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The need for financial reform was apparent. With the support of Roosevelt and big business cheap air jordan, Congress passed the Aldrich-Vreeland Act in 1908, in- 36 Twentieth-Century America creasing the elasticity of the currency and creating a National Monetary Commission to study the country’s fiscal operations. The commission’s voluminous reports led to the creation of the Federal Reserve System in 1913. Roosevelt’s increasingly radical proposals during his last two years in office contributed to a growing schism within the GOP between a bitterly conservative majority and a growing progressive minority that enjoyed the support of the most popular president since Lincoln. ROOSEVELT AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS Flushed with victory in the Spanish-American War, and with an empire in their possession, many Americans, including progressives, were convinced that the United States should be a bold, vigorous force in international affairs. Roosevelt was a strident advocate of this view. His imperialist tendencies were in part grounded in the widely held belief in Anglo-Saxon superiority. He told Congress in his first message that it was the duty of the “civilized powers” to be international policemen. Keenly aware of the growing naval might of Germany and Japan, he also contended that national dignity, even self-preservation, demanded military prowess in a world of competing powers. The president’s closest advisers on world affairs, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts and Secretary of War (after mid- 1905 Secretary of State) Elihu Root, shared his passion for a militant foreign policy. One of the first actions of the Roosevelt Administration was the creation of the Army War College, set up by Root. In 1902 Congress passed the army reform bill containing proposals by Root to create a general staff and to modernize the army’s administrative machinery. Roosevelt’s repeated pleas for a modern navy resulted by 1906 in a fleet second only to that of Great Britain. The Panama Cana l A vital link in the Roosevelt foreign policy was the construction of a canal across Central America to enable the navy to move swiftly from ocean to ocean. In 1850 the United States and Great Britain had agreed to share control of a proposed waterway. The second Hay-Paunceforte Treaty of 1901, backed by Roosevelt, gave America the right to build, control, and fortify a canal, provided that ships of all nations could use it on equal terms. On the advice of experts, Roosevelt selected a site on the isthmus of Panama, in Colombia, where the famed French engineer Ferdinand de Lesseps had tried unsuccessfully to dig a waterway in the 1880s. After a series of frustrating and at times questionable dealings with the New Panama Canal Company, a French corporation, and the government of Colombia, Roosevelt supported a political rebellion against the nike air max plus government that was swift and suc- Progressivism and the Squa re Dea l 37 cessful. Two hours after word of the coup reached Washington, the United States recognized the independent state of Panama. A treaty was signed granting America a zone 10 miles wide in perpetuity. Work on the canal began in 1904, and the first ships passed through the locks a dec nike air max 180 ade later. The Panama affair, shrouded in secrecy and involving millions of dollars, the Republican party, and J. P. Morgan, revealed limits to the president’s integrity. Roosevelt was sensitive to charges against him and repeatedly denied participation in inciting the revolution against Columbia. At the same time, he continually boasted about his conduct toward Panama. In 1911 he told a University of California audience, “I stole the canal.” Ca ribbean Policy America’s renewed interest in national security after the Spanish-American War prompted Washington to take an aggressive posture toward the Caribbean. In the Platt Amendment of 1901 Congress declared that the United States had the right to intervene in Cuba whenever it was necessary to maintain order and preserve the nation’s independence. Cuba was also obliged to sell or lease to the United States sites that became the naval base at Guantanamo Bay (still in American possession). In 1904, with the canal zone taken, Roosevelt made the nation’s policy clear in what became known as the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. (The nationalistic pronouncement by President James Monroe in 1823 had warned Europe not to extend their political systems “to any portion of this hemisphere,” presumed to be controlled by the United Sates.) This bellicose statement declared that the United States could intervene in Latin America wherever it saw “chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society.” The Corollary was greatly disliked by Latin Americans, of course, and was generally ignored by the European powers. A year later, the president intervened in the Dominican Republic when European nations threatened to attack in order to enforce payment of debts. He had the Dominican government sign a treaty turning over collection of its customs duties to an American, who would see that the country met its foreign obligations. The marines were sent in for two years to put the affairs of the nation in order. In 1906, the President sent American troops into Cuba jordan shoes, using the Platt Amendment, to prevent civil war. A provisional government was created and the island remained in American control until 1909. America’s new role as the policeman of the Western Hemisphere was well established by the end of Roosevelt’s administration. As a variety of American interests in the Caribbean increased—some selfish, others altruistic—future presidents would make intervention a habit. Sugar-rich Cuba, for example, which became autonomous nike air max 2003 in 1902, would again be partially controlled by the United States in 1912 and from 1917 to 1922. America would 38 Twentieth-Century America occupy the Dominican Republican from 1916 to 1924, Haiti from 1915 to 1934, and Nicaragua from 1912 to 1925 and 1926 to 1933. Roosevelt and the World Roosevelt believed that the great powers should supervise their own areas of the world. Where the superior nations had conflicting interests, he advocated a “balance of powers.” In practice this meant that the United States would support the weaker of two nations in order to maintain an equilibrium. Roosevelt also believed that his increasingly powerful nation had an obligation to further world peace. During his administration American diplomats played an active role in international conferences for the first time. The president himself was an enthusiastic participant in world affairs. In 1905, Roosevelt intervened in the Russo-Japanese War, persuading both sides to attend a peace conference at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. The treaty that emerged recognized Japan’s territorial gains, guaranteed the Open Door in Manchuria, and earned Roosevelt the Nobel Peace Prize. In December 1907, Roosevelt sent the nation’s sixteen battleships, the “Great White Fleet,” on an unprecedented, fifteen-month, 45,000 mile voyage around the world. This show of force appeared to be a message that the president was not to be bullied. (Roosevelt said later that he was principally trying to impress the American people, who were less than enthusiastic about playing a strong role in world affairs.) The fleet’s reception in Japan was friendly, and relations between the two nat nike air max 360 ions improved. This seemed to confirm one of the president’s favorite adages: “Speak softly and carry a big stick, you will go far.” In the Root-Takhira Agreement of 1908, the United States and Japan agreed to maintain the status quo in the Pacific, to respect each other’s territory, and to retain the Open Door (equal privileges among nations trading with China). It would not be long, however, before America would learn that Japanese imperialism in Asia could not be restrained by agreements. Roosevelt’s concern for internationa 90 l stability and the Open Door also led him to accept an invitation from the kaiser to become involved in a Moroccan dispute between France and Germany that threatened to become a war. The president supervised the delicate negotiations in the matter and persuaded both sides to attend a conference in Algeciras, Spain, in early 1906, to which the United States would be a party. American delegates supported French claims in Morocco, and the talks resulted in a diplomatic victory for France. America’s presence at Algeciras angered isolationists in Congress and in the press. They argued that intervention in European politics was as much a violation of the Monroe Doctrine as Europe’s encroachments in Latin America. Typically, Roosevelt shrugged off his critics. He had again served the cause of peace and demonstrated his understanding that America was now an international power whose security was unavoidably entangled with events taking place all over the world. Progressivism and the Squa re Dea l 39 SUGGESTED READING John D. Buenker, Urban Libera lism and Progressive Reform (1973); Steven J. Diner, A Very Different Age: Americans of the Progressive Era (1997); Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (1992); Samuel P. Hays, The Response to Industria lism, nike air max 2009 1885–1914 (1957); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (1955); James Kloppenberg, Uncerta in Victory: Socia l Democra cy and Progressivism: European and American Thought, 1870–1920 (1988); Aileen S. Kraditor, The Idea s of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890–1920 (1965); Henry F. May, Protestant Churches and Industria l America (1949); Daniel R. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Socia l Politics in a Progressive Age (1998); David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin (1972). 40 Twentieth-Century America 41 Roosevelt was only 50 when he left office on March 4, 1909. He believed that a president should serve only two terms, and he had announced in 1904 that he would not seek reelection. During his last two years in the White House he had sponsored several far-reaching reform measures, including federal income and inheritance taxes, stricter railroad regulation, and downward revision of the tariff. The proposals alienated Congress and drove a deep wedge within the GOP between conservatives, headed by Senator Nelson W. Aldrich of Rhode Island and Congressman Joseph G. Cannon of Illinois, and progressive “insurgents,” led by Senator La Follette and Congressman George W. Norris of Nebraska. It would take a highly skilled chief executive to heal the wounds left by Roosevelt and get on with the business of expanding progressive legislation. The task fell to Roosevelt’s hand-picked successor, William Howard Taft. Fifty-one-year-old Taft was a native of Cincinnati, Ohio, whose father had served as President Grant’s secretary of war and attorney general. Following graduation from Yale Law School and admission to the Ohio bar, Taft had been a state judge, solicitor general of the United States, a United States circuit judge, and civil governor of the Philippines. In 1904 Roosevelt chose him to be secretary of war, and he became a sort of executive assistant to the president and general troubleshooter. He was highly regarded in Washington as an affable and intelligent gentleman, an effective administrator, and a loyal supporter of the Square Deal. His antilabor record as a judge also elevated him in the eyes of conservatives. Chapter Three T T T The Election of 1908 The Republican convention nominated Taft on the first ballot. It defied Roosevelt and the progressives, however, by placing conservative Congressman James S. Sherman of New York on the ticket and by adopting a highly conservative platform. The Democrats nominated William Jennings Bryan, their candidate in 1896 and 1900. Bryan, whose evangelical oratory had long championed the common man, saw himself as Roosevelt’s true heir. The campaign proved rather dull. Taft disliked partisan politics (he had been elected to public office only once), and he failed to inspire the electorate. Bryan’s appeal faded quickly outside the South, and the Democrats were so short of funds that their effort was called the “barefoot campaign.” Taft carried the election by more than a million votes and defeated Bryan in the electoral college 321 to 162. Eugene V. Debs, the saintly founder and perennial candidate of the Socialist Party, received just over 400,000 votes, about what he had won four years earlier and less than 3 percent of the total. Troubled Ta ft It was quickly apparent that Taft was not cut out to be an effective chief executive. Some observers blamed his obesity and apparent physical sluggishness. (He at times weighed more than 300 pounds and once became stuck in the White House bathtub.) In fact, Taft’s problems stemmed mainly from his penchant for conservatism in an age of reform. Although he had backed numerous progressive proposals over the years, Taft did not welcome change, and was hostile toward zealous reformers. He believed in the strict separation of powers and was content to let Congress handle legislative matters. He was not committed to a strong, interventionist state; indeed, he had great respect for laissez-faire economics. Roosevelt rapidly became disillusioned with his successor, and Capitol Hill progressives were soon completely alienated. The split between Taft and the insurgents became public in early 1909 when the president redeemed a campaign pledge by calling a special session of Congress to lower the tariff. Taft soon sided with those attempting to protect eastern industry, however, and when the generally high-tariff Payne- Aldrich bill was passed, he further angered progressives by failing to veto it. 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Although a joint congressional committee cleared Ballinger of all charges, many progressives continued to have serious qualms about his role in the shady Alaska land deal and about his overall commitment to conservation. When Ballinger resigned a short time after the congressional investigation, Taft replaced him with a friend of Pinchot’s. Moreover, the president proceeded to take major steps to expand the federal domain. The political damage to the administration, however, was irreparable. The Ballinger-Pinchot fray further convinced progressives that Taft had abandoned Roosevelt’s high principles and become a tool of special interests. Cannon cheap beats by dre, Roosevelt, and the Elections of 1910 During his election campaign Taft had criticized House Speaker Joseph G. “Uncle Joe” Cannon, a dictatorial arch-conservative who had blocked reforms for years. He had also let it be known that if elected he would support progressive efforts to curb Cannon’s power.

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