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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5175</link>
<title>Brazil-Russia-China-South Africa (BRCS) Paradox: Reconciling Normative Ambitions with Strategic Interests in the United Nations</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[This paper examines the strategic tactics used by Brazil, South Africa, China, and Russia within the United Nations to promote their interests. An analysis of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Reform (2017&#8211;2019), United Nations Development System Reform (2018&#8211;2021), and International Court of Justice (ICJ) Judicial Selection (2023) uncovers four tactics of normative realpolitik: (i) procedural contestation, (ii) personnel placement, (iii) financial leverage, and (iv) coalition coordination. The argument challenges traditional international relations theories by demonstrating that states combine normative rhetoric with material and procedural strategies to promote institutional change in ways that exceed the explanatory scope of both realism and constructivism.]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5178</link>
<title>Economic Diplomacy, Foreign Direct Investment, and the Path to Sustainable Development: Evidence, Barriers, and Strategic Opportunities for Guinea</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[Guinea occupies a paradoxical position in global investment discourse: a nation endowed with extraordinary mineral wealth, including the world&#8217;s largest bauxite reserves, substantial gold deposits, diamonds, and one of the richest iron ore deposits on earth, yet one that has historically failed to translate these endowments into broad-based economic development through foreign direct investment (FDI). Despite sustained government efforts to deploy economic diplomacy as a strategic lever for attracting capital, FDI inflows declined sharply over the past decade, undermining state revenues, employment, and development trajectories. This study critically examines the effectiveness of Guinea&#8217;s economic diplomacy in attracting FDI, identifies the principal structural and institutional barriers impeding investment, and proposes evidence- based strategies for improvement. Employing a descriptive mixed-methods design, the research draws on structured interviews with 25 key stakeholders, including diplomats at the Guinean Embassy in Pretoria, government officials, and business representatives, supplemented by questionnaire surveys and documentary analysis. Thematic analysis revealed six critical impediments: corruption (identified by 75% of participants), inadequate infrastructure (80%), political violence and insecurity (70%), bureaucratic bottlenecks (60%), language barriers (40%), and limited institutional capacity.]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5177</link>
<title>Change and Contradiction: Hungary&#8217;s Foreign Policy Across its 2011 and 2024 European Council Presidencies</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[This study traces the significant alterations in Hungary&#8217;s national identity and strategic culture between its 2011 and 2024 presidencies of the Council of the European Union, highlighting how these shifts have reshaped the country&#8217;s foreign policy orientation and behaviour in the international system. Situated against the backdrop of Hungary&#8217;s unique historical experiences&#8212;including the long shadow of Trianon, decades of communist rule, and the post-1991 imperative of Europeanization&#8212;the paper seeks to clarify how Hungary moved from a firmly Westward-leaning, Euro-Atlantic trajectory toward a more sovereignty-centred and identity-driven approach to diplomacy. The objective is to examine how these internal reconfigurations have informed Hungary&#8217;s contemporary foreign policy choices and the tensions they have produced within the EU. Methodologically, the study employs qualitative content analysis of core documents such as the Fundamental Law (2011) and Hungary&#8217;s post-presidency foreign policy programme, complemented by discourse analysis of speeches made by key decision makers, most notably Prime Minister Viktor Orb&#225;n. This mixed qualitative approach enables the systemic identification of recurring narratives and identity markers visibly shaping Hungarian foreign policy. The findings suggest that Hungary&#8217;s recent foreign policy conduct reflects not episodic populist opportunism but rather a coherent recalibration of strategic culture shaped by longstanding grievances, post-communist identity reconstruction, and a recognition of shifting global power realities. This recalibration is evident through policies such as the Eastern Opening, strategic neutrality in the Russia&#8211;Ukraine conflict, the securitization of migration and Hungary&#8217;s selective veto usage within EU and NATO frameworks. The study concludes that Hungary&#8217;s evolving foreign policy posture provides valuable insight into how identity, populism, and geopolitics intersect to redefine the external behaviour of small states within a transforming European and global order.]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5179</link>
<title>The Re-examination of South Africa&#8217;s National Interests in a Post-International and Heterarchy Era</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[This study assesses South Africa&#8217;s national interests and argues that they ought to be revised in light of the current international order, in which myriad non-state actors, ideologies, wars, the emergence of innovative technologies, and environmental threats challenge centralized state power. The study recognizes that postinternational theory departs from state-centric theory. Mathebula (2024) explains postinternationalism as a new world order encompassing a conglomerate of nonstate actors, including multinational corporations, civil society entities, technology behemoths, international normative systems, and global trends and influences. Mathebula (2024)&#8217;s definition is derived from the writings of James N. Rosenau, regarded as an architect of postinternationalism. James N Rosenau explains that the global system has become turbulent due to extensive change, making it difficult to understand global life solely from an &#8220;international politics&#8221; perspective, as much of politics extends beyond national boundaries and state-to-state relations. A central definition of heterarchy is central to the construction of this body of literature, its central tenets and thesis. Belmonte and Cerny (2019) define heterarchy as an organizational system in which elements are not fixed in a single chain of command but can be positioned in multiple ways depending on context.]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5174</link>
<title>Trump 2.0, Personality and Power:Assessing Trump&#8217;s Foreign Policyin a Multipolar World Order</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[The evolving role of the United States on the international stage during the second presidency of Donald Trump, coupled with the trend towards a multipolar global system, necessitates a thorough reassessment of the foundational elements of U.S. foreign policy-making. Traditionally, analyses of U.S. foreign policy have been anchored in the rational actor model, which emphasises rational calculations. However, there is a noticeable gap in scholarship that incorporates the personal traits, character, belief systems, and experiences of individual U.S.. leaders into this analysis. The election of Donald Trump as the 47th President of the United States in 2024 presents a significant opportunity to revisit U.S. foreign policy through a more idiosyncratic lens, particularly in light of the declining influence of the U.S. within the international system. This study employed a qualitative research approach, utilising a desk review as the primary source of secondary data, and applies thematic and content analysis as the principal methods for data analysis. The findings assert that Trump's inward-looking policies expressed in the &#8220;Make America Great Again&#8221; (MAGA) slogan, ambitious nationalist and expansionist agenda such as the acquisition of Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal and renaming of Mexico, abrupt withdrawal from multilateral institutions, erratic trade wars among others are adversely affecting U.S. global leadership position. These actions are creating space for revisionist states such as Russia, China and BRICS bloc to occupy in the absence or relative decline of the U.S. thereby making the multipolar world imminent.]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5173</link>
<title>Balancing Act: South Africa&#8217;s Foreign Policy, Peacebuilding and SDG 16 in an Era of Renewed Unilateralism</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[South Africa has established a post-apartheid foreign policy based on the principles of peace, justice, and inclusive governance, positioning itself as a supporter of Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG 16: Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions). However, renewed unilateralism in global politics, intensified by the return of a second Trump administration, is weakening multilateral institutions and placing greater pressure on middle powers to choose between normative commitments and strategic interests. This article examines how South Africa manages this dilemma by drawing on constructivism, middle power theory, and the English School to explain how identity, international norms, and strategic interests shape foreign policy behaviour. These insights inform a 2&#215;2 scenario planning framework in which normative commitment and strategic interest alignment operate as independent variables and<br>the resulting scenario functions as the dependent variable. The framework is applied to three case studies: the 2014 Lesotho mediation, the 2013 Force Intervention Brigade in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Africa&#8217;s voting behaviour in the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council. The analysis finds that South Africa most often occupies the values-interests dilemma quadrant, where normative commitments are maintained rhetorically but weakened in practice by geopolitical and economic pressures. The article concludes that South Africa must recalibrate its diplomacy to remain strategically adaptive while preserving its credibility on SDG 16 in an increasingly divided international order. ]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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<link>https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker/article/view/5172</link>
<title>Reexamining Foreign Policy in the New World Order</title>  <source url="https://journals.uj.ac.za/index.php/The_Thinker">The Thinker</source>
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<![CDATA[Amid the changes in global politics, including interstate conflicts, coups, shifting alliances, new administrations, ambitions toward multipolarity, and the testing of international law, it has become apparent that states will always act in their own national interests, even at the expense of other states. Post-pandemic, numerous events have continued to confute the democratic peace theory and substantiate the view that realism always shapes a country&#8217;s foreign policy through soft or hard power. While much of these developments in global politics threaten global peace and security and compel states to act in the best way that shields them from the geopolitical shocks that come with these changes, it becomes crucial to review and scrutinize the notion, practice, and understanding of foreign policy which can be defined as an activity of the state with which it fulfills its aims and interests within the international arena (Petri&#269;, 2013). Although this definition depicts an uncomplicated scene, its practice has evinced how complex foreign policy can be through a series of current events. This can be attributed to the determinants of foreign policy, which often encompass diverse conditions, interests, and decisions at the state level, which may, unwittingly, yield unfavorable outcomes in the international arena. Different authors have conceptualized foreign policy in several ways, as follows.]]>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2026 01:13:17 +02:00</pubDate>
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