who will go? Because these three need to go.

First person: How are thinking of doing it?

ÖMER GÜNEY: I've made the plan. Ever since I went there I've been following these three. Abram has stepped down but he has to go. It's essential in order to collapse this youth psychology. On the way to his house there is a large park. It's suitable. I will hide there and wait. No one's following Abram, in particular as he's not involved any more.

For Nedim, he is followed home by intelligence. They call them patriots, that is from the Kurds. He goes into the house and they wait there observing until morning. This guy is closely monitored. The system is like this: let's say the association is here. central Paris or Beleden (the Vilebil outer district of Paris). Since I arrived I have been keeping an eye on this place. I know who the intelligence guys are. Maybe they can't see, but I see who is involved in surveillance. Now let's say this is the association building. There are two roads, one from the left and one from the right. Between 300 and 500 metres along the road right where that road goes in those involved in intelligence withdraw, as that's a secure area. There is no exit from that street. There are escape routes and I've made a plan. On the way into the association the protection will depart. He'll enter separately from us. Around the association is the most suitable place for the assassination, as there will be no intelligence, protection or security forces. This is the plan.

Second person: Have you looked at the escape routes around there?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Yes, I've looked.

Second person: From what angle have you looked? Where will you go after that. How far is it here? Give me the pen. Here is...

ÖMER GÜNEY: This is my escape route.

Second person: Okay, what's the distance? Is this street a hundred metres, or 50 metres?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Between 90 and100 metres.

Second person: Have you considered what would happen if these guys decided to follow us? Could they catch up with you as you go that way then head towards the park?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Not possible. I've planned it, it's impossible. When Nedim comes out of the association I'm going to trap him around here. There's an underground car park here. If necessary I'll wait for him there in my car. Somewhere here my motorcycle will be waiting with my helmet.

Second person: Look Ömer, why are we asking these things?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Of course.

Second person: It is not difficult to wait there and fire off three shots with the silencer at Nedim. You can do that. That's the easy bit. The important part is getting away and not getting caught.

ÖMER GÜNEY: Yes.

Second person: That's why I'm asking about the distance. I'm asking if they'd get there. I'm asking how many metres it is. Have you calculated how many minutes it would take to get from here to there? Do you get traffic on that road?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Yes, I understand.

İKİNCİ ŞAHIS: These things are important.

ÖMER GÜNEY: I've walked round there a lot. I'll enter the association silently from there.

Second person: What if the cameras pick up your leaving something in the car?

ÖMER GÜNEY: There's no camera there in that park.

Second person: Have you done the reconnaissance?

ÖMER GÜNEY: There is only a camera at the entrance. The vehicle will be a stolen one. There will be a second set of clothes in the car. That is, when I leave in that car the cameras won't even know I'm Ömer.

Second person: There won't be a need to leave in the vehicle in that case. If you're going to go back to the association after leaving the gear there.

ÖMER GÜNEY: The park also has emergency exits. There are no cameras there.

Second person: Are you thinking of using gloves?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Yes. No traces on the gun. On..

ÖMER GÜNEY: Yes. No traces on the gun. On the bullets, cartridge clip....
Second person: Will they carry out a ballistic autopsy there?

ÖMER GÜNEY: Definitely.

Second person: How will you know if the equipment has been used previously? How did you say they would get it in Belgium?
ÖMER GÜNEY: From there to Belgium.
Second person: Can they follow the trail to find out who obtained it?

ÖMER GÜNEY: No, it'll be in a blank package.

First person: Leave there at a certain time and meet your friend at the association and then go. Okay? Make absolutely sure of these things. Do a good job. Let's talk again. Let's review your plan. May God protect us from the smallest mistake, because you're important for us. The others aren't.

ÖMER GÜNEY: Don't worry.

First person: Let's do it again. Let's co-ordinate. Wait to hear from us. If we get the chance within the framework of that encrypted telephone conversation we planned. But for now review all those plans once again.

ÖMER GÜNEY: Okay, sometimes ....

First person: 1 Nedim Sever

ÖMER GÜNEY: Yes, definitely him.

First person: Okay, number one Nedim Sever

ÖMER GÜNEY: Okay.

First person: Who's number 2?

ÖMER GÜNEY: 2 Şiyar

First person: 2 Şiyar

ÖMER GÜNEY: Because they will oppose the executive I'm going to establish. They will try to prevent it.

First person: Şiyar is responsible for finance.

ÖMER GÜNEY: He's in charge of Paris … The young ones call him the Paris commander

Terrorism and Counterterrorism in Turkey.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 25 Dec 2013 21:22:00 +0000

On Terrorism and Counterterrorism in Turkey

by Xende Biradosti.

At the core of the U.S.-Turkey partnership, for the past several decades, has been U.S. support of Turkey’s so-called “war against terrorism.” Representatives from both countries seize every opportunity to praise the other side’s virtuous and noble counterterrorism efforts, and thus, U.S. assistance continues to flow into Ankara to fight against the Kurdistan Workers Party, known by its Kurdish acronym, PKK.

The PKK, who took up arms in 1984 to carve out an independent Kurdish state, but has since scaled down its demands to greater cultural and political rights for the Kurds within Turkey, is listed as a terrorist organization by both the European Union and the United States – the same list that, until 2008, included Nelson Mandela’s name. This is in no small part due to Turkey’s strategic geopolitical role in the Middle East and its membership in NATO, for the Kurds across the border in Iraq have traditionally been regarded by the West as victims of tyranny worthy of aid.

Since the international community has yet to develop an accepted comprehensive definition of the term, it is noteworthy that Article 1 of Turkey’s Anti-Terror Law defines “terrorism” as “any kind of act done … with the aim of changing the characteristics of the Republic as specified in the Constitution.”

Taking the fascist character of the country’s Constitution into consideration, one can infer that in Turkey any act of dissent or advocacy of minority rights is susceptible to classification as “terrorism” and severely punishable under the law. The enforcement of this law has been intensified in recent years, with police regularly raiding the homes and offices of Kurdish activists and politicians, rounding them up in prison for alleged ties to the PKK.

While organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have called for the abolition of the Anti-Terror Law, the United States has nevertheless stood firmly behind Turkey’s brutal and repressive campaign against its Kurdish population.

It was Noam Chomsky who stated, “the terrorism they don’t like is called ‘terrorism’ and the terrorism they do like, because they carry it out or their allies carry it out, is called ‘counter-terrorism.’” In fact, the term “terrorism”, derived from the French terrorisme, was originally used to refer specifically to state policies of terror. However, in recent years, we have witnessed a transformation of the definition from denoting a systematic use of violence as an instrument of governance to being synonymous with opposition to a given nation-state. In Turkey, in particular, it is a politically- and emotionally-charged word, used to incite fear and intolerance in the populace.

By branding efforts to crush national liberation and self-determination movements as counterterrorism, state governments cunningly generate the illusion that they are merely defending their sovereignty from violent thugs. By sustaining this facade of righteousness, Turkey has succeeded in rallying domestic and international support for its war against its Kurdish population. The PKK’s armed insurgency continues to be a convenient scapegoat for Turkish government officials, who have often repeated that Turkey does not have a Kurdish problem, only a terrorism problem. What is omitted from the government’s narrative, however, is the decades of oppression, forced assimilation, and genocide that were imposed on the Kurds before the PKK took up arms against the state.

Ultimately, Turkey’s propaganda machine, coupled with its overly vague Anti-Terror Law, are instruments of institutionalized racism, as they give the government the legal right to arrest Kurdish politicians and activists under the fallacious pretext of wiping out terrorism. Turkey is further emboldened, not only by the United States’ continuing silence in regards to atrocities committed against the Kurds, but by its willingness to provide it weapons and military aid. Additionally, the international media continues to regurgitate the Turkish state’s propaganda, leading to the utter criminalization of the Kurds’ legitimate struggle for basic rights and freedoms. Only after Turkey abolishes its undemocratic Anti-Terror Law and, together with its western allies, decriminalizes the rightful demands of the Kurdish people, will a peaceful and political solution to Turkey’s most fundamental and long-standing problem be possible.

So, who is the terrorist and who is the counterterrorist: the entity that systematically massacres, persecutes and oppresses the people living within its borders, or the disenfranchised masses who eventually stand up and fight back? On the subject of political violence, Nelson Mandela famously stated that, “it is the oppressor who defines the nature of the struggle, and the oppressed is often left no recourse but to use methods that mirror those of the oppressor.”

First clear Pictures of Abdullah Ocalan since his imprisonment on Imrali Island Feb 1999.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 23 Dec 2013 19:49:00 +0000

The first images of the Kurdish leader and founder of the Kurdistan Workers Party, PKK have come to light, with some coming yesterday on social media and others today on DIHA news agency.

They show a relaxed Kurdish leader at work on political issues with leading members of the BDP, Selahattin Demirtas and Pervin Buldan on Imrali Island in the prison complex.

Me and Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela Underneath the Arches!

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 10 Dec 2013 16:02:00 +0000

In the late 1980's I joined the City Group Anti Apartheid Group's 24 hour non stop picket outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square for the freedom of Nelson Mandela. (That's me above with the megaphone)

I would take part in the organisation of the picket for two years, enduring, with my comrades and fellow activists, all sorts of attacks and insults from racists and members of the White South African Embassy staff and intelligence.

Years later in 1993, I was asked to join a trade union delegation as a photographer and member of the NUJ, investigating human rights abuses against the Kurds in Turkey.

We spent 2 weeks in the so called 'emergency region' or Kurdistan where the Turkish army were systematically burning Kurdish villages and carrying out extra judicial killings of Kurdish activists and journalists.

The experience changed my life and when I returned I dedicated my self to raising awareness and support for the struggle of the Kurdish people fighting the most brutal oppression by the Turkish state.

I returned to Trafalgar Square many years later when Nelson Mandela was making a state visit to the UK. I was giving out leaflets with information about the situation of the Kurds in Turkey and trying to make contacts.

Mandela was to make a speech at South Africa House and then was to make the short journey to Buckingham Palace in a limousine via the Admiralty Arches below to visit the Queen.

Trafalgar Square was jam packed with people and there was going to be no way I was going to get anywhere near the South African Embassy to see Mandela but I was desperate just to catch a glimpse of my inspirational hero or rather my 'God' or 'Jesus' here on earth!

I knew he was going to go to Buckingham Palace and assumed, rightly, he would travel via the Mall and Admiralty Arches, so I made my way through the crowds to the Admiralty Arches that were blocked and barricaded by lines of police vans bumper to bumper in front of the arches.

I had an idea. I looked around and took my chance.

After checking the coast was clear, I quickly jumped up onto the bumpers of the police vans and squeezed my way through, walking on the van's bumpers and jumped down on the other side, down into the inside of the arches where there was absolutely nobody at all.

It was completely empty and not a soul there as on both sides the police vans had purposefully blocked access.

I was in a prohibited zone!

My heart began to pump as I felt incredibly nervous that: 1) If the police found me here now they may treat me as a potential assassin or someone who had bad intentions to Mandela and: 2) The thought that, potentially, if everything went as I hoped, I may get to see my hero drive through the arches and catch a glimpse of him if everything went okay.

I could never in a million years of predicted what was about to happen!

I waited a nervous 10 minutes when suddenly a batch of police outriders on motor cycles drove through the arches at speed. I ducked behind the post of the arch.

I thought he must be on his way but hoped I was in the right place. My heart was pumping with nervous excitement!

Then slowly, the front of a large black limousine started to appear right at the post of the arch I was standing behind inside the arches.

And as the back window of the car came right up level to my face, inches from my face in fact, I was suddenly staring right into the startled eyes of the back seat passenger, Nelson Mandela!

He was clearly not expecting someone to be inside the arches and jumped with surprise when he saw me. He was now right next to me on the right hand side of the car, face to face! Literally arms length away or even closer!

The car was moving slowly and I beamed at him and held up my fist in the air and shouted out loudly and clearly mouthed the word, "Amandla!"

He looked right back at me straight into my eye, there was not one single other person under that arch apart from me and the biggest Mandela smile broke out on his face as he raised and clenched his right hand and exclaimed, "Ngwethu!"

And with that he was gone.

On his way to have tea with the Queeen of England leaving me under those arches in tears and disbelief at what had just happened.

Me and Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela underneath the arches!

My Madiba Moment is one of the greatest moments in my life and one I will cherish for the rest of my life.

He will continue to inspire and guide me for the rest of my life!

I am grateful for sharing time on this planet with this extraordinary man!

Amandla!

Anything is possible!

Now for the freedom of Abdullah Ocalan and the Kurdish people!

PKK, 30 Years of Struggle.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 25 Nov 2013 15:01:00 +0000

30 YEARS OF STRUGGLE!

After the establishment of the modern Turkish state under the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, Turkey began to forcibly assimilate the Kurdish people, having asked for and got their support in fighting the 'imperialist' powers including Britain, France, Greece and Italy. The Turks had appealed to the Kurdish people by way of their Islamic identity presenting a 'Christian' army as the enemy.

After the defeat of the 'imperialist' powers Turkey turned on the Kurds, epitomised in the dishonourable treachery displayed towards Hasan Hayri, the Kurdish representative who stood in the Turkish parliament, at the request of Mustafa Kemal Pasha himself, and said that the Kurdish people were accepted by Turkey and that their culture and identity was respected and that Kurdish people did not want a separate state as provided for in the Treaty of Sevre but wanted to live in peace and harmony with Turks in Turkey. His speech's were transmitted to the delegates at Lausanne and the international press. It was as a result of his speech's that the delegates signed the Lausanne Treaty in 1923, confident that the Kurdish people had rights in Turkey and did not want separation. Not long after his speech Hasan Hayri was hanged for treason by the same Turkish authorities that asked him to speak in the parliament. and a brutal and cruel policy of forced assimilation of the Kurdish people began.

A policy that was designed to annihilate Kurdish culture and identity. Ismet Inonu (below) said to the Turkish Congress May 1925,

"We are frankly Nationalist........and Nationalism is our only factor of cohesion. Before the Turkish majority other elements have no kind of influence. At any price, we must turkify the inhabitants of our land, and we will annihilate those who oppose Turks or 'le turquisme."

And so the Turks began a policy of annihilation. Banning Kurdish language, Kurdish names, Kurdish culture and implementing a policy of racism on genocidal proportions against the Kurds.

Thousands of Kurdish villages were razed and tens of thousands of Kurdish people killed in the most barbaric of manners. Of course there followed many uprisings against the racist policies enacted towards the Kurdish people that were always crushed by similar methods used against the Jewish people in Nazi Germany. Decapitations, gassing's in caves, mutilations, rape, ariel bombings with chemical weapons, hangings, torture, mass imprisonment, etc etc, etc.

The Kurdish people have never accepted forced assimilation and cultural genocide. Many of the Kurdish organisations that existed before the Turkish coup d'etat in 1980 were brutally crushed by the Turkish state after the military coup and thousands fled into exile to organise and publish Kurdish periodicals in Egypt, Sweden and other countries. The only organisation that was able to resist the Turkish onslaught was a group that had been formally established by

27 November 1978, by among others, a man called Abdullah Ocalan, this group was called Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, the PKK.

Two years of organising a new Kurdish Liberation Party had culminated in a meeting that began in a small village near Lice called Fis, on the 25th November 1978. Kurdish people had come to the conclusion that non violent action had achieved nothing from the Turkish authorities in terms of political and cultural rights for the Kurdish people. Those who had tried to organise for rights had ended up in prison charged with treason or worse. Kurdish was banned in the media and in education and the state's racist notion that "Happy is he who calls himself a Turk!" dominated. Kurdish history was deleted and denied and Kurds were criminalised. The only way to struggle was by armed struggle. Two days of formulating the new Kurdish party's political programme ensued and on the 27th November 1978, the PKK, Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, was born.

The PKK set up their resistance HQ in Damascus and a training camp in the Bekka Valley called Mahsum Korkmaz Academy in 1979 and began an armed struggle against the Kemalist and racist policies of the Turkish state on 15th August 1984. Thousands of young Kurdish volunteers from Syria, Turkey, Iraq and Iran came to the party and very soon the PKK became the most affective advocate of the Kurdish people living under savage military racist law and circumstances.

The PKK fought for the rights of the Kurdish people and soon from its small beginnings became the National Liberation Organisation of the Kurdish people.

It has faced the most extraordinary enemy in the powerful Turkish army massively funded by the USA and European countries. It has fought provocations, infiltrations and has drawn its resources solely from the Kurdish people themselves, both in terms of finance and human resources.

It has been, the Martyrs, the self sacrifice of the Kurdish and at times, non Kurdish volunteers, that have brought the Kurdish struggle to the stage that it finds itself now.

Without the beginning of the armed struggle and the political and diplomatic work of the PKK there would be no Kurdish Question in Turkey today. There would only be 'mountain Turks' as the racist policies of the Turkish state tried to label the Kurds.

It is to the shame of the US and European powers that they have slavishly accepted the labels placed on the victims of Turkish fascistic practices and criminal that some have even aided these policies by giving training in psychological warfare and supplying weapons to Turkey to be used against the Kurdish people.

Abdullah Ocalan in solitary confinement on Imrali Island.

On the anniversary of the foundation of the PKK and beginning of the Kurdish armed struggle for freedom and as we remain hopeful of a political soluton, Abdullah Ocalan has been incarcerated on Imrali Island since Feb 1999. The only political prisoner on the island prison. Kept in solitary confinement (above) against international law he has remained at the head of the Kurdish Freedom Movement.

His power of the leader of the Kurdish Movement was clearly demonstrated for all to see when he called on the Kurdish political prisoners on hunger strike for 68 days to bring the hunger strike to an end.

Any political resolution of The Kurdish Question in Turkey must have as a precondition the release of Abdullah Ocalan.

FREEDOM FOR ABDULLAH OCALAN!

BIJI HPG!

BIJI PKK!

SEHID NAMERIN!

BIJI 27th Nov 1978!

Beser Sahin 1994.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 25 Nov 2013 12:58:00 +0000

IMPORTANT KCK STATEMENT ON PRESENT SITUATION OF KURDISH FREEDOM MOVEMENT.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 16 Oct 2013 22:31:00 +0000

TO OUR PEOPLES AND DEMOCRATIC PUBLIC OPINION!

The Kurdish question emerged as a result of the Turkish state’s policy of Turkification through its denial of the Kurds’ existence and subjecting them to cultural genocide. All the Kurds’ objections to this policy have been violently crushed. Once the Kurds had been silenced and reduced to a state where they could not protest, the cultural genocide was accelerated using economic, social and cultural policies. By the 1970s the Kurds had been left with no option but to become Turkish in order to perpetuate their lives. A political, social, economic, cultural and psychological environment had been created that drove Kurds away from Kurdishness, putting it on the path to extinction.

The PKK emerged on the historical stage as a revolt and force of struggle against this policy of cultural genocide that brought the Kurds face to face with oblivion. The Kurdish people, in particular the youth, soon welcomed the PKK as a force that would rescue them from the cultural genocide of colonialism. They saw that the PKK’s practice was consistent with its pronouncements and began to gather around it. Prior to 12 September a movement with thousands of members and hundreds of thousands of supporters had emerged. As the influence on society of the traditional local authority which collaborated with the state was undermined, the prestige of the PKK amongst the people increased.

The colonialist forces seeing the Revolutionary democratic movement in Turkey, in particular the rise of the liberation struggle in Kurdistan under the leadership of the PKK, as their end, carried out the fascist military coup of 12 September 1980. With this military coup they wanted to stamp out the PKK and bury the freedom hopes of the Kurdish people once and for all. They did not just throw PKK members and supporters in jail, they also turned the whole of Kurdistan into a prison. While PKK members resisted oppression in prison, the PKK leadership and cadres waged a struggle to create an organisation that would resist in all conditions in the Middle East. As a combination of these factors the guerrilla struggle was launched on 15 August 1984. Described at the outset as 3 or 4 bandits the freedom guerrillas of Kurdistan defeated all efforts to destroy them with the support of the people. At the beginning of the 1990s the guerrilla struggle created popular uprisings described as a revolutionary resurgence. The unification of the guerrilla movement and the popular uprisings created an invincible liberation movement.

The development of the guerrillas and the popular uprisings developed national and political consciousness amongst the people of Kurdistan. It also put the Kurdish question on the agenda in Turkey, as it became impossible to ignore the Kurdish reality and the demands of the people. Consequently, the Kurdish question began to be discussed by intellectuals, society and politicians in Turkey.

Once the Kurdish reality and demands had been made irrefutable leader Apo opted for a solution of the question of freedom and democracy for the Kurds within the borders of Turkey. From 1988 onwards he called on Turkey to resolve problems through dialogue and political methods. In 1993 President Turgut Ozal, having realised the Kurdish question could not be resolved by military means, sent a message to the Kurdish people’s leader, stating that if a ceasefire were declared he would seek a solution through political means. Hence leader Apo announced a unilateral ceasefire in March 1993 in order to give an opportunity for a political solution.

However, when Turgut Ozal, who had sent the message to Leader Apo and wished to seek a political solution, was murdered by forces within the state opposed to a solution, this initiative of Leader Apo was foiled. Following the murder of Turgut Ozal years of violent conflict ensued.

In December 1995 Leader Apo again declared a unilateral ceasefire on receiving a message from Necmettin Erbakan after the Refah Party had joined the ruling coalition. However, this ceasefire was short-lived on account of the state continuing its military operations. Replies were sent to Erbakan’s messages in those years to the effect that if steps were taken they would be reciprocated, but the deep state removed Erbakan with the memorandum of 28 February 1997 [also known as the 'post-modern coup']. Although the Turkish state sent messages via various mediators in 1997 and 1998, it became clear with the plot of 9 October 1998 that these were efforts to divert and gain time in order to liquidate the Liberation Movement.

Leader Apo made constant calls for a democratic solution to be put on the agenda at that time, against those forces within the state that were insistent on a policy of denial and destruction regarding the Kurdish question. His speech of 1 September 1998 and the ceasefire declared are the most concrete expression of this. If this speech is examined it will be seen how strong Leader Apo’s wish for a democratic solution was at that time. However, the response to the 1 September ceasefire was a plot.

International forces and their collaborators in Turkey rejected Leader Apo’s policy of resolution and continued their conspiracy to the extent of capturing Leader Apo. However, Leader Apo, seeing that this conspiracy was a trap for the Kurdish, Turkish, Persian, Arab and all the peoples of the region, saw it as his responsibility to the peoples to foil this plot. On 2 August 1999, from Imrali where he was incarcerated, he extended the ceasefire declaration of 1 September 1998 to deciding to withdraw the guerrillas beyond the borders of Turkey. In this way he offered a significant opportunity to the Turkish state to resolve the Kurdish question, but the Turkish state interpreted the withdrawal as weakness and maintained their policy of cultural genocide. Considering it would be able to liquidate the PKK it took no steps towards a resolution of the Kurdish question.

Following the insistence on cultural genocide and the failure to take any steps the Kurdish Liberation Movement halted the withdrawal of guerrillas and launched a new period of guerrilla struggle on 1 June 2004. Despite the PKK’s warnings, virtually imploring the AKP government that had come to power in November 2002, there had been absolutely no response. The party’s leader, Tayyip Erdogan, had even made clear that he would continue the classic policies of denial, annihilation and cultural genocide, saying: ‘If you don’t think about it, then there will be no Kurdish problem’.

The move of 1 June 2004 demonstrated that the PKK had not, contrary to the opinions of the state and the AKP government, been weakened. Although the AKP endeavoured to create division in the Kurdish Liberation Movement by using certain Kurdish politicians, these initiatives, like the provocative initiatives within the PKK, came to naught. The AKP government came under increasing pressure from the guerrilla struggle and popular uprisings. Although the Kurdish Liberation Movement declared a short ceasefire in 2005 the AKP government did not respond in practical terms.

The AKP government, feeling it would not be able to survive under pressure from guerrilla resistance and popular uprisings in 2006, sent mediators calling for a ceasefire. The Kurdish People’s Leader therefore called for a ceasefire to be declared on 1 October 2006, thinking certain steps would be taken. However, no positive steps were taken, and attempts were made by deep forces within the state to poison the Kurdish people’s leader. In May 2007 the AKP government, realising it would not be able to maintain its policy of managing both the PKK and the military-civilian bureaucracy, came to an agreement with the chief of the General Staff, Yasar Buyukanit, with the Dolmabahce protocol for the liquidation of the PKK. With this accord the AKP and political Islam became incorporated within the state.

Following the re-election of the AKP on 22 July 2007 the external base of the liquidation concept was established by a meeting between Erdogan and Bush on 5 November. When the 2008 Zap operation failed to achieve results a new concept to liquidate the PKK was adopted by the AKP government and the military-civil bureaucracy. According to this concept agreed between Ilker Basbug and PM Erdogan a certain relaxation would be made in the culture and language arena. Hence certain developments, such as the launch of a Kurdish language TV channel, came onto the agenda prior to the local elections of 29 March 2009.

This process was at the same time the period in which the Oslo talks took place, during which a situation of non-conflict was ensured. Apart from retaliation to military operations guerrilla actions were kept to a minimum. Prior to the 29 March local elections the state also openly complied with the environment of non-conflict.

The Kurdish democratic movement achieved great success in the local elections. Following this success the KCK, thinking this success would open the way to a democratic solution, announced on 13 April that the environment of non-conflict would continue. In response to this the state, realising it would not be able to impose its new Kurdish policy on the existing Kurdish democratic environment, arrested hundreds of Kurdish politicians, including elected mayors, branch and provincial administrators the next day, 14 April, and threw them in prison. Despite this the Kurdish Liberation Movement maintained its position of non-conflict and Leader Apo drew up a new roadmap for a resolution. When the state did not respond positively he sent Peace Groups to Turkey to clarify the state’s intentions and policies. The state’s response was to step up its arrests and military operations.

At the end of May 2010 the state of non-conflict ended on account of the state’s policies and clashes and tension intensified. Prior to the referendum of September 2010 the AKP government asked Leader Apo to call a halt, and our movement responded to Leader Apo’s request by declaring a ceasefire on 13 August 2010. The AKP government thus won its referendum of 12 September. However, the government did not keep its promises and stepped up arrests and military operations. In spite of this Leader Apo requested our movement to maintain its ceasefire until the general elections of 12 June 2011. Within the framework of the Oslo talks in 2011 Leader Apo prepared three protocols and submitted them to the government. However, the government neither responded positively to these proposals nor improved the conditions of Leader Apo in order that he participate in efforts towards a resolution.

In response to this the DTK took a decision to construct the Kurds’ democracy and freedom by declaring democratic autonomy on 14 July 2011. The AKP government reacted angrily to this declaration and used the guerrillas’ response to military operations on the same day as justification for further stepping up its campaign of arrests and military operations. The resulting clashes which continued until autumn 2012 were the most intense period of warfare in the history of the guerrilla resistance.

Encouraged by certain internal and external forces, the AKP government believed it could destroy the Kurdish Freedom Movement by means of intensified warfare. However, it was the Turkish army and AKP government that was hard pressed by the intense conflict. The AKP government, realising that it would lose power in the event of the conflict continuing into 2013, send delegations to Imrali requesting a truce. Leader Apo, thinking the AKP government and state had realised the Kurdish question could not be resolved by military means, and in order to provide an opportunity for a democratic resolution to the Kurdish question and democratisation in Turkey asked the guerrillas to move to a position of non-conflict. On 21 March he presented a manifesto for democratisation aiming for democratisation in Turkey and a resolution to the Kurdish question. This manifesto, which excited all peoples and forces and was greeted with great hope and enthusiasm, also took its place in history as a project containing solutions for all the problems of the Middle East.
In the manifesto of 21 March the withdrawal of guerrillas was included along with the state of non-conflict. The Kurdish Freedom Movement demonstrated its faith in the project and its intent by ensuring non-conflict, releasing prisoners and starting the process of withdrawing the guerrillas from within Turkey’s borders. Despite the Kurdish Freedom Movement implementing its approach towards a democratic resolution through political means by fulfilling its responsibility at both stages, the AKP, as the state power that created the Kurdish question, has taken absolutely no steps. Nowhere in the world in such questions has there been a situation where one side to the issue has taken such an attitude. Leader Apo has wished to be exemplary by taking the necessary steps for a resolution of questions in Turkey and the Middle East based on the fraternity of peoples.
Just as absolutely no steps have been taken in order to bring about the environment for ideas, ideology and democratic political struggle emphasised by Leader Apo in his manifesto, he has also, as the initiating party of this process, not been provided with the facilities to conduct it successfully. Despite captured soldiers being released, even prison inmates with terminal illnesses have not been released, but condemned to die one by one. Thousands of political prisoners and dozens of journalists and lawyer continue to be held on remand in prison.

Despite Leader Apo initiating the process of guerrilla withdrawal no mechanism has been established to monitor the ceasefire, withdrawal or reciprocal steps that need to be taken. There have been deliberate efforts to avoid official recognition of these talks and the steps taken by the Kurdish Freedom Movement. Just as there has been no mention of the word Kurd in any of the steps supposedly taken, there is also an evident desire that nothing concerning the Kurdish question will be clear or lawful. The Wise Persons’ Commission established by the government has not met Leader Apo.

The situation of non-conflict, the release of soldiers and the withdrawal of guerrillas has been rendered meaningless. These important steps have been received as if they are worthless or as if they have not happened. Additionally, the state has taken advantage of the situation to build more military posts and dams for military purposes and to accelerate cultural genocide. This stance demonstrates how the AKP government and the state have approached the process.

Despite Leader Apo emphasising that the Kurdish Freedom Movement has fulfilled its responsibilities and that the time has come for the government to do what is necessary for the second stage, the AKP is behaving as if nothing has taken place. The speeches and manner of the Prime Minister, Ministers and Deputies illustrate the lack of seriousness in the way the government approaches this process.

The Kurdish Freedom Movement, understanding the negative attitude and lack of response of the AKP government to such a momentous step, was forced to take the decision to halt the withdrawal of guerrillas. It was wholly understandable that the Kurdish Freedom Movement take such a step when its unilateral, selfless initiative was ignored. It could not be expected that the forty-year-old Freedom Movement, that for thirty years has resisted in the harshest conditions and given 20,000 martyrs, should leave the future of the Kurdish people to a government that adopts such an attitude. While the Kurdish Freedom Movement halted the withdrawal it maintained the ceasefire, wishing to send a message to the government to take steps towards a democratic solution. While offering the government the opportunity to take steps it also sent the message that a continued lack of response and seriousness would signify that the ceasefire would also become meaningless.

The government understood the seriousness of the halting of the guerrilla withdrawal, but preferred to deflect the warning rather than act upon it.

The Turkish state, by failing to fulfill its responsibilities and refusing to recognise Leader Apo and the Kurdish Freedom Movement as a party in the process, has blocked the process at the beginning and maintained its traditional approach. Despite Leader Apo’s warning regarding the package: ‘without agreement being reached it will not serve the process’ – the government, with its ‘I know best’ attitude, prepared a ‘democratisation package’ that ignored the sensible, flexible proposals of Leader Apo.

For weeks the government delayed producing its ‘democratisation package’, and when it was finally announced it created disappointment amongst all democratic forces, first and foremost the Kurds. The way in which the package was compiled meant there was no possibility of it being democratic. It was inevitable regarding the Kurdish question that the method used in producing it would influence the content.

It is apparent that the package does not meet the demands of the Kurds and democratic forces. Even the reports of the Wise Persons’ Commission were not taken seriously. It appears that they wished to deflect the democratic demands of the Kurdish people and democratic forces by abolishing outdated, discredited, racist, delegitimised practices such as “our pledge”, which had become a handicap for them. It is apparent that they wish to go to the elections by alleviating in this way the pressure put on them by democratic forces. Hence even the most optimistic evaluations of the package called it an election package. It has also been called a package that holds back democratisation. In an environment where thousands are in prison on flimsy grounds no one with a democratic mentality could consider the package a significant step towards a resolution of the Kurdish question or democratisation. Only the AKP and their cronies could make such a claim.

There was an expectation that the package would contain important steps towards a resolution of the Kurdish question, for the process had been initiated by the Kurdish movement and its leadership. However, it is clear the package was prepared as a delaying tactic and thus disappointed all those awaiting democratisation. The failure to attach the necessary importance to the reasonable proposals for freedom and autonomy based on the fraternity of peoples and their unique differences put forward by Leader Apo and the Kurdish Freedom Movement, in a region where sectarian, nationalist ideas are pitting peoples against each other, demonstrates the level of nationalism and denial of the Turkish state and its political representatives.

The Kurdish question is a century old. Massacres and a continuous policy of cultural genocide have been implemented. In the last 30 years the Turkish state has carried out one of the most dirty wars in history, causing immeasurable damage. Although it is not officially recognised, Turkish public opinion is becoming increasingly aware of what has happened. The fact that ordinary people say: “Bad things were apparently done in the East” indicates that the reality is acknowledged.

The Kurdish question cannot be resolved by packages designed as election propaganda or cosmetic steps. Such an approach is an insult to the peoples of Turkey. The people of Turkey and the Kurds have supported the process with the expectation that Turkey will become democratic and problems will be resolved, not for the AKP to manage the situation until the elections.

The Kurdish question originated from the denial of the existence of the Kurds, therefore the solution lies in the official recognition of the Kurds and of their will. As long as the old approach is clung to there can be no mention of a change in mentality. Consequently, without addressing the origins of the Kurdish question and a solution within this framework it will be impossible to achieve a solution. Without recognising the Kurds as an equal, honourable people everything that is done will consist of nothing but delay and deception.

The AKP government’s attitude is: “I will not officially recognise the Kurds, not even their language, I will not mention them in any official document. I will not accept them as a national community or people and no one can represent the Kurds.” This is a mentality that cannot resolve the Kurdish question.

The PKK, KCK and BDP represent not all, but a significant proportion of the community that is aware of being Kurdish and has demands as regards Kurdishness. Past decades have proved this to be the case, and the fact that the state has for years been directly or indirectly in contact with these organisations is evidence of this. Therefore, to attempt to be rid of the question by liquidating the PKK and KCK will only result in more suffering and loss for the peoples of Turkey.

For a year the Prime Minister and AKP government have been sending delegations to Imrali to have meetings with Leader Apo. Everyone is aware that a process has begun. The Prime Minister himself has called it a resolution process. It is known that this means democratisation and a resolution of the Kurdish question. It is evident that this is a bilateral process, as there has never been such a process in the world conducted on a unilateral basis. Negotiations always take place between two parties, and it is essential that this happen with the Kurdish question.

The Kurdish party has declared that Leader Apo is the chief negotiator. It is a fact that if such a process is to continue it must develop from talks to negotiations and then to agreement. By acting unilaterally the AKP government is sabotaging the process. To refuse to engage in a bilateral process is to deny the existence of such a process.

It is recognised by public opinion that Leader Apo, as the initiator of the process with his Newroz manifesto, has acted responsibly for its progress. Despite the AKP government failing to fulfil its responsibilities Leader Apo and the Kurdish Freedom Movement have maintained their reasonable and patient stance in order to put pressure on the AKP government to take the necessary steps. However, the state’s failure to take the Kurds seriously or take any steps has blocked the process.

The Freedom Movement has announced a ceasefire on 9 occasions. Although these ceasefires have not been approached positively and have been wasted as a result of being seen as an opportunity to delay or to liquidate, it cannot be said that they have not resulted in any gains as regards democratisation or a resolution of the Kurdish question. They have played an important role in bringing to public attention how our Freedom Movement approaches a resolution of the Kurdish question and the fact it is seeking a reasonable resolution. However, since significant results were not obtained as regards a resolution of the Kurdish question and democratisation in Turkey conflict has continued until the present day.

Talks have taken place with the Turkish state for years. Although the Kurdish Freedom Movement has been aware of the delaying tactics of the state and AKP government it has not made a problem of this, thinking that in time things would change. However, at the current stage the continuing delaying tactics and efforts to make Leader Apo an instrument will only intensify the problem. Due to the government’s lack of seriousness the talks have not moved on to the stage of negotiations. This is further proof that the government does not have a policy of resolution. It has adopted the same mentality in its talks with the legal democratic Kurdish political movement.

The fact that the Turkish state does not have a policy of resolution of the Kurdish question and does not have a correct approach to the process initiated by Leader Apo is apparent from the hostility it has demonstrated to the democratic revolution taking place in Rojava.

While there is no conflict in North Kurdistan and Turkey, the state’s carrying on a war in Rojava using gangs is to sabotage the process.

The situation in Rojava cannot be addressed separately from the situation in North Kurdistan. The people of North Kurdistan cannot be expected to believe the AKP has a policy of resolution when it is involved in dirty alliances carrying out massacres in Rojava in order to prevent the Kurds winning rights. Turkey’s approach to the process in the North and its attitude to Rojava are separate expressions of the same mentality. By looking at one it is possible to understand the other. Turkey’s approach in Rojava does not stem from its policy regarding Syria, rather it stems from a fear that Kurds winning rights in Rojava will directly influence policy in North Kurdistan.

If there is to be a solution then first and foremost there must be a change in mentality. The precondition for this is to recognise the will of the Kurds and to accept them as a party. Otherwise to discuss steps being taken is a great deception. The existing reality is as stark as this.

There are fundamental conditions for the resolution of the Kurdish question. Without meeting these fundamental demands talking of details is meaningless. The parameters of these fundamental demands are clear and express an inseparable whole.

Firstly: the constitutional and legal safeguarding of the Kurds’ existence, identity and culture, and recognition of the Kurdish identity and freedom of expression and association.

Secondly: Acceptance of the Kurds’ existence as a society and their own administration, that is, acceptance of democratic autonomy.

Thirdly: The acceptance of mother tongue education at every level on account of their being a people subjected to cultural genocide.

These are the Kurdish people’s inalienable demands. It will not be possible to say denial and assimilation has ended and cultural genocide has been abandoned until these three fundamental demands are met.

These three demands that will end denial, assimilation and cultural genocide will only be met by a democratic constitution. These demands complement each other and are not meaningful individually. The Kurds’ free and democratic life with a Kurdish identity is only possible with the existence of these three elements. As for how they will become concrete and be implemented will be determined by discussion, negotiation and agreement. Without the involvement of the Kurds as a party in negotiations the recognition of these demands as rights will not happen. This depends on a change in mentality.

To claim that this question can be resolved without the recognition of the political will of the Kurds, consequently, without negotiation is to deceive and cheat the Kurds.

As the Kurdish Freedom Movement we are in favour of a democratic political solution. This has always been our preference. For over 20 years Leader Apo has made efforts for this. The Kurdish Freedom Movement’s theoretical renewal and change of paradigm directs us towards such a solution. Leader Apo made clear in his declaration in the character of a manifesto at Newroz 2013 what kind of solution he wanted. All organisations and components of the Kurdish Freedom Movement are in favour of such a solution.

Today our movement prefers implementing this solution by means of negotiations with the Turkish state. This is the reason for the reasonable, patient approach of Leader Apo and the Freedom Movement. This approach is a historic opportunity for the Turkish state and AKP government. If the current attitude is abandoned and Leader Apo and the Freedom Movement are accepted as a party and the necessary legal provision is made in order that they may play their roles, and negotiations begin with neutral observers and a genuine process of resolution begins with the participation of important sections of the population, then it is clear that as a movement we will fulfil our responsibilities without hesitation, as we have done up to the present.

If there is an insistence on the current attitude or if efforts are made to maintain it in a different form then our movement will evaluate this and take the path of constructing a free and democratic life in line with our theoretical line and paradigm. In an environment where the Kurds’ rights are not recognised it is legitimate for the Kurds to take charge of their own lives. Within this framework a new multi-dimensional period of struggle will be launched. How or whether the state of non-conflict will continue, and what methods and paths our movement will prefer is dependent on the stance adopted by the AKP government and the Turkish state in the coming days.

As has been demonstrated by recent decades the resolution of the Kurdish question and the democratisation of Turkey can only be realised through struggle. Leader Apo mainly addressed the Kurdish people and the forces of democracy at Newroz 2013. He called on them to take ownership of the resolution process. The AKP government has demonstrated by failing to take any steps in the process that is supported by the peoples of Turkey and the Kurdish people, and by spoiling the process with a narrow political approach that it does not have the mentality or will to carry out democratisation. It is therefore important to oppose the stance adopted by the AKP.

Whether through negotiation with the state or by establishing a free democratic life by our people’s will and power, whichever it is, the attitude and struggle of our people and democratic forces will be effective. We therefore call on all democratic forces and on our people to develop a more organised, multi-dimensional struggle for the democratisation of Turkey and a resolution of the Kurdish question.

First and foremost the progressive, democratic forces of the Middle East, and progressive, democratic humanity and international forces closely observed the steps taken by Leader Apo for a democratic solution, and were witness to the preference made by the Kurds as regards a solution. The resolution of the Kurdish question and the democratisation of Turkey is of a character that will directly influence the Middle East and the world. We therefore call on progressive democratic humanity and responsible international forces to offer their support to the Kurdish people and the forces of democracy in this endeavour.

We call on political forces responsible to all the peoples of the region, first and foremost Turkey, to support Leader Apo’s path of resolution and paradigm to bring about free and democratic life in the entire Middle East, and thereby fulfil their responsibilities.

Kurdistan Democratic Communities Union (KCK)
9 October 2013