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      <title>Wiley: International Studies Perspectives: Table of Contents</title>
      <description>Table of Contents for International Studies Perspectives. List of articles from both the latest and EarlyView issues.</description>
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      <dc:title>Wiley: International Studies Perspectives: Table of Contents</dc:title>
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      <title>International Studies Perspectives</title>
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      <title>Linking Experiential and Classroom Education: Lessons Learned from The American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights</title>
      <dc:description>
How can internships and other forms of experiential or service learning be designed to best accomplish academic goals? This article explores the benefits and pitfalls of experiential education by looking at the relevant scholarly literature and at students' and faculty members' experience with the American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights. Overall, faculty and students report that internships, when integrated with traditional classroom learning, greatly enhance learning overall. The article suggests strategies for structuring internships to enrich students' learning.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
Renée Marlin‐Bennett
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00101?af=R</link>
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&lt;p&gt;How can internships and other forms of experiential or service learning be designed to best accomplish academic goals? This article explores the benefits and pitfalls of experiential education by looking at the relevant scholarly literature and at students' and faculty members' experience with the American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights. Overall, faculty and students report that internships, when integrated with traditional classroom learning, greatly enhance learning overall. The article suggests strategies for structuring internships to enrich students' learning.&lt;/p&gt;
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      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 384-395, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Linking Experiential and Classroom Education: Lessons Learned from The American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00101</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2008-06-28T12:00:00-07:00</dc:date>
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      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
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      <title>Confronting Bias in International Relations: Responses to the ISP Forum (2:4) Articles by David Gibbs and Robert Snyder</title>
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      <dc:creator>
Timothy J. White, 
Gregory P. Nowell, 
Robert Hager, 
Ronald W. Cox
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.00104?af=R</link>
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      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 438-451, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Confronting Bias in International Relations: Responses to the ISP Forum (2:4) Articles by David Gibbs and Robert Snyder</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.00104</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
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   <item rdf:about="/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00100?af=R">
      <title>Negotiating Russian Federalism: A Simulation for Comparative Politics</title>
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While the use of simulations in the international relations classroom has proliferated over the past decade, this pedagogical tool has been largely neglected in the comparative politics classroom. Simulations in comparative politics can be a useful component in teaching students about the diversity within foreign countries and the dynamic of domestic policymaking. We describe here an informative and easy–to–run simulation on Russian federalism which can be integrated into courses on Russian politics or easily adapted for use in other courses, especially those focusing on countries in which center–regional relations are an important dimension. The simulation is based on the Russian Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Federal Assembly, and is a great way to illustrate through experiential learning the quid pro quo of Russian federalism. We provide detailed information on English–language sources that both instructors and students can use during the simulation, along with an Appendix and a Website that provides everything instructors need to run the simulation in their own classes.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
Christopher Marsh, 
James Cole Bucy
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00100?af=R</link>
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&lt;p&gt;While the use of simulations in the international relations classroom has proliferated over the past decade, this pedagogical tool has been largely neglected in the comparative politics classroom. Simulations in comparative politics can be a useful component in teaching students about the diversity within foreign countries and the dynamic of domestic policymaking. We describe here an informative and easy–to–run simulation on Russian federalism which can be integrated into courses on Russian politics or easily adapted for use in other courses, especially those focusing on countries in which center–regional relations are an important dimension. The simulation is based on the Russian Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Federal Assembly, and is a great way to illustrate through experiential learning the &lt;i&gt;quid pro quo&lt;/i&gt; of Russian federalism. We provide detailed information on English–language sources that both instructors and students can use during the simulation, along with an Appendix and a Website that provides everything instructors need to run the simulation in their own classes.&lt;/p&gt;
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      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 373-383, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Negotiating Russian Federalism: A Simulation for Comparative Politics</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00100</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
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      <prism:doi>10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00100</prism:doi>
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   </item>
   <item rdf:about="/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00105?af=R">
      <title>Linking Experiential and Classroom Education: Lessons Learned from The American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights</title>
      <dc:description>
How can internships and other forms of experiential or service learning be designed to best accomplish academic goals? This article explores the benefits and pitfalls of experiential education by looking at the relevant scholarly literature and at students’ and faculty members’ experience with the American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights. Overall, faculty and students report that internships, when integrated with traditional classroom learning, greatly enhance learning overall. The article suggests strategies for structuring internships to enrich students’ learning.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
Renée Marlin–Bennett
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00105?af=R</link>
      <content:encoded>
&lt;p&gt;How can internships and other forms of experiential or service learning be designed to best accomplish academic goals? This article explores the benefits and pitfalls of experiential education by looking at the relevant scholarly literature and at students’ and faculty members’ experience with the American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights. Overall, faculty and students report that internships, when integrated with traditional classroom learning, greatly enhance learning overall. The article suggests strategies for structuring internships to enrich students’ learning.&lt;/p&gt;
</content:encoded>
      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 384-395, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Linking Experiential and Classroom Education: Lessons Learned from The American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00105</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
      <prism:coverDisplayDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDisplayDate>
      <prism:doi>10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00105</prism:doi>
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   <item rdf:about="/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00098?af=R">
      <title>Feminist Perspectives on 9/11</title>
      <dc:description>
In this article I offer a feminist analysis of September 11, 2001 and its aftermath. I demonstrate how gendered discourses are used in this and other conflict situations to reinforce mutual hostilities. I suggest that men’s association with war–fighting and national security serves to reinforce their legitimacy in world politics while it acts to create barriers for women. Using the framework of a post–9/11 world, I offer some alternative models of masculinity and some cultural representations less dependent on the subordination of women. Often in times of conflict women are seen only as victims. I outline some ways in which the women of Afghanistan are fighting against gender oppression and I conclude with some thoughts on their future prospects.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
J. Ann Tickner
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00098?af=R</link>
      <content:encoded>
&lt;p&gt;In this article I offer a feminist analysis of September 11, 2001 and its aftermath. I demonstrate how gendered discourses are used in this and other conflict situations to reinforce mutual hostilities. I suggest that men’s association with war–fighting and national security serves to reinforce their legitimacy in world politics while it acts to create barriers for women. Using the framework of a post–9/11 world, I offer some alternative models of masculinity and some cultural representations less dependent on the subordination of women. Often in times of conflict women are seen only as victims. I outline some ways in which the women of Afghanistan are fighting against gender oppression and I conclude with some thoughts on their future prospects.&lt;/p&gt;
</content:encoded>
      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 333-350, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Feminist Perspectives on 9/11</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00098</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
      <prism:coverDisplayDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDisplayDate>
      <prism:doi>10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00098</prism:doi>
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   <item rdf:about="/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00099?af=R">
      <title>A Pragmatic Guide to Qualitative Historical Analysis in the Study of International Relations</title>
      <dc:description>
Researchers using qualitative methods, including case studies and comparative case studies, are becoming more self–conscious in enhancing the rigor of their research designs so as to maximize their explanatory leverage with a small number of cases. One aspect of qualitative research that has not received as much attention is the use of primary and secondary source material as data or evidence. This essay explores the potential problems encountered by political scientists as they conduct archival research or rely on secondary source material produced by historians. The essay also suggests guidelines for researchers to minimize the main problems associated with qualitative historical research, namely, investigator bias and unwarranted selectivity in the use of historical source materials. These guidelines should enable advanced undergraduates and graduate students to enhance the quality of their historically minded political science scholarship.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
Cameron G. Thies
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00099?af=R</link>
      <content:encoded>
&lt;p&gt;Researchers using qualitative methods, including case studies and comparative case studies, are becoming more self–conscious in enhancing the rigor of their research designs so as to maximize their explanatory leverage with a small number of cases. One aspect of qualitative research that has not received as much attention is the use of primary and secondary source material as data or evidence. This essay explores the potential problems encountered by political scientists as they conduct archival research or rely on secondary source material produced by historians. The essay also suggests guidelines for researchers to minimize the main problems associated with qualitative historical research, namely, investigator bias and unwarranted selectivity in the use of historical source materials. These guidelines should enable advanced undergraduates and graduate students to enhance the quality of their historically minded political science scholarship.&lt;/p&gt;
</content:encoded>
      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 351-372, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>A Pragmatic Guide to Qualitative Historical Analysis in the Study of International Relations</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00099</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
      <prism:coverDisplayDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDisplayDate>
      <prism:doi>10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00099</prism:doi>
      <prism:url>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00099?af=R</prism:url>
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   <item rdf:about="/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00106?af=R">
      <title>Post–Conflict Global Governance: The Case of Microfinance Enterprise Networks in Bosnia and Herzegovina</title>
      <dc:description>
The article examines the institutional infrastructure that supports the foreign aid flows in the mcrocredit sector in postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. It documents the mobilization of transnational networks between different international agencies in the course of the policy formulation and implementation, and elicits the effects that certain network attributes exert on the policy choices made by individual organizations. How and why do international governmental and nongovernmental organizations, with at times conflicting goals, join forces in such networks? More important, whose goals are eventually implemented, and under what conditions? Whose goals are diluted in the process of network mobilization? What are the policy implications of such “battles” for the postconflict reconstruction? The article seeks some answers to these questions, demonstrating how transnational networks intermediate between the organizational goals and the final policy outcomes that result from such a network–based mode of global governance in postconflict regions.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
Anna Ohanyan
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00106?af=R</link>
      <content:encoded>
&lt;p&gt;The article examines the institutional infrastructure that supports the foreign aid flows in the mcrocredit sector in postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. It documents the mobilization of transnational networks between different international agencies in the course of the policy formulation and implementation, and elicits the effects that certain network attributes exert on the policy choices made by individual organizations. How and why do international governmental and nongovernmental organizations, with at times conflicting goals, join forces in such networks? More important, whose goals are eventually implemented, and under what conditions? Whose goals are diluted in the process of network mobilization? What are the policy implications of such “battles” for the postconflict reconstruction? The article seeks some answers to these questions, demonstrating how transnational networks intermediate between the organizational goals and the final policy outcomes that result from such a network–based mode of global governance in postconflict regions.&lt;/p&gt;
</content:encoded>
      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 396-416, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Post–Conflict Global Governance: The Case of Microfinance Enterprise Networks in Bosnia and Herzegovina</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00106</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
      <prism:coverDisplayDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDisplayDate>
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   <item rdf:about="/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00107?af=R">
      <title>The “Essential Domino” of Military Operations: American Public Opinion and the Use of Force</title>
      <dc:description>
It is a commonly held belief that the foreign policy issue to which the American public is most sensitive is the use of military force. Because American public opinion regarding the use of force is highly palpable, salient, and organized, and because decisions regarding the use of force are some of the most important decisions the nation ever has to consider, the analysis of public opinion regarding military involvement is academically significant and policy relevant. The indication from policymakers is that American military operations require public support. As a result, scholars and analysts have come to realize that public opinion is the “essential domino” of military operations. The relationship between mass American public opinion and the use of military force has become, therefore, the focus of numerous studies and surveys. There are currently several competing explanations—schools of thought—in the literature on why the mass public supports the use of force. This article is an attempt to identify the most prominent schools of thought on public opinion and the use of force, and the central factors associated with each school. Such a review is important to generating policy–relevant guidance pertaining to public opinion and the use of force—an objective made more pressing by the current war against terrorism.
</dc:description>
      <dc:creator>
Louis Klarevas
</dc:creator>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00107?af=R</link>
      <content:encoded>
&lt;p&gt;It is a commonly held belief that the foreign policy issue to which the American public is most sensitive is the use of military force. Because American public opinion regarding the use of force is highly palpable, salient, and organized, and because decisions regarding the use of force are some of the most important decisions the nation ever has to consider, the analysis of public opinion regarding military involvement is academically significant and policy relevant. The indication from policymakers is that American military operations require public support. As a result, scholars and analysts have come to realize that public opinion is the “essential domino” of military operations. The relationship between mass American public opinion and the use of military force has become, therefore, the focus of numerous studies and surveys. There are currently several competing explanations—schools of thought—in the literature on why the mass public supports the use of force. This article is an attempt to identify the most prominent schools of thought on public opinion and the use of force, and the central factors associated with each school. Such a review is important to generating policy–relevant guidance pertaining to public opinion and the use of force—an objective made more pressing by the current war against terrorism.&lt;/p&gt;
</content:encoded>
      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 417-437, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>The “Essential Domino” of Military Operations: American Public Opinion and the Use of Force</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.t01-1-00107</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
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      <title>Contributors</title>
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      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.00106?af=R</link>
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      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 452-453, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Contributors</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.00106</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
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      <title>Request for Research Proposals on Advanced German and European Studies</title>
      <dc:description/>
      <dc:creator/>
      <link>https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1528-3577.00107?af=R</link>
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      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 454-454, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Request for Research Proposals on Advanced German and European Studies</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.00107</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
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      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
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      <prism:doi>10.1111/1528-3577.00107</prism:doi>
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      <title>Index to Volume 3, 2002</title>
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      <description>International Studies Perspectives, Volume 3, Issue 4, Page 455-456, November 2002. </description>
      <dc:title>Index to Volume 3, 2002</dc:title>
      <dc:identifier>doi:10.1111/1528-3577.00111</dc:identifier>
      <dc:source>International Studies Perspectives</dc:source>
      <dc:date>2003-02-28T12:00:00-08:00</dc:date>
      <prism:publicationName>International Studies Perspectives</prism:publicationName>
      <prism:volume>3</prism:volume>
      <prism:number>4</prism:number>
      <prism:coverDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDate>
      <prism:coverDisplayDate>2002-11-01T08:00:00Z</prism:coverDisplayDate>
      <prism:doi>10.1111/1528-3577.00111</prism:doi>
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