Nouâ Talossa

New ZRT Secretary-Convenor

noreply@blogger.com (Anonymous) — Mon, 18 Jan 2016 17:35:00 +0000

The Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán has chosen Dr. Txec dal Nordselvă as the new Secretary-Convenor of the caucus. As secretary-convener, Dr. dal Nordselvă is responsible for maintaining a roll of members, presenting updates to the constitution for a vote, and overseeing general meetings of the membership.

The Republicans have our own forum...

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 30 Nov 2015 23:56:00 +0000

... as part of the Free Democrats forum.

Talossa's first republican speaks!

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Fri, 30 Oct 2015 04:30:00 +0000

"I think it would be great if Talossa could finally become a true Republic. It would confirm Talossa's reality as an evolving political entity, as something more ambitious than a role-playing game. Well, that's not entirely fair: Talossa is more than that already. But I think becoming a Republic would somehow prove the robustness of Talossa, would show it's adaptability, it's futurity. (Or something like that.)"

- Count Danihél Lauriér, Talossan Citizen #2, former Seneschál, 29/10/XXXVI-2015

CONSTITUTION of the Defenders of Talossan Republicanism

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Fri, 25 Sep 2015 10:29:00 +0000

LA CONSTITUZIUN dels Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán

as adopted by the 4rd Convention of the refounded ZRT, Maricopa Province, Setemvár XXXVI/2015

1. Els Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán (ZRT), or in English, "the Defenders of Talossan Republicanism", is a group of citizens of the Kingdom of Talossa who support an eventual Republican form of government for Talossa, with an elected head of state. As transitional steps towards this goal, the ZRT supports political and cultural reforms for greater democracy in Talossa and the reduction of the King's influence. The ZRT promotes discussion and activity towards these goals.

2. A Member of the ZRT is anyone who agrees with section 1 of the Constitution above, registers as such with the Secretary-Convenor and agrees to abide by the Constitution of the ZRT. The Secretary-Convenor may suspend Members until the next Convention, on presentation of evidence of their no longer fulfilling the above requirements.

3. Nothing in this Constitution shall abridge the right of all Members to publicly and privately organise and agitate for changes to the Constitution, policies or leadership of the ZRT, given that such organisation does not otherwise violate the Constitution.

4. The ZRT supports the Free Democrats of Talossa political party, and encourages all Members to join, become active for and vote for that political party. However, all Talossans who fulfil the provisions of section 2 of this Constitution are eligible to be Members, regardless of their political affiliation.

5. The ruling body of the ZRT is the General Meeting. The general meeting shall be called together at least once in every calendar year. It may be called by the Secretary-Convenor or by a petition of at least one-third of group members. The General Meeting shall be composed of all ZRT members and any non-voting guests as the Secretary-Convenor chooses to invite, and shall be chaired by the outgoing Secretary-Convenor.

6. The General Meeting may amend this Constitution by simple majority vote. It may expel members from the ZRT on a 2/3 majority on presentation of evidence of violation of their obligations under this Constitution, or of their ceasing to qualify as Members under the provisions of section 1 of this Constitution, effective as of the end of the Convention.

7. The Convention shall elect a Secretary-Convenor by preferential vote, choosing a non-candidate in the election to administer this vote.

8. The job of the Secretary-Convenor shall be as follows:

a) S/he shall be in charge of organisation of the ZRT. S/he shall keep a roll of current members and administer the group's publications and discussion forums.
b) S/he shall organise discussions within the ZRT, including on changes to this Constitution or other documents adopted by the group.
c) If necessary, s/he shall present reports for debate, amendment and ratification by the membership to the General Meeting.

ZRT joins FREE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE with Liberal Congress

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 02 Mar 2015 18:59:00 +0000

The Constitution of the Free Democratic Alliance

1. The designated name of the electoral alliance between the Liberal
Congress and the ZRT shall be the Free Democratic Alliance.

2. The purpose of the Alliance shall be to advance common goals between
the parties, especially an emphasis on issues of liberty and democracy.

3. The logo of the Free Democrats shall be as follows:

4. The constituent parties are still entitled to write and design on policy
affecting their own political party, however policy pertaining to the Alliance
must be agreed on by a committee of two members from each constituent
party.

5. This committee shall be known as the Executive Committee, and shall be
composed of the leaders of both parties in addition to one member selected
from each party.

6. The running of the election campaign for the 48 th Cosa shall be delegated
to the Executive Committee of this Alliance on the basis of an agreed
manifesto. The Executive will also have the final say on which policies
submitted by each party are to be adopted as Alliance policy.

7. Within three months of the General Election, the Executive Committee
will be tasked with submitting to both parties a proposal of merger or
dissolution. The outcome of which will determine whether the Alliance
shall dissolve and both parties formally merge, or go back to being two
parties unconstrained by an electoral Alliance to the 49 th Cosa. A formal
split will not take effect until the dissolution of the 48 th Cosa.

MANIFESTO OF THE FREE DEMOCRATS

Competence:

The FREE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE formed by the Liberal Congress and the ZRT will strive to optimise governmental competence. All representatives of the Alliance in the government will perform their administrative duties in a
timely and efficient manner. They will be granted positions based on dignity and merit, and will be held accountable for their words and actions (in merit or scrutiny).

Constitutional Reform:

We aim to reorganize and rewrite the Organic Law. It should be simplified only to reflect the outline of our government's duties. Any other law passed not in complete accordance with the basic outline of our government's functions shall be classified under the country's Statutes.

Free Democrats will fight for the adoption of a privacy law for information used on private and public sites relating to Talossa.

Our judicial system is also far too complicated to be truly accessible. As such, we support a reformed judicial system for simple disputes.

The Monarchy and the Royal Household:

The Free Democrats strictly adhere to the principle of constitutional agnosticism on the issue of the monarchy, and therefore take no official position on it. However, the Alliance aims to remove the ties between the Head of State and the private ownership of Talossa's governmental infrastructure.

The Free Democrats push for the offices of the Royal Household to be limited to the Royal College of Arms, the National Archives, and the Civil Service. The University of Talossa will be regionalized and regulated under the discretion of each provincial government as part of a liberal commitment to decentralised government.

The Ziu:

The Free Democratic Alliance aims to reduce the number of seats in the Cosâ so that it serves its purpose as a chamber of representative, not direct, democracy – where we can begin to build an electoral system which looks to encourage competition of ideas in our political marketplace.
The Alliance will also agitate to balance the representation of provinces by reform of the Senate chamber.
Free Democratic Members of the Cosa will also push for a truly secret option when casting your vote, so that you can cast it without four citizens (one of whom could be a party leader) knowing how you voted.

Cabinet:

Ministry of Stuff:

The Alliance aims to improve Talossa’s web presence. We will establish policies that will promote the kingdom more effectively to the world population.
The Alliance is in support of authorised "ambassadors” to various social media sites, forums, and the likes. They will act as conduits of the kingdom's interests and will be ready to answer, in an official capacity, any questions about Talossa, its history, the citizenship process, and so on.

Ministry of Culture:

The Alliance will encourage the Ministry of Culture to continue working with the Ladîntsch Naziunál to create a strategy to teach every Talossan the basics of the national language, or at least “aliquand mocts” (a few words) they can use in daily life.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs:

The Alliance supports the repeal of the Semi-Permeable Wall Act and will take a ‘Live and Let Live’ attitude to other micronations and Talossa-like entities. We will engage in courteous dialogue with representatives of other micronations and Talossa-like entities (as opposed to isolationism) on a case by case basis.

Federalism:

Free Democrats will aim to revitalise the provincial governments of Talossa.
Provincial representatives of the Alliance will strive to resuscitate and increase provincial activity, and national representatives of the Alliance will strive to pass relevant legislation that will complement the Free Democratic goal of increasing provincial activity.

Börnatfiglheu verdict: a triumph for justice

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Tue, 12 Aug 2014 03:04:00 +0000

The ZRT welcomes the verdict of the Magistrate's Court in the case of People v. Eiríc S. Börnatfiglheu as a victory - nay, a quantum leap - for justice in Talossa.

Erik - for so I still think of him - was a trustworthy citizen of the Talossan Republic, twice Seneschál, and - at one time - an active leader in both the ZRT and the Peculiarist movement in the reunited Kingdom. However, I was aware of his ongoing health problems throughout this time, which occasionally led him to erratic and bizarre behaviour. For this reason, when it came to light that he had in fact forged 18 sock-puppet citizens and artificially inflated the ZRT vote in the 45th Cosâ elections thereby, I was shocked, angry, ashamed... but not really surprised, if you get what I mean.

The victory for justice in the Magistrate's Cort ruling is two-fold. Firstly, the penalty against Erik for truly epic levels of immigration and electoral fraud - more than 15 years civil disability, a fine in cold hard capitalist dollars, and 500 hours community work, with banishment suspended pending successful completion of the above. We may quibble about precise numbers, but let us be clear - we now have a precedent in Talossa that there are ways of punishing wrongdoers other than expulsion.

To do otherwise - to simply declare that a "bad guy" just gets his citizenship withdrawn - is what a voluntary society, like the Rotary Club, would do. It is an impermissible breach of the wall between executive and judicial action. It is what King Robert I used to do - run his political enemies out of Talossa, occasionally by trumped-up Cort charges. It is what a political leadership which acts like a boy's club, and which thinks of Talossa as a boy's club, would do. But it is not appropriate for a nation among the nations of the world.

The second victory is the Cort's injunction against the initial recognition of Eiríc's renunciation of citizenship, on the crucial grounds that this was not made publically by the citizen himself. Hopefully this will stand up on any appeal that will be made. The real issue here is not whether Eiríc was or was not "under duress" from our Head of State at the time he communicated his wish to renounce. (I personally am sure that Erik did intend to renounce at the time he told the King so.) It is that Erik did not make the public statement himself, as required by law.

It is also that the Head of State - as is confirmed by the "Talossaleaks" materials - acted as he did with the express intention of avoiding an ugly, drawn-out Cort case. Our King, in this case, used his concurrent powers as Wittenberg admin to take a "short cut" - to get Eiríc to renounce his citizenship to save us all a lot of bother - in what he saw as the immediate interests of the country. This was the same sort of short cut which Count Hooligan - according, again, to the "Talossaleaks" material - took to enable Timoþi Asmorescu to get out of recusing himself from judgement in a case where he was the investigator. We hope to see that trial go to court very soon, so that another mighty blow for Talossan justice can be made.

The political point to be gained by this is that it is dangerous for those in authority to take "legal short cuts" in order to "save" the country, or "save" us from legal technicalities. It reminds me of the scene in LA Confidential where Dudley Smith challenges Ed Exley to forge evidence to convict a known criminal. You can't do that without shooting large holes through the fabric of the rule of law.

The question of whether the Head of State should have "emergency powers" is a much wider political one. But the ZRT's political point here is that in the investigation of the ESB, the King and the governing party of the time took impermissible short-cuts; firstly, because of the dangerous double role of Head of State and Wittenberg Admin; second, because of a culture of legal impunity. Richard Nixon told David Frost that "it's not illegal if the President does it". We fear there is an ideology among many long-term leaders of Talossa that it's not illegal if the King, or the sworn defenders of the King, do it.

We stand for power in Talossa to be held only by democratically accountable authorities, either elected or responsible to elected officials. We stand for the separation of Witt Admin and political leadership. We stand for a judiciary which does its job, as Magistrate Nordselvâ has done here. And we hope to see our old friend Eiríc Börnatfiglheu resume his (non-political) life as a citizen, pay his debt to society, and earn the right to be trusted by his fellow citizens again.

Miestrâ Schivâ
ZRT co-founder and leader

ZRT Manifesto for 47th Cosâ Election

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 28 Jul 2014 21:25:00 +0000

MANIFESTO OF THE ZRT
(Defenders of Talossan Republicanism)

for the 47th Cosâ Elections

FOREWORD

After just over six months of government, election season has come to Talossa... a mite early.

The ZRT was overjoyed to be asked to help form the first non-RUMP government in something like seven years in Talossa. It was a sign (we thought) that the old Kingdom vs Republic binary had broken down, and Talossans were now making political decisions based on the merits of the parties. We happily took a secondary role behind our monarchist allies, the Moderate Radicals, and set out to prove ourselves as fair administrators and level-headed political leaders, rather than the hot-headed barricade-stormers of our opponents' fevered imaginings.

Now we come before you, the voters, to give us a chance to take the next step – the step to lead a government, by becoming the largest party in the Cosâ, or at least the largest in a governing coalition. We are not deciding in advance whom we will ally with. We exclude none of the other parties running in this election.

But only on two conditions. Firstly, we need the right policies. The Defenders of Talossan Republicanism have proved we can compromise, and have patience, but we will not sell out on our basic principles of democratisation, the pre-eminence of the elected government, and of a cultural renewal of Talossa. And the second is, we need the right administration. If there is an area in which the previous Coalition Government can be rightfully criticised, it is of a certain lack of leadership and a few balls dropped in administrative areas. The ZRT campaigns first and foremost this time on making sure that does not happen again – that the next Seneschál will be present, active, and show leadership.

The recent drama with leaked documents only shows why Talossa needs the ZRT in government. These documents will soon be tested in Cort. Nevertheless, they seem to show an intense suspicion of and bias against the citizens who joined this Kingdom through Reunision; non-elected Government officials who consider themselves “above the law” (and definitely above Government oversight); and a Monarchy which nods its head at this. The ZRT believes that the elected government must definitely assert authority over the bureaucracy. More controversially, we also believe that the Monarchy must be “cut down to size”. At least, it should be separated from Wittenberg administration.

The ZRT therefore pledges itself to democracy in action. We wager that Talossa is not ready to return to the slow, slothful and stultifying days of RUMP majority government. And we wager that a vast majority know that the defenders of Talossan republicanism and democracy are an essential and welcome part of our nation's politics. Give us a go behind the steering wheelof State. Love us or hate us, you know we get things done.

Miestrâ A. Istefaneascâ Schivâ

ZRT Leader

0. FIFTY-WORD STATEMENT

We've had a term in government; now we want to lead it. The ZRT promises an active Seneschál who gets things done; our national websites, including Wittenberg, under democratic control; more use of el glheþ; and working for Constitutional reform with other democratic parties. Vote ZRT for Democracy in Action!

ACTION

A ZRT-led government will be an activist government. All administrative duties of the Seneschál and Ministers will be enacted in a timely and efficient manner. All Ministers will be regularly available for questioning both in the Ziu and by members of the public. All Ministers will actively pursue their oversight function over the Civil Service and the Royal Household.

DEMOCRACY

A ZRT-led government shall enact the following democratic reforms:

The Ministry of Stuff will take effective control of all Talossa's official websites, including the Wiki, and appoint administrators who will be responsible to the Government. We will investigate nationalising Wittenberg (that is, making it part of the official Kingdom websites), or else creating a new “official” Kingdom of Talossa webforum.
a programme of "slimming down" the OrgLaw, leaving it with only the basics of government - for example, moving electoral law into statute law. We will push with the other democratic parties for a broadly-agreed Constitutional reform, or even a Constitutional Convention, rather than trying to push a ZRT vision of the future.
judicial reform; the current system is opaque, accessible only to specialists, and delays and therefore denies justice.
support for a smaller Cosâ, to make elections mean something;
a compulsory secret ballot and mandatory candidate lists for Cosâ elections;
a financial report from the government at the end of each Cosa term, to provide a starting point for the next term's budget;

DEMONARCHISATION

The ZRT will shift power from the Royal Household to the elected Government and Ziu, including the following reforms:

The Head of State should not also be the admin of our national forum. This is an impermissible confusion of roles which has enmeshed the Monarchy in political and judicial controversies.
We aim to eliminate everything but the College of Arms from the Royal Household into the Civil Service. For example, the Chancery will become an independent branch of the State; the Scribery and Archives will come under the elected Government with their own Minister; and the University of Talossa will be devolved to a provincial government.
We shall enact a popular initiative option to remove an incompetent monarch as well as the current Ziu-based one. We also wish to explore the concept of elective rather than hereditary monarchy, which has been Talossan tradition until recently (cf. Kings Robert II and Florence I.)

CULTURE

A ZRT-led government shall take the following cultural initiatives

The Ministry of Culture will work with the Ladîntsch Naziunál on a strategy to teach every Talossan the basics of the national language, or at least “aliquand mocts” (a few words) they can use in daily life.
State suppport for a Talossan-language news service.
Review and discuss revision of the large number of current public holidays / days of observance. Are all of these relevant to modern Talossa? Should we have more?
The production of attractive plaques which may be awarded to valued institutions and businesses in Talossan history. The last Ziu allocated the budget for it – let's spend it.
To promote Talossa online, the sponsorship of legislation providing for the appointment of authorised “ambassadors” to various social media sites, forums, and the like who are ready to answer, in an official capacity, any questions about Talossa, its history, the citizenship process, and so on.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

A ZRT-led government will:

support the "Live and Let Live" attitude to other micronations and Talossa-like entities.
establish a neutral and informative presence on micronational forums, and encourage the Head of State to do a Reddit AMA.
set up a new subforum on Wittenberg open to friendly micronationalists to discuss things with Talossans.
offer Talossa's invincible moral support to all movements for new and unrecognised nations seeking their freedom from currently established United Nations states.

FEDERALISM

A ZRT-led government will revitalise the provincial governments of Talossa.

At a federal level, we shall:

legislate to allow the Ziu to step in to fill provincial offices, according to provincial law, when it is clear that the stipulations of that province's constitution have been neglected.
legislate that that a single person cannot simultaneously be the head of a provincial government and the Cunstavál of a province.
amend the Organic Law so that the currently unelected position of Cunstavál is replaced with an elected position of the same nature, who will be appointed by the King following their successful election.

ZRT members of provincial legislatures will:

support their provinces to shift to a framework of direct democracy.
agitate to rename provinces with the names of foreign politicians, replacing them with Talossan names instead.

CANDIDATE LIST

Senator from Benito

Luc da Schir (MRPT candidate)

Senator from Fiôvâ (by-election)

Miestrâ Schivâ

Senator from Maritiimi-Maxhèstic

Magniloqeu da Lhiùn (MRPT candidate)

Senator from Vuode

Eðo Grischün (Progressive candidate)

Members of the Cosa

Moritz Fernaodescu
Gödafrïeu Válcadác'h
Óïn Ursüm
Mximo Carbonél
D. N. Vercáriâ

GV's Talossan audios

noreply@blogger.com (Jeff Ragsdale) — Mon, 02 Jun 2014 04:22:00 +0000

This includes two of Viteu's podcast episodes, though he may have made others. He may have deleted his copies, but I kept mine. :-) For now, these files are private and can only be accessed through these particular html links.

Bisquinc ars: GV's reflections on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the Republic of Talossa
Recorded 31 May 2014

Kane Gruber's Radio Free Talossa: Premiere Episode from August (or April?) 2013:
Part One
Part Two
Part Three

+ + +

GV's Blue Wave Party jingle from February 2007! NOTE: Audio quality is bad - I wanted to preserve my work from that time rather than re-record. I'm still very proud of that little piece of music - lol.

The Blue Wave Party of the Republic of Talossa was created at the time this jingle was composed and recorded. After a few years of absolutely no electoral success, I dissolved the thing ca. 2010.

+ + +

Viteu may have deleted his archived episodes, but I have kept my copies. :-)

Viteu's interview with Miestrâ - 8 April 2012
His interview with Iusti Canün - 20 May 2012

+ + +

LEADER'S SPEECH: Talossa belongs to its people

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Thu, 03 Apr 2014 05:00:00 +0000

Speech by Miestrâ Schivâ UrN, PhD, incoming Party Leader of the ZRT, to the 3rd Party Convention, Fiôvâ, Avrïu XXXV/2014.

All reety all righty all reety!

Estimats repúblicáes, fiôváes, Talossáes és oðreux amici!

As cxhn. Magniloqeu da Lhiun, our Attorney-General, correctly said from the gallery: I am a liar. I said I would not become leader of this Party again. I meant it when I said it. Then I changed my mind.

Clearly, friends of Talossan Republicanism, this means that I am a charlatan, a turkey, a weasel, and a medicine-show con-woman. But you could have known that if you listened to, for example, the Senators from Vuode or Florenciâ.

The best I can say in my own defence is that it wasn't for glory. I've already been Seneschál and Head of State of, er, "a" Talossa at one stage. I've worn the sash which is now worn by the Head of State of reunified Talossa. I've got nothing more to prove to myself, personally.

There are only two things I care about in Talossa, apart from that it continue to exist as a group of friends. One is the survival and greater use of ár glheþ amadâ. And the other is the survival of Talossan republicanism. If I didn't think the latter was on the line, I would have left the field to GV and Evan.

There are two views of Talossa. One is that we need a King to keep the ship of state afloat. But history disproves that. Apart from the 8 years of the separatist Talossan Republic, we had two years between the first and second reigns of Robert I, under two non-political Kings and the "Provisional Peculiar Republic". We had the Interregnum in the era between KR1 and our current Head of State.

The second is that Talossa does not need a strongman or a wonder-woman, either as Head of State or as part of a "cabal" working behind the scenes and "puppeting" the actual monarch. Talossa needs a thriving community of Talossans who love it. KR1, in a lucid moment, defined Talossan patriotism as the belief that "Talossa must continue". So, we need a cadre of Talossan patriots who will keep the show on the road.

I've dissed the RUMP Party many a time, and will do so more in future if they ever come near power again. But the core of the RUMP - let me name my friends and collaborators, cxhn. Davinescù, Senator Preston and the Ladîntsch Naziunál, cxhn. Sierviciül - are precisely that cadre of Talossan patriots we've been talking about. I'm glad that they've let someone else take political power, with good grace; but in continuing their good administrative work, under the supervision of the newly elected Government, they have proved to be Talossa's Atlases, doing the hard yards (as we Kiwis put it) so that the rest of us can continue to enjoy our ImagiNation.

Parenthetically, let me add that - as confirmed by this Convention - the "quarantine" period for the RUMP is over. No longer do the ZRT consider them untouchable as far as participation in a future government is concerned. Of course, they'd have to make us a helluva good offer!

Thankfully, there are Atlases outside the RUMP as well. Prominent among them would be our former leader, C. Carlüs Xheráltescù. I hope soon to announce - after discussion with the incoming Central Committee - a deal in which the ZRT will allow his new Liberal Congress party to keep some of the seats that the ZRT gave him. This is a vote of faith in the future of Talossan democracy.

The point, for me, is not that the ZRT should maximise its vote - the point is that the ZRT's programme should be enacted. And part of that programme is a thriving multicultural democracy, where no citizen finds their point of view unrepresented. A party which is truly agnostic on the monarchy yes/no debate can only be a breath of fresh air.

The Liberal Congress has expressed their wish to support the current "centre-left" (republicans + moderate monarchists) government, so that's good enough for me. Similarly, I take pleasure to let the world know that certain overtures for the unification of the republican family in Talossan politics have recently come from the general direction of Québec. These, of course, will have to be carefully discussed by the ZRT Central Committee before we can declare firm progress on them.

Win or lose, rise or fall, majority government or one weirdo with 1 Cosâ seat making cranky speeches, Talossan republicanism is here to stay. The ZRT is a republican party, pure and simple - we want less monarchy, preferably none. But we will co-operate with anyone and everyone in making sure that many of the benefits of republicanism - i.e. responsible government open to all citizens - are achievable in the here-and-now.

I am here to serve and defend the Defenders of Talossan Republicanism as long as they want me. Onwards to the next Ziu elections! Onwards to a republican government for all Talossa! Raise the Four Stars high!

TIME IS INDEED UP: speech of ZRT leader to the Moderate Radical Convention

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Sun, 24 Nov 2013 23:05:00 +0000

C. Carlüs Xheráltescù, Túischac'h of the Cosâ of Talossa, Capitán of Fiovâ Province

Firstly, I'd like to offer thanks for the invitation to write a short little speech for your congress. It's incredibly gratifying to see other parties adopting similar internally democratic processes as we have in the ZRT, and even more so to see these processes happening publicly, openly and with transparency. So, on to the bulk of the speech...

Senator da Dhi was right, when he exclaimed that time is up. Time is indeed up. We've seen this government drive Talossa into further apathy, and has met the issue not with active governance, but with apathy itself. Countless Terpelaziuns have gone unanswered, and the trickle of immigration has ground to a halt. Talossa has ceased its population growth, it's creativity has stalled, and no longer do I and many others see Talossa as being the bastion of fun expressions of politics and culture that it used to be. In short, I am at the end of my tether with RUMP rule in Talossa. Time is up - we need change in Talossa or years down the line I suspect there won't even be a Talossa for us to change.

I don't think anyone here will see this as being a particularly controversial assertion. However, not only is it time for a change of government in Talossa, but I'm a firm believer that if this is to happen, we're going to need a change in the way by which we as statecrafters govern. You aren't going to win a majority this election, friends. Neither will the peculiarists of the NPW, the monarcho-progressives of the CSPP, or the republicans of my own ZRT. So how then can we ensure that the RUMP doesn't further drive Talossa into the ground? The answer to this one shouldn't be particularly controversial either: co-operation. Through compromise, co-operation, the Rawlsian idea of overlapping consensus, we can change the face of politics in Talossa. To do so, however, means that all of us need to prepare for the limitations of a Rainbow Coalition, and to prepare for the limitations on the discourse we will have to conduct as parties in a coalition which I'm certain will prove to be groundbreaking in Talossan politics.

It's a bold and brave move for us to work towards this goal. It won't be painless, and it won't be easy for any of the parties involved. But if we're willing to commit to this now, it is testament to the love and passion with which we regard Talossa. It's testament to the lengths we are willing to go, irrespective of our parties' policies and inter-party relations. If this idea enthuses you even half as much as it enthuses me, then I look forward to the discussions we'll be having after the election, because there is no way we can allow another term of RUMP government to blight the landscape of Talossan politics.

Time's up for the current government. Time's up on majority rule. The time for change is nigh, so man your stations; prepare for battle, and for government - I'll see you in the government halls in no time at all, I'm sure
.

ZRT Manifesto for the 45th Cosâ Elections

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Fri, 01 Mar 2013 22:26:00 +0000

MANIFESTO OF THE ZRT
for the 45th Cosâ Elections
click here to download as PDF

FOREWORD

Talossa is ready for change. It has been ready for change since quite some time now, ever since that historic event known as “reunision” or “returniture” occurred. I dare say that if Talossa wasn’t ready for change, then the Republic would never have voted to re-join the Kingdom, and the Kingdom would never have been as accommodating.

So, in these times of change it is, without a doubt, that the Talossan people elect responsible facilitators of change – agents of creativity, of rationality and of reform. It is for that reason that I feel I must articulate our message as clearly as possible: if you, the people of Talossa, want a wave of democratic reform to sweep through Talossa, then it is in your interest to see a ZRT majority in the Cosa.

In a year, we’ve achieved a lot, as a party, with some key legislative victories that have seen our proposals benefit from cross party support. It shows that despite our reputation for ‘radicalism’ within Talossa, we are a reasonable party too. It may suit our opponents for us to be characterise us as being a group of foaming-at-the-mouth-radicals, but if you talk to any of our members, if you’ve read any one of our bills you’ll see that we’re as reasonable as the next guy, and ready as ever to change things.

C. Carlus Xheraltescu

ZRT Leader

0. FIFTY-WORD STATEMENT

Vote ZRT for democratic reform, individual freedom and revitalized provinces! The word 'republic' comes from the Old Talossan res publica: a government of the people. It is in this sense that we are republicans – we strive for a people's government. If you want freedom, transparency and accountability, vote ZRT!

1. DEMOCRACY

A ZRT-led government shall enact the following democratic reforms:

a compulsory secret ballot, rather than the optional one introduced by recent legislation;
mandatory candidate lists for Cosâ elections;
a financial report from the government at the end of each Cosa term, to provide a starting point for the next term's budget;
a programme of "slimming down" the OrgLaw, leaving it with only the basics of government - for example, moving electoral law into statute law.

In addition:

e) the ZRT will support no government which includes members of the RUMP, until such time as the RUMP has been out of government for at least one Cosâ term.

f) the ZRT stands for freedom of political conscience for all Talossans, whether monarchist or republican. All constitutional shades of opinion are welcome in Talossa, and there shall be no political tests for citizenship or for any benefits granted by the Kingdom.

DEMONARCHISATION

The ZRT will shift power from the Royal Household to the elected Government and Ziu, including the following reforms:

A Talossan Legal Code Act will be implemented in order to codify the Statutory Law into a format that is both easily referred to and ‘articles’ easily located. This job will be taken over by agents of the elected government from the Royal Scribery.
We aim to eliminate everything but the College of Arms from Royal authority. For example, the Chancery will become an independent branch of the State; the Scribery and Archives will come under the elected Government; and the University of Talossa will be devolved to a provincial government.
We shall enact a popular initiative option to remove an incompetent monarch as well as the current Ziu-based one.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

A ZRT-led government will:

simply abolish all current legislation on “micronations” and other Talossa-like entities; failing that, support the current MRPT programme for amendment. We do not see that the elected government needs to be bound by law on how it acts towards such entities.
establish a neutral and informative presence on micronational forums, and encourage the Head of State to do a Reddit AMA.

FEDERALISM

A ZRT-led government will revitalise the provincial governments of Talossa.

At a federal level, we shall:

legislate to allow the Ziu to step in to fill provincial offices, according to provincial law, when it is clear that the stipulations of that province's constitution have been neglected.
legislate that that a single person cannot simultaneously be the head of a provincial government and the Cunstavál of a province.
amend the Organic Law so that the currently unelected position of Cunstavál is replaced with an elected position of the same nature, who will be appointed by the King following their successful election.

ZRT members of provincial legislatures will:

support their provinces to shift to a framework of direct democracy, such as already exists in Fiôvâ and has been suggested for Vuode.
agitate to rename of provinces with the names of foreign politicians, replacing them with Talossan names instead.

CULTURE

A ZRT-led government shall take the following cultural initiatives:

set up a Translator's Corps in consultation with CÚG, to ensure that all important documents are translated into (one of the accepted orthographies of) el glheþ talossán.
Wittenberg will be nationalised. A Wittenberg Administrator shall be appointed by the Head of State every year with the advice and consent of the Ziu. This Administrator would appoint all moderators and be responsible to the Head of State and the elected government for the tone of discourse on Wittenberg.
organise an additional forum on Wittenberg, moderated but open to non-Talossans of good will who wish to engage with us, like the "Landing Pier" on Witt-XII (the former Republican Wittenberg).

CANDIDATE LIST

Senator from Atatürk

Eoin Ursum

Senator from Florenciâ

Mximo Carbonel

Members of the Cosa

C. Carlüs Xheraltescu
Godafrïeu Valcadac'h
Moritz Fernaodescu
Miestrâ Schivâ
Eoin Ursüm
Erschéveþ Üchescu
Mximo Carbonel

SHADOW CABINET

C. Carlüs Xheraltescu: Seneschál, Immigration
Miestrâ Schivâ: Distáin, Culture
Moritz Fernaodescu : Foreign Affairs, Defence
Eoin Ursüm : Stuff, Finance
Evan Cuntáinça: Home Affairs
Mximo Carbonél: Justice

PRESS RELEASE: ZRT opposes "virtual provinces"

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 17 Sep 2012 23:07:00 +0000

In a statement today, the Secretary-General of els Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán (ZRT), C. Carlüs Xheráltsëfiglheu MC, strongly opposed recent moves to abolish geographical assignment of citizens to provinces.

"The ZRT has pledged and will continue to pledge its commitment to the survival provinces of Talossa," said Carlüs.

"Recently, Talossa has seen successive governments fail in their duty to protect the cultural building blocks of our nation: the provinces. In breaking with the geographical anchors to provincial assignment, the provinces of Talossa could well lose the intrinsic cultural bond which breeds friendship between Talossans of the same province. This would also lead to the regression of our provinces from being cultural and political bastions to them being nothing more than virtual social clubs, which we feel would detract from the Talossan experience."

Carlüs added: "By ending geographical assignment to provinces, Talossans living outside of the Greater Talossan Area will lose their remaining link to the Talossan land thus essentially turning Talossa into an internet club. Furthermore, in doing so it will lead to a less diverse provincial landscape due to the likelihood of some provinces being deemed fashionable or sadly, unfashionable.

"The ZRT resolves to strive to retain a system of geographically anchoring assignment laws with regards to immigration," said Carlüs. "The ZRT believes that the way to resolve the ‘activity unbalance’ in provinces is to take a closer look at where most prospective citizens come from macronationally and to distribute assignments more fairly. That is to say that we’re sceptical of the current closure policy, and would resolve to replace it with a workable alternative."

ENDS

The Agreed Programme of the Four Parties

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Sun, 17 Jun 2012 02:36:00 +0000

In the run-up to the election for the 44th Cosâ of Talossa, the four opposition parties are proud to announce that they have agreed on a Joint Programme of the Opposition.

This programme was initially drafted by Eðo Grischün of the Common Sense Progressives (CSPP) on the initiative of Miestrâ Schivâ of the Defencists (ZRT). It has also been endorsed by the leaderships of the Moderate Radical Party and the Alliance for Talossan Peculiarism.

All four parties will continue their own independent and competitive campaigns. But we offer this programme as the sign that there is a real practical alternative to the politics of the existing RUMP administration. All parties pledge themselves to attempt to enact this programme by legislation in the next Ziu, regardless of whether we become part of the next government or not. A vote for any non-RUMP party is a vote for this programme.

The Four Planks of the Agreed Programme of the Four Parties

1. Codification of all Talossan statutory law into a single "Kingdom Code", organised by topic, making it much easier to understand.

2. Pre-named lists of candidates for all parties in Cosâ elections, rather than seats handed out after the election.

3. Every Province given the right to choose its own method of electing Senators, whether that be simple plurality, preferential/IRV, or anything else consistent with democracy.

4. 37RZ2, The "what's the difference" Act, forbidding dual citizenship in micronations, to be repealed directly if possible; the whole act to be the subject of a Cort challenge as to its constitutionality, if not.

Signed by:

Xhorxh Asmoûr, for el Aliançéu për Pecúliarismeu Talossán
Glüc da Dhi, for the Moderate Radical Party of Talossa
Eovart Grischün, for the Common Sense Progressive Party
Miestrâ Schivâ, for els Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán

Quotable election quotes

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 04 Jun 2012 22:39:00 +0000

"Is your own ambition to become Séneschal more important than the ZRT manifesto, have you got something better than this boring play of words or will you stop the false rhetoric???"

- cxhn. Glüc da Dhi, Moderate Radical Party

"Go raffle yourself... Your politics revolt me. Your constant politicizing of anything and everything to the point that your worse than even me revolts me. I would fear for the safety of the Kingdom if it were in your hands"

- cxhn. Eðo Grischün, Common Sense Progressive Party

"SNAP! YOU GOT TOLE"

- cxhn. Benedict Stamford, RUMP

ZRT expands membership

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Thu, 17 May 2012 20:22:00 +0000

This week marks the expansion of the ZRT to yet another province. Eoin Ursum became the very first member of the ZRT from the province of Atatürk. As the whirlwind of Defencism sweeps through Talossa, the 44th election to the Cosa looks to promise a great deal of excitement indeed.

Commenting on his membership of the party, S:reu Ursum said the following: “I am very glad to be part of a party which aims to bring real democratic reforms to Talossa.”

Party founder-president Miestrâ Schivâ added: "I'm very glad that our vision - of a real alternative government to challenge the RUMP - is exciting not only for former Republicans, but for true-blue Royalists as well. The ZRT is a party for all Talossa."

Refundaziun dels Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán (ZRT LIVES, BABY!)

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Thu, 08 Mar 2012 00:39:00 +0000

OFFICIAL: The PVZT (Defencist Unity Party of Talossa) today announced its transformation into a new political force which will operate at both provincial and federal level in a reunited Talossa.

The coming Reunision of the two Talossan states under a single Constitution and sovereignty means that the "Unity" part of our name has been accomplished and is therefore obsolete. We therefore declare the foundation of els Zefençadéirs del Repúblicanismeu Talossán (ZRT - Defenders of Talossan Republicanism).

This is a rebirth of the original ZRT, founded in the Talossan Republic in 2006/xxvii, with both its name, symbolism and programme (as below) updated for the post-Reunision period.

===

EL PLATFORM DELS ZRT - 2012 / xxxiii

Zefençismeu, or Defencism - the ideology on which the ZRT party is founded - sees itself as the heir to the traditions which have kept Talossa strong, vibrant and proud throughout its history. At the same time, it repudiates the traditions which kept Talossa paranoid, nasty, and cultish for much of the later history of the pre-Revolutionary period. We stand in, and defend, the best traditions of the Declaration of Independence of December 1979 which created Talossa, the "Noisy Revolution" of June 2004 which created the Talossan Republic, the “Quiet Revolution” of August 2005 which created the modern Kingdom of Talossa, and the Reunision Declaration of [fill in the blank] 2012.

Defencism, therefore, contains the following strands:

1. Nationalism. We uphold the tradition that Talossa is a nation - defined by Perry Anderson as “an imagined community”. we see ourselves (or at least behave as if we do) as a nation of the world, but we cast no judgement on the validity of other non-sovereign entities' claims to nationhood. The Talossan nation includes all current citizens of Talossa, and some who are not currently citizens but have historically shown themselves to be Talossan. We support Talossa having the full panoply of institutions of a nation-state, insofar as they are useful or fun for a population of our size.

2. Traditionalism. Talossa is the Talossan traditions that have evolved more or less continuously since 1979. A Talossan is defined in part by being aware of the history of that tradition and continuing to work within it. This tradition is always open to change - however, too great a rupture with those traditions, and Talossa will cease to be Talossa. One vitally important tradition of the Talossan nation is el glhetg naziunál, and Defencism strives towards the goal of 'n naziun Ladîntsch- where all citizens would know and use at least a small amount of the Talossan language in their daily business.

3. Pretentiousness. Although the Talossan state possesses no sovereign power, behaving as if it does is an essential part of the fun of being Talossan. Pomp, rhetoric and boasting are an important part of the Talossan tradition. however, we also see all this with a touch of irony. We repudiate that part of the Talossan tradition which honoured historical dictatorships and oppressive regimes on the grounds that their uniforms were snazzy. In this, Defencism is a left-wing form of Talossan nationalism.

4. Democratic dirigism. This phrase attempts to define the particular way that Defencism sees the Talossan state:
a) All citizens should be equal before the law.
b) All government offices should derive their powers from a popular mandate and be regularly subject to democratic scrutiny, to the extent that this does not impede their ability to make decisions and take action.
c) The state should have real power and responsibility for the collective life of the nation, including but not limited to cultural development, settlement of disputes between citizens and relations withother nations.
d) Real power in the Talossan state should lie where the constitution and laws declare it to lie. We repudiate pre-Revolutionary Talossa's history of “name only” governments and committees, and a legislature which debated frivolous bills while real power lay elsewhere.

5. Diversity. We repudiate the historical tradition of “cultural monolithism” in Talossa. Every one of good will who pledges loyalty to the Constitution and Laws of Talossa should be welcome as a citizen. Although we defend Talossan cultural traditions as we understand them, we recognize that the democratic will of the people trumps tradition. Cultural distinctiveness should be encouraged in Talossa's provinces - in fact, that is the main reason why they should continue to exist. We particularly defend the Qatoritrìnistà culture (the culture of former citizens of the Republic) as a vital part of our national tapestry.

6. Focus outwards. At all those times when Talossa has become inward-looking and static, it has become a nasty place to live. Talossa is best when we are continually accepting new Talossans, and engaging in cultural exchanges with non-Talossans of good will. we are poorer for pretending that we exist in a vacuum. We support the demolition of the Semi-Permeable Wall and full friendly relations with other Talossa-like entities and their members.

7. Republicanism. We are proud of the history of the Talossan Republic, 2004-12, and the Revolution which it founded. We say "the Republic will never die". We seek to preserve the Republican tradition in the reunited Kingdom by pushing for the following democratic reforms:
a) a secret ballot for all Federal and provincial elections;
b) a system of voting for named candidates or lists of candidates, rather than "blank cheques" for party leaders;
c) reducing the current baroque requirements for changing certain parts of the Organic Law;
d) progressively reducing the political influence of the monarchy and nobility in Talossa, while recognizing that the majority of Talossans currently look to the monarchy as a symbol of national unity and cultural continuity.

The ZRT is therefore a cultural movement as well as a political party, which seeks to actively build Talossan culture and deepen understanding of our history, while at the same time competing democratically for positions within the Kingdom of Talossa and seeking to improve our constitution and laws. We believe that our Seven Points above embody the positive side of the tradition which has kept Talossa alive for almost three decades.

Endorsed by Miestrâ Schivâ and C. Carlüs Xheráltsëfighleu, ZRT co-refounders. Applications for membership warmly received.

State of the Talossan Republic Address 2011/xxxii/VIII

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Wed, 15 Jun 2011 22:39:00 +0000

¡Prontu, Prüm Citaxhiên! #2 - Talossa as narrative

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Fri, 25 Mar 2011 01:30:00 +0000

My good friend and co-founder of the Free Commonwealth of Penguinea, Adiêns Glaçâ, once said to me: "Talossa is a story or it is nothing", or words to that effect. He was damn right. Talossa is not an RPG, in which a designer sets up the terms of a "game" and everyone else plays roles in it. (Although sometimes it got that way when ex-King Robert was at its worst.) Talossa is an ongoing collaborative narrative - a story about a small independent nation in North America - in which the co-writers are all characters, playing themselves. Sometimes it's a narrative about whether that nation should even exist; or whether it is even a nation. But "a small independent nation in North America" is the sine qua non, or should I say the sânc qët nitgil, of the Talossan narrative.

It follows that the only reason anyone will be interested in Talossa is if the story is interesting. But who writes the story? Simply put - we all do, by our interactions as Talossans. And - if we want new people to come join us in our glorious, ridiculous pasttime - we have to make that story an appealing one. The old Kingdom, for most of its history, had a narrative of "the combat between Leftists, Rightists and Centrists". By the pre-revolutionary period, that had turned into "patriots vs. traitors", a far less interesting story, because who really wants to play the role of a traitor?

So, this is the question for those voting in the current Chamber of Deputies election. Whose narrative is most interesting? Which of the three candidates is telling a story that not only you, the voter, finds most interesting, but prospective citizens might find interesting, interesting enough that they wish to become not only a character but a co-writer of this story?

Let's look at the platforms of the various parties in this election. The Democratic Socialists' platform is completely devoid of contact. It basically promises "I will be a good person". And no-one doubts that cxhn. Jum will be so, but how will it push the Republic forward? What will he do?

On the other hand, the Peculiarists at least have a vision. One can argue about whether simplified immigration (i.e. lowering our standards?) or provincial reform (i.e. turning them into clubs?) will be a good idea. But they are raising debate. It is the debate about what kind of nation Talossa is, and is really the only nation worth having. The one flaw is the ridiculous option of abandoning half the national territory, and that's a flaw basically because it sends a message to all prospective citizens - "The Republic of Talossa is not real, not serious". (Certainly not as serious as the intransigent Royalists under the Woolley monarchy.)

Compare these to the Defencist manifesto. Electoral Reform will make our elections mean something in terms of programmes and mandates, rather than personality - i.e. will make them part of the ongoing story of Talossa, rather than a bloodless process of rubber-stamping members of a committee. Legislative Reform will make it much easier for citizens and newbies to understand "the rules of the game" - or "the story so far". Real Time Talossa will enable us to be Talossans in other way than posting on a web forum indistinguishable from a godzillion others. Federalism will make the Talossan story more interesting by decentralising it - a goal we have in common with our Peculiarist cüncitaxhiêns, although we may differ on the means. And finally, the National Webspace is our window on the world. Currently it is impenetrable and unfriendly. If we are serious about getting new citizens, we need to reform that.

In summary, I would say that the PVZT manifesto is a specific and realistic way of making our Republic more understandable, more attractive and more interesting as "the story of a small independent nation in North America". This will enthuse both us, and outsiders. Can you, the voters, say that the DemSoc or Peculiarist visions will do as well?

SIMCÂ PÎNTS PËR 'N NOUÂ TALOSSA: The PVZT manifesto for the Fourteenth Chamber of Deputies

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 21 Mar 2011 21:14:00 +0000

¡Votetz C. Carlüs Xheráltsëfiglheu për Deputat!

Carlüs has worked hard and well for Talossa for nine months as Seneschál, and he needs a new mandate for a new programme with the PVZT. Here is the plan he will present to the Fourteenth Chamber:

1. Electoral Reform: The current "candidate based" system of voting for the Chamber has been inoperative for quite a while. A PVZT majority will bring back the old Party List system, so Talossans get a clear choice between political alternatives.

2. Legislative Reform: Talossa has too many laws and not enough of them are interesting, operative and relevant. We will go through the Federal Code and the Executive Orders and repeal anything that's useless. We will then start a program of legislation and SOs to declare all manner of things "official" (national car, national food, national entertainer, etc.) so as to expand the definition of what it means to be Talossan.

3. Real Time Talossa: A nation which is only a web forum is a waste of time. We will encourage Talossans to interact in other ways. We will instigate a live Joint Session of Parlamînt (either by Skype or IM), and encourage real-time provincial discussions. We will finally send out the citizenship certificates. We will see about starting a Second Talossan Chess Tournament (and of course invite our Royalist brethren).

4. Federalism: Vibrant provinces mean a vibrant and interesting Talossan Republic. Friendly competition between provincial identities provides an interesting alternative to party politics. We pledge to make the Provincial legislatures active in all those Provinces where we have members, and enact this program on a provincial level where applicable.

5. National Webspace: Our website is currently a confusing mess. However, since it's on a Wordpress platform, it should be easy to amend, once we have someone to take responsibility for it. But first, we will conduct a national survey to see what you, the Republic's citizens, want to see on it.

GUEST POST: Provinces and Philosophy

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Sun, 13 Mar 2011 19:31:00 +0000

(by C. Carlüs Xheráltsëfiglheu, Seneschál of the Talossan Republic)

The issue of provincial reform has always sparked heated debates and discussions. It’s clear that we’ll never all agree on a solution to some of the issues that face our provinces, or indeed what the provinces’ functions are in our Republic. As a vehement federalist, I’ve always advocated an increase in provincial authority and control over the political system. The mistake many make here is to assume that the federalist goal here is to completely overhaul the system and to replace it with a fully decentralised one. This is, quite simply, not the case.

What the Federalist Party failed to take into account when proposing radical reforms to the assignment laws was the macronational cultural identity that certain provinces wielded. The exemplary Cezembre shows how an entire provincial identity has spawned from the ‘European flavour’ that ensued from having an overseas territory in Europe. In this respect, it should be the aspiration of each province to have a binding and identifiable provincial link otherwise what would the provinces be other than small social clubs? Of course, if a citizen doesn’t identify with the binding cultural link, then he or she has a fairly strong case with the Court.

Reform is necessary, but for reform to have any effect it requires immediate action. The Defencist philosophy maintains that action be decisively implemented, that the problem be tackled as soon as possible, and that it tackles the problem at the root. Now, whilst there’s no doubt that the Peculiarist philosophy has the nation’s best interests at heart, it is unlikely that slow deliberation will get us anywhere any time soon. The same approach can, and should be applicable to government as well. If the government is to function in a way that is beneficial to the Talossan Republic, it must work conscientiously.

Of course, not everyone has the time, or possibly the willpower, to apply this ethic with such energy and enthusiasm. This is understandable, and many may tire of officials asking time and time again for an update one thing or another. Misinterpretation of this leads to the assumption that Defencist philosophy advocates bullying tactics, but this isn’t the case. Through reports and updates the Seneschal, the President, or even other Cabinet members can then work with struggling officials in order to relieve the pressure and eight of whatever tasks they’re required to complete. The trend for any government that doesn’t have a Seneschal incessantly though figuratively prodding other officials in their respective ribs is that progress is slow, reform is grey, and the problem will inevitably remain unfixed.

In the long run, the only way the Talossan Republic can solve many of its issues is by increasing the influx of prospective citizens. The opposition parties are well within their rights to criticise any failure in doing so, but must also recognise that it’s possible for the government to work on a multitude of projects and reforms at the same time. Though Defencism may annoy some of the slower-paced politicians in the Republic, in the long run such a philosophy is one of the primary reasons Talossa hasn’t completely sunk into the boggy marshes of apathy.

¡Prontu, Prüm Citaxhiên! #1 - Micronationalists and tifosi

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Thu, 03 Jun 2010 08:01:00 +0000

The first in what might be a regular series of half-baked and delightfully unofficial musings from Miestrâ P. Schivâ, PVZT founder-leader and President of the Talossan Republic.

Estimats cüncitaxhiêns és amici:

In my official State of the Republic speech, I referred to micronationalism as "our glorious, ridiculous hobby". (Before I get going on the essence of this talk, let's get some definitions out of the way. Let's define micronationalism as "a group of people who simulate nation-statehood on a recreational basis". Yes, that includes the Kingdom of Talossa, and they can come argue with me if they disagree.)

Well, what drives people to do such a thing? I have long been of the opinion that small-group organisations follow extremely similar lines, in terms of organisation, internal dynamics and the evolution of conflicts, no matter what the on-paper purpose and ideology of the organisation is. Everyone knows that tiny political parties and tiny religions behave quite similarly - you can extend that to chess clubs, sci-fi fandom circles, minority sexual orientations and, yes, micronations.

The common factor is surely a specific subset of human nature common to the broader culture from which all the members of these groups come. I just want to look at one interesting parallel today.

As many of you know, I play and follow the sport known in our national language as futból sochéir, "football" in most of the world and "soccer" in the rest. One of the reasons I got interested in futból sochéir is that, unlike any of the other codes of football, it has a fandom culture of the type that would be familiar to sci-fi fans, of which I am also one. I recently informed a baffled nerd of my acquaintance that soccer fans have invented filking as well. Except instead of making up new words for songs to express the forbidden passion of Kirk/Spock, they do them to troll the opposing team. (It's incredibly what a range of subject matter can be set to the tune of "Guántanamera" or "Walking in a Winter Wonderland".)

An eye-opening exposition of football fandom is the book A Season With Verona by Tim Parks. Parks is an English-born author living in Verona, Italy, who spent a year following the notoriously violent and racist tifosi (hard-core fans) of Hellas Verona FC on the road all around Italy. An interview he did with the Australian Broadcasting Comission on this issue had him saying that, in his view, the racist sentiments expressed by the Hellas tifosi

are tagged onto a more healthy tradition, it seems to me, of creating a local identity for today, just for today, we imagine we’re back in the Middle Ages to city-states who hate each other.

I've always thought, going all the way back to 1997 when I first discovered Talossa, that micronationalism is just one example of a general trend towards a kind of "artificial localism", or voluntary tribalism, which catches on given the complete breakdown of all traditional affiliations and bonds of solidarity in modern globalised capitalism.

But similarly - just as Hellas tifosi go from being perfectly respectable citizens in their daily lives to spouting the most insane verbal abuse at opponents and sometimes their own players at the game - so do we in our micronationalist lives entertain concepts and modes of behaviour that we would never approve of in daily life. The mere concept of "patriotism" or "nationalism", for example, sends shivers through me as a socialist in my daily life. But as President of the Republic, I will be yelling for more and more vigorous patriotism just about every day for the next year, and hopefully beyond.

The Talossan Republic will only survive and thrive - as any micronation - if it provides something that we can't get elsewhere in the world. That can't just be "a place to hang out and meet people online" - that probably worked in 1997, but today there's a few million other ways to waste one's time on teh intarwebz.

A former Seneschál of the Republic, now sadly no longer with us, seemed to be under the impression that what that could be for us was the kind of organised mock-violence that Tim Parks sees as the core of Italian football fandom. I think his words - and I'm paraphrasing here - were something like "the point of Talossa is to be in a gang", and compete with other gangs.

I think he might have been right... but not in the sense that he meant. He was talking about party political warfare. Now that's fun and everything, but it really drags down group cohesion. I am familiar with the concept of "lesbian drama", for example - that in a small, rather enclosed social situation, tiny personal issues get blown up into grand guignol vendettas. That's certainly how pre-Revolutionary Talossa worked (given that the sides in any vendetta were King Robert and Sycophants vs. Traitors of the Week). It led to actual, real personal damage, and the retreat of that monarch increasingly into a very nasty and narcissistic personal reality.

No, citizens and friends, I don't think that the point of our Republic is political combat with other citizens. This can be a good thing - as long as it's political, rather than personal. And "political" means "around real issues of substance about our collective direction as a nation".

I think that "our gang" is a good place to start. But our gang can't be our political party - to a lesser extent it can be our province, but there's limited mileage in that. It can't even be the Talossan Republic - because that leads to the logic of "cold war with the Kingdom", which I'm thoroughly bored with.

No, dear friends, our gang is Talossa. I suggest that patriotism - that dirty word - is precisely what the modern world of open borders and multinationals deprives us of, and what Talossa - with its 30-plus year cultural history - can offer people, and what we should, to use the modern jargon, market as our Unique Selling Point.

To make our nation survive and thrive, we must present ourselves as proud of it. We must start wearing the green and red (with or without the four silver stars) with the same pride as the Hellas fans wear the gialloblù. We must happily discuss Talossa with our non-Talossan friends and acquaintances. We shouldn't seek to start wars with any other gangs (except on the field of sporting combat!), but to simply express our deep-down belief that Talossa is a simulation-of-nationhood worth the deepest pride, and a measure of evangelisation.

But what if we simply don't want to do that? If we are ashamed of Talossa - or apathetic about it - then that is a real problem with our nation-building, which we must rectify. So perhaps, before we can wear our colours with pride, we must make them mean something to ourselves. And that's the ethos I want to take into the Seventh Year of Our Freedom Restored.

(P.S. Hellas Verona are contesting the playoff final in the next two weeks for promotion to Italy's Serie B [second division]. Wish them luck!)

Speech from Miestrâ Schivâ launching her campaign for President of the Republic

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Mon, 10 May 2010 19:43:00 +0000

Yes, Miestrâ Schivâ wants the highest office in the Republic. And, seemingly unlike my opponent, I have actually read the proposed Constitutional amendment, and I understand that the job carries a lot more power and weight under the proposed amendments than simply stopping laws that might look unconstitutional.

The Talossan Republic must continue, must thrive, must prove that Republicanism is better than monarchy. Strong leadership is necessary to make this happen - not in the sense of dictatorship or top-down control, but by setting an example of what Talossan patriotism means in practice. For example - if the Constitutional amendments pass, then the President will have the right to hire and fire the Government (the Chamber retaining only the right to fire). I intend to use this against Governments, Ministers and civil officials who are slow and slothful. You want the fancy title, do the work.

The new Constitution also makes it clear that the President is responsible for the defence of the Republic. Friends, that's not just a meaningless phrase suggesting that the Prez wears a tin helmet if someone ever starts a war. At the moment, the biggest enemy of the Republic is apathy and attrition of citizenship. I will appoint and advise a Government which promises to fight these deadly foes by a mixture of (a) stirring up things a bit around here; (b) actively recruiting citizens for the Republic.

Precise plans for this will of course be drawn up in consultation with a Government which has the confidence of the Chamber, but here are some preliminary thoughts: The Free Commonwealth of Penguinea survived and thrived when we were attracting all the greatest micronational leaders as dual citizens, due to the excitement of our political system and culture. Can this happen again? And how can we get inactive or former citizens excited about being Talossan again? Let's make the most of our fancy new website, also.

Talossan politics has become boring and stale since mid-2007, the point where the party system collapsed and political debate ceased. Successive governments have been terrified of controversy. Perhaps now is the time for governments to be deliberately controversial, in order to provoke opposition.

Even my worst enemies will tell you I have the three most important qualities for a Talossan head of state - style, vigour and a pig-headed refusal to admit defeat. Unlike my esteemed opponent, cxhn. Valcádac'h, the adjectives "wishy-washy", "indecisive" or "unnecessarily meek" could never be used in my presence.

Vote YES on the Constitution, and vote MIESTRÂ for President! For the smack of firm government!

Exploratory thoughts

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Wed, 21 Apr 2010 21:40:00 +0000

If the Defencist Unity Party were to stand a candidate for President of the Republic for Year VII, here are a few of the themes:

1. The Talossan Republic must continue, must thrive, must prove that Republicanism is better than monarchy.
2. Strong leadership is necessary to make this happen - not in the sense of dictatorship or top-down control, but by setting an example of what Talossan patriotism means in practice.
3. The Free Commonwealth of Penguinea survived and thrived when we were attracting all the greatest micronational leaders as dual citizens, due to the excitement of our political system and culture. Can this happen again?
4. How can we get inactive or former citizens involved again?
5. Talossan politics has become boring and stale since mid-2007, the point where the party system collapsed and political debate ceased. Successive governments have been terrified of controversy. Perhaps now is the time for governments to be deliberately controversial, in order to provoke opposition.
6. Inactive Governments and civil officials should be sacked without pity or mercy. You want the fancy title, do the work.
7. Let's make the most of our fancy new website.

A Republic under PVZT leadership would be - if nothing else - interesting. Talossa is an ongoing story, and every narrative needs something pushing it along. If that has to be a borderline-crazy President, striking ridiculous poses, begging for popular attention and alternatively cajoling and threatening all the other political actors, so be it.

Draft of a new Constitution

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Sun, 11 Apr 2010 11:36:00 +0000

TITLE II : The Institutions of State

General Remarks

1.The State comprises those institutions set up by general consent of the citizens of the Talossan Republic, to embody the collective will and act in the collective interests of those citizens.
2. a) The functions of the State are divided between the President, the Government, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senäts, and the Secretary of State.
b) Any person performing a role under this Constitution may resign their post by publically informing one or more of the President, Parlamînt and/or Secretary of State. Any person performing a role under this Constitution who is absent without explanation for one full calendar month or more shall be deemed to have resigned.
3. The Law of the Talossan Republic shall consist of the following, in order of priority:
(a)this Constitution;
(b)legislation passed by Parlamînt according to this Constitution;
(c)decisions of the Court of Justice;
(d)Executive Orders.
4. The Law of the Talossan Republic must be clear and comprehensible to the average citizen.

ARTICLE 1: The President of the Republic

1.The President of the Republic (in the national language: el Prüm Citaxhien) is the Head of the State and provides strategic and long-term leadership for the Republic.
2.The President has the power and responsibility, subject to the Law of the Republic:
(a)to defend the Republic, its Constitution and laws, and the institutions established by the Constitution and laws;
(b) to supervise the actions of the Government;
(c)to put into effect the laws passed by Parlamînt;
(d)with the advice and consent of the Government, to represent the Republic to foreign entities, and accredit ambassadors and other representatives of the Republic to such entities;
(e)to pardon those convicted of a crime by the judicial powers, subject to confirmation of any pardon by a referendum;
(f)to make a "State of the Republic" speech to a joint session of Parlamînt, at the first meeting of Parlamînt after the President's election;
(g)any other responsibilities which are granted by law.

Election of the President

3.The President is chosen by all Talossan electors, by universal, direct, free, equal and secret preferential ballot. Details of the conduct of such elections shall be established by law.
4.Every Talossan citizen of eighteen full calendar years of age or older who has fulfilled one or more of the following criteria is eligible for election as President of the Republic:
(a)He or she has been a Talossan citizen for a total of at least two years, or:
(b)He or she has served as a Member of either house of Parlamînt for a total of at least one year, or:
(c)He or she has served for a total of at least six months as any of the following: Seneschál, a Minister, Secretary of State, Mençei, Túischac'h or Justice of the High Court.
5.The President may not be a member of Parlamînt.
6.The office of the President of the Republic shall become vacant on the first day of June every year. The Secretary of State shall arrange for the election of a new President to be completed between May 1 and May 31.
7.No person may be re-elected to more than two consecutive terms as President.

ARTICLE TWO. The Parlamînt

1.The legislative power of the Republic of Talossa shall be exercised by a Parliament (in the national language, el Parlamînt).
2.The Parlamînt consists of a Chamber of Deputies (in the national language, la Camera dels Deputats), representing the democratic will of the Talossan nation; and a Senate (in the national language, el Senäts), representing Talossan tradition and the collective memory of long-term Talossans. Members of the Chamber of Deputies shall be known as Deputies (in the national language, Deputats). Members of the Senäts shall be known as Senators (in the national language, Senatôrs).
3. No Deputy shall at the same time be a Senator.

The Chamber of Deputies

4.The Chamber of Deputies shall be elected by all electors voting as a single electorate, by a method of proportional representation. Elections shall be universal, direct, free, equal and secret, and the details of their conduct shall be established by law.
5. The Chamber of Deputies shall be elected to a six month term. The Secretary of State shall commence preparations for a new general election immediately upon the dissolution of the Chamber.
6.(a)The President of the Republic shall dissolve the Chamber no later than six calendar months after the election of that Chamber, and summon the new Chamber to meet as soon as practicable after its election.
(b)The President may dissolve the Chamber at an earlier date than specified in section a) above, by means of an Executive Order co-signed by the Seneschál.
(c)The President may dissolve the Chamber at an earlier date than specified in section a) above without the consent of the Seneschál, if the Seneschál has lost the confidence of the Chamber of Deputies.
7. Any elector of the Republic not otherwise disqualified by this Constitution can be elected to the Chamber of Deputies.
8.Until Parlamînt otherwise decides, the number of seats in the Chamber of Deputies shall be five.
9.Parlamînt may by law establish procedures for elections to fill vacancies that occur from time to time in the Chamber, to be known as “by-elections”.
10. No seat in the Chamber shall be filled by a candidate who has not been directly chosen by the voters, either individually or as a named member of a party list.

The Senäts

11.The Senäts of the Republic shall consist of all former Presidents, Senescháis and High Cort Justices who have held that office for at least one half of a full term, who do not currently hold elected office, and have not been impeached or otherwise judicially barred. The current Secretary of State will be a non-voting member.
12. Not including the sitting President and the Deputies, other citizens may be named to the Senäts by law. Any law appointing a Senator shall mandate a term of office for that Senator of no more than 2 years, and be endorsed in referendum.
13.The Senäts shall be in continuous session, as long as it has a quorum.

Both Houses

14. Changes in the size of either House of Parlamînt shall only come into effect at the next election of that House.
15. The quorum for both Houses shall be 3 members.
16. The Chamber of Deputies and the Senäts shall each elect a Chair (called the Túischac'h and Mençéi respectively) from among their members who will organise the business of that house, keep a published archive of the proceedings and decisions of that House, and enforce the Standing Orders of that House. Neither Chair shall be a member of the Government.
17.The Chamber of Deputies and the Senäts may discuss their business in person, by mail, by telephone, by electronic messaging, or by any combination of the above. All discussions of the Chamber and Senäts shall be public, unless there is a proven reason to keep them secret for reasons of national security.
18.Each House is sovereign in the conduct of its business. Each House shall conduct its business in accordance with its own Standing Orders, which shall be adopted by majority vote of that House and made public.
19.The meetings of both Houses of Parlamînt, and the votes cast by all members in those Houses, are public. Decisions of each House require a majority of votes cast unless this Constitution provides otherwise.
20.Factual and precise reports of the public meetings of the Houses of Parlamînt and of their committees shall not give rise to any liability.
21. The Chamber of Deputies and Senäts and their committees can require the presence of the Seneschál and any minister or secretary of the Government. The Seneschál, the ministers, and secretaries have the right to be present at the sittings of the Chamber of Deputies and Senäts and their committees.

Joint Sessions

22. The Túischac'h and Mençéi may by agreement call a Joint Session of Parlamînt for those purposes set out elsewhere in this Constitution, and for any other purpose. Members of both Houses shall be provided with one week's notice of any Joint Session.
23. The Joint Session may elect a Chair Pro Tempore. Unless and until a Chair Pro Tempore is elected, the Joint Session shall be chaired by the Túischac'h.
24. Unless Parlamînt otherwise decides, Joint Sessions shall be held under the Standing Orders of the Chamber of Deputies. The quorum of a Joint Session shall be half of the Deputies, and three Senators.

Legislation

25. A proposal for legislation (or bill) shall pass both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senäts by simple majority vote, except for constitutional amendments, which shall be dealt with as below.
26. The Constitution can be amended only by a law that expressly amends or supplements the text thereof. The amending bill must specify which portion or portions of the Constitution it is amending. Such law requires the affirmative vote of two-thirds of the members of the Chamber of Deputies.
27. Bills which authorise taxation of the citizens of the Republic, or spending of public money, must originate in the Chamber of Deputies.
28.A bill (other than a Constitutional Amendment) introduced in, and passed by, the Chamber of Deputies shall be passed to the Senäts, who may:
(a)return the bill to the Chamber with suggested amendments;
(b)pass the bill to the President, with a recommendation that it either:
i.be promulgated;
ii.be put to referendum;
iii.be rejected.
29.A bill (other than a Constitutional Amendment) introduced in, and passed by, the Senäts shall be passed to the Chamber of Deputies, who may:
(a)return the bill to the Senäts with suggested amendments;
(b)reject the bill;
(c)pass the bill to the President, with a recommendation that it either:
i.be promulgated;
ii.be put to referendum.
30. A bill adopted by one House, returned to that House by the other House for amendment, and then passed again by the original House without amendment may not be returned, but shall either be passed to the President or (in the case of a bill originating in the Senäts) rejected.
31. A bill to amend the Constitution shall be debated according to sections 28-30 above, except that instead of being passed to the President by one House after being adopted by the other House, it shall be passed to the Secretary of State who will put the bill to referendum.
32. A bill (apart from a bill to amend the Constitution) shall become law once the President promulgates it (that is, publicly announces his assent) and the Secretary of State shall thereupon publish it as law. The President shall have deemed to have promulgated any bill on which he takes no action for seven days.
33. If the President refuses to promulgate a bill, the Secretary of State shall pass that bill back to Parlamînt for amendment. If Parlamînt passes the bill once again unamended, and the President still refuses to promulgate the bill, the Secretary of State shall present that bill to the people in a referendum as provided by law.
34. Legislation approved in a referendum shall be deemed to have been promulgated without need for the President's signature, and shall be published as law by the Secretary of State.
35. The Seneschál may from time to time instruct the Secretary of State to publish texts of the Constitution and Laws, updated with all amendments.

Impeachment

36. The Chamber of Deputies may impeach the President, the Secretary of State or any Senator before the Court of Justice for wilful violation of the law, or for conduct which brings the Talossan Republic into disrepute. At least one-fourth of the Deputies must bring the motion for impeachment forward. The decision to impeach requires a majority of two-thirds of the Deputies. A person appointed by the impeachment conducts the prosecution.
37. If the Court of Justice finds the defendant guilty of a wilful violation of any law, it may declare him or her to have forfeited his or her office. After impeachment, it may issue a temporary order barring the defendant from exercising the powers of his or her office, or from being elected, re-elected or appointed to any public office for a period no greater than one year.

Referendums

38.Referendums are the procedure by which the people of the Republic as a whole endorse or reject extraordinary decisions of the institutions of state, including but not limited to constitutional amendments, pardons, the resolutions of legislative deadlocks, or the appointments of extraordinary Senators.
39.Referendums shall be open to participation by all Talossan electors, and conducted by a secret ballot. The details of their conduct shall be established by law, including provisions for both two-choice and multi-choice ballots.
40.A binding or advisory referendum may be declared on any subject by Executive Order.

ARTICLE THREE. The Government and the Secretary of State

The Government

1.The executive power of the Republic shall be exercised by the Government (in the national language, el Governmaíntsch).
2. The Government consists of a Prime Minister (in the national language, el Seneschál) and a number of Ministers. The President and the Secretary of State shall not be members of the Government.
3. The Government has the power and responsibility, subject to the Law of the Republic, to:
(a) ensure that the laws of the Republic are carried out;
(b) administer the common property, intellectual, financial, digital, physical and otherwise of the Republic;
(c) set policy and provide day-to-day leadership and for the Republic;
(d) carry out any other responsibilities which are granted by law.
4.The Seneschál is the Head of the Government. He or she is appointed and dismissed by the President of the Republic, and shall appoint the other members of the Government, known as Ministers. The Seneschál may also delegate Government functions to civil officials outside the Government, known as Secretaries.
5.The Seneschál has power and responsibility, subject to the Law of the Republic, to:
(a)appoint and dismiss the Ministers and any Secretaries;
(b)chair meetings of the Government;
(c) make sure that the Government and all its members, as well as Secretaries, carry out their functions;
(d) take the leading role in establishing Government policy;
(e) define the roles of individual Ministers and Secretaries, to the extent that they are not already defined by law;
(f) approve the text of all Government-sponsored bills;
(g) account to the President and Parlamint for the general performance of the Government, and for that of Secretaries;
(h) perform the functions of any Minister or Secretary who fails to carry out that function, whether because of absence, negligence, or any other reason;
(i) carry out any other responsibilities which are granted by law.
6. Each Minister shall have the power and responsibility, subject to the Law of the Republic:
(a) to carry out the functions assigned to them by the Laws of the Republic and by the Seneschál;
(b) to participate in the functions of the Government as a whole, as described in section 3 above;
(c) to account to Parlamint for their individual performance.
7.The Government of the Republic is collectively and individually responsible to both the President and Parlamînt. The members of the Government hold office while they retain the confidence of the Chamber of Deputies. The Government and any individual members thereof may be censured by the Chamber of Deputies or the Senäts.
8. Any power granted by the laws of the Republic to the Government, to the Seneschál or to an individual Minister may be exercised instead by a civil official outside the Government designated by the Seneschál, known as a Secretary. Secretaries may not set policy, nor exercise any powers not specifically granted by law to the Minister whom they take the place of. The Seneschál shall be responsible to Parlamînt for their performance. They may be censured by the Chamber of Deputies or the Senäts.
9. If the Seneschál resigns or is dismissed, all the Ministers and Secretaries shall also be deemed to have resigned.
10. The Seneschál and the other ministers may recommend and appoint Deputy Ministers to exercise specific delegated functions. The Deputy Seneschál shall be called el Distáin in the national language. Deputy Ministers shall be Acting Ministers in the absence of the primary Minister. Outgoing ministers may recommend their successors.
11. Executive Orders must be co-signed by both President and Seneschál. They may be overturned by the Chamber of Deputies.
12. The Government shall regularly confer in person, by mail, by telephone, by electronic messaging, or by any combination of the above.
13. The Government makes its decisions by majority vote. In case of a tie, the vote of the Seneschál shall be decisive.
14. Every new Seneschál shall, within a week of assuming office, give an "Address from the Incoming Government" to a joint session of Parlamînt.
15. Parlamînt may set age limits by law to exercise any function or role of the Government, its members or subordinates, which requires handling money or conformity with the law of other jurisdictions.

The Secretary of State

16.The Secretary of State is the pre-eminent civil official of the Republic. The Secretary of State shall be nominated by the President and confirmed in office by a 2/3 majority of the Chamber of Deputies. He or she shall shall be of eighteen full calendar years of age or older and not be the President, or a member of the Government, the Chamber of Deputies, or the Court of Justice. He or she may participate in all the debates of the Senäts, but shall have no vote.
17. The President shall nominate a new Secretary of State on the first business day of January every year, and also whenever the office becomes vacant. A sitting Secretary of State may be re-nominated.
18. The Secretary of State shall have the power and responsibility, subject to the Law of the Republic:
(a) to conduct Presidential and Parliamentary elections in accordance with law;
(b) to keep a register of all citizens of the Republic, and of which citizens are qualified to be Senators;
(c) to act as chief legal advisor to the Government;
(d) to keep an updated public archive of the Constitution and Laws of the Republic.
(e) to carry out any other responsibilities which are granted by law.

ARTICLE FOUR: The Administration of Justice

1.The judicial power of the Republic shall be exercised by the Court of Justice (in the national language: el Cort dàl Xhuricinâ), and by any other courts of the Republic which shall be established as provided for in this Constitution.
2.The Court of Justice shall be composed a committee of Senators (known as Justices, or in the national language Cadìns) acceptable to both parties in any dispute that may arise. Other Courts, subordinate to the Court of Justice, may be established by law.
3.Parlamînt may establish by law:
a.a maximum number of Justices;
b.procedures for bringing cases to the Court of Justice, and for the conduct of hearings before that Court.
4.Unless overruled by law as in section 3 above, the Senäts shall determine procedures for bringing cases to the Court of Justice, and for the conduct of hearings before that Court.
5.The Secretary of State shall publish and archive the decisions of the Court of Justice, the reasons for those decisions, and any minority opinions. Any other Courts established by law shall nominate a Clerk to carry out the same function.
6. The Court of Justice shall have sole jurisdiction:
a.on the interpretation of this Constitution in the event of disputes concerning the extent of rights and duties;
b.in cases of differences of opinion or doubts on the formal and material compatibility of Republic law or provincial law with this Constitution;
c.in cases of differences of opinion on the rights and duties of the Republic and the provinces;
d.in cases where the decision is of basic value for the consistency of the management of justice;
e.as established otherwise in this Constitution.
7.The Government shall appoint a Minister, to be known as the Attorney-General, to represent it in any suits that may be brought in the Court of Justice.

Other Courts

8.Other courts may be established by law for the areas of ordinary, administrative, finance, labour, and social jurisdiction. Decisions of these courts may be appealed to the Court of Justice.
9. The judges of other Courts are subject only to the law, and can be removed from office only under authority of a judicial decision and only on grounds and in the form provided for by law.
10. Extraordinary courts are prohibited. No one may be removed from the authority of his or her lawful judge. Only a law may establish courts for special areas of jurisdiction.
11. No Court shall decree any punishment more severe than expulsion from the Republic. The Court of Justice alone may decree expulsion from the Republic.
12. All Courts shall make their decisions by majority vote.

ARTICLE FIVE: Emergency Procedures

1. While one House of Parlamînt is not in session, or is inquorate, the other House shall assume all functions of Parlamînt, given that it has a quorum itself.
2. In the absence of the President, the Senäts shall elect a President Pro-Tempore with a 2/3 majority and a quorum of at least 3. The term of the President Pro-Tempore shall last until the President returns, or until the next regularly scheduled Presidential election.
3. A petition of no less than 40% of current citizens of the Republic shall be sufficient to declare a General Assembly of the Republic, which shall have the power to suspend the Constitution and rule by direct democracy.
4. If there is neither an active President nor a quorate House of Parlamînt, and if there are still more than 5 active citizens, the citizens may elect a "Politbureau" consisting of three persons for the coordination of all adminstrative and other tasks.
5. Emergency provisions shall cease to have effect as soon as the Constitutional order is restored. If the Constitutional order is not restored by the time of the next scheduled election, a General Assembly of all citizens shall be convened as under section 3 above.

The bare bones of a PVZT program

noreply@blogger.com (Doloras LaPicho) — Thu, 04 Mar 2010 00:14:00 +0000

1. A Republic which encourages participation, with simpler laws and administrative procedures.
2. Government that does its job - both in administration, and in promoting opportunities for fun, friendship and cultural expression.
3. A fully functioning online presence - website, forum, Facebook, all working together.
4. Actively promoting friendly relations and cultural goodwill with the people and leaderships of all Talossa-like entities, to the extent that such people are interested (including the Kingdom of Talossa).

Put all these together, and immigration will surely follow.