I AM NOT MY TRIBE...

#147NotJustaNumber

2015-04-06T16:31:00.001+03:00

Kenyan,

We know you have watching how the Thursday Carnage ended with about 148 lives lost. We know that you are not sure how you can help. Well, you can do something, however small, to help those affected by the #GarissaAttack.

If you can, visit Chiromo Mortuary and console with the families looking for their children. You can bring with you some snacks, water and anything else for them.

Two, you can support the Garissa attack humanitarian response by contributing money to Safaricom Kenya, Airtel Kenya, Orange Kenya, Mobikash and the KCB Kenya have opened accounts where money can be donated via MPESA, Airtel Money, Mobikash through Paybill Number 858585, via OrangeMoney through business number 222222 and through KCB A/C No: 858585858585.

You can donate blood as well, as it is happening at Kencom in Nairobi.

Those in Nairobi, tomorrow from 5 to 9pm there will be a vigil for the 147 lives lost in the Thursday Attack. See more details here

In your different regions, please see how you can help out in this. Leave a comment or an inbox of how you would like to help.

But most importantly, this time of pain and anguish should not make us cower and see the Somali Community, among us as the enemies. Or that Islam promotes violence. If we do, we are helping the Al Shabaab propagate the idea of this being a religious war.

We are Kenyans. The blood of Kenyans was spilled on Thursday in Garissa, in Mpeketoni, in Westgate, in Mandera and many other terrorist attacks. We have lost too much. If love, however hard it is to find it, is the last thing left in us, let us share it.

Share the Love.

Eunice Kilonzo.

Flags flying on half-mast

Kenya post March 4th 2013: The face of a re-ethnicized nation

2013-05-08T17:11:00.002+03:00

After the March 4^th elections we now know the type of people some of us really are. Our voting patterns hinted at being people with a tribal inclination. It is no wonder then that politicians would talk of consolidating the Luhya, Kalenjin or Kikuyu vote. Coalitions banked on an ethnic support base and this tendency is what has given Kenyan politics its ethnic character. Now for a country that has over 42 plus tribes with some as large as millions and others in their thousands one is left wondering if these smaller tribes will ever rise to the helm of leadership in the country. This again can be argued that, we may always have a group that will always be in leadership. Mutahi Ngunyi read our tribal tendencies and came up with the (infamous) tyranny of tribal numbers. This he plainly put it that the most determining factor for Uhuru Kenyatta’s win would be based on the Kikuyu and Kalenjin vote. True enough, the votes tallying showed this projection clearly. Politics is a game of numbers and if these numbers were drawn from fellow tribes-kin then so be it, as some politicians consoled and cheated their followers.

However, there are those who said that tribe would not be integral in these elections claiming that Kenyans are peace loving, informed and “untribal” and instead these coalitions were united by a common agenda to assert Kenya’s sovereignty and independence from neo-colonial justice and Western interference. Some writers even argued that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto presented in the election a referendum on the ongoing ICC process. While this is debatable, the announcement of Uhuru’s victory saw remarks that “another Kikuyu” had taken over power. In fact some said that one Kikuyu passed on power like a baton to the next.

Consequently, social media was ablaze with tribal connotations, hate speech, vitriol, suspicion, and even threats of retaliatory attacks. While the National Cohesion and Integration Commission named and shamed Kenyans who were tribal, more tribal snide were exchanged nonetheless online. Indeed, tribalism was on the World Wide Web. Ironically, the Kenyan people were lauded for conducting the elections peacefully dismaying international media houses that had camped around awaiting violence; this is because people were fighting on new battle fields-SMS and Social Media.

The 2013 election and to some extent the ICC issue re-ethicized the nation at a time when the 2010 referendum and the promulgation had a de-ethicizing effect on Kenyan politics. The result is that the country has now been re-divided into two large ethnic coalitions. Those in support of Raila Odinga echoed his efforts in pushing for multi-party democracy in 1992 and the promulgation of a new constitutional order in 2010. They were however quick to point out that while these victories have redefined Kenya fundamentally but have come at a cost to Raila Odinga’s bid for the Presidency. He has become a victim of his own successes as the country has moved on. On the other hand those for Uhuru say that he brings with him fresh leadership skills and a “youthful and digital” touch in the country.

It therefore begs the question whether the choices made following the elections were simply about tribal arithmetic or an argument for asserting nationalism versus democratic reform. While I see elements of nationalism and new hope for Kenya I think pre and post March 4^th 2013, we have become a re-ethicized nation. It is important to note that there are two kinds of ethnic groups when it comes to politics. The first are ethnicities that are so highly politicized that they tend to polarise politics ethnically. We can call these fighting ethnicities centrally organised for political action. On the other side, you have ethnicities without extreme ethnic politicisation, without a centralised political organisation or direction. They do not vote one way, but many ways.

The effect of polarizing politics ethnically will mean that any action taken by the President and his deputy is analyzed through the ethnic lenses. Such as is the case with the recent Cabinet nominations belittled by ethnic bigots. Recently, Daily Nation on its Facebook reported a raid in a house in Thika where not only was the family robbed of its valuables; the daughters in that house were raped by the armed thieves. I was shocked and appalled by the ugly turn of event, however, my shock tripled when someone commented that they deserved it, as they were Kikuyus. How low have we come to wish such a vile action such as rape on anyone? It goes to show how weak our shred of tenderness and respect for other communities is slowly shedding off. This is one of the many examples of comments and words, hurtful words we read and hear from those around us. I ask…what went wrong where? What price will we pay for being re-ethicized?

I believe we must change this tribal narrative and learn look and hope for the best in fellow Kenyans regardless of their ethnic background. There is no doubt for instance that the people Uhuru and Ruto nominated to Cabinet are brilliant minds. Unfortunately, with the re-ethicized state of affairs we will continue to hear cries of how many representatives of a certain community are in Cabinet, and of how many other ‘tribes’ that have been ‘left out’. One thing that we ought to remember is that Kenya is one out of many. We all make and give Kenya its identity and not our specific tribes. In any case no one tribe has the numbers to entirely win the presidency for one of their own without the vote from other ethnic groups. Neither can to be self-sufficient from the rest. We need to stop the rhetoric and act. We need to discuss issues of tribalism and if we feel a tribe is being marginalized and others benefiting there are structures in place to address this. The first is the courts, the National and Integration Commission, writing to parliament and being proactive citizens who accommodate all communities.

Let HER Lead!

2013-05-08T17:05:00.002+03:00

“Whether Women are better than men, I cannot say, but I can say that they are certainly not worse”-Golda Mier, Israeli Prime Minister.

In a matriarchal government, women’s nurturing instincts rule as they determine the operations of the government. With a special focus on her “children” ensuring that they do not live in poverty and ignorance. Despite efforts by various stakeholders to empower women, fewer women are running for office. This is in spite of the gender parity laws as stipulated on Article 81(b) of the Kenya’s constitution that stipulates “Not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies should be of the same gender”. However, this does not mean that we should elect women for the sake of it but because they are equally good leaders who can lead us. Given equal opportunities, women too can lead. It should be noted that in the event that the gender requirement is not achieved then the Kenyan government will be rendered obsolete.

The media sadly is not giving equal coverage to aspiring women leaders as well as constant education on the gender constitutional requirement of why it is vital to give women a chance to lead. Considering that women are almost half of the Kenyan population as per the 2009 census records, women need proper representation in positions of authority. That said rarely will women support fellow women. Perhaps it is true that women are their worst enemies! I have been to discussions and I would hear people say they wouldn’t vote in a woman because they are too emotional, questioning whether she is married and to whom? These arguments hint on fallacies targeting at a person instead of the issues they are advocating. It may be late now to learn from Burundi but in a past election, they had an interesting slogan to champion women to vote: Women Vote and Get yourself Voted! It is not surprising that their neighbor Rwanda has about 56.2% of women in the national government. President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia and Prime Minister Julia Gillard of Australia show that women can hold elective posts. Same is said for Indonesia, India as well as Pakistan. What then is holding Kenyan women back? What is locking them out of leadership positions? Don’t women make great leaders, right from families, why are we relaxed in giving them a chance in decision making position? Could it be because national politics are dictated by handouts and freebies such that we don’t care who wants our vote: whether a man or women provided they can oil our palms. Let it not be assumed that elections are supposed to be about gender, on the contrary they are to be on merit. If a woman proves her salt that she deserves leadership position…by all means, let HER lead!

Now I am certain that there are those who hold stereotypes that Kenya may not be ready yet for women leaders. Let it be known that not even an army can stop an idea whose time has come. In the 2013 elections, it is evident that a portion of women have realized that the time has come for women are not afraid to come out and contest like anybody else. We know that our politics is marred with violence, bribery, corruption and tribalism but this should not make aspiring women candidates relent to push forward their agenda in positions of authority. Unless we speak and realize our rightful positions in the modern day Kenya and World, our fate as women (even worse young women) we will continue being subjected to practices and a fate that will dictate the direction of our growth vis a vis that of men. The world is watching to see whether Kenya will embrace matriarchal leadership, one third at the very least.

To the aspiring Kenyan women who contested the March 4^th 2013 election, consider yourself a winner and a much needed fresh breath of leadership for believing that you can improve Kenya through your skills. The passion, resilience and courage you exude as well as your readiness to serve and lead Kenyans is worth emulating. As the world marks the International Day of Women, let us remember women in Kenya and Africa who took a bold step and entered a “male-dominated” field. Some did it; perhaps this should be a challenge to me as well as other “undecided’ women who are not sure if they can make it in governance and in elective posts. I am thinking about it, the buck stops with me, so you too should consider it becoming a reality. Let HER Lead!

The March 4th Elections: Perspectives from an inadvertently unregistered voter

2013-05-08T17:04:00.000+03:00

The March 4th Elections: Perspectives from an inadvertently unregistered voter[1]

March 4^th will be an historical day for Kenya. We will be voting in the fourth president under a new constitutional dispensation. In addition to the president’s post, Kenyans will be voting for five other seats that denote the county system of government. Thus by March 5^th, the following positions will be filled: President, Governor, Senator, Women Representatives from each county, Members of Parliament for the National Assembly and the County Ward representatives.

The campaigns have been a show of financial might for most of the contesters. With 8 presidential candidates, Kenyans may be said to be spoilt for choice. Some have dubbed this the two horse race while others talking about the tyranny of numbers but what they seem to be assuming is that most if not all of those in these political campaigns will be voting! Personally, I will not be voting in this election: I have never voted in any election. In 2007, I did not have a National ID, and at 2013, it was unfortunate that I lost my ID during the registration and the time to register elapsed before replacing it. I know there are many like us, young people who will not be voting. I know that there are those who will lose their IDs a week or so to the elections and may thus not vote as well. I am also certain that in the huge crowds during campaigns, it may not be surprising that say a quarter of those present will not be voting either!

What am I driving with this? So much emphasis has been put on campaigns, on opinion polls and we are forgetting the fundamental unit: the voter. We also ‘pretend’ to forget that the voting is a process and it requires one to know what needs to be done. I am certain that there are Kenyans who do not know what to expect during the voting day, right from the ballot papers to the six elective posts. I know, you may be wondering, I am concerned while I will not be voting anyway, so why bother? True, but I know I have a part to play pre, during and post the Election Day. I have realized, whether I will vote or not, I am an equal Kenyan and I have rights and responsibilities and my not voting does not make me less Kenyan.

My first role is a reminder, to my fellow Kenyans: we are voting through the secret ballot. This is to say that your choice for a candidate is your own and you are not to be coerced into choosing someone because the majority in that voting area is voting for that person. Elizabeth Noelle-Noumann in her famous “Spiral of Silence theory” acknowledges that for fear of isolation, people have a sixth sense to analyze the opinions of those around them and shape their decisions accordingly lest they are isolated. This then translates to people voting alongside tribal lines over issues. I would like to challenge you to look at whoever it is you are planning to vote for. Ask yourself, why do I want to have this person as my leader? Why do they want to get into power? Are they sincerely for Kenyans or for personal reasons? Let us not be clouded by what other people tell us about them but what do we personally feel about their leadership. I encourage us as young women be firm in our decisions and not to be afraid of isolation from our friends, our families because of who we are voting for; it is a secret ballot anyway.

My second role is to remind us young women take note when voting to ensure that we mark the candidates we are voting for within the specified requirements. There will be six (different coloured) ballot papers for the six elective positions. The Presidential Ballot paper will be White, the Governor's blue, Senator-Yellow, Member of Parliament-Green, Women Representative-Purple and the County Representatives–Beige. Each of the ballot papers have to be cast in their respective ballot boxes i.e. match each ballot paper with the corresponding box. One can only mark once on a ballot paper by the use of √ or X or even ones thumbprint. The worst thing would be to have wasted votes particularly where the competition is stiff as evident. Also, there will be Police Officers who will be observing any election misconduct particularly in relation to rigging, miscommunication to the yet to vote, those found campaigning during the election day as well as those who will be found inciting or even branded in the colours of particular parties.

In conclusion, Kenya was, has, and will be there after the March 4^th Elections. Let us look at the big picture and encourage, persuade and inform our relatives and friends on this. Kenya is larger than our tribes, our once-in-every-five-years politics, selfish interests and campaigns. Kenya needs peace, now more than ever. Let us choose our words in discussing issues of the elections, our actions and let us exude confidence in IEBC. They are mandated to ensure that elections are free and fair. These are my views as unregistered Kenyan voter who despite not casting my vote, I will nonetheless ensure that the votes of the registered are cast in an informed, calm and peaceful environment and eventually accept the winner and defeat with honour. Again, Kenya is bigger than any of us, these fellow Kenyans, are my views as an unregistered voter!

[1] Nominated for the CNN MultiChoice African Journalist Award 2013

Four years on: The Launch

2013-01-22T00:10:00.004+03:00

Four years ago, I begun to question on issues of tribalism and negative ethnicity. I did not know much then but I felt compelled to write about it. Writing was my voice. I penned down a note on Thursday 23rd April 2008. This unknown to me would be the beginning of I AM NOT MY TRIBE INITIATIVE :

Oh,so you are Kilonzo...Mkamba...?an innocent question right?WRONG.
What does my tribe have to do with my potentials?Failures?These stereotypes grate me to the marrow...unaskia there has been a heist and the immediate question is..hao kama si wakikuyu...ama a bar brawl,watu wamepigana unaconclude hawa wajaluo wanapenda vita...piracy-wasomali...frausters-wahindi n all other tribal comparisons...many at times its an individual who has messed bt th whole clan is smerged with the iniquity.
I dont knw abt u bt ths has got to STOP.
How?let us th youths create awareness to our peers,parents n community that no tribe is superior or inferior to th other.
We are Kenyans and ths is what is very important...intermarry btwn tribes,make friends with other clans..our diversity is supposed 2 unite us..We are ONE out of MANY.
Unless we put aside our tribal differences,we will always experience the hate speeches lined with sarcasm,suspicion and disunity which I for sure knw is a timebomb we are sitting on...infact a field of land mines..a step is as risky as th next...Reflect on Rwandas genocide.
TUACHE UKABILA.
In anycase wen it rains..does it recognize anyone by its tribe or affiliation?it drenches all equally.

Question : Wewe ni mkabila gani??

Answer : Mimi ni MKENYA

Today, 22nd of January 2013, I am glad to say that I have found ten other like minded students from the University of Nairobi who have dedicated their time, their energies and resources to address this issue of tribalism which sadly is thriving in this campaign period. This calls for concerted efforts and new strategies in addressing this concern. This is our first step, to the transformation of Kenya. Ambitious? Not quite. We are bringing change to our communities, one person at a time.

Can Kenya learn from Park Geun-hye presidency?

2013-01-09T20:06:00.003+03:00

South Korea's elected her first woman president, Park Geun-hye on December 19^th 2012. Ms Park is the daughter of former military strongman Park Chung-hee who ruled South Korea with an iron fist for 18 years. Her campaign was both bolstered and dogged by the legacy of her father, who built South Korea's economy while crushing dissent. She defeated the Democratic United Party (DUP) candidate, Moon Jae-in. There are a lot of lessons to learn from her presidency, particularly Kenya at a time that The Economist reported that Kenya is among the worst countries to be born in, in 2013. Well, this is not something I smile about, more so as a young Kenyan woman. However, there may be some truths to it. Now I know I am playing the devil advocate but there are some things that indeed make Kenya a not so ‘cool’ place to be. Right from politics, security as well as available opportunities that young people can tap into.

I will therefore consider the president-elect Park Geun-hye as a case study on what I as a young Kenyan woman leader can learn; more so from her race for presidency. Park, who said she had never married or had children has devoted her life to public service, will inherit a formidable array of economic problems such as youth unemployment, inequality and the challenge from a hostile North Korea when she takes office. This I consider vital particularly as Kenya is bracing for its next general election elections in March 4^th 2013. Hopefully, leaders from Kenya and Africa can draw lessons from Parks stratagem. I acknowledge that it is not prudent to “copy-paste” her formula therefore, I will modify and even try to make better few of her ideas to be in tandem with my Kenyan context. Furthermore, I know that some would sneer at my thought of getting lessons from a “dictator’s daughter” but I know for a fact anyone can learn from everyone, what you decide to use is upon you.

Park Geun-hye

The first strategy Park is using is to have a working group/team also her transition team. President-elect Park Geun-hye has a team that was and is charged with hammering out key policies on her behalf and ensuring that her ascent to the top office runs smoothly. Her appointments show her to be a traditionalist who relies on trusted aides and familiar faces. On this note, Kenya needs to clearly distinguish this from the hurriedly made political marriages a.k.a coalitions. These ‘marriages’ are merely vehicles that will drive most leaders into positions of power and once there file a divorce thus render these unions obsolete. Having a team instead of being part of a ‘forced’ conglomerate is probably the manoeuvre Martha Karua is using; in that instead of getting into a coalition with another leader, she like Park has surrounded herself with a team of volunteers who believe in her aspirations and objectives and they selflessly work toward achieving them. This however is not to say that all coalitions are useless, emphasis should be on which coalitions are issue based and not working on personal attacks of the other camp. At this point sadly, most of the coalitions are ridden with internal disgruntles, uncertain strategies and one gets the feeling that some are in this election race merely to loose and be remember in history as having run for political office.

Second strategy, closely linked to the first is trust. This strategy I believe is the corner stone to any endeavour one undertakes. In fact Park Geun-hye is famous for the style in which she will run her government. It is dubbed ‘trustpolitik’. This came at a time that Koreans consider themselves “shrimps among whales” in relation to China, Japan and Russia. However, Park who others call ‘ice-queen’ taking the ‘trustpolitik’ path despite the “shrimp tag” seeks to improve bilateral relations and to persuade N.Korea to curtail its nuclear program and reunification in the end. Ms Park has based her approach on reciprocity where she says she will start with small economic projects and humanitarian aid, and engage further with the North’s leader, Kim Jong Un. This contrasts with the leadership style of her predecessor, Lee Myung-back whose policies severed any links with N.Korea. This method reminds me of the current call for succession by the Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) in Mombasa who want to annex Mombasa (Kenya’s port city) due to concerns of marginalization and unfair development. I think whoever will become the 4^th president of Kenya can use this idea. In that it provides room for dialogue and trust in addressing the pertinent issues underneath the call for secession. Issues raised by MRC are indeed valid and have not been addressed fully but merely wished away by use of force to nip them from growing. In this case, MRC like a season river may not be seen flowing on the surface but it is certainly underneath and if not checked will rise and burst its banks over time. With this strategy, Ms Park seeks to bridge the political divide among the South Koreans and hopefully unite the two Koreas. Concerns of MRC need to be looked at objectively and where possible address them conclusively.Some may term this as idealist thinking but realists emphasize that the end justifies the means therefore; I think it is worth trying with Kenya.

A third strategy would be regional inclusion in all policy formulation and implementation. Ms Park has for instance taken care to give prominent roles to natives of Jeolla province, such as Han Kwang-ok, head of the subcommittee on national unity. Jeolla suffered under successive military regimes in the past, and always votes for the DUP rather than Ms Park’s Saenuri Party. Kenya on the other hand has a major issue of regional cronyism manifested as tribalism and unequal development. This is now worsened by the fact that particular regions represent particular tribes and their development or lack of it, hints on the previous leadership at the national and local level. With the political coalitions whose common thread is the mantra of “uniting all Kenyans in one” is merely a façade and not issue based manifestos. Park has been careful to avoid showing regional cronyism that tripped her predecessor President Lee Myung-bak. Regional cronyisms energize and sustain ineffective leaders who have the support from their regional base. Therefore, as dynamic as it is a leader would time after time redefine their regional identities to align with perceived personal or group imperatives at the expense of the larger community.

Kenya is 50 in 2013, and these three strategies out of the many that Ms Park employs would be instrumental in addressing our persistent and emerging problems of development and security. It will be remembered that Korea then a poor state from Asia approached Kenya for its Development Blue-print. This blue-print was the Kenya Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 drafted by Tom Mboya and Mwai Kibaki that would ensure rapid economic development and social progress for its citizens. Robert Greene’s First Law in his book 48 Laws of Power says: Never outshine the master. Well, Korea has proven that indeed this law can be broken because at 2012 Korea has outshined Kenya in all aspects. Korea is the eleventh biggest economy, sixth biggest exporter and hopefully soon become the eighth biggest trading nation while Kenya is still a developing state. Maybe it is about time for Kenya to learn from Park Geun-hye. Change is good, right?

On Political Coalitions

2012-12-25T22:01:00.000+03:00

By Mzalendo

Having an executive president makes the stakes in the race for presidency necessarily high. The stakes are made even higher by the impending cases against DPM Uhuru Kenyatta and Eldoret North MP, William Ruto, at International Criminal Court, and what either of the two winning the presidential seat would mean for the cases.

Voting patterns in the country coalitions mean that coalitions may be necessary component for winning the elections. The election threshold for president as provided for in the Constitution states that, “a person shall be declared duly elected President if he or she is the only candidate nominated for election.” Of course this is unlikely given that several aspirants have already declared their intention to run for president (see their credentials here).

In the alternate the constitution also provides that a person can become president if they, attain more than half of the votes cast in the election plus of 25 per cent of votes cast in more than half of the 47 counties. However as a consequence of our motivations for voting and voting patterns it is unlikely that any presidential candidate running alone can attain this threshold.

Hence the rush we saw the week before last by political parties to form coalitions to meet the requirement that coalition agreements entered into before the election be deposited with the Registrar at least three months before the election.

Ideally coalitions are supposed to be an agreement for cooperation between different political parties on a common political agenda. However from the leadership squabbles emerging from the coalitions formed less than two weeks ago it is difficult to figure out whether the coalitions were formed with a coherent political agenda other than winning in mind.

Even if we give coalitions the benefit of the doubt and presume that they were formed on the basis of a common political ideology/agenda, it is at this juncture difficult to tell what that agenda is. As it stands neither of the two coalitions that have emerged as the forerunners, Jubilee Coalition and CORD (if not in fact, then certainly in terms of press coverage) have articulated a coherent policy agenda with regards to the issues that a majority of Kenyans care about i.e. security or the economy.

In fact from the disputes over presidential candidature, it becomes ever more evident that the main purpose of political coalitions is to clear the election threshold i.e. garner the minimum percentage required votes nationally to win.

However whether coalitions formed will hold until March 4, 2013, remains to be seen, particularly where ‘dark forces are at play’.

What are your thoughts on the coalitions?

Call for Volunteer Bloggers/Contributors!

2012-12-10T19:25:00.001+03:00

Does Tribalism make your blood boil? Can You write about it? Can you tell your Kenyan thoughts?

I AM NOT MY TRIBE is looking for YOU! If you have something to say about tribalism, (negative) ethnicity, peace concerns, political and current events where you are, get in touch, we'd love to share your thoughts with our Kenyan/ global audience!

Email a resume, short writing sample and a cover letter (with your reasons why you would like to contribute your experiences, what you think you could bring to the blog, and your main areas of interest that you would like to write about) to: iamnotmytribe@gmail.com and cc

eunicekkilonzo@gmail.com with the Subject line: I AM NOT MY TRIBE

Looking forward to hearing from YOU!

Peace Monitors – UWIANO Platform for Peace Activities in all Counties

2012-12-03T14:14:00.000+03:00

The UWIANO Platform for Peace, a Conflict Prevention and Response Initiative constituted and implemented by the National Steering Committee on Peace building and Conflict Management (NSC), National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC), Peace Net Kenya, UNDP Kenya and the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) provides a platform for strengthening the coordination of efforts towards a peaceful and cohesive nation.

The Platform is currently implementing the National Conflict Early Warning and Early Response System (NCEWERS) in collaboration with a wide range of state and non-state actors.

Overall Objective:

The Platform requires the services of Peace Monitors (one in each County) to provide support to the implementation of this System.

Duty Stations:

The peace monitors will be based at the County Headquarters to operationalize the UWIANO Conflict Early Warning and Response Centres in the following Counties:

Kilifi, Lamu, Taita Taveta, Meru, Embu, Kitui, Machakos, Makueni, Nyandarua, Kirinyaga, Muranga, Kiambu, Turkana, West Pokot, Samburu, Nandi, Baringo, Kajiado, Kericho, Kakamega, Vihiga, Bungoma, Busia, Siaya, Homa Bay, Migori, and Kisii

Application Procedure:

Interested and qualified candidates should submit their applications which should include the following:

1. Detailed Curriculum Vitae

2. UNDP Personal History Form (P11) ( template provided)

3. Proposal for implementing the assignment (template provided)

Please quote“Peace Monitor – (County Name)”on the subject line. For example “Peace Monitor – (Turkana County”)

Applicants must be residents in the respective counties they apply for.

Applications should be emailed to consultants.ken@undp.org reach us not later than Friday, 7 December 2012 by 12.00 Noon, Kenya Time.

Please see the Terms of Reference, the P11 form, the Individual Contract Proposal form and the Terms and Conditions of Individual Contracts under by visiting the UNDP Kenya Website:

http://www.ke.undp.org/index.php/procurements

Of Trading Partners, Integration and the East African Community

2012-11-27T21:39:00.000+03:00

With various interconnectivity projects between Uganda and Tanzania; Ethiopia and Kenya and Kenya and Rwanda, the region has taken action to improve trade competitiveness through the improvement of regional hard and soft infrastructure, transparency and predictability of trade and the general quality of the business environment- Report by UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA)

“A prosperous, competitive, secure, stable and politically united East Africa” is the running call for the East Africa Community. Sure enough, cooperation and integration in the East African region has deepened and widened but if you ask me, more can be achieved. Effort and good will from the partner countries (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda) are required to achieve Mzee Julius Nyerere’s dream of gradual, regional integration leading up to a United States of Africa. The community is the only bloc to have taken concrete steps to integrate the three pillars of development; economic development, social inclusion and environmental protection. Realists however, will argue that this is a pipe dream as national interests are the driving force in all relations among states. Liberalists on the other hand, state that man is inherently good and common good is the guiding principle. By extension therefore, integration and cooperation is an achievable reality. The ultimate goal of the East African Community is to develop an East African Federation.
Article 5 (2) of the Treaty on the Establishment of the East African Community envisaged integration among the countries of the East Africa to progress from a Customs Union, a Common Market, Monetary Union and ultimately a Political Federation. The Common Market is my area of discussion in this essay. The pillars of the Common Market include free movement of labour, goods, services, capital and the right of establishment. EAC integration is people-centred, thus in the long run should nurture a bond of eastafricaness with a distinct East African identity.
The first advantage of the common market is that East African citizens are able to move freely from one partner country to another with minimal identification documentation. These harmonized services are a major step in deepening integration as well as facilitating cooperation on matters of defence, information sharing and immigration policies. This will make the region attractive for service providers, businesses, students and other East Africans who wish to tap into this potential. David Mitrany, a scholar on integration, states that this free movement of people enhances elite complimentary. In a way therefore, this EAC debate will achieve this objective as students from the partner states will congregate to debate about their region on behalf of their respective states.
This year, I visited the Namanga border and I must say I was impressed with the fastidiousness in processing documents. I also noticed the computerized systems in place, which further quickened the process of document verification and the automatic two-week allowance to stay in any of the partner states. Airports also have East African immigration tills and friendly officers who assist travellers in the region. The Common Market Protocol provides for East African citizens to work and own land and property in any partner states. This therefore provided an environment for both formal and informal businesses in the partner states.
Considering that harmonization of trade policies is a prerequisite of the Common Market, national interests have been the major impediment to these efforts. Kenya can be said to be more capitalist than the other partners. Therefore, national interests camouflaged as profits and benefits for the Kenyan citizen have sidelined the spirit of equality of member states. Kenya can to some extent be said to be using thy neighbour for selfish ends: benefiting at the expense of the other EA partners. Due to taxes and other product charges that are not harmonized, there is a huge difference in the cost of similar commodities in the region. This splits the market as people are most likely to buy the cheaper products. Nonetheless, some traders have found a way around this predicament by use of alternative illegal routes in order to carry out business at cheaper costs. This means that the region loses vital revenue which can be used in infrastructure development. For instance, truck drivers noted the poor state of some roads linking the partner states in the region.
The expansive EA Market is not proportional to the human resources manning it. Understaffing in the customs office is a nightmare and few personnel are in charge of processing the large population who transverse the region, particularly in Uganda. Furthermore, the lack of banking/ currency bureau facilities is yet another hindrance. This is coupled by the fact that different currencies mean that tax paid by Tanzanians when importing goods to Kenya is not the same in value as that paid when importing goods to Tanzania. Hopefully, the introduction of a single currency will avert this issue. Other disadvantages include implementation constraints, lack of critical technical capabilities as well as logistical and technical resources.
In conclusion, the EAC – being people centred – ought to have mechanisms in place to create a sense of eastafricaness as well as dialogue from the EAC Secretariat to the common mwananchi and more involvement with young people. Additionally, more needs to be achieved to empower women’s involvement in the integration process. One promising effort is the East African Women in Business Platform (EAWiBP) and Strategic Plan which is committed to equity and mainstreaming gender in social and economic development. As I hinted in the beginning, more can be achieved for regional integration in the East African Region, as the Common Market is one of the corner-stones for the steady growth of the EA region and ultimately a Political Federation. It may be shaky now, but the foundation can be firmer and stronger; it is just a matter of time, political will and support from partner states.

A Life Phases Approach to Gender Based Violence

2012-11-27T21:16:00.000+03:00

There lacks a unanimous definition of what Gender Based Violence (GBV) is as it differs in countries, communities and the legal context. Murray Straus, of the University of New Hampshire however echoes it as aggression, as opposed to anger, with an intent to hurt or harm and can be expressed physically, verbally or by withdrawing. In terms of GBV more so directed to women; men exhibit higher levels of physical aggression than women, but that does not mean that men too are not victims of GBV. It cuts across class, race, age, religion and national boundaries. Sadly, children and the handicapped are minority groups who are often more at risk.

In 2010 Kate Nustedt, Executive Director of Women for Women notes that in times of war/conflicts a woman’s burdens only get heavier, her vulnerabilities more pronounced. She remains locked in poverty, often losing the protection of home and husband, coping with fear and suffering devastating rights violations and violence, including torture, rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution and mutilation.

The 2008/2009 Kenya Health and Demographic Survey (DHS) indicates that domestic violence is rife in Kenya. The survey revealed that 39% of women have been physically or sexually assaulted by their husband or partner. In addition, the Federation of Women Lawyers Kenya (FIDA) highlighted that gender based violence and intimate partner violence is on an upward spiral. However, sexual and gender-based violence is exacerbated by conflict and is a key risk factor for HIV/AIDS as illustrated in the Women for Women International report. It further advances that women, children, the mentally/physically incapacitated in conflict-affected settings lack the basic level of security, protection of rights and access to justice. This is evident following the Kenya’s post-election violence after the 2007 elections, where cases of sexual and gender based violence were witnessed. Aminata Diaw-Cissé recently insisted that “we cannot end gender-related violence without understanding the social construction which is the backdrop.”

Eunice Kilonzo

Table 1: Types of Violence commonly experienced at various phases of the life cycle

PHASE	TYPE OF VIOLENCE
Prenatal	Prenatal sex selection, battering during pregnancy, coerced pregnancy (rape during war)
Infancy	Female infanticide, emotional and physical abuse, differential access to food and medical care.
Childhood	Genital cutting; incest and sexual abuse; differential access to food, medical care, and education; child prostitution.
Adolescence	Dating and courtship violence, economically coerced sex, sexual abuse in the workplace, rape, sexual harassment, forced prostitution.
Reproductive	Reproductive Abuse of women by intimate partners, marital rape, dowry abuse and murders, partner homicide, psychological abuse, sexual abuse in the workplace, sexual harassment, rape, abuse of women with disabilities
Old Age	Abuse of widows, elder abuse (which affects mostly women)

Source: Heise, L. 1994. Violence Against Women: The Hidden Health Burden. World Bank Discussion Paper. Washington. D.C. The World Bank.

Clearly, Gender Based Violence is present in every phase of life, worse still if you are a woman. Gross breaches of human rights, which sometimes involve security institutions that are responsible for protecting women, contribute to the perpetuation of Gender Based Violence. There is thus an urgent need for legislation to be enacted to provide for avenues seeking redress all persons affected by GBV.

Eunice Kilonzo

Insecurity Concerns: Are we safe?

2012-11-14T11:46:00.000+03:00

As of the today the 14th of November, about 44 police officers are confirmed dead however this toll could be higher as more bodies are being recovered form the scene. The 42 died while on duty in Baragoi, in Suguta Valley in the northern Samburu County as they attempted to recover stolen cattle.This comes at a time when barely a fortnight ago, 12 civilians were killed in similar circumstances. Local leaders said the clashes occurred when heavily armed raiders from the Samburu community invaded a village and stole 205 camels and two donkeys during the early Saturday morning raid in Samburu County in northwest Kenya. This prompted the police to pursue them, unfortunately for some- to their deaths.

Considering the fatalities from the ambush it is said that the cattle rustlers may have had prior information of the police plans and were thus strategically placed in the ambush.After being ambushed, the police were shot arbitrarily by heavily armed militiamen believed to have come from Turkana. BBC reports that the attackers used sophisticated weapons such as anti-personnel bombs and rocket-propelled grenades further highlighting their preparedness. Internal Security Minister Katoo ole Metito vowed to bring those responsible to justice, the Standard newspaper reports.

Currently, the situation is tense, with heavily armed security personnel patrolling villages. In addition, the Tana Delta deaths are still fresh and the family of the bodyguard of Minister Amason Kingi is still mourning.These insecurity concerns highlight that something is not being done well. Because,if the police are not safe, then citizens are not any better. These killings have come at a very crucial time when the interviews for the Inspector General of the Police is going on while there is disquiet in the police force over their terms of service.

My Kenyan Thoughts.

International Student Festival 2013

2012-11-01T18:39:00.001+03:00

I have been invited to attend the International Student Festival (ISFiT 2013) and Student peace prize from the 7^th to 17^th of February in Norway. I am humbled to have this opportunity to represent my country at this event.

ISFiT is a meeting place where future leaders are given a chance to be heard, build networks and trade ideas. It is a place where ideas are generated, discussions and debates held, experiences shared and knowledge gained. The theme of this year’s festival will be Global Trade with 16 workshops arranged in an interdisciplinary manner to allow students to explore issues directly connected to their own area of study while also providing the opportunity to engage with other students from a wide range of disciplines. It aims to foster international co-operation among students globally and inspire selected students through renowned speakers during plenary sessions. Previous speakers have included Professor Wangari Maathai, Dr. Desmond Tutu, His Holiness Dalai Lama and the former director general of WHO Dr. Gro Harlem Brundtland.

The festival strives to empower youth socially, economically and politically to promote self reliance and productive youth globally thus the festival will be beneficial to both me and my country. In order to attend this event I have to raise 1200USD to cover transportation to Norway; any amount granted will be greatly appreciated and will go directly towards funding my transportation.

Feel free to comment with ideas of how I can raise money for the airfare to eunicekkilonzo@gmail.com

Thanks!

Let not Ethnicity derail March to true Democracy

2012-09-24T11:20:00.003+03:00

By LANCE KIPNG’ETICH In the current heated political campaigns, tribalism has assumed a worrying proportion. Some politicians have no qualms about stoking negative ethnicity if doing so will get them votes. Apparently in the hunt for power, which is a ticket to quick wealth in Kenya, the rules of the jungle apply. Take for instance this line of argument that the next president must not be a Kikuyu or Kalenjin. The reason given is that the first president was a Kikuyu, the second a Kalenjin and the third yet another Kikuyu. Those pushing this argument say the presidency is not the birthright of these communities. This sounds convincing only if you turn a blind eye to glaring facts. This theory is based on a distortion of the history of politics in this country. The proponents of this view want us to see the presidency of Jomo Kenyatta, the founding father of the nation, through the blinkers of negative ethnicity. Kenyatta assumed office after a long arduous struggle against imperialism. President Kenyatta was never seen by any community as a Kikuyu but a national hero who had played a pivotal role in rooting out colonialism. To, therefore, refer his tenure a as a Kikuyu presidency is to insult the legacy of this icon who is in the league of Kwame Nkrumah. Ahmed Sékou Touré, Julius Nyerere, Gamal Abd El Nasser and W.E.B Du Bois. It is also laughable to term Moi’s tenure at State House as a Kalenjin stint. When Kenyatta died, Moi became the head of state because he was the Vice President. The old Constitution stipulated that the VP would take over in acting capacity for 90 days when the President died or was unable to perform his duties for whatever reason. When the 90 days elapsed, Moi was confirmed as Head of State without going through the rigours of an election. There was uncertainty in every corner of the fledgling nation following Kenyatta’s death and hence the overriding need to swiftly bring the fluid situation to normalcy by confirming Moi as the substantive president. In the 1979 General Election, Moi was selected, not elected, because he was seen as a moderate who would reconcile competing forces in the country. Besides, the nation was still young and hence a steady hand was needed to consolidate the powers of the State by nurturing the then nascent institutions. The Constitution and political expediency, therefore conspired to install Moi at the pinnacle of power. Kalenjin had no role in putting him in State House. Further, during the single party rule, Kenyans were not in a position to decide who became president. Moi was always elected “unopposed with an overwhelming majority”. Yes, we went to the polls every five years. When Mwai Kibaki took over in 2002, tribalists were at it again with their retrogressive calculations. Now the Kikuyu have had it twice, they said. Never mind that Kibaki was the seniormost politician with vast leadership experience among the galaxy of aspirants for the top job. Should Kenyans have elected someone else with less credentials just to balance the ethnic arithmetic? Raila Odinga did not say “Kibaki tosha” for no apparent reason. He did so because Kibaki was the best candidate. To say Kibaki was elected because he is a Kikuyu is to insult his impressive leadership CV. And during Kenyatta’s 15-year rule, there were no candidates who opposed him, largely because it was felt the country was still fragile and it was not appropriate to engage in competitive politicsfor the top job. The sentiment that Kenyans are ‘fatigued’ about Kikuyu presidency also flies in the face of democracy. Those who love this country have been campaigning so hard against the toxic politics of tribalism. We have always longed to see Kenyans vote for leaders without taking into consideration their ethnicity. To tell Uhuru Kenyatta, Martha Karua and Peter Kenneth to abandon their presidential ambitions is not only to unfairly defer their constitutional dream but, more significantly, to water down the same democracy we have been agitating for. In essence, we want to eliminate these aspirants from the race just because of their tribe. This is a travesty of fair play. It defeats the purpose of the new Constitution if tribe remains a central factor in choosing leaders. Others say Uhuru should not run for State House because his father was the president. Are we saying Uhuru should not enjoy his constitutional right just because he happens to be the son of Jomo? The US, which is by far a more developed democracy than ours, voted for George Bush Jnr only eight years after his father exited the presidency. It is now a good 34 years since Jomo died! Let us focus on the records of the aspirants and what they plan to do for us and shut the door firmly on parochial tribal sideshows. This is the only way we will give meaning to the sacrifices we made to realise reform. If a Kikuyu has the best credentials among the State House hopefuls, the ideals of democracy state that that is the right person to lead us. Perhaps what is slipping our mind is that we are in a new dispensation where the President has been stripped of the powers to freely dole out national resources to allies, relatives and friends. Those that still think they will ‘eat’ when someone from their community becomes president are, as US President Barack Obama would say, on the wrong side of history. kilance@yahoo.com http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/index.php?articleID=2000066821&story_title=-Let-not-ethnicity-derail-march-to-true-democracy

Be still, Mombasa

2012-08-27T18:38:00.002+03:00

Mombasa has been the only home I know. Having been raised and studied there, going to any other town is more of a temporary visit than any thing else. I have been in the University of Nairobi since 2009 and to-date, I still find it hard to refer to it as my 'second' home.

So, today the 27th of August, the news of riots and havoc in Mombasa had my heart racing. It all started with the shooting down of a Muslim cleric, Aboud Rogo who was in the company of his wife and their children along Mombasa-Malindi highway. Now for those who know this road know it is a busy lane lined with beach hotels, the public beach and a police station nearby.Therefore, there would have been more casualties than Aboud. How the shooting or who is responsible for the shooting is not yet clear but the man died on the spot, his wife and their daughter were rushed to Mewa Hospital.

News of this shooting, thanks to social media, spread as fast as your internet connection is and in no time, photo's of Aboud were up on Facebook. Again, those who know Mombasa, know how small the community is there and almost everyone was aware of the shooting, Aboud death and in a few hours, riots rocked the town. I heard this and the first thing I did was to call home, call friends and ask on Facebook if this is actually true.

What saddened me was that a person lost his life, property was looted and destroyed in the Central Business District and in Majengo area, a van was set a blaze, matatu fares went up and with the tension, everything was going south. Of course, at this point the Government will not sit and hope that people would be rational and 'protect' life and property. The Police was sent out and tear gas as expected was used to disperse crowds. However this is just what probably the media knows/aired about the state of affairs; I am more concerned about areas such as Bombolulu, Kisimani as well as Bamburi where they are known to be volatile- security wise.

As time went by, a church was vandalized while another set on fire (although it was contained). Now surely, what does this say; what does this scream out? That because a Muslim cleric had been killed, torching a church would make it better? I get the feeling that 'religious' differences are being cited as the reasons for Aboud's killing.That because a Muslim has been killed, the Christians have something to do with it or vice versa.I think, whoever planned and executed Aboud's shooting did it as an individual not as a community or as a religious group.I hope I am not wrong. This in my opinion should not have turned onto the religious stage.Thus by extension, the church that has always served your christian neighbour or that Mosque that has always reminded you that it is time for morning/ midday/night prayers has nothing to do with the selfish actions of an individual or a group behind a sinister action.

Let us respect property, lives and most of all PEACE. At a time when the country is sorting insecurity issues in Tana River and Mandera, Mombasa needs to be still, to respect the rule of law, to be objective and most of all to be slow to anger.In my view this is not a religious battle but a criminal activity. I know these news of the shooting mean different things to different people but at least for Peace sake, let us be rational about this. I challenge you Mombasa, Kenya and YOU: the individual to be STILL.

My Kenyan Thoughts.

ETHNICLESS: Does it make a difference?

2012-08-09T18:15:00.001+03:00

ETHNICLESS; DOES IT MAKE A DIFFERENCE
By Patrick Gachau

Have you read the pianist? It is a bitter-sweet story of the great urge to live by a Polish-Jew in Warsaw when it was invaded by the Nazis. It is a twist and turn of events that leave your heart pounding, your eyes with tears and you in utter shock of how much evil man is capable of doing to a fellow man. But the most touching part is when a German soldier unexpectedly catches the protagonist. First he asks him to play the pianofor him. What a request especially if he is still
going to kill you? Then in what you would only hope for in a good movie, he lets him go! He leads him back into the attics of the house where he is hiding and even brings him food for a couple of days.
The story of the lion and a calf feeding together. An enemy decides that a fellow human being's life is worth more than the
pride of a nation. He commits an act of high treason to his president and his nation. But moreso he goes against what he had previously thought was right. He was here to eliminate the jews
then all of a sudden he realises that life is good and whatever good there is in this world is worth fighting for. A killing machine letting in the light of reason for just a second hesitates to kill and embraces the full meaning of life; in an instance.

So what is the big deal with tribes and are they evil? Though I really
don't know how to explain them,I certainly know what they are not. We are from a particular ethnic group and not from a particular tribe. And your ethnic group is that a people that you are affliated. So you could be Gusii, Dholuo, Kamba and so forth. This
however is not your tribe. Nonetheless this is what has come to be known as a person's tribe! Unlike being a boy or a girl, tribe is something of affiliation. An
experiment carried out on nature versus nurture had boys put in an
environment and raised like girls while girls were raised like boys.
Amazingly, boys avoided pink dolls and preferred black, grey and navy-blue ones instead. They proceeded to tear then into bits and laugh about it. Girls on the hand tied pink ribbons on robots and sat them on small dinner tables and spoke to them.
Something inherently inside us determines our sex. But ethnicity is different. It is all a matter of nurture. Consequently, we were born tribeless and even 'ethnicless' but society gave us one. Is this wrong? This is debatable but the fact is that if I studied about the beauty of the Jewish people there is no way this should make me hate the Germans. Unless this is the aim of
the article in the first place, to defame the other people. Similary, the more you and I embrace our ethnic background, the better we will appreciate the other people, our similarities and the differences.

So the question begs, if I was brought up not knowing my ethnic background, would this make a difference incase an ethnic dispute erupted due to some election dispute? What do you think? There is a better-sweet story shared during the election violence in Kenya. Two young gentlemen confessed they had never known what their names Kamaa and Oti ever meant and from what ethnic group they were from. They had always refered to each other as Kamaa and Oti. But when the violence began, one suddenly realized he is Luo and the other Kikuyu and this made a hell of a difference. So they faught.
So does it really make a difference? On the other end a sweet story is told of person safely hiding her neigbours in Eldoret who she clearly knew were from the 'enemy' ethnic groups; because a neighbour is more important than a distant brother. And this is what this is all
about. Whether we inter-marry or not, whether we know our ethnicity or not, people will chase
their wives who are from another ethnic group and others will safely hide a neighbour from a different ethnic group. It boils down to being truely human.

In fact, our ethnic groups help us appreciate our roots. Malcom X once told a group of blacks fighting for equity, that this is not a fight to run away from our heritage. It is one to love it. A tree
cannot hate its roots. So we can affliate ourselves with a certain
ethnic group but that a people do
not mean hating another. If we do, its due to our deficiencies. And we should not relate this to our ethnic background.

So how come there is tension and fear whenever elections approach? How come people feel targeted? Have we been brainkwashed with ideologies? Is it because our 'leaders' come from the capital city like in many African countries and tells us we are being marginalized. The thing I fail to get is how all of a sudden this becomes our problem. We humans are peculiar,thats true! But this?

Unnecessary Noise

2012-06-26T10:06:00.001+03:00

Unnecessary Noise

By moderatekenyan

DISCLAIMER: This post should NOT be used to attack a community or vernacular music. NOT all vernacular music is bad. NOT all members of any given community are chauvinistic and archaic in their thinking. Any comments that are even remotely inflammatory will be deleted. Kenya is bigger than all of us!

I listen to Kikuyu music, both secular and gospel. A lot of Kikuyu music is very informative and the beat is quite catchy.

Current song I am jamming to is Agiginyani by Shiru wa GP. An awesome keep-your-head-up gospel song.

My attention has been drawn to an emerging genre of Kikuyu music that is inflammatory, provocative and in very bad taste. In a country that is yet to heal after the post-election violence, these songs are a harbinger of bad tidings.

I shall not sit back and watch my country burn. This post is blowing the whistle. I do not know the extent of the fire that these songs have caused. What I know is the Demathew, Kamande and Muigai are some of the most popular Kikuyu musicians with mega sales of their VCDs. Thus I shudder to imagine the number of households that are playing these songs.

For the many who cannot hear Kikuyu, I have translated snippets of the songs and in Demathew’s case explained the nuances as he sings in parables. You can ask your Kikuyu friends to translate further.

Uhuru ni Witu (Uhuru is Ours) – Kamande wa Kioi

Translated snippets:

Greetings people of the house of Gikuyu and Mumbi. I bring you a message from all Kikuyu musicians. This is a message from God. Uhuru is the Moses of the Kikuyu nation. He is meant to move Kikuyus from Egypt to Canaan. Do not agree to be divided. Let all votes go to him. He is ours. He is anointed by God, poured oil on.

Raila, there is a call. Go to Mama Ngina’s house, a king has been born there. Once there ask where Uhuru is seated and pour oil on him. Just like Samuel did for David in the Bible. Stop chasing the wind Agwambo, go to Icaweri and anoint Uhuru.

You thump your chest about Hague, is Hague your mother’s? There is a curse from God. Philistines who do not circumcise cannot lead Israel. When Abraham stressed God, he was told to go get cut, even you General of Migingo, your knife is being sharpened.

Listen to the entire song here.

Hague Bound – Muigai Wa Njoroge and Muhiko

Translated snippets:

Question: If it was you who is being pushed to The Hague what would you do?

Answer: I would call my family and divide up my property and then ask my mother to pray for me.

Question: What if you knew that Hague you are being pushed there by an uncircumcised man who wants to push you there and take over your wife and all your wealth? A man who can do anything to ensure you are in problems.

Answer: There it is better to die. Things for a man are not governed by an uncircumcised man. I would kill him. Its better they increase my charges.

Question: What would you tell your crying supporters as you are being shipped to Hague?

Answer: I would tell them to pray for me and know I am being persecuted for my love of my community.

Question: When you get to Hague how you would ensure the white man does not cheat you?

Answer: I would ask for proceedings to be done in Kikuyu.

Question: When on the dock what would you be thinking of the uncircumcised man who is the source of your predicament?

Answer: I would ask God to forgive him. I would also ask that he gets circumcised so that he matures mentally. I would also ask Kenyans to be very wary of that man.

Listen to entire song here.

Mwaka wa hiti (The year of the hyena) – Demathew

Translated and explained snippets:

As Demathew I prophesize and let the stones hear me if men wont.

It is now the year of the hyena. Who will teach you and your ears are blocked?

When a man is seated he sees further than a boy on top of a tree.

You are like a greedy hyena seeing a man walk and following him hoping that his arm will drop off. You follow him till he boards the train and the arm does not drop and you never eat. (A reference to all that may benefit from ICC)

Before Jesus was crucified He stood in the court Judge Pilato and he answered all questions, Judge Pilato said Jesus is free but the crowd asked that a thief be freed instead. (ICC will show Uhuru’s innocence)

Where are you (Peter Kenneth) from? If you were one of us, you would be pained by the people burnt in Kiambaa church. My brother lost his property in Kisumu, how can you tell us he (Raila) is our community’s friend.

Father (Jomo Kenyatta) I feel sad when I see your son (Uhuru) being persecuted by men of ill-will and a woman (Martha Karua) is carrying their bags.

In-law (Kalonzo) things are not going well for you now. You are clueless and your matters are now being discussed by women in the market. But I still remember how you saved me (after 2007 elections) when leopards had attacked me.

Listen to the entire song here.

After listening to these three songs I shuddered. If the leading lights of Kikuyu music are doing this, then how much more prevalent is it? Are other communities also producing such inciteful vernacular songs? This is a ticking time bomb right under our noses!

Let us think of how to put out this fire before it is too late!

PRAY FOR KENYA!

GOD BLESS KENYA!

Reference:http://moderatekenyan.wordpress.com/2012/06/23/unnecessary-noise/?year=2012&monthnum=06&day=23&like=1&_wpnonce=4b46d0cd1f&wpl_rand=6c81207535

Kenyan Thoughts III

2012-06-05T11:52:00.002+03:00

RESCUING NATIONALISM FROM VERNACULARISM

You cannot choose the days to be a nationalist and the days you will retreat to the comfort of ethnic cocoons. Being Kenyan is a full-time commitment. This country needs citizens who are Kenyans all the time; not those who are vernacular Kenyans most of the time.

By Chief Justice, DR Willy Mutunga

SPEECH MADE AT THE ‘PEOPLE’S CONFERENCE ON NATIONAL DIVERSITY, ETHNICITY AND RACE’, HOSTED BY THE NATIONAL COHESION AND INTEGRATION COMMISSION (NCIC) AT KICC NAIROBI, 12^TH MARCH 2012.

The Prime Minister, Ministers, Ambassadors, Permanent Secretaries, Commissioners, Mr. Chairman, Citizens, friends, ladies and gentlemen:

I feel singularly privileged to speak at the ‘People’s Conference on National Diversity, Ethnicity and Race’. The timing of this conference is fortuitous as its substance is significant in Kenya’s continuing search for clarity around its identity. Coming just after the fourth anniversary of the National Accord and Reconciliation Agreement and in anticipation of a General Election, conversations such as these have a special significance in negotiating citizenship and nationhood.

Although I was asked to speak on the question of who is a Kenyan, I have expanded the focus of my remarks for reasons that will become apparent presently. And in doing so, let me start with an anecdote:

One of the biggest threats to nationhood has been the over-supply of the vernacular politician and vernacular Kenyan and a shortage of nationalists. Who is the vernacular politician or Kenyan? It is that person who views everything through the prism of the tribe. They equate national interest with ethnic interests. They are obsessed with ethnic hegemonic projects. They hold hollow but dangerous supremacist ideologies and, have invented false notions of ethnic entitlement, most of it anchored on exaggerated grievances, yet mostly fueled by excessive greed. They revel in insults and derogatory remarks about other tribes and groups, as they descend into mindless orgies of mirth and self-amusement. When they lose an argument, they rush to the defense of ethnic stereotype.

They are incapable of mobilizing across communities, and consider being referred to as the undisputed leader of the tribe as the ultimate political prize. They indeed treat it as a badge of honor. They excel in what divides us, and use their evil genius to create more divisions. They will never invest in the politics of issues, unless they are anthropological. When they are appointed to public office, their official trips to the countryside are regionally selective. They readily hide behind the community, when caught in a corrupt deal. They excel in rallying around the tongue; not the flag. They are sometimes very educated, professional and rich, but find satisfaction in spewing ethnic verbiage. They sometimes flaunt modern gadgetry as a mark of sophistication, but use these platforms to purvey sectarian drivel. Yet, both the vernacular politician and Kenyan thrive because they find fertile ground in the minds of Kenyans, who pretend to be powerless victims when caught imbibing this drivel. You cannot choose the days to be a nationalist and the days you will retreat to the comfort of ethnic cocoons. Being Kenyan is a full-time commitment. This country needs citizens who are Kenyans all the time; not those who are vernacular Kenyans most of the time. Just in case you forgot, Chapter Six is partly intended to eliminate this breed.

In Chapter Three, the Constitution is clear on who is a Kenyan: Anyone who is born in Kenya, or born of a Kenyan, is a citizen. Anyone who marries a Kenyan or applies for citizenship after living in the country for a certain period can become a citizen. That citizenship is universal and indivisible. But citizenship is not just a juridical concept; it is a sociological and political reality.

For the great majority, Kenya is the land of their birth. It is their home. This is where their lives are, and it is where they will be buried. They are Kenyans because they have no other nationality. Their idea of being Kenyan defines citizenship not just for themselves, but also for all others who seek to voluntarily join this nation.

For almost 50 years, Kenya has struggled to carve itself out as a distinct entity in the community of nations on the basis of its geography, attractions, potential and complex cultural heritage. It is the nation defined by peasants who died by the bullet clutching soil in their clenched fists as it is by those who were bewitched by its splendour and opportunities, and poured their energies into making it their home. It is a place of possibility for the human spirit to thrive in freedom, justice and dignity; a place to nurture hopes and dreams that could be bequeathed to future generations.

Yet, the idea of Kenya is also problematic. At independence, the responsibility of nurturing the nation’s hopes and aspirations passed to the new leadership. After all, history was already replete with examples of nations that had been forged on the basis of brute force and strong personalities alone. The results, in our case, are a mixed bag.

In spite of the many contradictions emanating from our competing hopes and dreams, a national character has emerged over time that is celebrated in the country’s remarkable successes across sport, innovation, academia, diplomacy, industry and creativity. No one has any problems recognizing and embracing this Kenya – the world beater on the athletics track, the home of creative artists, industrious people and probing intellectuals. Kenya has a soul. Perhaps it also has a skeleton. The flesh and other details require work.

Diversity has been a painful resource for most of African countries. It has been the source - or even more accurately - the excuse for political conflict and instability. And, more recently, diversity has formed the basis for an emergent culture war on gender, sexuality, and reproductive health among others. However, I refuse to believe that diversity, or ‘differentness’, in and itself, is the cause of these conflicts. To a very large extent, it is the instrumentalisation of difference by the political class that has plunged our country into chaos, thereby undermining the emergence of a professional state of the Weberian variety. In our diversity, the political class has found and minted a negative currency for politics.

The Kenyan political elite has achieved a remarkable feat in successfully conflating class and ethnicity thus eliminating traditional political ideology from guiding our political contests. In fact, they have succeeded in subordinating class to ethnic considerations in political discourse, which makes two Kenyans living in the slums or in the upmarket neighbourhoods, opt for different political choices. Our ethnic divisions have made us no respecter of our material conditions when making political choices. Instead we seem to derive a lot more useless value and satisfaction in ethnic esteem contests!

But this should not entirely surprise us. Our country, like most of African countries, was founded on divisions. The colonial state did not disguise its biases to serve a tiny elite and exclude the majority of the population. Kenya was founded on division; thanks to Lord Fredrick Lugard’s philosophy of Dual Mandate. Divide and rule has characterized the capture, use and abuse of state power. Ethnic groups, races, and other identity collectives have been brutalized or rewarded simply because of who they are. Ethnic profiling and stereotyping has become both a national full-time and pastime. The discriminatory tendencies of the state inherited from the colonial period and perfected after independence, engineered severe shortages of public goods that severely undermined the nationalism project and negated the very foundation of the Kenyan nation.

This has institutionalized grievance, which exploded in our faces in 2007/2008. As we approach another election, I feel that the space for re-embarking on the nation-building project is reducing, and I find it worrying that we seem not to have learnt from the past, at least going by the utterances I hear, and the conduct I observe.

On August 27, 2010, we decided that we want to be a nation when we promulgated a new constitution. Sometimes, discussions on the Constitution appear abstract, thus obscuring the underlying truth (or is it assumption?) which is that Kenyans have considered the idea and decided that they want to be together.

The Constitution, in its preamble, celebrates the pride of Kenya’s ‘ethnic, cultural and religious diversity’, and proclaims our ‘determination to live in peace and unity as one indivisible sovereign nation’. The founding values and principles articulated in Article 10 highlight inclusiveness, non-discrimination, equity, and protection of the marginalized. The Constitution recognises culture as the foundation of the nation and as the cumulative civilization of the Kenyan people and nation. Equality, diversity, is sprinkled in the entire document, including Chapter Thirteen on the public service. The constitutional commitment to equity and fairness is further reinforced in the devolved system of government that is in Chapter Eleven.

But being together is not the same as being united. There is nothing preordained and natural about Kenyans being together. It is a deliberate decision on the part of the citizenry, a choice we have freely made. We have signed a social contract among ourselves, and with our leadership now and in the future. That is why in the preamble we are exercising our sovereign and inalienable right to determine the form of governance in our country and adopt and enact the constitution to ourselves and to future generations. The boundaries of this nation, and the communities within it, will only remain if we respect the terms of that social contract.

Contracts are supposed to be performed. They contain rights and obligations. We have a duty as Kenyans to obey the law and to uphold the Constitution. In return, the state has a duty to protect life and property as well as to offer services.

Self-determination and breakaway tendencies are part of human history not so much because those who lead them have a reflexive appetite for war and fragmentation, but because there is a failure to honor the social contract, or a political practice characterized by marginalization, or lack of respect for the other, and frustration of the aspirations for some.

This country must not delude itself that it is inured from these afflictions. We must be careful. We must be sensitive. We must daily invest in the nation building project. In our conduct, our conversations, and decisions, we must demonstrate an interest in the survival and development of Kenya as a nation state. In this respect, every individual, every leader, every voter has a duty, a responsibility and an obligation.

Since national identity is inclusive, it has got to be negotiated as broadly as possible. It cannot be the exclusive province of a few. Citizenship is the great political equalizer that gives like voice to those at the center as at the periphery. Because of the temptations to disengage from the center, building a nation requires not just the consent, but also the active participation of those at the periphery. At the core of the nation must be rationale as well as guarantees of protection for those at the periphery to feel a part of the whole than if they were alone.

When we refer to certain regions as economically unviable, it is important to realize that this phraseology is loaded with stigma and discrimination. There is no region that is unviable. The world is replete with examples of deserts that have transformed into economic power houses – Israel, Dubai, Singapore and many more. Any leader who regards and refers to any region in this country as unviable is questioning the very viability of his or her own leadership. It merely demonstrates a remarkable poverty of ideas; a paucity of imagination; and a deficit of ambition. The language of high potential and low potential is a myth -- it is manifestly discriminatory, and has been used historically as a fig leaf behind which to hide to share state resources in an inequitable manner. These are the tendencies that undermine notions of citizenship. Besides, the constitution decrees devolution and equitable distribution of resources.

In numerous instances, the deliberate or unintended sabotage of certain hopes and dreams has alienated significant portions of the population from the idea of Kenya as a common good, a place of freedom, justice, dignity, self-actualization and opportunity.

We cannot build a nation on the foundation of rhetoric alone. We must express our intention, but also follow it with action. We must demonstrate that something has changed. We must crack the constitutional whip to ensure that political parties that intend to obtain registration and participate in elections do not organise around our divisions – ethnic, regional, ability, or gender. We must design our electoral processes so that they embrace minorities.

Our citizenship must be universal, where every individual enjoys the civic rights granted by the Constitution even as he or she retains his or her other identities, including the ethnic one. We must ensure that those who attempt to trample on the rights of citizens do not find comfort in public office.

We must also fully discharge our obligations to each other as individuals who are part of this polity. These obligations start from the basics of requirements: respect for each other as individuals, as well as respect for communities and other identity groups. It is socially obnoxious, politically reckless, and economically ignorant to cheapen the presence of any community in this country by making derogatory remarks as has been all too evident in our country’s history. It is only the weak minded, people incapable of comprehending the origins of the modern state, its philosophy, its instruments and its edicts that resort to such approaches in managing expressing disagreement. Thus when I hear leaders warning whole communities that Kenya has its owners, I wonder whether such leaders appreciate the unconstitutionality and illegality of such comments.

Just as a fish that grows in a pond may consider itself the king of the sea until it is introduced into the ocean, we too must also awaken to the reality that our ethnic and sectarian interests may only matter if we are disconnected from the rest of the world. Unless we all recognize that Kenya is a confederation of cultures, languages and interests, we shall never be able to cultivate the sensitivity and respect for one another necessary to hold us together. We might never live up to true greatness as a member of the community of nations because we overstayed our welcome in the pond when the ocean beckoned.

The things that are seen to divide us – ethnicity, religion, race, class, clan, region, occupation, sexual identity, generation, disability – are also the raw materials needed to create the mosaic of one nation.

I also want to caution that pejorative commentaries, sometimes excessive even in comedy, should be purged from our national discourse. Negative ethnic profiling is sometimes aided by excessive parody. What was essentially parody sediments into ‘truth’ and the rest of us begin to make decisions in real life based on the emerging caricatures. I enjoy comedy, and I would be the last person to suggest that anybody should censor it, but let us give a thought to instances when well meaning activity may end up hurting the broader public interest. Comedy should complete the cycle by celebrating our idiosyncrasies, and deliberately banish any notions of ethnic hierarchy that may unwittingly be transmitted.

In our continuing search for identity, we need to settle the question of the philosophy that defines our nationhood not just as Kenyans, but also as Africans. We need to search and find that symbol of nationhood that will inspire us to create a just, peaceful society we all desire to live in.

The creation of the National Cohesion and Integration Commission in the aftermath of the sad events following the 2007 elections is an attempt to begin this conversation. It must seize the moment to align our daily endeavors towards nurturing a truly nationalistic culture. Beyond the commission, all Kenyans have a duty to construct the nation’s identity by embracing diversity, tolerance and respect for one another. Press coverage of the identity problem treats it as a problem only in the public sector. I think that this problem is probably more acute in the private sector. NCIC owes this country an audit on ethnic concentration in terms of employment, contracts, and promotion. We must cultivate a culture of tolerance draw from the spirit of the Constitution; the edicts across religions. NCIC needs to conduct attitudinal surveys so that we can improve on our tolerance levels and eliminate trust deficits.

In the Judiciary, we have acknowledged the challenges we have faced in the past in this regard. We shall partner with the NCIC within the context of the National Council for the Administration of Justice (NCAJ) to help NCIC deliver on its statutory mandate particularly in the context of the coming elections.

The Judiciary itself faces these challenges of diversity. Only recently in a station not too far from here, three of our judges stared the problem in the eye when the paralegal staff from one community boycotted a luncheon the judges had hosted because their colleagues had accused them of speaking in their local dialect while at work!

In conclusion, I know that while identity can be a puerile matter it can still be quite rewarding to some people. I am privileged to come from a profession, the law, that long recognized equality of human beings long before other disciplines. Physiologists now tell us that you cannot identify people’s identities through any other body’s organs such as the heart, brain etc. The Human Genome Project showed that we are 99.9 per cent the same. That, of the nearly 30,000 genes in the human body, the diversity within races and tribes is much higher than between them. It is still amazing that despite this evidence from science, a perversion of difference capture a large segment of our intelligent minds. Further, sameness is no guarantor of stability and harmony. Somalis and Koreans are some of the most homogenous people on every front: looks, culture, language, religion – yet we all know that these countries have been at war for many years. It is not enough to just look alike, or speak the same language. And a corollary to the right that we are all equal is the fact that none of us is better than the other on account of ethnicity or other identities. Nobody should be punished or rewarded on the basis of identity.

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, I hope that this conference and the deliberations that emanate from it awaken all citizens to the great responsibility each one of us bears in fashioning, perfecting and sustaining the Kenyan nation. As Kenyans we should daily ponder what brand of Kenyans we are. Are you a vernacular Kenya or are you a nationalistic and patriotic Kenyan?

Dr Willy Mutunga
Chief Justice and President of the Supreme Court
Republic of Kenya

Kenyan Thoughts II

2012-06-04T17:42:00.002+03:00

Who’s behind terror attacks against innocent Kenyans?

By Makau Mutua

The recent terror attacks on Kenya could be the tip of an iceberg. Methinks that very dark forces are at work. Some very bad people are trying to wreck Kenya.

Unless security is quickly restored, Kenya could become another African catastrophe.

Terrorists, drug cartels, criminal gangs, secessionists, rogue politicians, and merchants of impunity are tearing at Kenya’s fabric.

Mark my words. It’s not a long distance from here to Somalia, or the DRC.

Which begs the question – why does the Kenyan State appear to be asleep at the switch when the country is under attack?

Is it incompetence, complicity with the attackers, or State failure?

Let’s take a “deep dive”. I have three theories about who’s attacking Kenya.

States the world over rarely reveal grave security risks to the public. Even in more open democracies like the United States, secret services are ordinarily tight-lipped.

They may foil, or thwart, a terror attack. But you rarely hear about it unless someone is charged in open court, or a political decision is made to tell the public. This is as it should be.

Otherwise sources and methods of intelligence gathering could be compromised.

Equally worse, on-going investigations could be breached. That’s why states rarely reveal to the public even 10 per cent of what they know.

But in Kenya, one gets the impression the State doesn’t know much, or is either unable or unwilling, to act on what it knows to end terror attacks.

My first theory is that Al-Shabaab has been behind “only a few” of the terror attacks.

Some of these seem to have been by “freelance” amateur terrorists. By which I mean incompetent and misguided locals fired up by crude Taliban ideology.

Such attacks lack sophistication and careful planning. Their execution has been primitive. It’s clear that Al-Shabaab hasn’t carried out many serious attacks on Kenya.

They’ve tried, but haven’t been wildly successful. I suspect that Al-Shabaab will be quick to claim responsibility when – and if – it launches a spectacularly successful attack on Kenya.

That’s how terror works – the true terrorist is keen to claim credit for his handiwork. That’s why Al-Shabaab may not be behind many of the grenade attacks.

My second theory is based on deductive reasoning. This is investigation by elimination.

Since I have eliminated Al-Shabaab as the main source of Kenya’s security woes, I want to ask a central question. Who else would want to harm Kenya?

The Swahili have a saying – kikulacho ki nguoni mwako. The English equivalent is that “your enemies are among your friends”.

My theory here is that there is a criminal element embedded in the State.

It’s this element that appears to have been working in cahoots with the Artur brothers.

It seems to be involved in drug trafficking, extra-judicial killings, and grand corruption.

Which begs the question – why would this criminal element sponsor what appears to be terror attacks?

Criminality within the state thrives in a republic of fear. A panicked public is unable to hold the state accountable.

Public fear saps the energy of the citizenry and allows malignant and dark forces to loot the treasury and carry out all manner of illegalities.

Usually, elements of the police and other secret services participate in, and benefit from, the illicit activities of drug traffickers and high corruption.

Senior officials, politicians, and businesspeople use the police and the security services in protection rackets.

Seemingly random “terror” attacks could be the work of criminal elements within the state. This is one indicator of a “rotting state”.

Kenyans are right to ask whether such a Mafioso exists within the state.

My final theory is connected to the Kibaki succession politics. Everyone knows that Kenya is on edge.

I can’t remember such a period of political uncertainty in Kenya’s history.

Some of the leading presidential candidates have been indicted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.

It’s now a foregone conclusion that their trial at The Hague will begin in a matter of months.

Yet – incredibly – the suspects have insisted they’ll be on the ballot paper.

How they will defend themselves for the most serious crimes known to man and run for the presidency beats me. But one thing is clear.

Their supporters have vowed to lay waste to the electoral process if the suspects can’t run.

What am I getting at? Insecurity connected to the Kibaki succession and the ICC trials may be used as an excuse to scuttle the election.

A spike in violence could easily lead to the declaration of a state of emergency by the government.

Besides the ICC, there are other dark clouds overhead. Nascent secessionist movements like the so-called Mombasa Republican Council could heighten tensions.

Then there is the unresolved matter of the census in northern Kenya. How could a free and fair election be conducted without a legitimate headcount?

These volatile issues threaten to engulf the country. My suspicion is that the criminal element within the state is likely to add fuel to this fire.

What can be done to avoid these doomsday theories? I wish they were just theories, but I am afraid they might be real. If so, who’s watching over Kenya?

Does the state have the wherewithal to avoid a meltdown similar to the one in 2008?

Where, I ask, is President Mwai Kibaki in all of this? Is Mr Kibaki incapable of acting decisively?

If so, what role should the other arms of the state – the legislature and the upper echelons of the judiciary – play to restore sanity? We need all hands on deck.

Kenyan Thoughts I

2012-06-04T17:22:00.000+03:00

We are not all responsible for 2008 Mayhem
By Lukoye Atwoli

In an attempt to sound reconciliatory and avoid inflaming passions one way or another, many commentators have taken to asking Kenyans not to point fingers at those they think are responsible for our ethnopolitical crises, including post-election violence after the 2007 General Election. Most have argued that all of us are to blame for these problems, having contributed to the current state of near-total state failure in one way or another.

This phenomenon is not new, however. The claims climaxed some time in 2008 as everyone who could be heard in the public space was busy emphasising peace and reconciliation, and discouraging those of us who thought we had an idea about what had happened to our country from speaking out.

Telling us that if we search deep within ourselves we would find some reason to be guilty was their way of silencing us and buying space for whatever they were calling peace and reconciliation.

Let me be the first one to remove myself from this herd of murderers and arsonists, if no one else will speak out for me.

On the morning of December 27, 2007, my family and I used the Kisumu-Eldoret road via Nandi Hills on our way to Eldoret town where we were registered to vote. All along the way, it was already evident that all was not well.

Burnt tyres, logs and rocks blockaded parts of the road in some areas, evidence that some demonstration or riot had already taken place even before Election Day.

People milled by the roadside at most urban centres we passed and, in some places, there was a bit of shouting and sloganeering that we assured ourselves was born of the usual electoral euphoria.

On the outskirts of Eldoret town, we learnt from the news on the radio that some vehicle had been torched in town, suspected of carrying marked ballot papers.

As we voted, we were acutely aware of the tension, and the possibility of post-election violence. Subsequent events, as they say, are inscribed in the history books.

Two weeks before the 2007 General Election, I had penned an article denouncing acts of violence that had been labelled “political violence”.

I rejected this tag, instead characterising looters and arsonists as common criminals using politics as a convenient cover.

But for the context set in the campaign period, anyone reading that article today would be forgiven for thinking it was discussing the post-election violence.

I was, therefore, utterly shocked when almost everyone feigned surprise and claimed that the post-election violence was unforeseen and caught them by surprise, when all indications before the election had been that a peaceful outcome would be the exception, not the rule.

With this background, I challenge these “peacemakers” to point out what I did to be held responsible for the violence that erupted after the election, and the subsequent dysfunctional government that was rammed down our collective throat.

As a matter of fact, my colleagues and I were intimately involved in designing a response to deal with the physical, psychological and social outcomes of the violence after it broke out.

This habit of rushing to implicate whole populations betrays a mindset that is comfortable with a herd mentality of crime and punishment, which is antithetical to the liberal democracy we are apparently forging in Kenya.

Voting: The Secret Affair

2012-04-27T13:52:00.003+03:00

Election day is here, last minute campaigns still going on. So, I am standing in this long queue at CCU, waiting to cast my vote. So far so good but the place is a mess. Posters, fliers, little pieces of papers strewn all over the floor. It had rained the previous night so posters are stuck on the floor, in walls, on trees: practically everywhere. There are goons with whips (nyaunyo) forcing names on my face and shoving small pieces of papers with names of guys to vote for.

I am in a queue and the majority are first years. The are excited as they are relaxed, waiting to get inside and practice their first democratic right in the institution. Sadly, at this point, a guy goes up to one of the quiet guys on the line and forces him to vote for his candidate literary. Oh, wait there is a lady too!Asking, pleading and smiling to guys to have them vote for a certain candidate.

A few hours ago I heard that there was tension in Chiromo over ballot papers but am yet to confirm it. I am inside the voting area now.I see two of my Literature lecturers in the hall. One picks my student I.D and a student Commissioner verifies my name on a list, picks the student I.D from mwalimu and asks me to go ahead and vote. There are four armed policemen in the hall. Two are having lunch as one is overseeing the voting process.The University is ensuring that these elections will be peacefull even if it means guns in the vicinity to maintain order. It reminds me of a phrase that its not that the University administration doesn't trust us, it does, it is the election 'devil' they do not trust.

There are observers all around and the voting space has been reduced to a square, not larger than 8meters in length. The ballot papers come in various colours for the different candidates. It was a smooth process I voted, got my small left finger inked and walked out, in less than 5 minutes . The rest of the voting went on well, and last time I heard, the votes were being tallied at A.D.D.

Voting despite the noise, peer pressure and at times coercion is a Secret Affair. I may agree to vote for so and so but when inside, vote my choice. I bet there was betrayal, change of thought, commitment during the election but above all it was a Secret Affair!

UoN: We go to the Polls

2012-04-24T18:26:00.001+03:00

As we go to the Polls...

April 27^th is the date for the SONU Elections. To those familiar with Campus elections, know that this is a time for the loudest, meanest and 'wealthiest' comrades to flex their 'political' muscle. The few who have great manifestos and ideas they hope to champion are drowned in this 'wrestling'. Interestingly, almost three quarters of those vying in main campus are my classmates in particularly my Political Science class.

However, the most outstanding thing about this election is that most of those campaigning for the SONU positions were in some way either directly or indirectly involved in the past two-three elections. How? They were either clerks, goons or even office holders in the past government. So we have like a recycling of leaders in the Student Leadership.

It raises the question, aren't there over 30,000 students who can run and even win these elections and not the same guys all over again. Well, the truth is, there are...many, myself included. What then is stopping me, and the many others from taking up these positions, and especially the ladies? First I think its the setting in which these campus politics are rolled out. This is because, there are sadly, tribal factions that will terrorize you, pull down your posters, ask for bribes to leave you posters overnight, want a bribe for your safety and a lot more under dealings for your chance 'to eat of the Campus Pie'

My Principle of persuasion lecturer challenged us on time in class as to why as his students, we shy away from leadership. Something came out clear after the three hour discussion, that not everyone of us has to be in the limelight. Not everyone of us have to seen to be recognized as leaders because in essence we are all leaders in our own right. However what separates leaders, good leaders at that, from pseudo-leaders is servant-hood. Here, my definition of servant-hood is an ordinary comrade who does not have to don an oversize/ tight Marc Spencer Suit in order to address a crowd. A leader who will not spend the entire night going through a dictionary to cram and the next day, squeeze and jumble up archaic jargon leaving their listeners perplexed (its intentional) than understood. My idea of a servant leader is one who can clearly differentiate between the rights of a student in campus from the purported privileges they hope to give unto us if we give them our vote. It is not our privilege to have clean hostels (most are by the way, in the mornings though) but our right so when a leader says they will ensure hostels are clean, it leaves me wondering if they intend to do it themselves. The cleaning that is.

Leadership is about setting a trail, being an example. It is about walking in our shoes and knowing where the shoe pinches and not being the 'unreachable'. The University churns out brilliant minds each year to a waiting nation. I personally think we do a disservice to the University of Nairobi if during the elections, we witness violence, slander, bribery, deceit, corruption, hatred and vilest of them all tribalism. As a student of the largest think tank in the country, I take the responsibility to talk about these issues, I take the responsibility to vet the guys who push to you their election nomination papers to sign, I take the responsibility to challenge my classmates to be critical on who they pledge their support to, I take the responsibility to sober up my comrades whose thoughts are dictated by their 'charismatic' kinsmen, I take the responsibility to go to the polls on Friday the 27th of April. To vote, not for a classmate who reserves me the front seat, or the one we are with in my discussion group, or from my region...but a leader, a servant leader who Suits, funny postures and nonsensical words do not define him, whose size and heaviness of his pocket are not important. One who will accept defeat, accept opposition, accept correction and accept to learn and most of all accept to be a servant leader.

Is it possible?

Posters in Education Building

Vote for Me: I AM NOT MY TRIBE Blog gets nominated in the BAKE Awards 2012

2012-04-24T14:14:00.004+03:00

The Nominees for the BAKE Awards 2012 are out!!

The awards are meant to encourage those blogging to be more active and pay more attention to their content. The Awards also seek to recruit more bloggers especially in topics which, though important, have not been ventured into. Topics like Health, Real Estate, Environment, Childcare, Education just to name a few have not drawn those in the respective fields into the blogging world to inform and educate the rest on the same.

To vote for me, click here

Once on the page, scroll down to the Best Politics Category and vote for iamnotmytribe.blogspot.com

The BAKE Awards Gala is set for May 5th.

Find the full list of nominees in the 14 Categories here.

Tribal Associations in Universities: End of an era?

2012-03-14T14:30:00.001+03:00

Ethnic diversity is a resource that has been mismanaged in the past and must be resolved now to enable greater cohesion in the country.

Back in 2009 in first year of campus, we covered a topic on ethnicity in Political Science. At the time, I had done writings on tribalism and I had already started this blog. So doing the unit in class broadened my understanding on the same. Throughout the lesson, I kept remembering the flyers and posters stuck in our hostel and the tunnels asking members of a particular community to meet at various venues to "discuss the way forward for their people". There it was, tribal alliances that many times say they are to safeguard the interests of students from a particular region but come elections time the 'subtle' community organizations are at the forefront to prop one of their own for leadership position whether qualified or not.

I was burning with questions, why does the University allow it? What can the University authorities do to stop this trend of tribal alliances? So I summed up courage and asked my lecturer that. So here I was in a class of about 5oo students asking what can be done to break the 'status-quo', what was the way of doing business. My lecturer, Prof. Nying'uro looked at me, then looked at the entire class which was now quiet waiting to what he would tell me. He moved closer to my desk and instead asked me " Madam, what the university can do for you is not important...what is important is what you, as a student, a scholar do for this university...what can you do?"

The ball was kicked back to my court; I was challenged to do something. The class dispersed soon afterwards but Professors words stung me. I had to do something. I remember that day as I walked through the tunnels I went pulling down anything that was tribal inclined. All the posters that called for the Butere comrades to meet at hall 3 or those for the Narok students association came down into the dustbins. I know, that is a drop in the ocean but I had to start somewhere. Next thing I did was mobilizing a few friends, my room-mates to join in not only removing the posters but to talk to fellow classmates, friends within our campus and other campuses about coexistence with other communities. Slowly, we planted a seed, we watered it and in as much as it grew, there were thorns and harsh environments which choked it. I faced opposition from some goons who told me I was doing useless work. So maybe I was, but I had stirred something, I had started discussions on tribalism in campus in a small way.

Next thing I did was to post anonymous notices, which signed off as I am not my Tribe. They spoke of integration, importance of each member of the various communities in a creative, sensitive and not forceful way. They were not calling anyone to meet up in room 310 for discussion on the way forward; the three paragraph notes challenged my fellow comrades. They would be plucked from the notice boards (tit for tat) and I moved to Phase 3 of my campaign, wearing the talk, literary.

Sample of the T-Shirts we made

So, we got a fellow student, Elvis, who we contracted to design T-Shirts with our message. A week later a batch of ten I am not my Tribe branded T-Shirts in different colors was delivered. On a set date, a Friday, we all donned our T-Shirts and went to class; good thing is half of us were from different campuses. So our campaign went a notch higher, guys were asking where we got the shirts/ idea from. We were practically walking banners with our message. One of us in the T-Shirt was stopped in town by several people asking about the 'movement'.

Flash forward to 2012, the National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC) has now put a check on these tribal associations in Universities.

“The education of young people should deliberately inculcate positive values on ethnic and race relations as opinions they form will often be those they will carry with them throughout their lives,” the policy against tribalism says on tribal associations in institutions of learning.

“Education should lead to enlightenment, understanding and tolerance of the people of all ethnic groups and races,” it adds, noting that the institutions have been targeted for the role they play in national cohesion.

NCIC chairman Mzalendo Kibunjia, said this was not only critical during this election year, but equally important since the country was switching from a central government to a devolved government structure.

“The climate of tension has been accentuated by the International Criminal Court confirmation of charges,” Dr Kibunjia said.

“There is therefore an urgent need to pro-actively start continuous conversation on ethnic, racial and religious grievances and their possible resolution with the political and economic elite across the country,” he said.

As my post topic asks, could this be an end of an era?

*I am not my Tribe philosophy is still on course, just like a river during the dry season, it may not be visible on the surface but it still continues to meander and flow underground, its absence does not mean it’s not there, it is...it continues to flow!

KONY 2012

2012-03-09T13:40:00.005+03:00

The common perception of the rebel group is that they are a ‘messianic cult.’ But far more likely is that they are now just fighting for survival and so that Kony can maintain his power.

Mid this week the internet was bursting with talks and discussions on a video called KONY 2012. The film and campaign by Invisible Children aims to make Joseph Kony famous, not to celebrate him, but to raise support for his arrest because of his atrocities against humanity, children for that matter. The campaing also seeks to set a precedent for International Justice.

What is worrying me is that, Kony's activities are just across the border, in Uganda. Kony is a neighbor, a husband and a father perhaps but the injustices he commits are beyond me. This intrigues me to know about this man, his background, his activities. Why should we be wary of his activities in East and Central Africa? Why should we stop the man? Why should we be part of the 'movement' against him? Why?

To begin with, Joseph Kony was born in Atyak, Uganda some 48 years ago. The warlord and leader of the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) who has staged war half his life was ironically a catholic altar boy who is now a cult leader of his movement. His cult aims at installing a government in Uganda based on the Biblical 10 Commandments, a theocratic state. Kony's LRA has kidnapped an estimated 20,000 children for use as fighters or sex slaves. The more reasons why Kony should be apprehended.

Sadly, as part of their initiation, these children are often required to kill their own parents, so they'll have no homes to return to. (It's not clear which of the Ten Commandments Kony's strategy is based on.) Once kidnapped, children are used as pack mules, carrying LRA supplies until they are too weak to walk, at which time they're killed or simply left to die. Kidnapped boys also serve as targets and decoys, sent to the front lines, unarmed, whenever the Ugandan Army engages the LRA. Kidnapped girls either become wives for some of the senior member of LRA while others become sex slaves and at times even both. Troublesome captives have their noses, lips, and/or ears cut off, and are then made to eat their own flesh.

Over the years, his activities have crossed the Uganda's borders as his rebels now terrorize large swathes of the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and the Central African Republic raising the question whether his initial objective of Institutionalizing the ten commandments in Uganda is what he hopes to achieve in the new regions. Kony is wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Interestingly, he was to sign a peace deal with the Ugandan government in 2008, but peace talks fell apart as he wanted assurances that he would not be prosecuted.

The LRA's aims were heavily influence by the Holy Spirit Movement; a 1980s group that represented the Acholi people of northern Uganda. The movement was formed by Alice Lakwena, a former prostitute who was believed to be Mr. Kony's cousin. They felt excluded from power after northern leader Milton Obote was overthrown in a military rebellion, and eventually replaced by current President Yoweri Museveni in 1986.Like the Maji Maji Rebellion(1905-1907), Ms Lakwena promised her followers immunity from the bullets of the Ugandan army, but Mr. Museveni troops defeated her movement in 1988 and she fled to Kenya. After this defeat, Mr. Kony founded his own rebel group which over the next 20 years has gone on to abduct thousands of children to become fighters or sex slaves. Mr Kony himself is thought to have at least 60 wives, as he and his senior commanders take the pick of the girls they capture.

He has created an aura of fear and mysticism around himself and his rebels follow strict rules and rituals. Furthermore, he says he gets strategic advice from angels. There are eight of these angels, he says -- three American, two Sudanese, two Chinese, and one Congolese.

"When you go to fight you make the sign of the cross first. If you fail to do this, you will be killed," one young fighter who escaped from the LRA told US-based Human Rights Watch.

"You must also take oil and draw a cross on your chest, your forehead, and each shoulder and you must make a cross in oil on your gun. They say that the oil is the power of the Holy Spirit."

Mr Kony appears to believe that his role is to cleanse the Acholi people. He uses biblical references to explain why it is necessary to kill his own people, since they have, in his view, failed to support his cause.

"If the Acholi don't support us, they must be finished," one abductee said in a past interview.

In 2008, Kony during an interview was surrounded by some of what was estimated were his 3,000 heavily armed fighters, and insisted he was not the monster he was portrayed to be.

"Let me tell you clearly what happened in Uganda. Museveni went into the villages and cut off the ears of the people, telling the people that it was the work of the LRA. I cannot cut the ear of my brother; I cannot kill the eye of my brother."

The LRA later went on a major offensive, carrying out a massacre on Christmas Day 2008. On that day and over the following three weeks, the LRA beat to death more than 800 people in north-eastern DR Congo and South Sudan, and abducted hundreds more.

Clearly, Kony must be stopped as soon as possible as:

He leads a violent cult of abducted fighters also the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA).

He abducts children from their homes who force them to be soldiers and sex slaves, to murder and mutilate their neighbors.

In 2005 he became the first man indicted by the ICC.

So far 30,000+ children have been abducted.

Mastermind behind the 26+ years of violence in various parts of East and Central Africa.

440,000 people currently displaced across 3 countries

The Invisible Children campaign advocates for the arrest of Joseph Kony so that he can be tried for his crimes in an international court. Kony’s capture would not only end his ongoing atrocities, but it would also set a strong precedent for the future of International Criminal Justice. However, if Kony is killed during the ongoing operation according to the campaign, it would still be a victory for the hundreds of thousands of innocent people living in fear. That said, it would not necessarily result in the immediate end of the LRA. Once Joseph Kony and his top commanders are removed from the battlefield, and the LRA is completely disarmed, reuniting families and rehabilitation will be the first priority.

Invisible Children has constructed the first and only child rehabilitation center in the LRA affected region in DR Congo. The center is currently treating the most traumatized children. Again I ask why should we be wary of Kony's activities in East and Central Africa? Uganda is a stone throw away from Kenya, what happens there has a domino effect on us. We need to be on the lookout for Kony and his activities. What we can do is to spread the word around, get more support for the arrest on Joseph Kony. We can stop Kony by advocating against these atrocities through our various abilities and platform. It takes a small deed to achieve a great one...It takes you, your voice, your message, your assistance in protecting and safeguarding our children, younger brothers and sisters. I have started my walk towards 'stopping' KONY....when will yours begin?

"We ourselves feel that what we are doing is just a drop in the ocean. But the ocean would be less because of that missing drop. "
Mother Teresa.

On the other hand, we have Kony's in our midst, those who rape our finances, steal from our development kitty and then go ahead and hold us hostage after a re-election and five years later bribe us to vote them in. Well, that’s a discussion for another article.

My Kenyan Thoughts.