NDI - West Bank and Gaza

Statement of NDI Pre-Election Delegation to 2016 West Bank and Gaza Local Elections

jfrant — Thu, 08 Sep 2016 22:23:15 +0000

Author:

NDI

Publisher:

NDI

Published Date:

09/08/2016

Resource Type:

Statement

Language:

English

The National Democratic Institute (NDI) organized a pre-election assessment from August 24 to September 1 in advance of the October 8 local elections in the West Bank and Gaza.

On September 8, the Palestinian High Court ordered the suspension of elections in the West Bank and Gaza scheduled for October 8. The elections would have been the first democratic contest in both territories since those for the Palestinian Legislative Council in 2006. The court ruled that the polls cannot take place due to disputes over candidate lists and the inability of elections to be administered in Jerusalem.

The following statement was prepared just prior to the court decision based on an assessment of the electoral environment. While the pending court case was identified as an issue that could disrupt the electoral process, the National Democratic Institute hopes that the issues holding up the polls can be resolved and local elections held as soon as possible to allow the Palestinian people to exercise their right to participate in a democratic political process.

STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE PRE-ELECTION ASSESSMENT DELEGATION TO THE 2016 WEST BANK AND GAZA LOCAL ELECTIONS

Jerusalem, September 7, 2016

The National Democratic Institute (NDI) organized a pre-election assessment from August 24 to September 1 in advance of the October 8 local elections in the West Bank and Gaza. The purposes of NDI’s mission were to: demonstrate the interest of the international community in the development of stronger democratic political processes and governance in the Palestinian Territories; assess the prevailing political environment in the West Bank and Gaza and preparations for the polls; and identify areas where improvements may be needed to enhance the integrity of the process.

The delegation included: Owen Kirby, former Senior Advisor in the Department of State’s Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI) and currently consultant for the International Republican Institute (IRI); Paula Fynboh, National Field Director for Sandy Hook Promise and grassroots political advisor; Keith Cooper, Vice-Chair of the Ontario Workplace Safety and Insurance Tribunal and an elected director of the Society of Ontario Adjudicators and Regulators; Emily Harding, NDI’s Resident Representative for West Bank/Gaza programs; and Angela Short, Senior Program Officer for the Middle East and North Africa at NDI. All aspects of the assessment were conducted in accordance with international standards as set forth in the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, which is endorsed by 36 intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, including the United Nations Secretariat.

During the course of the assessment mission, members of the delegation met with a range of people involved in the electoral process, including: officials from the Central Elections Commission (CEC); representatives and candidates of political parties; independent candidates; officials of the Ministry of Interior of the Palestinian Authority (PA); domestic election observers; civil society activists; pollsters; journalists; academics; and representatives of the international community. The delegation visited the key population centers of Bethlehem, Dura, Gaza City, Hebron, Jerusalem, Nablus, Qalqilya, and Ramallah to assess electoral preparations and political dynamics.

NDI and the preelection delegation appreciate the hospitality and frankness of all those who participated in the assessment and offer this statement with the hope of strengthening the development of democratic processes and institutions. In issuing this statement, NDI and the delegation seek neither to interfere in nor to render a final assessment of the election process; NDI recognizes that it is only the Palestinian people who can determine the credibility of their elections.

Summary of Observations

Political Context

On October 8, Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza will have the opportunity to elect new local councils. In the 416 cities, towns, and villages in the West Bank and Gaza, 859 political party and independent lists will run for local council seats. 193 localities will hold elections in which multiple candidate lists are competing. In 182 localities, only one list has been certified and will be awarded seats by acclamation. In an additional 41 localities no list was certified, either because none were submitted or because lists did not meet the legal requirements. According to the law citizens in these localities will have the opportunity to submit lists and participate in a second round of elections expected to take place at a later date.

Most Palestinians with whom the delegation met expressed a desire to participate in credible, competitive elections on a regular basis, and most expressed frustration at the history of postponed and canceled elections. Many viewed the October 8 polls as an opportunity to put the democratic process back on track.

Since Hamas’ victory in the 2006 legislative elections and the subsequent division of the West Bank and Gaza, Palestinian governance has experienced a number of setbacks. In both territories, governments have harassed or arrested political opponents, and shut down or pressured organizations with suspect loyalties. In the West Bank, the executive branch has ruled by decree with no legislative oversight for a decade and in recent months has experienced public sector protests and incidents of communal violence leading to heavy-handed responses by the security services. Since its 2007 takeover of Gaza, Hamas has ruled the Strip through parallel government institutions and security forces that many Palestinians and international actors alike view as illegitimate. The shadow of this takeover and crackdown on Fatah supporters continues to loom large in the minds of Gazans. Not surprisingly, public opinion polls show a perceived decline of basic rights and freedoms in both the West Bank and Gaza

Few people view the local elections as the solution to these problems, but the polls do represent an attempt to address the public’s calls for more accountable and responsive government. They also represent a chance to stem the democratic retrenchment of the past few years. While local councils’ mandates are limited to service delivery and subject to limited budgets and oversight from centrally appointed governors and ministries, the local elections are politically significant for several reasons:

Hamas, the second largest party in the Palestinian Territories and the ruling entity in Gaza, is participating in the elections in both the West Bank and Gaza for the first time since it won the Palestinian Legislative Council elections in 2006. It remains identified as a terrorist organization by most Western governments, which is likely to cause reverberations within the West Bank and Gaza, Israel, and internationally depending on the October 8 outcome. Hamas’ participation also raises questions about democratic norms and democratic elections as it has not renounced violence or given up arms, yet is a contestant in a political process which should represent peaceful political competition.
The elections will be the first time that a new generation of voters will have the opportunity to choose from across the political spectrum, with nearly 25 percent of registered voters not old enough to have participated in the January 2006 parliamentary vote.
The October 8 polls will be the first elections called by the PA since 2006 that will include citizens in both the West Bank and Gaza and will take place on time—four years since the last municipal elections held in the West Bank in October 2012. In this regard, these polls are a meaningful democratic exercise in holding regular elections for Palestinian citizens.
In 2006, Hamas ran a well-organized campaign and is anticipated to do the same for this upcoming vote. While Hamas has not participated in formal polls for local or national-level elected bodies since 2006, the movement has demonstrated its continued influence in the West Bank through university and union elections. Hamas has compiled lists of technocrats rather than political figures in order to allay fears of repercussions from voting for Hamas-branded lists, and to demonstrate to citizens it can address the service delivery requirements of municipalities. Hamas’ participation will make the election competitive, therefore making for a more robust campaign environment, but may also give rise to security concerns. There have already been reports of Hamas members being arrested by Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority security forces and the Israel Defense Forces.
For citizens in Gaza, these polls represent the first elections of any kind in ten years. While Palestinians in the West Bank have had the opportunity to participate in university student elections, labor union elections, and elections for other bodies, Gaza has had no parallel democratic exercises since the 2006 legislative elections.
The Palestinian Authority is allowing Hamas to administer elections in Gaza. Schools, teachers, and security forces are instrumental in election day administration and during the campaign period. While the recognition of these institutions is only for election purposes, it represents at least temporary legitimacy of the Hamas apparatus in Gaza and coordination between Hamas and Fatah. However, a court case has been initiated in the West Bank to challenge the legitimacy of Hamas-run institutions to administer elections. It is unclear when a decision will be rendered.

Regardless of which parties and candidates claim victory in the elections, the power they will wield as members of local councils is limited. Governors, who oversee local councils, are appointed by the PA, as are the security forces omnipresent throughout the Palestinian Territories. Additionally, the Ministry of Local Government disburses funds for localities and is beholden to the PA and not to locally elected officials. Families and clans also wield significant power and influence, and in many localities familial ties outweigh party affiliations.

Electoral Framework

Local elections in the Palestinian Territories are conducted using a proportional representation system with closed candidate lists. Each list’s candidates are ordered based on candidate priority, but the names of the candidates will not appear on the ballot, only the names and symbols of each party, coalition, or independent list. The number of candidates in a list cannot be less than the majority of local council seats in that list’s locality. In discussions with the delegation, some candidates and observers said they would prefer to vote for individuals, rather than lists.

Each list that obtains eight percent or more of the valid votes is allocated a number of seats in proportion to the number of valid votes obtained, following the SainteLaguë method whereby a formula is used to calculate successive quotients for each list. The seats are allocated to the candidates according to the order of their names on the list. Many people, including electoral competitors, expressed confusion surrounding the electoral system, pointing specifically to the complicated mathematical formula used in the Sainte-Laguë method.

The elections law mandates a minimum level of participation of women on the local councils, and includes a quota for women on candidate lists. A council with 13 or fewer seats must include at least two women, and a council with more than 13 seats must include at least three women. If a local unit contains fewer than 1,000 voters, that council is exempt from the quota requirements. For councils with 13 or fewer seats, candidate lists must include a woman among the first five names and a woman among names six through ten. For councils with more than 13 seats, a woman must also be included in the final five names on the list. Approximately 25 percent of candidates for the October 8 polls are women, and some lists are led by women. In the West Bank town of Dura a list comprised completely of women is competing.

As referenced above, there is a court case that has been filed by a syndicate of lawyers in the West Bank to challenge the legitimacy of Hamas to oversee elections in Gaza. Lawyers argue that since the authorities in Gaza are not officially recognized, the security forces and other institutions do not have the legal mandate to conduct polls. It is unclear whether this could be used by the PA as a technical rationale to scuttle the elections.

Technical Preparations

Most people with whom the delegation met expressed high confidence in the CEC’s ability to administer the elections in an impartial and professional manner. Palestinians expect election day to proceed smoothly, and for polls to be conducted professionally and in accordance with the law. Many people display an impressive command of the electoral system, calendar, rules, and processes—a function of both the high degree of sophistication of Palestinian political actors and the CEC’s efforts to maintain regular communication with candidates and party leaders, observers, and other stakeholders.

Election and security officials expressed confidence that negotiations between Palestinian and Israeli officials will result in agreements for the movement of materials and personnel throughout the West Bank and Gaza.

Security forces in the West Bank and Gaza will be able to vote on October 6. This is the only alternative voting mechanism used in the election.

Citizen Engagement

Public opinion polls have demonstrated for some time that Palestinian citizens are supportive of elections to choose their leaders, particularly national-level leaders whose mandates expired in 2011. This interest in participating in elections is reflected in high voter registration figures: voter registration in Gaza is 91 percent of eligible voters, versus 78 percent in the West Bank. Based on conversations the delegation had, citizens are significantly more motivated to vote in the upcoming polls in Gaza, where the October 8 vote will be the first opportunity for citizens to participate in a democratic exercise of any kind in ten years.

In the West Bank, citizens in districts where multiple lists are competing seem more interested in the polls. However, as local elections occurred in the West Bank in 2012, as well as university and union elections since then, the significance of these elections is felt less in the West Bank than in Gaza.

While the official campaign period had not begun at the time of the delegation’s assessment, numerous candidates and civic activists indicated that campaigns will rely on social media in addition to traditional voter outreach tactics such as flyering and rallies. However, as many candidates are from well-known families, it was inferred that not much campaigning would be needed to educate voters about themselves.

The representation of women on lists is around five percent higher than the quota requirement. Activists in the West Bank and Gaza expressed satisfaction with this result, and activities are planned to support women candidates during the campaign period in both territories. Activists have plans to raise awareness about women’s issues through radio, brochures and murals, and also to encourage women and persons with disabilities to observe elections.

While many Palestinians think the legal age to run as a candidate should be lowered from 25 to 21, there is evidence of strong youth engagement in the elections. Young people under 30 make up nearly 70 percent of the Palestinian population, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics’ 2015 study. Individuals who have reached the legal voting age of 18 since the last local elections in 2012 and are eligible to vote for the first time in 2016 comprise close to 17 percent of current registered voters, while the total number of registered voters who are 30 and younger constitutes more than 41 percent of the overall electorate, making youth a powerful voting bloc. Organizations with a focus on young people in Gaza have reported that more than 100 youth will be involved in poll watching. Youth in other localities have plans to launch issue-based campaigns in advance of the elections. The desire to participate and cast a vote is strong, especially in Gaza.

Political Parties and Campaigns

Since 2006, Hamas and Fatah have made various attempts at reconciliation. Earlier this year there were three rounds of talks, the last of which took place in Qatar and dissolved on the first day of the meeting. There is discord on several issues about how to share power across the West Bank and Gaza, namely how to manage security forces that are allegiant to Fatah and Hamas respectively. While using local elections as a tool within the reconciliation process does not seem to be the strategy of Fatah or Hamas, local elections are likely to yield municipalities where power sharing is necessary. For example, Gaza City elections will likely produce a mixed council with Fatah and Hamas representatives where they would need to negotiate with the Ministry of Local Government for resources.

A potential sign that reconciliation could be possible is that Fatah and Hamas were able to agree at the local level and submit unity lists in some districts, most notably Nablus.

Local elections could help pave the way for Palestinian Legislative Council and presidential elections. Some speculate that local elections are logically a precursor to national elections, which could produce a Fatah-Hamas reconciliation by vote, but this is not certain. Prior to the current coordination and participation by both Fatah and Hamas in local elections, the relationship between the two movements held little hope for meaningful reconciliation.

While Fatah in the post-Arafat era continues to be riven by internal divisions that witnessed the party submitting rival lists within the same district for the 2006 parliamentary elections, it is displaying greater unity and discipline in the lead up to the October vote. Notably, single Fatah-branded candidate lists were submitted in all 25 Gaza localities.

Hamas is not branding lists as Hamas, but rather supporting independent lists of professionals (engineers, doctors, lawyers, business leaders)—a strategy employed in previous elections. Analysts estimate that clearly identified Hamas-supported lists and candidates are competing in only around ten percent or less of West Bank localities. It is thought that Hamas will likely organize its members to support specific independent lists in most other localities.

Small leftist parties have formed a coalition called the Democratic Alliance that is fielding candidates in the West Bank and Gaza. The coalition is comprised of five parties: Palestinian Democratic Union (FIDA); Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP); Palestinian People’s Party (PPP); Palestinian National Initiative (PNI); and Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The coalition aims to be an alternative within the polarized Fatah-Hamas landscape.

While NDI heard few specific policy proposals, candidates with whom the delegation met described a determination to keep the campaign focused on local issues. The delegation did not hear of plans for candidate debates or other forums through which citizens can compare policy proposals.

The relatively short 13-day campaign period is followed by a oneday silence period. Candidates and party representatives expressed some confusion about the definitions of acceptable activities before and during the campaign period. Some candidates also expressed concerns about equal access to media, an issue that could be exacerbated by the lack of campaign spending regulations.

Electoral Integrity and Operating Environment

While there is some faith that the security forces in the West Bank and Gaza can keep calm during the campaign period, citizens and party officials believe the elections will not operate in a fully peaceful environment. The Independent Commission on Human Rights reported that it received numerous complaints from candidates about intimidation and harassment from security forces and anonymous sources. Lack of trust and suspicion of the other has been reported from both Fatah and Hamas-leaning camps.

Fatah questions whether it will be able to operate freely in Gaza. One Fatah campaigner in Gaza City shared with NDI that Hamas gave a directive to all hotels that they cannot host Fatah events without written permission from Hamas. This campaigner also reported online bullying and slander of Fatah operatives and candidates, as well as threats from unidentified people over the telephone. On August 29 it was reported that two Fatah campaigners were kidnapped and tortured for hours in Khan Younis in the Gaza Strip.

It is reported that Hamas has similar concerns about operating in the West Bank. On August 16 the sole Hamas member on the CEC was arrested by the Israel Defense Forces on charges of incitement. Palestinian Authority arrests of Hamas affiliates have also been reported.

All participating parties signed a Code of Conduct for the election period.

Recommendations

The delegation respectfully suggests that the following steps be considered to further enhance confidence in the October 8 polls, and in future elections:

The delegation recommends that Palestinian civil society organizations, political parties, candidate lists, and the media increase their efforts to generate debate and discussion on local priorities during the campaign period. Parties should have realistic platforms that address citizen priorities. Candidate debates or other public forums could provide an opportunity for citizens to compare policy proposals.
The Palestinian leadership should take all necessary steps to provide a peaceful environment conducive to the free expression of voters. Officials at all levels should ensure the neutrality of security forces and take steps to guarantee that public resources, including government funds, vehicles, communications equipment, materials, and work hours of government employees, are not used for the benefit of individual candidates or lists.
Regional actors with interest in the Palestinian elections should not intervene in or disrupt the process, respecting the right of the Palestinian people to participate in a democratic process and freely elect their officials. For example, as they have been recognized for doing to date, Israeli officials should continue to facilitate the transit of election-related materials and personnel from the West Bank to Gaza.
Following elections, the delegation recommends that authorities initiate an inclusive debate among stakeholders about the electoral system, including: the use of closed candidate lists and other elements of the proportional representation system, quotas for women, the age of candidacy, and the list certification process.
Following elections, local councils should ensure that they play their proper role in responding to citizen interests and offering the public opportunities for direct engagement. Elections should be held on a regular schedule.
Following elections, considering the complicated and nuanced environment of local politics in the West Bank and Gaza, local analysts and activists and the international community should resist viewing the results solely as a test of strength of one party over another. If the election process is completed to an acceptable standard, the desire for Palestinians to exercise democratic rights, transparency, and accountability will have been demonstrated and the credibility of local governments should be enhanced.

For further information, please contact:

Emily Harding, NDI Resident Representative, West Bank & Gaza

eharding@ndi.org

+972 (0) 54 555 7152

Angela Short, NDI Senior Program Officer

ashort@ndi.org

+1 202 728 5487

English

Attachment	Size
Download as PDF	163.85 KB

Civic Updates

vrao — Wed, 24 Jun 2015 17:55:00 +0000

Author:

National Democratic Institute

Publisher:

National Democratic Institute

Resource Type:

Civic Update

Language:

English

Attachment	Size
Issue 50: A Matter of Political Space (April 2016)	1.06 MB
Issue 49: Social Movements (January '16)	1.22 MB
Issue 48: Peace, Security and Democratic Resilience (August '15)	818.41 KB
Issue 47: Integration (April '15)	1011.57 KB
Issue 46: The Infomediary Role of NDI Partners (Jan. '15)	339.19 KB
Issue 45: The Role of Dialogue in Deepening Democracy (Sept. '14)	1.84 MB
Issue 44: Taking Advantage of Political Entry Points to Improve Meaningful Engagement (May '14)	1.12 MB
Issue 43: Political Inclusion of LGBT Population (Jan. '14)	1.43 MB
Issue 42: Radio as an Effective Communication Tool (Aug. '13)	1.48 MB
Issue 41: The Use of ICT to Enhance Citizen Participation (May '13)	1.57 MB
Issue 40: Supporting Inclusion of Marginalized Ethnic and Religious Groups (Dec. '12)	1.87 MB
Issue 39: Public Opinion Research (Sept. '12)	1.69 MB
Issue 38: Youth Programming (May '12)	1.83 MB
Issue 37: Mainstreaming Persons with Disabilities (Jan. '12)	1.72 MB
Issue 36: Organizational Development (May '11)	1.1 MB
Issue 35: GOTV, Voter Information & Voter Education (Jan. '11)	1.04 MB
Issue 34: Structuring and Maintaining Partnerships (Sept. '10)	306.87 KB
Issue 33: Political Process Monitoring (May '10)	419.89 KB
Issue 32: Defending Space for Citizen Participation (Aug. '09)	204.87 KB
Issue 31: Best Practices for Meaningful Citizen Engagement (April '09)	540.61 KB
Issue 30: Context Matters (Jan. '09)	311.87 KB
Issue 29: Voice, Space and Accountability (Aug. '08)	869.11 KB
Issue 28: Communications Tools (May '08)	207.88 KB
Issue 27: Using Information and Communications Techonologies (Jan. '08)	486.89 KB
Issue 26: Working with Marginalized Populations (Sept. '07)	283.24 KB
Issue 25: Ten Years of Civic Updates (July '07)	258.56 KB
Issue 24: Making Democracy Deliver (Feb. '07)	413.86 KB
Issue 23: Positive Partnerships with Local Groups (May '06)	268.06 KB
Issue 22: Political Activism for People with Disablities (Dec. '05)	458.7 KB
Issue 21: Local Fundraising and Volunteer Recruitment (July '05)	221.65 KB
Issue 20: Tips from NDI Practioners (April '05)	561.26 KB
Issue 19: Get Out The Vote (Dec. '04)	496.75 KB
Issue 18: Involving Youth in the Political Process (July '04)	277.27 KB
Issue 17: Monitoring as a Driver of Change (Feb. '04)	488.58 KB
Issue 16: Citizen Surveys and Other Organizing Tools (Nov. '03)	546.03 KB
Issue 15: Making University Connections (Aug. '03)	579.18 KB
Issue 14: Focus Groups (May '03)	334.74 KB
Issue 13: Civic Forum (Nov. '02)	279.56 KB
Issue 12: Coalition Building (Jan. '02)	195.45 KB
Issue 11: Assessment Methods (Aug. '01)	84.74 KB
Issue 10: Partnership Approaches (April '01)	109.87 KB
Issue 9: What's Voting All About? (Oct. '99)	82.5 KB
Issue 8: Global Seminar on Advocacy and Democracy Development (June '99)	481.85 KB
Issue 7: How Civic Programs Increase Women's Participation in Processes (Dec. '98)	962.34 KB
Issue 6: Post-Conflict and Ethnic Divided Societies (July '98)	120.75 KB
Issue 5: Assessing Programs (March '98)	81.99 KB
Issue 4: Training (Nov. '97)	98.85 KB
Issue 3: Resources and Communication (July '97)	74.43 KB
Issue 2: Advocacy (April '97)	94.31 KB
Issue 1: Program Highlights from Around the World (Feb. '97)	121.71 KB

Sandra Pepera

skincaid — Tue, 14 Apr 2015 18:41:17 +0000

Sandra Pepera is a career diplomat and international development professional. Before joining NDI as its director for Gender, Women and Democracy in 2014, she spent thirteen years as a senior officer at the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID), including leading programs in the Caribbean, Rwanda-Burundi and Sudan. Prior to joining DFID, Sandra spent time in British domestic politics; lecturing in political science and international relations at the University of Ghana; and as a political analyst in the Political Affairs Division at the Commonwealth Secretariat. She has a portfolio of skills and experience which include strategy development, political and risk analysis, diplomacy, general management and corporate governance.

Much of Sandra’s career has been spent working in or on transitional economies, focusing on the building of resilient and inclusive institutions. She led work on women and politics at the University of Ghana and in outreach public policy during the period of intense and unstable political transition in the early 1990s. This included participating in a program that supported the ANC Women’s League during South Africa’s transition from apartheid to majority democratic rule in 1993.

Sandra is a member of the Cambridge Sustainability Leaders Network, the Royal Commonwealth Society, the Global Board Ready Women initiative, and the International Advisory Board of the Commonwealth Journal for International Affairs (the Round Table). She holds the Financial Times Diploma for Non-Executive Directors, and serves as a trustee for the pension fund of an intergovernmental organization.

الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة

vrao — Wed, 16 Apr 2014 15:24:37 +0000

البرامج الراهنة

إنّ تصاعد الاستياء العام وحالة التشرذم داخل الأراضي الفلسطينية يستدعي من القادة الفلسطينيين أن يبذلوا جهوداً متزايدة لمعالجة المشاكل العامة، وتوفير الوسائل الكفيلة بتفعيل مشاركة المواطنين في الحياة السياسية. وفي هذا الإطار، عقد المعهد شراكة مع منظمتين من المجتمع المدني في الضفة الغربية لتحديد الأولويات المحلية، والمدافعة عنها، وكذلك لتعزيز الشفافية داخل مؤسسات الحكم المحلي. فكان هدف البرنامج إشراك المواطنين في إدارة الحكم المحلي سعياً إلى إحداث تحسينات نوعية في الظروف الحياتية.

فبفضل هذه المساعدة التقنية، تتمكّن المنظمتان الشريكتان من تصميم ونشر وتحليل استطلاعات المواطنين، رصداً للأولويات المحلية. فتقيّمان مستوى الشفافية لدى المجالس البلدية في مضمار عملها وجهودها لتحسين تواصلها مع المواطنين، وتحاولان بالتالي إقناع المجالس ورؤسائها بتلبية أولويات المجتمع ضمن موازنتها للعام المقبل. يسعى المعهد من خلال هذا البرنامج إلى إطلاعِ أصحاب القرار على الاتجاهات السائدة ضمن مجتمعاتهم؛ والمساهمةِ في جعل القادة السياسيين أكثر عرضةً للمساءلة واستجابةً لمتطلبات المواطنين؛ وأخيراً تحديدِ القضايا التي تؤثّر على نزاهة الانتخابات في حال إجرائها.

البرامج السابقة

باشر المعهد تنفيذ برامجه في الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة في العام 1994، مع إطلاق برنامج التوعية المدنية للقواعد الشعبية، الذي تحوّل في ما بعد إلى منظمة مستقلة تعمل بإدارة فلسطينية تحت إسم معهد المنتدى المدني. ما بين العامين 1995 و1998، أنشأ المعهد الديمقراطي الوطني شبكة مؤلّفة من 440 منظمة محلية، مشرِكاً ما يزيد عن 50 ألف فلسطيني في البرنامج المذكور، في محاولةٍ منه إلى إشاعة الوعي حول حقوق المواطنين، والعملية الانتخابية، والأحزاب السياسية. ومن جهة أخرى، عمل على إشراك منظمات المجتمع المدني الفلسطيني في حشد الدعم لعملية الإصلاح، داعياً لعقد سلسلة لقاءات في العام 2003 بين صفوف الناشطين المحليين وصنّاع القرار، لمناقشة الإصلاحات الاقتصادية والقضائية والتشريعية.

ما بين 2006 و2012، تعاون المعهد مباشرةً مع الأحزاب السياسية بشأن إصلاح شؤونها الداخلية، مركّزاً جهوده على إعداد قاعدة بيانات للأعضاء، وتطبيق التقنيات الإلكترونية للتواصل مع المناصرين، وكذلك مع النساء والشباب.

أوفد المعهد بعثة دولية لمراقبة الانتخابات التشريعية في العام 1996؛ والانتخابات البلدية بجولاتها الأربع في العامين 2004 و2005؛ والانتخابات الرئاسية في العام 2005؛ إضافةً إلى الانتخابات التشريعية في العام 2006. وفي الآونة الأخيرة، أجرى المعهد تقييماً لمرحلة ما قبل انتخابات 2012 المحلية، للإحاطة بالظروف السياسية التي كانت سائدة في الضفة الغربية والاستعدادات للانتخابات. وبنتيجة التقييم، أوصى المعهد، في بيانه الصادر في 5 تشرين الأول/أكتوبر 2012، باتخاذ عدّة خطوات من أجل تعزيز الثقة بالانتخابات المقبلة. كما دعم الجهود التي بذلتها منظمات المجتمع المدني لمراقبة الانتخابات في الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة.

لتمويل

يحظى البرنامج الذي ينفّذه المعهد حالياً في الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة بتمويلٍ من الصندوق الوطني للديمقراطية (NED).

معلومات الاتصال

لمزيد من المعلومات حول هذه البرامج، الرجاء ملء الاستمارة أو الاتصال ب

اشنطن العاصمة
ليندسي ووركمن، مديرة عليا للبرامج

(202) 728-5404

يقدّم المعهد الديمقراطي الوطني المساعدة إلى القوى الديمقراطية الفاعلة في الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة، لتسهيل قيام نظام متعدد الأحزاب، أكثر قدرة على التنافس، ومتميّز بمؤسسات تمثيلية تستجيب لمتطلبات الشعب الفلسطيني. لقد حافظ المعهد على نشاطه في الأراضي الفلسطينية منذ العام 1994، واستمرّ في العمل مع الأحزاب السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني والناشطين، حول قضايا متنوعة شملت جهود المدافعة، وإعداد رسالة الحملة، والتواصل مع الناخبين، وإشراك النساء والشباب في العملية السياسية.

Empowering Women for Stronger Political Parties: A Good Practices Guide to Promote Women's Political Participation (Now available in Burmese)

fstovall — Fri, 21 Mar 2014 14:31:07 +0000

Author:

Julie Ballington

Publisher:

National Democratic Institute United Nations Development Programme

Published Date:

10/31/2011

Resource Type:

Manual|Handbook

Language:

Arabic, Burmese, English, French, Russian, Spanish, Urdu

English

Arabic

French

Spanish

Russian

Urdu

Attachment	Size
Read the manual (English)	2.49 MB
Read the manual with case studies (English)	3.45 MB
Read the manual (Arabic)	1.9 MB
Download the poster (Arabic)	1.18 MB
Read the manual (Burmese)	4.59 MB
Read the manual (French)	2.57 MB
Download the poster (French)	670.54 KB
Read the manual (Russian)	2.82 MB
Download the poster (Russian)	256.16 KB
Read the manual (Spanish)	2.59 MB
Download the poster (Spanish)	680.95 KB
Read the manual (Urdu)	3.74 MB
Read the manual with case studies (Albanian)	10.91 MB

Equal Access: How to Include Persons with Disabilities in Elections and Political Processes

dleonard — Thu, 06 Mar 2014 14:59:44 +0000

Author:

National Democratic Institute, International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES)

Publisher:

National Democratic Institute

Published Date:

03/06/2014

Resource Type:

Manual|Handbook

Language:

Arabic, English, French, Indonesian, Russian, Spanish, Uzbek

English

Arabic

Spanish

Russian

Attachment	Size
Download the manual in Arabic	2.54 MB
Download the manual in English	3.24 MB
Download the manual in French	2.36 MB
Download the manual in Indonesian	16.34 MB
Download the manual in Russian	2.37 MB
Download the manual in Spanish	16.87 MB
Download the manual in Uzbek	3.85 MB

Increasing Women’s Political Participation Through Effective Training Programs: A Guide to Best Practices and Lessons Learned

fstovall — Tue, 12 Nov 2013 20:08:23 +0000

Author:

National Democratic Institute

Publisher:

National Democratic Institute

Published Date:

10/23/2013

Resource Type:

Training Manual

Language:

Arabic, English, French, Russian, Spanish

English

Arabic

French

Spanish

Russian

Attachment	Size
Download the manual (English)	994.16 KB
Download the manual (français)	1.02 MB
Download the manual (РУС)	1.31 MB
Download the manual (español)	1.08 MB
Download the manual (بالعربية)	787.23 KB

Nathan Evans

pwood — Wed, 09 Jan 2013 16:01:52 +0000

Nathan Evans is NDI's senior program manager in charge of West Bank and Gaza projects, overseeing the Institute's civil society and elections support programs in the Palestinian Territories. Previously, he served in NDI's Liberia and Iraq offices and has worked with domestic election observation partners in Nigeria and Yemen. In both Liberia and Iraq, Mr. Evans worked with local partners to organize candidate debates and to field domestic observers and trained party pollwatchers on election day. Mr. Evans has also worked as a desk officer in NDI's Washington D.C. headquarters, where he supported NDI’s democracy assistance work in the Balkans.

Prior to joining NDI, Mr. Evans worked as a journalist in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. He has a Bachelor's Degree in journalism from the University of New Hampshire and a Master's Degree in international relations from San Diego State University.

Declaration of Global Principles for Nonpartisan Election Observation and Monitoring by Citizen Organizations and Code of Conduct for Nonpartisan Citizen Election Observers and Monitors

fstovall — Wed, 10 Oct 2012 19:06:44 +0000

Publisher:

United Nations

Published Date:

04/03/2012

Resource Type:

Declaration

Language:

Arabic, Bangla, English, French, Mongolian, Romanian Russian, Spanish

English

Arabic

French

Spanish

Romanian

Russian

Attachment	Size
Read the declaration (Arabic)	267.58 KB
Read the declaration (English)	897.79 KB
Read the declaration (Bangla)	8.27 MB
Read the declaration (Burmese)	302.33 KB
Read the declaration (French)	327.02 KB
Read the declaration (Indonesian)	16.61 MB
Read the declaration (Mongolian)	345.97 KB
Read the declaration (Romanian)	275.41 KB
Read the declaration (Russian)	286.22 KB
Read the declaration (Spanish)	326.57 KB
Read the declaration (Urdu)	370.99 KB

Statement of the NDI Pre-election Assessment Delegation to the 2012 West Bank Local Elections

dleonard — Wed, 10 Oct 2012 15:42:26 +0000

Author:

National Democratic Institute

Publisher:

National Democratic Institute

Published Date:

10/05/2012

Resource Type:

Statement

Language:

English, Arabic

English

Attachment	Size
NDI Pre-election statement (English).pdf	171.65 KB
NDI Pre-election Statement (Arabic).pdf	326.73 KB

U.S. Officials Rely on UN Showdown to Push Return to Peace Talks | Sept. 27, 2011

fstovall — Tue, 27 Sep 2011 16:56:42 +0000

Business Week | Link to story »

The appeal of statehood among Palestinians boosted the waning popularity of Abbas and his secular nationalist Fatah Party and put rival militant group Hamas, which espouses Israel’s destruction, on the defensive, Telhami said. The U.S., Israel and the European Union regard Hamas as a terrorist group.

Still, for Palestinians “it’ll be a short-lived celebration because nothing concrete was accomplished,” cautioned Leslie Campbell, director of Middle East programs for the Washington-based National Democratic Institute, a non- government organization that supports democratic institutions.

Link to story »

NDI E-news: The Middle East, African Elections, Belarus | Jan./Feb. 2011

fstovall — Wed, 23 Feb 2011 22:10:35 +0000

February 2011

Now the Hard Work Begins...

STAY CONNECTED

CONTRIBUTE

Egyptians celebrate in Tahrir Square. Photo by RamyRaoof.

Following weeks of protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Bahrain, thousands in Libya are now advocating for political freedoms long denied by the country's regime. The government has responded with beatings, shootings and arrests. NDI condemned this government-backed violence and joined calls for the immediate cessation of attacks against Libyans who are exercising their right to peaceful assembly, and for a democratic transition.

As democracy advocates raise their voices throughout the Middle East, analysts and commentators have turned to NDI seeking insights into the implications of the ongoing changes for the future of democracy in the region. In The New York Times,
The Washington Post, on CNN and elsewhere, NDI leaders and staff have offered commentary and interpretation as the historic changes have unfolded.

The Institute has a long history in the region. Its first office, for the West Bank and Gaza, opened in 1994. Since then, NDI staff have also been based in Egypt,
Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon,
Mauritania, Morocco and Yemen. Institute programming also encompasses Algeria, Bahrain,
Kuwait,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia
and Tunisia.

In all of these countries, NDI has established partnerships with political parties, civic groups, parliamentarians and others seeking to promote peaceful reform and have a voice in how they are governed. The Institute works to share organizational skills, comparative experiences and tools to connect democratic activists within and between countries.

In response to the developments in Egypt, for example, NDI is putting Egyptian activists in touch with political leaders from Chile, Poland and elsewhere so they can take advantage of lessons learned during other democratic transitions. It's similar to work the Institute has done in many other places and times, such as when it brought opposing Northern Ireland factions together in South Africa in 1997 to learn from Nelson Mandela and others how to negotiate peace and reconciliation.

African Election Roundup: Nigeria, Sudan, Niger

In Nigeria, NDI is conducting an international observation mission to analyze the electoral process before, during and after presidential, legislative and local elections scheduled for April. Regular updates can be found in Nigeria Election Watch, which is based on reports from NDI's long-term observers, who began assessing election activities throughout the country from January and will continue through May. Subscribe»

In Sudan, NDI's civil society partners, the southern-based Sudanese Network for Democratic Elections (SuNDE) and the northern-based Sudanese Group for Democracy and Elections (SuGDE), observed
all stages of the recent referendum
in which Southern Sudan voted to secede from the north. The groups concluded
that "the Southern Sudan referendum allowed the free expression of the will of the people for self-determination."
Read more»

Before presidential and legislative elections in Niger, 36 political parties and two independent candidates signed a code of conduct that encouraged parties and their supporters to campaign honestly and respect the outcome of the Jan. 31 vote and the runoff election set for March 12. Read more»

Women in Afghanistan, Guatemala, Ukraine Overcoming Obstacles to Elected Office

Among the 249 members of Afghanistan's lower house of parliament are Farida Hamidi and Frishta Amini, two women who make up the entire delegation from Nimroz province. Despite the risks faced by female candidates, both women ran strong campaigns and garnered more votes than their male opponents. Read more»

In Guatemala, where indigenous women are 20 percent of the population and hold only one of the nation's 333 mayoralties, Isabel Francisco discusses her campaign for mayor of Santa Eulalia, Huehuetenango. "This is my third time as a candidate," she said. "The first time I finished in fifth place. The second time I finished in third place. This time I'm hopeful I'll win!" Read more»

Zinayida Galchynska promised herself that if she survived breast cancer she would run for local office and make a real difference in her community. She kept that promise and is now a councilor in Zaporizhzhya, Ukraine — thanks in part to the skills she learned at an NDI campaign school and a campaign based on going door-to-door to meet voters. Read more»

NDI President Urges International Support for Belarusian People

NDI President Kenneth Wollack outlined ways the international community can provide moral support and practical assistance to political and civic leaders, media and ordinary citizens in Belarus, where government forces engaged in a brutal crackdown following failed elections Dec. 19. Wollack was speaking at a Jan. 27 hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on European Affairs. Read more»

Colombian Municipal Councilors Hone Good Governance Skills

In Colombia, newly-elected municipal councilors generally are expected to learn on the job. To help them gather the skills they need, an NDI program focused on how to identify the needs of their constituents, develop policies to address those needs, and engage with citizens and the media. Read more»

NDI Adds 2010 Afghanistan Elections Data to Mapping Website

Complete data from Afghanistan's 2010 parliamentary elections have been added to
afghanistanelectiondata.org, the Institute's innovative mapping website
. The site now includes data from Afghan elections beginning in 2004, as well as demographic, ethnographic, topographic, security and other information. Visitors can create visual analyses of voting patterns and other assessments, or segment and envisage data and maps in a variety of ways.
Read more»

New NDI Publications

NDI, one of the world's largest publishers of Arabic-language resources and references on democracy support, has just released its latest catalogue. It includes a listing of publications and information on how to order them. Read it in Arabic | English»

Drawing on its 25 years of experience in the women's political participation field, NDI has published a new guide for democracy practitioners to help them develop and carry out effective programs to bring more women into government and politics. Democracy and the Challenge of Change: A Guide to Increasing Women’s Political Participation, helps the user develop, carry out, monitor and evaluate women’s political participation programs. The guide provides a rationale for focusing on increasing women’s participation and includes examples of best practices, case studies and practical strategies.

The new guide, Political-Process Monitoring: Activist Tools and Techniques, explores the work that the Institute and its partner groups have done for legislative, budget-related and campaign-related monitoring, shadow reporting and monitoring government follow-through.

Party-building in the Middle East

fstovall — Wed, 22 Dec 2010 15:45:19 +0000

Author:

Leslie Campbell

Publisher:

International Journal

Published Date:

12/22/2010

Resource Type:

Article

Language:

English

Attachment	Size
Read the article	117.19 KB

National Democratic Institute: SMS as a Tool in Election Observation

jbowen — Tue, 24 Jun 2008 21:18:46 +0000

Author:

Ian Schuler

Publisher:

MIT Press

Published Date:

06/24/2008

Resource Type:

Article

Language:

English

Attachment	Size
Read the article	424.75 KB

Jordan: Conference Fosters Information Sharing in Middle East on Technology and Elections

ggreene — Thu, 29 May 2008 16:01:56 +0000

A two-day regional conference in Jordan, hosted by NDI, brought together civic leaders from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, West Bank/Gaza and Yemen to discuss innovative uses of information technology in election monitoring.

The conference, held at the Dead Sea in early December, gave participants the chance to examine technologies used by NDI and its partners in recent elections in Albania, Angola, Lesotho, Madagascar and Sierra Leone. Among the tools demonstrated: custom mobile-phone text messaging to help field observers collect and submit election data, optical scanners to speed the processing of observer forms, and mapping and graphing systems for analysis of observation data.

The participants also presented some of their own pioneering work in using technology, such as text-message election reporting, a web portal developed in Bahrain, a web-based election simulator from Lebanon that incorporates geographic information systems (GIS) to map political data across the country, and a comprehensive plan for text-message reporting of election monitoring forms in Jordan.

The conference also featured roundtable discussions about ways to use technology in election reporting and the challenges organizations face in their monitoring missions.

On the conference’s second day, a representative of MobileActive, a U.S.-based organization focused on the use of mobile phones in politics and civil society, made a presentation on the use of text messages for advocacy as well as dissemination of information among citizens. At a later session, a member of NDI’s technology team talked about observation tools, forms and checklists – and underscored the importance of making technology easy for election observers to use.

NDI staff also provided one-on-one consultations with organizations in attendance to discuss how they could use knowledge gained at the conference in future plans. In addition, conference participants discussed Aswat, an online forum and resource center. The site, established by NDI, fosters conversation about politics and reform in the Arabic-speaking world.

The conference provided “a great opportunity to learn more about new technology tools that have been proven effective in election monitoring,” said Abbas Busafwan of Bahrain. “We also learned about other resources that can contribute to political reform in the region such as the web portal Aswat. I believe this initiative has great potential, due to the fact that it opens a space for activists to join efforts and voice their opinions and share their experiences.”

Another attendee, Nabil Hassan of Lebanon, said his group hopes, through Aswat, “to be able to remain in contact with other NGOs in the region and exchange experiences to improve the application of modern technology and networking.” He added, “I was excited to be introduced to various techniques such as data entry, web forms, form scanning and other reporting tools, and SMS text messaging. We are hoping that we can adopt this technology to monitor elections in Lebanon.”

–

Published on January 24, 2008

NDI - West Bank and Gaza

Statement of NDI Pre-Election Delegation to 2016 West Bank and Gaza Local Elections

Civic Updates

Sandra Pepera

الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة

البرامج الراهنة

البرامج السابقة

لتمويل

معلومات الاتصال

Empowering Women for Stronger Political Parties: A Good Practices Guide to Promote Women's Political Participation (Now available in Burmese)

Equal Access: How to Include Persons with Disabilities in Elections and Political Processes

Increasing Women’s Political Participation Through Effective Training Programs: A Guide to Best Practices and Lessons Learned

Nathan Evans

Declaration of Global Principles for Nonpartisan Election Observation and Monitoring by Citizen Organizations and Code of Conduct for Nonpartisan Citizen Election Observers and Monitors

Statement of the NDI Pre-election Assessment Delegation to the 2012 West Bank Local Elections

U.S. Officials Rely on UN Showdown to Push Return to Peace Talks | Sept. 27, 2011

NDI E-news: The Middle East, African Elections, Belarus | Jan./Feb. 2011

STAY CONNECTED

CONTRIBUTE

READ MORE

Party-building in the Middle East

National Democratic Institute: SMS as a Tool in Election Observation

Jordan: Conference Fosters Information Sharing in Middle East on Technology and Elections