Opinion Of Experts On Hot Issue

'आपत्तिजनक सम्झौता’ प्रति

2012-01-22T21:11:00.000-08:00

सौरभ

विश्वेश्वर कोइरालाले 'सबैभन्दा अविश्वसनीय' भनेका पात्रको प्रधानमन्त्रित्वकालमा, ३० हजारमा नेपाली सेना झारे हुन्छ भनेर १९८९ मा एमजे अकबरलाई अन्तरवार्ता दिने ऋषिकेश शाहको परोक्ष तर पूर्ण अनुसरण, त्यो पनि उनकै चेलाबाट भएछ भने पनि धेरैलाई आश्चर्य लाग्नेछैन । त्यसैले आपत्तिजनक चारबुँदे सम्झौता हुन पुग्यो, जसमा कथित तराई मोर्चाले आफ्नो तुहिनै लागेको अडानका कुरा बेलाबेला उठाइरहन्छ । तर कुन तुक र तर्कका आधारमा ? यहाँ त्यसैको विस्तार गरिन्छ ।
अघोषित नियम

६ फिटभन्दा अग्लो हुनुपथ्र्यो, हनुमानढोकाको पहरेदार हुन् । यो चलन राजेन्द्रविक्रम शाहका बेलासम्म कायम थियो । जर्मन काइजर्सको दरबारको पहरागणको अनुकरण भए पनि विसं १९०४ मा तिनैलाई समेटेर राइफल गण गठन गरियो । द्वितीय विश्वयुद्ध (सन् १९३९) सम्म काठमाडौं उपत्यकाको काँठका मानिसहरूलाई सेनामा भर्ना लिइँदैनथ्यो । यद्यपि काँठमा प्रशस्तै क्षत्री परिवारहरू बसोबास गर्थे । त्यो बेलाको काँठ भनेको टुकुचाटार (कालिकास्थान), धाँकिटार (गौरीघाट उत्तर), भैमाल (मनहरा पारि) पनि हो । प्रधानसेनापतिमा सकेसम्म ठकुरीलाई नियुक्ति दिइँदैनथ्यो । यो चलन २०२२ सालमा सुरेन्द्रबहादुर शाहको नियुक्तिले टुटेको मात्रै हो । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहका आफ्नै भाइ महोद्दामकीर्ति शाहले गुल्मीको फौजी सहयोगमा गोरखाविरुद्ध विद्रोह गर्न खोजेपछि यस्तो नीति लिइएको हो । नभन्दै पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले दिव्योपदेशमा 'ठकुरीले दगा गर्छ' भनेकै छन् । राजाचाहिँ ठकुरी हुने तर प्रधानसेनापति नहुने त्यस्तो हदैसम्मको कठोरता देख्दादेख्दै तराईवासीमाथि किन पक्षपात ? भन्ने तर्कको कुनै तुक छैन । दहचोक, दिगर्चा, कास्की, नाल्दुमका लडाइँमा उपाध्यायहरू लडेका र मरेका छन् । तर ब्राह्मणलाई युद्धमैदानको कमान्डर नै चाहिँ बनाइएको छैन, उनीहरूको गणको कुरा त परै रहोस् (कोतको तुलसी मठमा ब्राह्मणलाई कृष्णबहादुर राणाले काटेकै हुन्, तर ती अर्यालको नामसमेत उल्लेख छैन) । लिम्बुहरू झनक्कै रिसाइहाल्ने र झगडालु हुन्छन् (भेन्सिटार्ट), यसैले उनीहरूको बहुलता रहेको गणलाई अरूबाट केही परै राखिन्छ, कोही जाति प्रहरीका निम्ति मात्र उपयुक्त हुन्छन् (ऐजन), यसैले प्रहरी सेवा नभएको कालमा समरजङ्ग कम्पनीको तर्जुमा भएको हो, कोही जाति साम्प्रदायिक हुन्छन् (एल्डरसट), यसैले उनीहरू बहुल रहेको गणमा अरू जातिलाई पनि मिसाइन्छ ।

ब्रिटिस टेलिकमले रोटरी टेलिफोनको प्रचलन कालसम्म देब्रे हात मात्र चल्नेलाई कर्मचारीमा

लिँदैनथ्यो । माथिका नियमहरू त्यस्तै हुन् । त्यस्ता अघोषित नीति सेनामा सयौं छन् । २००८ को कार्यसम्पादन ऐनजस्तै नीति हो यो, टाउको भएको शरीर नभएको । जसको व्याख्या विशुद्ध विज्ञानको क्षमताभित्र पर्दैन । बरु कृष्णप्रसाद भट्टराईको कार्यकाल छोट्टिनुको एउटा प्रमुख कारण थियो, उनले दिल्लीमा दिएको प्रतिउत्तर, 'तिमीहरूले चाहिँ तराईवासीलाई सेनामा भर्ना किन नलिएको ?' भन्ने कुरा बुझे हुन्छ ।

दायित्व

सेरामा रोपाईं गर्नुपथ्र्यो, सेनाले सैनिक पोसाक नै लगाएर, केवल मोहता घुँडासम्म सारेर । सेरा भनेको पछिल्लो कालको विभाजनमा अब्बल, दोयम, सिम, चाहारमध्येको अब्बल जमिन हो । यस्तो जमिन प्रायः राजाकै पक्कै हुन्थ्यो । तर सेरामा सेनाको योगदानको अर्थ हो खाद्य सुरक्षाको ग्यारेन्टी । त्यसपछि मात्र अन्य जमिनमा रोपाइँ सुरु हुन्थ्यो करिबकरिब सबै रजौटा राज्यमा ।

सिन्धुली, रामेछाप र उदयपुर जिल्लामा रामदली गाउनुको अर्थ घाँसेगीत गाउनु हो । तर यथार्थ के हो भने रामदली मकै गोड्दा मात्रै गाइने गीत हो (रामकली गाउनुको अर्थचाहिँ अर्कै हो) । सन् १९०७ मा हजुरिया कर्णेल नरबहादुर बस्नेतले त्यहाँ 'डेन्ट कर्न' भित्र्याए । मकै (जिया मेज) को 'फि्लन्ट कर्न' प्रजाति जगज्जय मल्लकै बेलादेखि थियो, 'पप कर्न' प्रजाति जंगबहादुर राणाअघि नै थियो । तर यो अत्यन्त नयाँ प्रजातिको उब्जनी पक्का गर्न सेनाको राम दललाई उपयोग गरियो । जुन दल पछि प्रहरीमा परिणत भयो अर्थात् बाहिरी आक्रमणबाट देश रक्षा गर्न मात्र होइन, नागरिकलाई खाद्य सुरक्षा दिलाउने दायित्व पनि सेनाकै थियो । जति बेला हरित क्रान्तिको कुरा गर्ने नर्मन बोर्लागको न जन्म भएको थियो, न एमोनियम सल्फेट नै भित्रिएको (१९५२) थियो । यस्ता सेराहरू पश्चिमसम्म अझै टन्नै छन् । ठिमीको नेकु सेरा पनि सेरा नै हो (नेवारीको नेकु जोडिएको कारण त्यहाँ नीरकमल (निम्फिया स्टेलाटा) लगाइन थालेकाले हो । नेकु बन्छ संस्कृतको कालोबोधक निस्कुटबाट रूपान्तरित भएर नेवारीमा बन्ने निकुथु राँगोबाट । नीरकमलको बियाँ राँगाको टाउकोजस्तै हुन्छ नियाल्यो भने ।) तर अवनतिको हद यस्तो भएर गयो नेकु सेराले पछिपछि धान होइन, वर्षको ६ वटा नीरकमल मात्रै दरबारलाई बुझाउन थालेको थियो ।

अर्थात् तराईले खाद्य सुरक्षा दिएन भने पहाड धानिँदैन र त्यसले घुँडा टेक्छ भन्ने दक्षिण सञ्चालित मनोविज्ञानका आडमा चलेको राजनीतिमा कुनै दम छैन । यद्यपि रिपु मल्लको डोटी राज्यका हातमा भारतस्थित सिङ्घियाईसम्मको तराई, पाल्पाको हातमा बटौली -मान्छे बटुलिने ठाउँ), खस्यौली -खस्न गएकाहरू बस्ने ठाउँ), सुनौली -सुनजस्ता बाला झुल्ने ठाउँ), तनहुँका हातमा भारतको रामनगरसम्म, चौदण्डीका हातमा पूर्वी तराईदेखि पूणिर्यासम्म सोझै अधीनस्थ इलाकाहरू थिए, अझ दीनानाथ दाहालले जोडेका चार जिल्लासहित (सिन्धुलीको मुलकोटमा उनले बनाएको पीपल चौतारा मात्रै अब त्यस महान् कूटनीतिज्ञको कीर्तिशेष रहेको छ) जहाँ पारिबाट खेतीका लागि अधियाँ दिई दिई ल्याउनुपथ्र्यो ।

अभ्यास

माओवादी विद्रोहको एउटा प्रशंसा गर्नैपर्छ त्यो हो अभ्यासहीन, सुतेको र धेरै नै बोसो लागेको परम्परागत सेनालाई यसले एकाएक चुनौतीको माध्यमबाट ताजा र तयार रहन प्रेरित गर्‍यो । यद्यपि ८० प्रतिशत भूभाग कब्जाको जुन दाबी गरिन्छ त्यो माओवादी बलियो भएर होइन, राज्यको अनुपस्थिति र सेना कुँजो अवस्थामा पुगिसकेकाले हो ।

२००७ सालपछि नेपाली सेनालाई कुँजो कसरी बनाउने भनेर दक्षिणी प्रयासहरू भएरै आएका थिए । राणाकालको पुनःगठनका नाममा ६ हजारमा सेनालाई झारियो । यो खप्न सकेन नेपालले र सबैलाई मिलिसिया ट्रेनिङ दिने आवाज घन्कियो, कम्तीमा अहिलेको इजरायल वा दक्षिण कोरियाको ढाँचामा । केआई सिंह यस विचारका प्रणेता थिए । तर भिसी विजेता लक्ष्मण गुरुङले पाएको भन्दा पनि चर्को स्वागत दिल्लीमा पाएपछि यो प्रसंगलाई कलेजबाट केही विद्यार्थी भर्ना गर्ने गरी नेसनल क्याडेट कोर्समा पुर्‍याएर तुहाइयो । आज देव गुरुङहरूले पुनः त्यसलाई जब जगाउने प्रयास गरे, दक्षिणलाई टाउको दुख्यो । नेपाली कांग्रेसका 'सिलौटा' र 'शिखण्डी' हरू त्यसविरुद्ध खनिए ।

जब कि नेपालको पुनः एकीकरण अभियानको विस्फोट मात्रै गोरखाबाट भएको हो । पश्चिमका यावत् खलंगा (छाउनी) हरू मध्यकालभन्दा पनि अघिदेखिका हुन् । सैनी भनिन्छ सेनाप्रमुखलाई अर्थात् गोरखाको नुवाकोट भैरवीजस्तै पश्चिमको निम्ति निगाला सैनी, पोटाला सैनी, खडक सैनी, विन्द्रा सैनी, डिला सैनी सबै युद्धका देवी हुन्, सिंगा सैन, तिमल सैन, मंगल सैन, पाण्डु सैन, बाटुला सैन, घोडा सैन, खीर सैन सबै पूर्वछाउनीहरू हुन् । गण्डी गुल्म (चौकी) बाट गुल्मी, पयठ (मार्च) बाट प्युठान हुन पुगेको छ । यद्यपि तिलंगा भारतको तेलंगनाको सिपाहीलाई मात्र भनिन्छ अर्थात् नेपाली जनजीवनको सबैभन्दा प्रबल धार नै सैनिक धार हो । नेपाली साधुका बोलीमा पनि सैनिक लवज पाइन्छ, गहिरियो भने । यसैले नेपालको पैदल सेना विश्वकै सबैभन्दा राम्रो पैदल सेना हुन पुग्यो कुनै बेला ।

पक्कै हो, भारत संघको निर्माणपछि त्यसैको निरन्तरता व्यावहारिक रहेन तर धाइफाल (लङ जम्प), ठेलो (सट पुट) र अझ सन् १८४२ को सार्वजनिक पल्टनबाजी (समर सल्ट) प्रदर्शन सबै छापामार चरित्रका अभ्यास हुन् । पश्चिममा खेलिने 'गर्रा' नै महाभारतकालीन चक्रव्यूहको अवशेष हो । जडेलो -भाइटिस) लाई काट्न वर्जना गरिएको नै छापामारलाई निर्जन जंगलबीच पानी पिलाउनलाई हो । बारुदका निम्ति राम्रो धुलेगोलको खोजीमा सतीबयर -रस पार्भीफ्लोरा) व्यापक रूपमा जंगलमा रोपेको माओवादीले यो रहस्य बुझेकै होला ।

अर्थात् भारत संघको निर्माणपछि कदाचित् परिहालेमा उपयोग गर्न सकिने चरित्र भनेको छापामार चरित्र नै हो, शक्तिशाली अमेरिकाविरुद्ध भियतकङजस्तो । यो उसले चाहिँ राम्रै बुझेको छ र मिलिसिया ट्रेनिङको विरोध भइरहेको हो । तर मैदानमा हुर्केकाहरूले के पहाडी भूगोलमा चल्ने र त्यसको उपयोगिता हुने फोकटको रासन खानेबाहेक ?

पतनको सीमा

विसं १८९९ मा शार्दुलजङ पल्टनका सिपाहीहरूले तलबका विषयमा माग राखे, आफ्नो बन्दुक बिसाए । वृद्ध बाबुआमा, पत्नी र छोराछोरी पाल्न नै एक व्यक्तिले ज्यानको बाजी राखेर सिपाहीको जागिर खाएको हुन्छ । यो कुनै विद्रोह थिएन, गुनासो मात्र थियो सरकारसँग ।

तर त्यसबापत तिनलाई कुनै युद्धमा लड्न जान नपाउने, आधुनिक सैनिक पोसाक लगाउन नपाउने र बन्दुकको नाल आकाशतिर फर्काउन नपाइने सजाय दिइयो । फलस्वरूप 'गुरुज्यूको परेवा' (बाह्र प्वाँखे, चुत्थो), 'गुरुज्यूको लम्बर' (मनपरि) जस्ता नेपाली टुक्काहरूमा थप 'गुरुज्यूको पल्टन' (नलड्ने) मा त्यो दर्ता भएको छ । जब कि विसं १८७१-७२ को जैथकको लडाइँमा यसले इस्ट इन्डिया कम्पनीको सेनासँग लडेर त्यसलाई हराएको थियो ।

तर आज आफैंविरुद्ध, आफैंले मानी आएको परम्पराविरुद्ध, बन्दुक नै उठाएकाहरूलाई समेत सेना समायोजनका नाममा भित्र्याउन बाध्य छ सेना । यद्यपि भारतविरुद्ध बंकरसमेत खनेको माओवादीलाई नक्कली नोट भित्र्याउनेहरू, तस्करी गर्नेहरू, दसगजा मिच्नेहरू, सीमास्तम्भ ढाल्नेहरू, घुसपैठिया आतंककारीहरूलाई तह लगाउनकै निम्ति मात्रै भए पनि सीमा सुरक्षा बलमा परिणत हुन आपत्ति किन भएको हो ? बुझी नसक्नु छ । यहाँनिर शार्दुलजङ कम्पनीमाथि झन्डै १७० वर्षपछि आफ्नो फौजदारी अदालतबाट यथार्थवादी तर्कसहित न्याय दिएर मात्रै समायोजनतर्फ लाग्नु सेनाका निम्ति उचित हुनुपथ्र्यो, मैदानबाट बगालै भर्ती सुरु गर्ने त पछिको कुरा भयो ।

अन्त्यमा

सुरसण्ड पर्छ सीमापारि । त्यहाँ जन्मेर ससुराली धाइरहेको पात्रलाई नेपालमा राजनीति गराउन कोइरालाहरूले भित्र्याएका महन्थ ठाकुर । सोनवर्षा पनि पर्छ सीमापारि, त्यहाँ जन्मेर पर्साको एक चिनी कारखानामा लोडर र त्रिभुवन विमानस्थलमा सफाइ कामदारको ठेकेदार हुँदै सर्लाहीको नागरिकता लिने पात्रको नाम राजेन्द्र महतो । जसको बोली १६ पुसको नयाँपत्रिकामा पढ्न पाइन्छ- नेपाली सेनामा मधेसीलाई भर्ना गर्ने प्रक्रिया कसैले रोक्न सक्दैन । त्यसको विरोध गर्नुको औचित्य छैन । पटनामा जन्मेर नेपाल भित्रिएपछि मन्त्री बन्न पुगेकी सद्भावना आनन्दीदेवीकी नेतृ, घोडासान नजिकैको कबइमा जन्मिएर राप्रपा नेपालको सभासद, अघिल्लो पुस्तामा उत्तर प्रदेशको महाराजगन्जबाट जनकराज पाण्डेको परासीस्थित खाँडसारी मिलमा मिस्त्रीबाट मन्त्री, जयनगरमा जन्मिएर मधुबनीको नागरिकता लिँदै एमालेबाट मन्त्री, सीमावारिको होइन पारिको

मर्चवारमा जन्मिएर सूर्यबहादुर थापाको मन्त्रिमण्डलमा क्याबिनेटस्तरीय शिक्षामन्त्री, अघिल्लो पुस्तामा बिहारको वीरपुरबाट भित्रिएर नेपाली कांग्रेसबाट मन्त्री हुँदै फोरम र त्यसबाट मधेसी मोर्चाको नेता- हरूको एक ठूलो बगाल नै रहेपछि तिनबाट नेपाली सेनाको छापामार चरित्रको विकासलाई रोक्न हुने हरसम्भव प्रयासमा आश्चर्य के ? रैथाने तराईवासीको खोइ हैसियत राजनीतिमा ? जसको सेनासम्बन्धी सोचले कुनै मौलिक आयाम र महत्त्व राखोस् ।

Nepal may be venue of opposing Chinese and Indo-US Security interests

2011-11-30T21:38:00.000-08:00

Sulav Khatiwada
MBA Graduate,Jhapa, Nepal

Sulabh Khatiwada, a fresh MBA Graduate from Apex College, Kathmandu, is now associated with a business firm named DR Construction & DR Supplies. Apart from being involved in the business activities, he is closely observing the political events happening within and without the national boundaries.
Sujit Sharma for the Telegraph Weekly and its online edition telegraphnepal.com approached and talked with this lively young man on several aspects of Nepali economy and politics, recent trends observed in global politics and its possible impact in Nepal.
Below are the excerpts of this exclusive interview: Chief Editor.

Q1: Nepal is now undergoing through peace process. Does this situation have had any impact in the development activities happening in the country?
Khatiwada: Being an associate of a construction company, I am largely benefitted by the current state of country. Nepalese economy was in stagnation, better say it was very much close to a collapse, during the 10 years long Maoist insurgency. After the mainstreaming of the Maoists in national politics, some positive changes have been noticed in the national economy. Our economy is gradually becoming pulsating.
The firm to which I am associated is mainly focused on the construction works in several municipalities. The development activities in the municipalities have been increased drastically after the beginning of the peace process. Government has increased budgetary allocation for the development activities and Consumer Groups have been formed at the local levels to monitor such activities. The ongoing development activities have integrated the aspiration and stake of the local people. I am satisfied with this change.

Q2: It is being rumored that the businessmen in Nepal are being victimized by the extortion campaign of different political parties and armed groups. Is it true?
Khatiwada: I would prefer to remain tight lipped over this issue. Let it remain just a rumor only. I apologize for this.

Q3: A section of analysts accuse that the Politics-Crime nexus in Nepal is gradually taking a dangerous turn. What do you think about this?
Khatiwada: This pitiable situation emerged in our country after the people made politics the means of earning their livelihood. Politics should not be a job, it is a volunteer service. The politicians in Nepal are trying to loot the country with the help of the political power they wield. This situation has led to the surfacing of criminal activities under the cover of politics. It should immediately come to an end. Or else, our country will plunge in the whirlpool of impunity.

Q4: What do you want to say further about the Nepali politics?
Khatiwada: Nepali politics is now moving ahead through four different paths, each being led, for example, by Unified Maoists, Nepali Congress, UML and the Madesh based parties. I don’t see any meeting point in between them. National interest could be a meeting point; however, they are least interested in making the national interest an issue as such.

Q5: After signing Seven Points Agreement, November 1, 2011, between major political parties, it was said that an atmosphere of political consensus was formed. But such presumed consensus, according to some analysts, is gradually fading away. Why it so happened Mr. Khatiwada? Why Nepali political actors cannot ever unite?
Khatiwada: Its answer is very simple. The current political mess is the net result of unnatural (or say unholy) alliance(s) between the Left and Right extremism. The Unified Maoists and the Nepali Congress represent the Left and the Right camp respectively. Their ideologies are totally opposing ones. One prefers to eat with the right hand while the other insists to use the left one.
How the alliance between such diametrically opposing poles could become possible in the near past? Which force on earth made these two forces unite amongst themselves and for what purposes? We need to dwell on this Himalayan question.
To end the ongoing political mess, either Nepalese Congress or the Unified Maoist has to surrender its structured ideology and beliefs. Until and unless this does not happen, political stalemate in Nepal will not end. Take it for granted.

Q6: But some analysts claim that the maneuvering of alien forces is responsible for the current pathetic situation of Nepal? Do you see any logic behind such allegations?
Khatiwada: Our geostrategic location is so unique that we cannot avert the maneuvering of the alien forces. First of all, we must accept this fact. However, we should not get worried by the prevalence of such a situation. If handled with care and vision, this situation may yield positive results for the whole country. For this, we need to enrich our diplomatic acumen and negotiating capabilities.

Q7: Could you please further elaborate your saying? I think you are making quiet interesting remarks.
Khatiwada: The geopolitics of Nepal and the upheavals' being witnessed in both regional and global political/strategic landscape has significantly enriched the geo-political significance of our country.
Our geography and the recent developments that have happened in international politics has compelled our neighbor(s) to exhibit their serious concerns towards the Nepali affairs because Nepali soil now has acquired tremendous strength to influence the security and economic landscape of the two Asian giants, China and India.

Q8: What Nepal should do in this situation? Could you please forward some candid suggestions?
Khatiwada: We should try our best to exploit maximum benefit from the concerns now being exhibited by regional and extra-regional powers towards Nepal's politics and geographical situation.
We can learn from the way Myanmar is extracting benefit from the existing hostile relation between China and India. Kathmandu too can utilize its maneuvering capabilities in its relations with India, China, US and other European countries as against their anxiety in Nepal and can use their concerns for the development of the whole nation.

Q9: Mr. Khatiwada, could you please become more candid on what you exactly mean to say?
Khatiwada: I think I should clarify my opinion with the help of an example.
Tibet is one of the major factors determining Nepal's relation with other countries. Kathmandu is reiterating its firm commitment towards One China Policy since long. This might have been made to appease the Chinese. However, our Southern neighbor and some Western countries are offensively annoyed by Nepal's presumed hostility towards Tibetan refugees. US lawmaker Frank Rudolph Wolf had recently ventilated his ire against Kathmandu and had even threatened to strip off the US aid if it did not provide safe passage to the Tibetan defectors.
Under the prevailing circumstance, we should try to extract more financial and diplomatic support from China to counter the USs coercion. Lots of people in Nepal believe that Nepal is meaningful for China. Despite of the Nepal's firm commitment towards One China Policy (both in theory and practice), China is mocking at Nepal by providing peanut support to the latter. We should try to convey message to Beijing that Nepal cannot afford to tease other friendlier countries by suppressing Tibetan refugees, as desired by Beijing in the prevailing situation. If Beijing wants us to act as per its desire, it should be sincere towards the development of Nepal. If needed, we can open US or India card to convince China in this regard.

Q10: So, then why Kathmandu has yet not exercised its foreign policy as brilliantly suggested by you?
Khatiwada: I am very sorry to say that we haven't reformed our foreign policy since long. The existing foreign policy is outdated; we need to formulate new ones based on the strong bedrock of the national interests. But political leaders of Nepal are not sincere towards it. They cannot unite among themselves even for the sake of national interests. Rather they enjoy dancing to the tune of alien music.

Q11: Thanks for your unique comment(s). It is said that Nepal will become another Afghanistan because of excessive maneuvering of the alien forces in the political and ethnic issues of this Himalayan nation. Do you think this is likely to happen?
Khatiwada: Because of the duffer Nepali politicians, it looks as if a dangerous catastrophe is gradually approaching. However, I don’t think Nepal can ever become a battleground of international powers.
Former USSR repented for its decision by invading Afghanistan. US also lost money, power and prestige with no substantial gains in having sent its troops inside Afghani soil. In these circumstances, I don’t think that any country can dare to interfere militarily in Nepal. If it so happens unfortunately, the whole region will be destabilized. This is for sure.
I think that eruption of a proxy war is very likely in Nepal. We should remain very much cautious about it.

Q13: It is said that the US has recently made paradigm shift in its Asia policy. How do you see this policy shift? And please say how the presumed change in US policy will affect the Nepali affairs?
Khatiwada: Prior to the recent address made by President Barak Obama in the Australian Parliament, Secretary of State Hilary Clinton in her article published in Foreign Policy on November had said, “Just as Asia is critical to America's future, an engaged America is vital to Asia's future." The address of President Obama is nothing but the additional elaboration of the article of Mrs. Clinton.
The US is now going to make grand entry in the strategic scene of Asia-Pacific region, especially in the Southeast Asian countries which share borders with South China Sea. The sole intention of US's recent paradigm shift in Asia policy is to prolong the duration of the current unipolar international order.

Q14: Could you please further elaborate what you have just said?
Khatiwada: Well, if we see the current happening, we can easily see as to how the global influence of US is gradually fading away.
Its best example is the acquiring of full membership by Palestine in the UNESCO, a cultural body of the UN.
Despite the US reluctance, an overwhelming majority of the member states of UNESCO voted in favor of Palestine acquiring UNESCO membership. US, the strongest ally of Israel with veto power in the Security Council, couldn’t foil the attempts of Palestine. This is the manifestation of waning power of the US in the global affair.

Q15: Mr. Khatiwada, please let our august readers know how this change in US policy towards Asia will impact people of Nepal and its politics?
Khatiwada: The recent change in foreign policy of the US will foster muscle flexing of US and China in the Pacific Ocean in general and in the South China Sea in particular. India, an Asian ally of the US, along with other proxies of US in Southeast Asian region, will try to tease and contain China. Nepal, being a landlocked country situated in between China and India, will soon experience the grand impact of muscle flexing in South China Sea.
The opposite interests of China and Indo-US axis may converge in Kathmandu for some obvious security reasons. Therefore, this is high time for Nepal to tighten its belt.
But I don’t think we should get worried with the emerging situation. We can utilize the diplomatic maneuvering with skill and can develop our nation. For this, I repeat, Kathmandu should advance its diplomatic acumen.

(Exclusive for telegraphnepal.com)

Link : http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-11-30/nepal-may-be-venue-of-opposing-chinese-and-indo-us-security-interests.html

Nepal’s independence is as much a concern of Madhesis as of Pahadis

2011-11-16T22:57:00.000-08:00

Kalyan B. Mathema
Sociologist, Nepal

Kalyan B. Mathema, a lecturer of Social Anthropology is now vigorously screening external and internal dimensions of the ongoing Nepali political affairs through sociological lenses. His new book "Madheshi Uprising: The resurgence of Ethnicity" published by Mandala Book Point has recently hit the kiosks of Nepal's major cities. In this book, Mr. Mathema has tried to explain as to how the Madhesh culture led to the biggest ethnic uprising in Nepal some years back.
Sujit Sharma for the Telegraph Weekly and its online edition telegraphnepal.com has interviewed this promising young scholar on several aspects of Nepal's politics and the associated social phenomenon.
Below the excerpts of his exclusive interview: Chief Editor

TGQ1: Nepali population is experiencing two distinct trends concurrently. They are trying to adjust themselves in today's globalized context and at the same time insisting to restructure the nation on the basis of ethnicity. As a Sociologist, how do you think Nepal can adjust itself in such contrasting trends? Your enlightening comments please.
Mathema: Many social scientists like Ernest Gellner and Charles Tilly who have meticulously studied ethnicity have come to a conclusion that the importance of ethnicity increases with the increase in the influence of modernization and globalization. Arguing from a theoretical perspective called instrumentalist model, these scholars reason that the ethnic fragmentation in society occurs through modernization, economic competition and elite ambitions. The process of modernization, they argue, improves literacy rate, widens the reach of mass media and facilitates transportation which promotes inter-cultural communications and which in turn heightens ethnic awareness among different ethnic or cultural groups. The basic argument from this influential theoretical model is that the modernization process increases both self and ethnic consciousness. Looking from this perspective, the ethnic consciousness and ethnic movements in Nepal can be viewed as a natural result of the increasing impact of globalization and the modernization taking place in the country.
The impact of globalization is not limited to the rise of ethnicity and ethnic consciousness but it also touches upon national culture of nation states and challenges it confronts. In one sense, globalization homogenizes culture in the global scale but at the nation state level it leads to the rise of popular or populist culture and which thus poses a threat to the cultural elements of nationalism that thrives on the reproduction of nationalism based on monoculture. The weakening of the cultural elements of nationalism at the nation state level leads to the formation of various intra state cultures that challenges nationalism. This challenge to nationalism is both a problem and opportunity. It is a problem because it could lead to the identity and ideological based fragmentation in the country’s social fabric. On the other hand, if challenges brought about by globalization are accepted in a scientific manner by nation states then the concept of nationalism can be broadened and democratized.
The ethnic movements in Nepal have scores of demands such as federalist state structure, decentralization, positive discrimination, inclusion of excluded communities in the state apparatus, preservation of their cultures and the right to have a dignified ethnic identity. Instead of classifying their demands and explaining the pros and cons of each demand one by one, the logical way would be to understand the spirit behind these demands. Whatever be the demands of these movements - federalism or positive discrimination, the spirit behind both is the desire of these ethnic communities to have a greater role in the Nepalese state apparatus and say in Nepalese politics. The inclusion of the previously excluded community in the state apparatus and the politics will strengthen, instead weakening the Nepali state, as inclusion will help them to view the state and politics as their own and not something that is beyond their control. This sense of inclusion will build the sense of belongingness and ownership among the previously excluded communities and Nepal is sure to benefit by winning the allegiance of the previously excluded groups.
The way to address the demands of ethnic movements in Nepal is by creating a Nepalese society that is free from ethnic, religious and identity based extremism. This can take place only when we build a national culture that leads people to respect and appreciate all other cultures of Nepal and promote the responsibility for the creation of a fair society. Every citizens of Nepal should have the right to choose and enjoy any type of cultural lives that they find as suitable for themselves but they should not be allowed to interpret their cultural rights in such a way as to justify the violation of the rights of others.

TGQ2: In the changed context, foundation of Nepali nationalism are gradually deteriorating and new foundations are yet to be in place. In your view, what could be the new premise of Nepali nationalism?
Mathema: The upsurge in the identity movement in Nepal since 2007 indicates that the version of nationalism that was adopted in 1990 was not able to accommodate the aspirations of many ethnic communities in Nepal. The nationalism that the ethnic movements have demanded or demanding is the nationalism that is based on cultural pluralism. Cultural pluralists consider all cultural groups as equal. Some political analysts see cultural pluralism as a problem because they believe that only monoculture and homogeneity will help bring strong nationalism. Regardless of such constricted interpretation of nationalism, we must accept the fact that Nepal is a culturally diverse society. We should see cultural diversity as an asset rather than a problem. We are a unique country where different ethnic communities with different glorious histories, myths, traditions, symbols and values are united by the love for Nepal. A strong, prosperous and a democratic Nepal can be achieved only after we build a strong nationalism based on the bedrock of our cultural diversity.
Zygmunt Bauman, a Polish Sociologist, rightly argues that nationalism can only be erected on the foundation of a strong state. Nationalism, according to him, is like a product produced through meticulous ‘social engineering’ in a ‘factory’ of a nation state. If we agree with Bauman (which I do) then our first job in Nepal will be to work towards creating a strong State. In other words, our first priority in order to build a strong Nepali nationalism should be on building an effective and competent state. The Nepalese state however should be democratic and not an authoritarian one, as an undemocratic system, no matter how efficient it might be, will still fail to build a strong nation state where all people have a strong common identity, interest and goal. It is often said and very truly that the state is the organization to hold a country physically intact while the nationalism is the psychological glue to unite the people of the country together. An undemocratic Nepalese state may attempt to build a nation state through an imposed version of nationalism but this does not work as nationalism is an ideology that cannot be forced upon people. An authoritarian state that does not give political power to its people will not enjoy the loyalty of majority of its citizens and as a result will not be able to produce a sustainable and healthy nationalism. Nationalism built by authoritarian and totalitarian states are usually jingoistic ones and not suitable for the civilized era.

TGQ 3: Political scientists believe that foreign interference in Nepal was institutionalized after signing of humiliating Treaty of Sugauli with East India Company in 1816. The 1950 Nepal-India Peace and Friendship Treaty had already nullified the Treaty of Sugauli; however, foreign interference still prevails in Nepali politics. Why and how this happens Mr. Mathema? Your precious comment please.
Mathema: The issue of foreign relationship and interference is always at the center of debate in all weak and smaller nation states. The relationship between different nation states especially between or among the neighboring ones is always based on social, political and economic conflict of interests and negotiation. When two sovereign nation states interact, each expresses its own national interest and the result is the synthesis shaped by their conflict of interest. The outcome of the negotiations between any two nation states usually goes in favor of the one that has higher degree of bargaining power.
It is very important for us to agree on what our national interest is, what our bargaining power is, what and how Nepal can benefit from its relationship with other countries, and what interests these foreign nation state(s) have on Nepal and what should be our national strategy in pursuit of ours having a strong foreign policy.
Nepal’s national interest regarding foreign policy is primarily:
(a) To preserve sovereignty,
(b) Protect national integrity,
(c) Safeguard political independence,
(d) Ensure internal security and social harmony,
(e) Improve the standard of living for Nepalese citizens,
(f) Safeguard democracy, civil liberty and human rights,
(g) Preserve and enhance Nepal’s positive image in the comity of nations and
(h) Maintain friendly relationship with other countries, particularly the neighboring ones.
A country’s national strategy is its ability to make various pragmatic plans by assembling all the economic, political, cultural, diplomatic and other available resources and mobilizing them in an effective manner to secure one’s own national interests. For the planning and implementation of a successful national strategy, it is essential for the civil society groups, political parties and the state to have a common understanding of where our national interest lies. Studying the current situation in Nepal, it becomes clear that the State is currently in a weak position. The major political parties and various civil society groups remain in a divided state on ideological and ethnic lines and there is a lack of national consensus on issues even related with foreign affairs and policies. In a situation like this, it is easy for foreign states to push their national interests at the cost of Nepal’s own interest through various power centers in Nepal. It is absolutely essential for Nepalese political parties to form a common world view as far as Nepal’s relations with other countries, more particularly the neighboring countries are concerned.
It is also advisable for Nepal to develop a strong team of scholars and researchers through its university systems to study and advise the government on foreign policy matters. Such team should be made up of retired diplomats and academics from different fields like economy, politics, law, security, sociology and culture. To begin with, there could be at least two teams of experts, one specializing in India and the other in China. Both India and China are big countries and their politics are intricate and complex. It is absolutely essential for us to have a good understanding of both these countries- their politics, economy, finance, commerce, society, their foreign relations and their comparative strength or weaknesses vis-à-vis Nepal in various spheres so that we can understand and deal with them well in a dignified manner.

TGQ4: Recently sacked Defense Minister Mr. Sarat Singh Bhandari jolted the entire nation by his secessionist remarks. Being an expert of Madheshi society and culture, do you think his remark reflect the opinion and aspiration of the entire Madheshi population?
Mathema: Mr. Sarat Singh Bhandari’s remarks were very unfortunate. His remarks however, do not reflect the opinions and aspirations of Madheshi population. The new democratic Nepal has offered to Madhesis a place of pride and honor. Under the changed political scenario, the Madheshi parliamentarians can, for instance, angrily debate on any issues in their own mother tongue with Pahadi brothers and sisters in the Nepalese parliament. While the Madheshi leaders will continue to fight for more political role and space, they have also clearly understood that in the current democratic Nepal they have more social and political power than they had ever before. Nepal’s sovereignty, protection of its territorial integrity and safeguarding of political independence is now as much a concern of the Madhesis as that of the Pahadis.

TGQ5: Let us end with a surgical question. There is the simultaneous rise in the ethnic consciousness, religious differences, political instability, culture of impunity, criminalization of business, breakdown of law and order, naked foreign interference and economic stagnation. Some political scientists have warned of the possible outbreak of civil war. What is the best way to deal with these likely infernos?
Mathema: According to James Fearon and David Laitin, the two prominent political scientists who studied 122 civil wars that occurred between 1945 and 1999 and which claimed over 16.2 million lives, factors such as poverty, weak state, political instability and large population are more responsible for civil conflicts than factors such as ethnic or religious diversity. If we are to agree with these two scholars, then we should be more worried about Nepal’s flagging economy, widespread criminalization of business, eroding state power and the growing disparity between the rich and the poor than the rise of ethnic consciousness. If Nepal is to avoid any civil unrest or conflict in the future, it must work hard to establish a strong and efficient State which not only delivers services to the people with efficiency and fairness but also deals with the problem of law and order and bring an end to the culture of impunity. State failure in sectors such as health and education has serious consequences in the well-being of the people, particularly those who are poor and deprived and this could have serious impact on people’s faith on the efficacy of the government. All this could lead to social unrest and ethnic violence. If economic and social justice are continued to be ignored then there is no way to prevent Nepal’s eventual slide to conflict again. Maoists’ insurgency and the Madheshi Uprising are both fuelled by youth discontentment mostly in rural areas due to various reasons but especially the growing inequality in Nepalese society. It is also very much important that the high political consciousness of Nepalese people should be capitalized by the state by making constantly keeping them engaged in politics so that they can act as a pressure group to bring timely reforms in various spheres of national life.

http://www.telegraphnepal.com/five-questions/2011-10-28/nepals-independence-is-as-much-a-concern-of-madhesis-as-of-pahadis.html

असान्दर्भिक पात्र : किरण र गान्धी

2011-10-16T22:42:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

उपयोगीताको सिद्धान्तको अब्बल अभ्यास हुन्छ राजनीतिमा । इतिहासको कुनै विशेष कालखण्डमा विशिष्ठ महत्व र उचाई हासिल गरेको व्यक्ति अर्को चरणमा पुग्दा बेकामे बन्न पुग्छ । राजनीतिमा समय र परिस्थीति ज्यादै निर्मम हुन्छ जसले रगत छउन्जेल मानिसलाई चुसिरहन्छ र रित्तिएपछि पाखामा मिल्काइदिन्छ । मानौ मानिस उखुको खोष्टो हो !

राजनीतिमा उपयोगीताको सिद्धान्त बुझ्न दुई जना पात्रलाई उदाहरणका रुपमा लिन सकिन्छ भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता संग्रामका शिखर पुरुष महात्मा गान्धि र एकीकृत नेकपा माओवादीका उपाध्यक्ष मोहन वैद्य 'किरण' । अिहंसाका पुजारी गान्धी र दश वर्षे शशष्त्र द्वन्द्वका क्रममा भएको रक्तपातका निम्ती नैतिक रुपले जिम्मेवार ठहराइएका किरणबीचको तुलना आफैमा अमिल्दो देखिन्छ । तर उपयोगीताको सिद्धान्तबमोजीम भरपुर उपयोग भएर मिल्किएका र मिल्कने क्रममा रहेका यी दुई पात्रको नियतीले दुबैलाई एकअर्काको नजिक ल्याएको छ ।

महात्मा गान्धी उच्च अध्ययनका लागि दक्षिण अपि्रुका जानु अगावै भारतमा स्वतन्त्रता संग्रामको विजारोपण भइसकेको थियो । तर संग्रामलाई सिद्धान्तीकरण गर्ने र 'क्यारीस्मेटिक' नेतृत्व प्रदान गर्ने व्यक्तिको अभावमा यसले गति लिन सकिरहेको थिएन । गान्धिले दक्षिण अपि्रुका पुगेपछि बुझे - कमजोरले बलियोसँग लड्ने भनेको बाहुबलले होइन वुद्धि र करुणाले हो । अपि्रुकामै उनले यसको आरम्भिक प्रयोग समेत गरे जसलाई उनले शान्तिपूर्ण सत्याग्रहको नाम दिए । आफ्नो प्रयोग आंशिक रुपमा सफल भएपछि भारत फर्किएर उनले यसलाई व्यापक बनाए । 'कहिल्यै सुर्य नअस्ताउने' साम्राज्यसँग लड्ने यो भन्दा उपयुक्त अर्को हतियार थिएन । फलस्वरुप भगत िसंह, सुवासचन्द बोशजस्ता केहि अपवादलाई छोडेर स्वतन्त्रता संग्राममा संलग्न सबैले गान्धिद्वारा प्रतिपादित आन्दोलन पद्दतीमा सहमती जनाए ।

गान्धीले उपनिवेशकालिन भारतमा स्वतन्त्रता राष्ट्रियता र साप्रदायीक एकताको आन्दोलनलाई अकल्पनीय उचाइ दिलाए । उनको उपयोगीता त्यत्तिका लागि मात्रै थियो । उपयोगीता सकिएपछि अन्त्यमा उनी आफ्नै पार्टिद्वारा मिल्काइए जसरी अहिले माओवादी पार्टिले किरणलाई मिल्काउने प्रयत्न गरिरहेको छ ।

किरण र गान्धि काँडैकाडाले भरिएको बाटोमा हिड्ने नियती बोकेका प्राणी हुन् । बगैँचाको मनोरम र आनन्ददायक क्षण उपभोग गर्न जन्मिएका होइनन उनीहरु । हिजो युद्धको बेला पार्टिभित्र सर्वत्र पुजिएका किरण अहिले चारैतिरबाट बहिष्कृत भएका छन् । 'क्रान्ति' उठान गर्न कुनै बेलामा किरणलाई गुरु थाप्ने अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहाल अहिले पराइलाई मनाउन आफ्नै गुरुको बली चढाउन उद्दत भएका छन् । हिजो माओवादको नेपाली भाष्य तयार गर्ने बेलामा किरणको उपदेयता थियो । नेतृत्व कस्तो हुनुपर्छ संगठनको शक्ति के हो र यसलाई कसरी परिचालन गर्नुपर्छ ? अरुले आफूमाथि सैद्धान्तीक हमला गरेभने यसको प्रतिकार कसरी गर्ने ? सिद्धान्त अथ्र्याएर मानिसलाई हतियार बोक्न कसरी उद्वेलीन गर्ने ? प्रचण्ड को हो र प्रचण्डपथ के हो ? यस्ता विषयमा दाहाल लगायत सम्पूर्ण पार्टिले किरणको विशेषज्ञयताको चरम दोहन गरेका थिए । तर अहिले शशष्त्र द्वन्द्व टुंगीएको छ र माओवादी शान्तिपूर्ण राजनीतिमा अवतरीत भइसकेको छ । हिजोको जंगलको बास (प्रचण्ड, बाबुराम आदिले नयाँ दिल्लीको नोयडामा ुजनयुद्धु का बेला करिब आठ वर्ष बिताएको तथ्यलाई एकछिन बिसर्िदिउँ) को ठाउँमा अहिले अर्बौ मुल्यका आलिशान महल माओवादी नेताका निम्ति ठडिएका छन् । खच्चडको सट्टा लाखौं मुल्यको चिल्ला गाडिले उनीहरुलाई हुइकाइरहेका छन् । यस्तोमा किन चाहियो माओवादीलाई माओवादको नेपाली भाष्य ? सुखसयल र सत्ताको उन्मादले मात्तिएका दाहाल, बाबुराम, जवहलराल नेहरु र बल्लभभाइ पटेलले अझै किरण र गान्धिलाई आदर्श मानेर लामो कठिनाइपछि आइलागेको अवशरलाई किन जोखिममा पारुन ?

पद र पैसाप्रतीको वितराग गान्धि र किरणलाई जोड्ने अर्को पुल हो । भारत स्वतन्त्र भएपछि गान्धि राज्यको कुनै पदमा आसिन भएनन् । किरणले सभासदको पद त्यागे मन्त्री अथवा प्रधानमन्त्री बन्ने लालसा कहिल्यै देखाएनन् । अप्ठेरो परेको बेला दुलो पसी अनुकुल समयमा फुत्त निस्केर तर मार्ने नारायणकाजिजस्ता अवशरबादका नाइकेको बोलाबोल रहेको बेला किरण पार्टिभित्रबाटै परित्यक्त हुन्छन् भने यसमा आश्चर्य मान्नुपर्ने कुरा नै के छ र ?

भारत स्वतन्त्र नभएसम्म जवहरलाल नेहरु र बल्लभभाइ पटेल गान्धिलाई 'बापु' भन्दै उनको पाउ मुसार्थे । 'बापु' निन्दाएको बेला उनको गोडा मिच्थे र आर्शिवादको याचना गर्थे । तीनै नेहरु र पटेलले भारत स्वतन्त्र भएपछि गान्धिलाई टेरेनन् । भारत-पाकिस्तान विभाजनको बेला भारतले पाकिस्तानलाई ७५ करोड रुपैयाँ तिर्नुपर्ने भएको थियो । पहिलो चरणमा पाकिस्तानले २० करोड रुपैयाँ लिइसकेको थियो । बाँकी पैसा माग्दा नेहरु र पटेलले दिन अस्विकार गरे । त्यतिबेला काश्मिरमा भारत-पाकिस्तान लडाइ जारी थियो । भारतबाट पाउने पैसा पकिस्तानले हतियार खरिद गर्न खर्च गर्ने भय उनीहरुलाई थियो । पाकिस्तान आफ्नै पैसाबाट वाचीत भएको स्थीति गान्धिका लागि सैह्य थिएन । स्वतन्त्र भएलगत्तै भारतले झुट र कपटलाई राज्य साचालनको आधार बनाएपछि गान्धिले यसको विरोध गरे । आफ्नो विरोधलाई नेहरु र पटेलले टेरपुच्छर नलाएपछि गान्धि आमरण अनसनमा बसे । हिजोसम्म 'भगवान' मानेको ७८ वर्षिया वृद्धलाई उनीहरुले हप्तौंसम्म भोकै राखे ।

ओटो भन विस्मार्क उपयोगीताको सिद्धान्तबमोजिम चुसिएका अर्का एतिहासीक पात्र हुन् । उनले जर्मनीको एकीकरण गरे र युरोपको शक्ति सन्तुलनलाई आफ्नो राष्ट्रको अनुकुल बनाए । उनकै पालामा जर्मन ज्यादै शक्तिशाली भयो । तर अन्त्यमा विस्मार्कलाई प्रुान्स र बि्रटनको बेगसँग हिँड्न नसक्ने अयोग्य व्यक्ति ठहराइयो । कैसर विल्हेल्म द्धिृतीयले 'अयोग्य' हुन पुगेका विष्मार्कलाई पदच्युत गरी पहिलो विश्वयुद्धको सङ्खघोष गरे र जर्मनलाई बर्बाद पारे । त्यस्तै सन् १९१७ मा रुसमा बोल्सेभिक क्रान्ति हुँदा लाल सेनाको सर्वोच्च कमान्ड सम्हालेका लियोन ट्राटस्की सत्ता कब्जा भइसकेपछि अवािाछन हुन पुगे । क्रान्तिसम्बन्धी उनको परिभाषालाई अपूर्ण र माक्स्रवादविरोधी ठहराइयो । उनी देशनिकालामा परे र अन्त्यमा मारिए ।

प्रतिकुल समयमा उपयोगी हुने जिव सामान्य जीवनमा सान्दर्भिक नहुन सक्छ । राजनीतिमा अक्सर यस्तो हुने गर्छ । दोस्रो विश्वयुद्धमा आफ्नो अलौकीक नेतृत्वदायी क्षमताको उपयोग गरेर नाजी जमर्नी र फासिष्ट इटालीलाई पराजित गर्ने बि्रटेनका प्रधानमन्त्री सर विन्स्टन चर्चिल युद्ध समाप्त नहुँदै कुसर्ीबाट खँदारिए ।

राजनीतिको यस्तो निर्मम सिद्धान्तबाट नेपाल मात्र अछुतो हुने कुरै आउँदैन । त्यसैले किरणलाई आदर्शवादी अव्यवहारीक समयअनुसार चल्न नसक्ने हठि जडसुत्रवादी स्वैरकल्पनाबादी आदि भएको आरोप लगाइँदैछ । र तिनै जडसुत्रबादीले हुर्काएको बोटको फल टोक्ने दाहाल भट्टराई र नारायणकाजीलाई व्यवहारीक भनि पुजा गरिँदैछ । अहिलेको संसार किरण र गान्धिको होइन । यहाँ 'व्यवहारवाद' का नाइकेहरुका लागि मात्र स्थान छ ।

(हिमालय टाइम्स राष्ट्रिय दैनिकमा प्रकाशित)

साम्राज्यवादको छद्म हुँकार

2011-10-16T22:23:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

साम्राज्यवादी विर्य र विस्तारवादी डिम्बको ुफ्युजनुबाट जन्मिएको सरकारले अन्ततः आफ्नो असली रुप देखाएरै छाड्यो । रक्षामन्त्री शरदिसंह भण्डारीले नेपाललाई टुक्राउने धम्की दिनु अनपेक्षित थिएन । तर उनको अभिव्यक्तिप्रती प्रधानमन्त्री डा. बाबुराम भट्टराईले साधेको मौनता भने धेरैले अपेक्षा गरेभन्दा विपरीत छ । यसलाई राष्ट्रसंघ महासभामा सहभागि हुन जाँदा न्युयोर्क बसाइका क्रममा लागेको बोसोको परिणती मान्नु पर्ला !

शरदिसंहको विखण्डनबादी अभिव्यक्ति सुनेर दिल्लीका उनका 'सेठ' हरु झस्किए होलान् । मध्य र दक्षिण एसियामा फुटको बिउ छर्न खोज्ने बाह्य शक्ति यसबाट उत्साहित भयो होला । चीनको उदयलाई छोप्न र अफगानिस्तानमा स्थीरता बाहली गर्ने बहानामा निर्माण भएको भनिएको भारत-अमेरिका रणनीतिक साझेदारीले नेपालमा विपरीत धार समात्न पुग्दा राजनीतिशाष्त्रका विद्धानहरुले समेत निधार खुम्चाए होलान् ।

लिट्टेमार्फत श्रीलंकामा विस्तारवादी नीति लागू गर्न खोज्दा साम्राज्यवादी घुसपैठ भएर तमिलनाडु झन्डै छुट्टिएको त्रासद अनुभव दिल्लीले यति चाँडै बिसर्िने कुरै आएन । त्यसैकारण श्रीलंकाली राष्ट्रपति महिन्दा राजापाक्षेले चिनियाँ तथा पाकिस्तानी हतियार भित्राएर प्रभाकरणको वध गर्दा समेत भारतले जयललिता र करुनानिधीमार्फत तमिलनाडुको चित्त बुझाउनका लागि राजापाक्षेको विरोध गरेझैं देखाएपनि राजापाक्षेलाई असहयोग गर्ने धृष्टता गरेन । उता अमेरिका युरोपेली महासंघदेखी स्केन्डिनेभियन राष्ट्रहरु राजापाक्षेविरुद्ध अिरंगलको गोलो बनेर खनिए । युरोपले श्रीलंकाली पस्मिना आयातमा प्रतिबन्ध लगायो, अमेरिकाको राज्यस्तरको अदालतले राजापाक्षेविरुद्ध 'एरेष्ट वारेन्ट' जारी गर्यो । राजापाक्षेलाई अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय फौजदारी अदालतमा अभियोजन लगाउनुपर्ने एकाध नारा नेपालमा पनि गुिाजए । सार्वजनिक उपभोगका लागि भारतले श्रीलंकामा विखण्डनवादविरोधी युद्धका क्रममा भएका मानवअधिकार उल्लंघनका घटनामा चासो देखाएजस्तो गरेपनि अन्त्यमा राजापाक्षेका लागि नयाँ दिल्लीमा रातो कार्पेट बिछ्याइ छोड्यो । एउटा छिमेकी राष्ट्रमा साम्राज्यवादी घुसपैठको अवसान भएलगत्तै 'इण्डो-गंगेटिक' भूभागको सुरक्षासँग प्रत्यक्ष सरोकार राख्ने उत्तरको छिमेकी राष्ट्रमा साम्राज्यवादको अवशेष सलबलाउन खोज्दा नयाँ दिल्लीको कत्रो 'निन्द हराम' भयो होला !

विस्तारवादी आवरणमा बनेको यो सरकारको नसामा साम्राज्यवादी रगत बग्दैछ भन्ने कुराको गतिलो उदाहरण शरदिसंहको अभिव्यक्ति बन्न पुगेको छ । शरदिसंहले सोच-विचर गरिकन त्यस्तो अभिव्यक्ति नदिएका होलान् । तथापी अनायसै यस्तो विचार ओकाल्ने जुन प्रकारको मनोविज्ञान उनीभित्र विकसीत भयो त्यो झन सघन र खतरापूर्ण छ । किनकी सिग्मण्ड प्रुयडले भनेझै मानिसको वास्तवीक व्यक्तित्व उसको चेतन नभई अवचेतन मनले निर्धारण गर्छ ।

सन् २००९ को अन्त्यमा अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति बाराक ओबामाले चीन भ्रमणका क्रममा काश्मिर विवाद समाधानमा चिनियाँ भुमिकालाई अनुमोदन गरेका थिए । ओबामाको यस्तो कदमप्रती भारतले कडा आपत्ति जनाउँदा उनले लगत्तै नयाँदिल्ली पुगेर दक्षिणपूर्वि एसियामा भारतीय भुमिकालाई आफ्नो समर्थन रहने आवश्वासन दिएर भारतलाई शान्त पार्न खोजेका थिए । यी दुई एसियाली शक्तिबीच 'भाले भिडन्त' आयोजना गरेर आनन्द लिने ध्येय मात्र थिएन, ओबामाको । चीन-भारत कटुतालाई प्रवर्दन गरी यस क्षेत्रमा फुटको विजारोपण गर्ने जमर्को उनको अभिव्यक्तिमा सन्निहित थियो ।

नपत्याए काश्मिर विवादमा अमेरिका र बि्रटेनसँग भारत किन तसर्िन्छ त्यत्ति बुझे पुग्छ । पाकिस्तानले परमाणू हतियार उत्पादन गरेपछि काश्मिरको शक्ति सन्तुलन डगमगाउन पाएन । पाकिस्तानलाई परमाणु हतियार उत्पादन गर्ने अथाह धन कसले दियो ? उसकै तथाकथित साझेदार राष्ट्र अमेरिकाले होइन ? यस कारण काश्मिर विवादमा बाह्य पक्षको संलग्नता अस्विकार गर्नुलाई भारतले आफ्नो 'बटम लाइन' बनाएको छ । नेपालको शान्ति प्रकि्रयामा सघाउ पुर्याउने बहानामा राष्ट्रसंघिय मिसन अनमिन आउँदा नेपालको पहाडै पहाड हुँदै साम्राज्यवादको एजेन्ट काश्मिरसम्म पुग्ला भन्ने भयले भारतले माधव कुमार नेपाल र सुशिल कोइरालालाई प्रयोग गरेर राष्ट्रसंघलाई दक्षिण एसियाबाट धपाएको होइन ?

नेपाल टुक्राउने नीति भारतको होइन । यदि कुनैबेला यस्तो नीति उसले बनाएको थियो भने पनि अहिले परिवर्तन गरिसकेको छ । ु'मोग्राफिक इन्जभेजन' (जनसंख्यीक आक्रमण) र संस्कृतिक अतिक्रमणमार्फत नेपालमाथिको नियन्त्रणलाई स्थायित्व दिलाउन सकिन्छ भन्नेमा भारत विश्वस्त छ । यस्तोमा भारतसँग सिमा जोडिएका २२ वटा जिल्लालाई नेपालबाट अलग गराउने शरदिसंहको अभिव्यक्तिले काठमाडौंलाई भन्दा बढि नयाँ दिल्लीलाई बेचैन बनाएको छ ।

शदरदिसंहको साम्राज्यवादी हुँकारमा सन्निहित सन्देश डरलाग्दो छ । काठमाडौंलाई जाकर्ताको नियती भोग्न बाध्य बनाएर पूर्वी पहाडलाई इष्ट टिमोर बनाउने, तराइ मधेसलाई दक्षिण सुडान बनाउने र यसको तरंगलाई विस्तार गर्दै चीन भारत पाकिस्तानसहित समग्र दक्षिण तथा मध्य एसियालाई 'बाल्कनाइजेशन' को प्रकि्रयामा लाने साम्राज्यवादी 'ग्रान्ड डिजाइन' को संकेत उनको हुँकारबाट मिलेको छ । यस्तो 'ग्रान्ड डिजाइन' बुझ्न कि्रश्चियन धर्म प्रचार र समावेशीका नाउँमा जातियता प्रवर्दन गर्न पश्चिमबाट निरन्तर रुपमा भित्रिरहेको डलको ओइरोको उद्देश्य पहिल्याउनु मात्र पनि पर्याप्त हुन्छ । नेपाली राजनीतिमा भारतले क्षेत्रीयतालाई जोड दिइरहेको बेलामा चरम जातीकेन्द्रित भावना कसरी छ्याप्छ्याप्ती हुन पुग्यो ? के यो साम्राज्यवादद्धारा पालित-पोसित तथाकथित राजनीतिक दल नागरिक समाज र मानवअधिकारवादीको डलरप्रेरीत निष्ठाको उपज होइन ?

अझ प्रष्ट हुन अमेरिकाले बेइजिङप्रती असन्तुष्ट चीनभित्रका जातिय समुहसँग राखेको सम्बन्धपट्टि हेर्नु वााछनिय हुन्छ । आतंकवादविरुद्धको युद्धमा आफूसहित सम्पूर्ण विश्वलाई होमेको अमेरिकाले सिन्जियाङका उइगुर सुन्नी मुसलमान अतिवादीहरुलाई सहयोग गरिरहेको छ । उइगुरको पृथक्तावादी अभियानका अगुवाहरुले अमेरिकामा कार्यलय स्थापना गरी विश्वव्यापी रुपमै अभियान साचालन गरिरहेका छन् । साम्राज्यवाद बडो चतुर हुन्छ । यस्तो विरोधाभाषपुर्ण अवस्थालाई पनि उसले बडो कुशलताका साथ समन्वय गरिरहेको छ ।

'इसाइ साम्राज्य' विस्तारको एकसुत्रिय एजेन्डामा लागि परेको अमेरिका र युरोपेली महासंघले दलाई लामाको 'स्वतन्त्र तिब्बत आन्दोलन' लाई खुला रुपमै सहयोग गरिरहेका छन् । इसाइ धर्मका लागि सबैभन्दा ठूलो जोखिम बन्न पुगेको बौद्ध धर्मलाई साम्राज्यवादी सहयोग हासिल हुनु आफैमा असामन्जस्यपूर्ण स्थीति हो । तरपनि साम्राज्यवादले बडो चर्तुयाइका साथ आफ्नो एजेन्डा लागू गरिरहेको छ । तिब्बतमा चीनलाई थोरै मात्रामा गलाउन सकियो भने सिन्जियाङ, माचुरीया र भित्रि मंगोलियाजस्ता चीनका सिमान्त भूभागमा विप्लव मच्चाउने हङकङदेखी मकाउसम्मको अन्तरविरोधमा खेल्ने र चीनलाई धुजाधुजा गराउन सकिने सम्भावनालाई साम्राज्यवादले बडो मिहिनपूर्वक नियालीरहेको छ । यसो भएको खण्डमा पश्चिमको आर्थिक तथा धार्मिक साम्राज्यवादको प्रतिरोध गर्नसक्ने कुनै शक्ति एसियामा बाँकी रहने छैन । यस्तो अवस्थामा मध्य तथा दक्षिण एसियाको साँधमा रहेको मुलुक नेपालमा जातियताका आधारमा विखण्डनको वकालत गर्ने सबै सामाज्यवादका भरिया हुन् । आवरणमा उनीहरु विस्तारवादका एजेन्ट देखिन्छन् भने त्यो हेर्नेकै दृष्टिदोष हो ।

(हिमालय टाइम्स राष्ट्रिय दैनिकमा प्रकाशित)

बदलिँदो मधेस राजनीति

2011-08-27T03:44:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

विशाल जनसंख्या, खेतीयोग्य जमिनको प्रचुरता, कलकारखानाको विकास र विदेशी भूमिमा सहज आवतजावतको सुविधा आदिले राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिमा मधेसको उपस्थितिलाई बलियो बनाएको छ । संविधानसभामा मधेसी समुदायको प्रचुर उपस्थिति र सडक तथा सदन दुवै मोर्चाबाट मधेसले निम्त्याउन सक्ने कम्पनको सतही अध्ययन मात्र पनि मधेसको सुदृढ क्षमता बुझ्न चाहनेहरूका लागि पर्याप्त हुन्छ । मधेसको जनसांख्यिक संरचनाको बलियो आधार र भारतको टेकोको सहायताले झ्यांगिन पुगेको मधेस राजनीतिले मुलुकमा राजनीतिक संक्रमण गहिरिँदै जाँदा परिवर्तनका संकेत देखाउन थालेको छ । मधेस राजनीतिले नयाँ शैली र प्रवृत्तिलाई आत्मसात् गर्न खोजिरहेको संकेत केही समययता प्रस्ट रूपमा देखिन थालेको छ ।

राजेन्द्र महतोले अध्यक्षता गरेको सद्भावना पार्टी फुटाएर संघीय सद्भावना पार्टी गठन गर्ने अनिलकुमार झाको अहिलेको द्विविधाग्रस्त मनस्थिति मधेस राजनीतिले लिन खोजिरहेको नयाँ स्वरूपलाई नियाल्ने आँखीझ्याल बन्न सक्छ । महतो 'बेइमानी का काम इमानदारी से ना कर्ने वाला' -बेइमानीको काम इमानदारीपूर्वक नगर्ने व्यक्ति) भएकाले पार्टी फुटाउन बाध्य हुनुपरेको बताउने झा अहिले 'पर्ख र हेर'को अन्योलपूर्ण र द्विविधाग्रस्त मनस्थितिमा छन् । खासगरी दिल्लीले पार्टी फुटाउने आफ्नो निर्णयप्रति कस्तो धारणा राख्ने हो भन्ने विषयले उनको द्विविधा र सन्देहलाई बढाइरहेको छ । माओवादीको प्रभाव न्यूनीकरणका लागि दिल्लीले संयुक्त मधेसी मोर्चालाई क्रियाशील गराइरहेको अवस्थामा मोर्चामा सहभागी दल सद्भावनालाई टुक्रयाउने झाको निर्णय दिल्लीका लागि अपि्रय हुनु अनौठो होइन । तसर्थ, आफ्नो भावी मार्गमा दिल्लीले भाँजो हाल्ने सम्भावना प्रबल रहेको अनुभव झाले गरेका छन् । अतः जुनसुकै वेला भारतविरुद्ध 'जिहाद' छेड्नुपर्ने हुन सक्छ भनेर झा अहिले नेपाल र भारतबीच भएका यावत् सन्धि, सम्झौता अध्ययनमा लागिपरेका छन् । नेपाल-भारत सन्धि-सम्झौतामा नेपाल कहाँ ठगिएको छ भन्ने पहिल्याउन उनी अहिले घोत्लिरहेका छन्, ताकि भोलि भारत साँच्चिकै आफूविरुद्ध खनिए सन्धि-सम्झौताका धारा, उपधारा, दफा आदिको हवला दिँदै भारतप्रतिको आफ्नो व्यक्तिगत र स्वार्थप्रेरित आक्रोशलाई वैधानिक एवं राष्ट्रिय चरित्रको बनाउन सकियोस् ।

तथापि झा राजनीतिले जुनसुकै वेला अनपेक्षित मोड लिन सक्ने राजनीतिको सामान्य चरित्रलाई समेत बुझ्न सक्ने ल्याकत नभएका नेता भने होइनन् । राजनीतिको सैद्धान्तिक एवं व्यावहारिक पाटोमा झाको दक्षता राजेन्द्र महतोको भन्दा लाखौँ गुणा नभए पनि हजारौँ गुणा बढी अवश्य छ । अझ अहिले नेपाल संक्रमणकालबाट गुजि्ररहेको र भारतले नेपालमा गम्भीर चुनौतीको सामना गर्नुपरिरहेको वर्तमान अवस्थामा दिल्लीले नयाँ रणनीति बनाउन सक्ने र यस्तो रणनीति कार्यान्वयनको 'भरिया' आफू पनि हुन पाउने सम्भावनालाई चतुर झाले पूर्णतः नकार्न सकेका छैनन् । त्यसैले उनी अहिले भारतसँगको नेपालको सम्बन्धबारे खुलस्त बोल्दैनन्, न त मधेसी मोर्चाले उठाएको ताजा जनादेशको पक्ष/विपक्षमै स्पष्ट धारणा राख्छन् । भारतले 'गि्रन सिग्नल' दिएको खण्डमा पनि उसलाई रिझाई मधेस राजनीतिमा आफ्नो भूमिका बढाउन झाले अन्य मधेसी दलसँग प्रतिस्पर्धा गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । त्यसैले सन्धि-सम्झौताको अध्ययनबाट फुर्सद निकालेर उनले भारतको गुलामी गर्ने तौरतरिकाको 'ट्रेनिङ' पनि सँगसँगै लिइरहेका छन् । किनकि सयौँ वर्षसम्म बि्रटिसको गुलामी गरेको भारतलाई प्रसन्न बनाउन उच्चस्तरको गुलामी गर्न आवश्यक छ भन्ने कुरा त नेपालका राजनीतिज्ञको आजसम्मको व्यवहारले प्रमाणित गरेकै छ ।

झाको द्विविधाग्रस्त मनस्थितिले भारतको असहयोगका बाबजुद मधेसमा राजनीति गर्न सकिन्छ भन्नेतर्फ संकेत गरेको छ । यसको अर्थ हुन्छ, मधेस राजनीतिमा भारतको विकल्प विस्तारै उदाउँदै छ । अझ प्रस्टसँग भन्नुपर्दा मधेसमा भारतको एकाधिकार क्रमशः भंग हुँदै छ । नयाँदिल्लीको विकल्पमा मधेसले पेरिसडाँडालाई मात्र होइन, क्षेत्रीय र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्तिकेन्द्रतर्फ समेत आँखा डुलाउन थालेको छ । यसलाई मधेस राजनीतिमा देखिन लागेको गुणात्मक परिवर्तनको पूर्वसंकेत मान्न सकिन्छ ।

आजसम्म मधेस राजनीतिको आधारभूत चरित्र भारत भक्ति र सत्ताप्रतिको आशक्ति रहँदै आएको छ । सद्भावना पार्टीका संस्थापक नेता गजेन्द्रनारायण सिंहदेखि जेपी गुप्ता हुँदै महन्थ ठाकुर र राजेन्द्र महतोसम्मले दोहोर्‍याउने गरेको नेपाललाई श्रीलंका बनाइदिने विखण्डनकारी रटानको पृष्ठभूमिमा भारतभक्तिको आशय लुकेको देख्न आँखा तन्काइरहनुपर्दैन । मधेसका जनताको हित गर्ने भ्रम छरी अधिकांश मधेसी नेताबाट आजसम्म भारतको सेवा गर्ने काम हुँदै आएको छ । आफ्ना नेताको यस्तो विदेशभक्तिको महँगो मूल्य भने मधेसका सोझासाझा जनताले चुकाउनुपरिरहेको छ । स्पष्ट रूपमा भन्नुपर्दा भारत नेपालमा तीनवटा नीति लागू गर्न चाहन्छ : जनसांख्यिक हमला (डेमोग्राफिक इन्भेजन) मार्फत नेपालमा आफ्ना नागरिक निर्यात गरी प्रजातान्त्रिक तरिकाबाटै नेपालमा कब्जा जमाउन ! हिन्दीभाषीको बाहुल्य रहेको युपी र बिहार राज्यसँग सीमा जोडिएको राष्ट्र नेपालमा हिन्दी भाषालाई बलजफ्ती लाद्दै यहाँ सांस्कृतिक साम्राज्य संस्थागत गर्न र सांस्कृतिक र जनसांख्यिक हतियार प्रयोग गरी यहाँका राजनीतिक र प्राकृतिक साधन-स्रोतमाथि कब्जा जमाउन । यी नीतिको सफल कार्यान्वयनको जाँतोमा सबैभन्दा पहिले पिसिनुपर्ने मधेसी समुदायले नै हो । तथापि, मधेसीको हकहितका लागि भन्दै भारतका यस्ता नीति कार्यान्वयनको भारी बोक्न मधेसी नेता लाग्नुभन्दा ठूलो विडम्बना मधेसी जनताका लागि अरू के हुन्छ र !

'जनसांख्यिक हमला' मार्फत ह्वारह्वार्ती नेपाल भित्रिने भारतीयले सबैभन्दा पहिले विस्थापित गर्ने भनेको मधेसका नेपालीलाई नै हो ! नेपाली नागरिकता किनेका भारतीयले राज्यबाट पाउने सेवा, सुविधाको मार खेप्नुपर्ने आखिर मधेसका जनताले नै हो ! नेपालमा नागरिक निर्यातका लागि भारतले खुला राखेको नेपालसँगको सिमाबाट भित्रिने अपराधीले सबैभन्दा बढि प्रताडित गर्ने आखिर मधेसका जनतालाई नै हो ! र, यदि भोलि नेपालको जलस्रोतमा भारतको कब्जा स्थापित भयो भने बृहत्तर नदी जडान परियोजनाका नाममा नेपाललाई 'वाटर रिजर्भर' बनाइँदा डुबानमा पर्ने पनि आखिर मधेस नै हो ! त्यसैले, भारतका गृहमन्त्री पी चिदम्बरम् नेपाल-भारत सीमा व्यवस्थित र नियन्त्रित गर्न चाहँदैनन् । तर, फोरम नेपालका सभासद् अभिषेक प्रताप शाह सीमा नियन्त्रित गर्नुका साथै नेपालपट्टकिो सीमामा सुरक्षाफौजको ठूलै डफ्फा परिचालन गर्न चाहन्छन् । अभिषेकको यस्तो चाहना मधेसको भूराजनीतिको वस्तुगत आँकलन मात्र नभई मधेस राजनीतिमा देखा पर्न लागिरहेको परिवर्तनको अर्को सूचकसमेत हो ।

दूरगामी सोच राख्नसक्ने केही मधेसी नेताले भारतको भक्तिमा आफ्नो र आफूले प्रतिनिधित्व गर्ने समुदायको अन्त्येष्टिको झल्को देखेका छन् । तथापि, मधेस राजनीतिमा देखा पर्न थालेको परिवर्तनको संकेत यी नेताको दूरदृष्टिको उपज मात्र भने होइन । मुख्य कुरा के हो भने मधेसमा राजनीति गर्नेका लागि झोली फौलाउने ठाउँ अब दिल्ली मात्र रहेन । बेइजिङ, वासिंगटन र ब्रसेल्सका ढोका पनि अब मधेसी नेताका लागि खुला भएका छन् । मधेसमा भारतको एकाधिकारलाई चुनौती दिने शक्तिको बीजारोपण भइसकेको छ । डलर छर्दै वासिंगटन र ब्रसेल्स मधेसमा छिरिसकेको छ भने बौद्ध धर्म र व्यापार-वाणिज्यका आडमा मधेसमा प्रवेश गर्न बेइजिङले पनि यात्रा सुरु गरिसकेको छ । यस्तै अवस्था जारी रहँदा कालान्तरमा मधेसमा भारतप्रति चरम असहिष्णु नेतृत्वपंक्तिको उदय हुने सम्भावना प्रबल छ किनकि भारतको कमजोर उपस्थितिमा मात्र मधेसमा सुदृढ नेतृत्व निर्माण सम्भव छ भन्ने कुरा उपेन्द्र यादवको अहिलेको दयनीय अवस्थाले नै छर्लंग पारेको छ । हिन्दुत्वको धागोले अहिलेसम्म पहाड र मधेसलाई एकअर्काविरुद्ध निणर्ायक रूपमा खनिन नदिएको अवस्था छ । यसै धागोको आडमा भारतीय हस्तक्षेपको विरोध गर्ने नाउँमा आगामी दिनमा मधेसी र पहाडी समुदायबीच अभूतपूर्व एकता भयो भने कसैले आश्चर्य नमाने हुन्छ । यस्तो एकतालाई कसैले पर्दापछाडिबाट सहयोग गर्छ भने त्यो अचम्मको विषय बन्नेछैन । किनकि पर्दापछाडिको राजनीतिको प्रधानता नेपाली राजनीतिको मौलिक चरित्र नै बनिसकेको छ ।

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Blatant Indian intrusion in Nepal affairs is an open secret

2011-08-24T22:05:00.000-07:00

Khagendra Prasad Sharma
Conflict Management Expert, Nepal

K.P. Sharma is a conflict management expert of Nepal with rich experience and excellent academic backing. He has recently presented a working paper entitled 'Nepalese Perspective; Challenges in Security Sector Restructuring' at a seminar jointly organized by Germany based Berghof Research Center and Canada based Canadian International Development Research Center in Canada. Currently he is persuing his doctoral degree in conflict management from Nepal Sanskrit University.
Journalist Sujit Mainali for Telegraph weekly/ telegraphnepal.com talked with Mr. Sharma on several aspects of Nepal's peace process.
Here are the excerpts of this exclusive interview: Chief Editor.

TGQ1: Contradictory standpoints acquired by the major political parties of Nepal on several issues related to peace process is widely being held responsible for the ongoing political stalemate. Mr. K.P., can you forward some ideas on how to bridge such contending standpoints for concluding ongoing peace process in a win-win situation?
K.P.: Peace process in Nepal was initiated after a compromise was reached in between the then armed subversive force, Unified Maoists, and other parliamentarian parties of Nepal. However, after the Maoist formally entered into the mainstream politics; the parliamentary parties became very reluctant to acknowledge the former as a major political force. The Maoist also couldn't completely abandon the war mindset. I think this is the main reason responsible for the continuing political stalemate in Nepal.
To resolve the ongoing peace process in a win-win model, all the major forces of Nepali politics have to perform a constructive role. The parliamentary parties of Nepal should, first of all, acknowledge the Maoists as a major political force. The Maoist garnered largest number of vote during Constituent Assembly (CA) election held April 8, 2008. However, the other parties are insisting that Maoists are yet not eligible to steer the government. This is a ridiculous argument. The Maoist have had peoples mandate for it. Everyone must acknowledge this fact.
Secondly, the Maoist currently is in itself facing serious internal differences on several ideological and tactical issues. The party is highly polarized on two distinct poles where one pole favors conclusion of the constitution drafting and peace processes while the other prefers immediate revolt. The Maoist must forge common strategy and it should publicly announce its commitment on the logical conclusion of peace process.
Thirdly, Nepal is now experiencing acute absence of 'third party engagement' that could assist to reconcile, mediate and negotiate the parties in conflict through back channel. After the departure of UNMIN, civil society could have filled the vacuum. However, civil society in Nepal is sharply divided and adheres to different political leaning. The civil society should have to forge common agenda and try their best to continue the legacy of UNMIN.
Fourthly, Nepal is now suffering from the leadership crisis. After the demise of G.P. Koirala, Nepal couldn't produce any statesman (?) to replace him. We can understand the importance of statesman in resolving conflict from the study of conflict resolution process of South Africa, Ruanda, Burundi, etc.
Fifthly, Nepali politics is divided into different lobbies and each lobby is heavy influenced by alien forces. The international community is trying to impose their interests with the help of these lobbies. If these lobbying groups resolve their differences for the sake of larger national interests, this will provide positive impetus to the ongoing peace process.
And last but not least, the Maoists must abandon its war mindset. They should believe on the will of people, rather than believing on the barrel of the guns. If the above stated guidelines are strictly followed in practice, then I firmly believe that peace process can he concluded in a win-win model and current political impasse can be resolved.

TGQ2: Foreign community based in Kathmandu has been exhibiting its serious concerns on the ongoing peace process of Nepal. Moreover, it is widely believed that India is trying to impose its interest and concerns through different mode of intervention. Could you please enlighten our august readers on what might be the interests of India associated with Nepal's peace process?
K.P.: Well, the blatant interference of India in internal affairs of Nepal has now become an open secret. Because of the excessive intervention, its Nepal policy has now miserably failed. India is trying to recover the loss by sending its modest and calm envoy, Mr. Jayant Prasad to Kathmandu. Mr. Prasad will have to face daunting challenges to bag success in his assigned goal in the days ahead.
Right now, Nepal-India relation basically means the relations between Maoist and New Delhi. An antagonistic relation has developed in between them. In the current position, it looks as if India feels that Nepal-India relations are dominated by the Maoists. Each and every Indian attempt are becoming futile because of the Maoists.
I can give some examples to prove my argument. India's Nepal policy is primarily aimed to elevate pro-Indian forces in Kathmandu’s power corridors. Such force only can obey New Delhi's dictation and can address even the illogical and illegitimate concerns of New Delhi.
In post CA election period, Nepal got three successive governments. Among them, two government leaded by Chairman of Unified Maoist Mr. Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Chairman of UML Mr. Jhalanath Khanal were formed without the consent of New Delhi. This is the sign of failure of India's Nepal policy.
There are several political and security related interests of India associated with the ongoing peace process of Nepal. India wants to foil Maoist's attempt to make communism tilted constitution of Nepal. Such a constitution, India believes, will weaken pro-Indian forces in Nepal in the long term. To materialize this desire, India is trying to bring about a split in the Maoist top echelon. It is even trying to topple its leadership. This has posed serious hurdle in the conclusion of peace process.
India is against the integration of Maoist combatants in Nepalese Army (NA). The integration of combatants will limit the influence of India in NA structure because till now NA has remained in favor of our southern neighbor.
India had tried several times to make Maoist militarily weak. It had previously forwarded integration and rehabilitation package. However, the Maoist did not accept the Indian proposal. The Indian package was implicitly designed to curtail the military might of the Maoists.
India played crucial role in ousting UNMIN from Nepal by using its proxies in Nepal. And it is lingering Nepal's peace process by providing clandestine support to the anti-Maoist parties of Nepal. Strong and vibrant Maoist is not in the interest of India.

TGQ3: Communal hatred is gradually increasing in Nepal and it is widely believed that Nepal will witness widespread communal violence in the days ahead. If it so happens, unfortunately, what might be the regional impact of such a violence? What say you?
K.P.: Your question is more hypothetical. I don’t think Nepal will ever experience widespread communal violence. National and regional ground is not favorable for the emergence of such violence as you stated. Maoist had schooled their followers on ethnic grounds. They have assorted the class and ethnic sentiments. They are advocating for the formation of provinces on the basis of ethnicity with an aim to garner support from the ethnic communities of Nepal. If the Maoist fail to provide proper schooling to the people regarding their agenda, this may create hostile relation between ethnic groups. But I don’t think such hostility will ever crop up in Nepal.
Lots of people in Nepal believe that India may further provoke such hostile relations that presumably exist between ethnic groups of Nepal in order to make this Himalayan nation more unstable. If it so happens, it will be detrimental to the overall security of India itself. Ethnic violence of Nepal, if it ever happened, will be followed by enraged ethnic movement in Utter Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal of India which shares border with Nepal. There are many ethnic communities in India with secession motive. The situation of Nepal will encourage those ethnic communities. And eventually, Nepal may get many neighboring countries in its surrounding.
India is aware of this fact. Therefore, may use communal card for the short term to elevate some vested interest groups to the power corridor. However, India will not favor widespread communal violence in Nepal.
Similarly, unstable Nepal is also not in the broader interest of China as well. A strong, peaceful and stable Nepal can only ensure the security and stability of China's underbelly Tibet.
Hence, in conclusion I believe that communal violence in Nepal can be detrimental to the overall security and stability of both China and India. Hence, both regional and internal context do not favor communal antagonism in Nepal.

TGQ4: There is huge difference inside Unified Maoist regarding the ongoing peace and constitution drafting process of Nepal. What type of effect this internal division inside the Maoist will have an impact in the overall peace process?
K.P.: If the Maoist fails to bridge its internal differences, then the ongoing peace process is not going to see a positive end. The Maoist must be clear about their future move. If they want "People's Revolt", they should immediately prepare for it. Otherwise, they should be sincere towards the peace and constitution drafting process. Until and unless the Maoist do not favor the conclusion of peace process, this process is not going to end because the Maoists are one of the major stakeholders of this process. Maoist consent is required for the successful conclusion of these processes.

TGQ5: A French scholar Isabelle Duquesne in her latest book "Nepal: Zone of Peace" has proposed to declare Nepal as a Zone of Peace (ZoP). As a conflict resolution expert, what you would like to say on the proposal forwarded by Mrs. Isabelle?
K.P.: Being a son of Nepal, I praised her proposal. However, I don’t think situation has become favorable to declare Nepal a ZoP.
Nepal has not yet recovered from the internal conflict. Peace process has not yet reached to its logical conclusion. We have already ousted UNMIN, a lone mediator of the peace process. Things have become more fragile. The internal difference between Maoists has made the situation more serious. In these circumstances, if we propose to make Nepal a ZoP, I don’t think international community will endorse our proposal.
Right now, Nepal is being the victim of triangular rivalry. Pro Indo-US, pro Chinese and nationalist groups of Nepal are in direct confrontation. This has made Nepali politics fragmented and disintegrated. Amidst this situation, if we forward the proposal of ZoP, international community may laugh on us. First of all, we have to bridge our internal differences and should successfully conclude the peace process. The political parties of Nepal should unite for the common national agenda. Then only we should think about declaring Nepal as a ZoP. Right now, the concept of ZoP looks immature. However, the concept of Mrs. Isabelle is praise worthy one. I personally want to offer thanks to her for her affection towards Nepal.

Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/five-questions/2011-08-24/blatant-indian-intrusion-in-nepal-affairs-is-an-open-secret.html

A terrorist attack in India, media accuse Pakistan and claims design planned in Nepal

2011-08-17T04:30:00.000-07:00

Shambhu Kattel
Lecturer, Mass Communication, Nepal

Mr. Kattel is a lecturer of mass communications and is among those few young academicians of Nepal who are keenly observing the trends of Nepali mass media of late. The Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com has initiated a campaign to promote youth leadership in the country. As a part of the same campaign, Sujit Mainali for The Telegraph Weekly and its online edition has talked to this vibrant scholar on different aspects of Nepali media and of Nepali politics. Here are the excerpts of the interview: Editor

TGQ1: Mr. Kattel, as we all know that Nepal's socio-political landscape is further becoming more sensitive day by day. Do you think the Nepalese media have acknowledged this fact and were performing accordingly?
Kattel: Nepali media has yet not become a professional one. First of all, we must admit this fact. The history of the development of mass media in Nepal is also not so long. Only after the advent of multiparty democracy in 1990, investment from private sector was warmly welcomed in Nepali media. Since then, Nepali media has made substantial achievements.
Media has now opened the platform for the extensive and intensive dialogue on different political, social, economic and cultural issues confronting the nation. Looking at this fact, we can say that Nepali media has acknowledged the sensitivities of the existing socio-political landscape of the country.
However, Nepali media is also not totally distanced from the politics. The media of Nepal are being made highly biased by the political parties who are in the power corridors. Thus, the media is now carrying the ideology (ies) and agenda of those political parties. The ongoing debate on the op-ed page of newspapers, magazines and discussion forum of electronic media on several sensitive subjects like national security, ethnicity, federalism, social inclusion, secularism, foreign policy, etc is also, in one way or the other, being influenced by those political parties.

TGQ2: A sizeable section of the analysts often accuse the mainstream Nepali media for not being serious towards the national interests and on issues of the preservation of the aspect of Nepali nationalism. Do you think there is any rationale behind such grave accusations?
Kattel: I do not agree with those analysts. As we are observing now, the mainstream Nepali media is doing a lot for the sake of national interest and nationalism. It has time and again urged for the immediate formulation of a foreign and security policy. It has opened the floor for discussions on several issues related with nationalism. It is also making the people aware about foreign intervention in the internal affairs of Nepal and the regular encroachment of Nepali territory by our southern neighbor. Look how superbly Nepali media acted when the Indians of Nepali origin were targeted and indiscriminately killed in Indian state of Meghalaya?

What we must not forget that media is not the judge, it is only the lawyer. It can sensitize the issues, advocate it and can make people and ruling elite aware about the urgency of the situation. The issues related to nationalism and national interests should be settled down in the negotiating table. But the ruling class of our country, both politicians and bureaucrats, are very much reluctant to work robustly for those issues related to national interests. They are massively influenced and controlled by their alien masters. Nepali media is far more nationalist then those who are in the policy making levels of different machineries of the State.

TGQ3: As we all know that the international communities have rapidly increased their role in Nepali politics. Is the Nepali media also being influenced by this syndrome?
Kattel: Nepal is not independent in economics sense. Most of the economic and business activities of Nepal are being carried out by foreign business firms. To be more candid, a multitude of production and services industries of Nepal are in the firm control of the Indian businessmen. China, US and some European countries' presence in Nepal's economic sector is also gradually increasing. With the help of the advertisement of their business activities, the international community is trying to control Nepali media. However, they have yet not succeeded completely in this regard.
Nepal is still experiencing the transitional period pang. Different alien forces with a variety of political interests are looking forward to institutionalize their presence in Nepal in the existing fragile situation that we have now. For example, India wants to perpetuate its hegemony in Nepal and China wants to ensure that no any anti-China activities will ever rise from the Nepali soil. For this purpose, they are trying their best to use Nepali media in their favor. They have sent their paid agents in big media houses of Nepal to work for them. They want to please media persons by offering scholarship and visit package and at times even by offering lavish dinner. However, up to now, Nepali media has preserved its integrity. It has yet not danced to the tunes of an alien music like the Nepali politicians. Nepali media has acted in a matured manner in this regard. It has respected the legitimate economic and security concerns of our neighboring countries, India and China. However it has refused to submit themselves blindly in their favor.

TGQ4: Mr. Kattel, now let's talk about the attitude of Indian media towards Nepal. We have found that Indian media frequently allege the connection of Nepal in almost every terrorist attacks that happen in India without any reliable information. What you would like to say on such unfortunate trend acquired by the Indian media?
Kattel: The Indian media does not warrant serious comments. They have lost their credibility worldwide. The situation is further worst in electronic media of Indian Union. The Nepali media is far more credible then their Indian counterparts. Take it for granted.
Indian media has become an instrument of Indian establishment to spread politically motivated propaganda. The Indian media usually follow the prescribed foreign policy of the Indian Government when it has to deal with the news related with other countries. Whenever a terrorist attack takes place in any part of India, the Indian media immediately accuses Pakistan behind engineering the attack. And they further say that the overall planning of the attack was made in Nepali territory. However, every time they failed to quote any reliable intelligence source.
The Indian government wants Nepal to bring under its security umbrella. It wants to make Nepal its satellite state while dealing with defense related matter with other regional and extra-regional powers. For this purpose, Indian government uses the Indian media to exaggerate the security related news in order to overly-sensitize the issue. By portraying the connection of the Nepali soil in the terrorist attack, India wants to compel Nepal to sign extradition, air- marshal and other different security related treaties with it. Indian media are the tools of the Indian government to institutionalize its hegemony in its neighboring countries.

TGQ5: Of late, China and India are exhibiting their immense interest and concerns in Lumbini, the birth place of Lord Buddha. What might be its implicit reason?
Kattel: We all know that the national interest is the main driving force of any nation while conducting the international relations. The same theory applies in the interest and concerns recently exhibited by Indian and Chinese towards the birthplace of Lord Buddha. The Chinese government backed Asia Pacific Exchange and Cooperation (APEC) Foundation has recently decided to invest USD 3 billion for the overall development of Lumbini. The APEC has already begun the preliminary study of this ambitious mega project.
China is not so generous to provide such a big chunk of money for the welfare of Nepali people. China is still struggling to feed the teeming millions of its own poverty stricken population living in its mainland. Similarly, India is also not being worried by the Chinese move for the welfare and benefit of Nepali people. Both countries' move is driven by their national intrinsic interests. By developing the pilgrimage center for the Buddhists in Lumbini, China wants to overshadow Dalai Lama as a lone preserver of Buddhism. This, China believes, can subdue the Free Tibet Movement. Similarly, India is worried on this Chinese move because it does not want the presence of China in Lumbini, which is very close to the Indian border. And further, India is developing bogus birthplace of Lord Buddha inside its territory in order to deceive the followers of Buddhism worldwide. If Lumbini comes to the frontline, the malicious plan of the Indian regime will go to the dogs. Therefore, India is getting more and more nervous and also panicked with the fresh steps taken by China based APEC to develop Lumbini.

Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/five-questions/2011-08-17/a-terrorist-attack-in-india-media-accuse-pakistan-and-claims-design-planned-in-nepal.html

Nepal: Alien forces use our leaders as tools

2011-08-17T04:27:00.000-07:00

Ajambar Rai Kangmang
Central Committee Alternative Member, CPN-UML, Nepal

Mr. Ajambar Rai Kangmang is a young leader of the CPN-UML. He had assumed upper echelon leadership of different youth wings of the UML. Currently he is serving as a Central Committee Alternative Member of the party. The Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com has initiated a campaign to promote youth leadership in the country immaterial of which political affiliation they adhere to. As a part of this campaign, Sujit Mainali for The Telegraph Weekly and its online edition has talked to this young emerging politician on different aspects of contemporary Nepali politics. He hails from Bhojpur district. Here are the excerpts of the interview: Editor

Q1: Intra-party feud of the ruling CPN-UML is escalating and is gradually taking a dangerous turn. As a youth leader of the UML, how do you see such a pitiable state of your party?
Mr. Kangmang: Some analysts accuse the ongoing internal rift inside our party as a mere fight for power and authority. However, there are different serious political agenda associated with the ongoing feud. One faction of our party does not want the immediate conclusion of peace and constitution drafting process. This faction wants the dissolution of Constituent Assembly (CA). In the name of fresh election, this faction wants to welcome political instability in the country.
Whereas, the other faction believes that the institutionalization of fresh political changes introduced in the country is in the broader interest of the nation. This faction wants to institutionalize the achievements so far gained by drafting new constitution and to install peace in the country by concluding the ongoing peace process. Unified Maoist is one of the major stakeholders of constitution drafting process and peace process and therefore the second faction of our party wants to cooperate with the Maoist for the successful conclusion of these agendas. The friction between these two political lines has created an atmosphere of chaos inside our party. This is a pure political debate.

Q2: The two factions inside your party is led by Chairman Jhalanath Khanal and leader duo Madhav Kumar Nepal and KP Oli respectively. At the personal level, which faction's political line do you prefer?
Kangmang: The idea always remains for a change. Idea is like a flowing river. It is not like the frozen water of the pond. I, being a Marxist, support or resist someone's ideas on the basis of the issue he/she carries. At this point of time, I think the political line that comrade Mr. Khanal adheres to can recover our country from the vice of political ailments.
Right now, our party is fiercely debating on the rationale of the act of Prime Minister Mr. Khanal to swearing in the oath of office and secrecy to the new ministers from the Maoist camp. I think this is unnecessary debate. Prime Minister has exercised his prerogatives and I don’t see any logic to oppose his move. Right now, he is dynamically moving ahead for the successful conclusion of peace and constitution drafting process. He needs full-fledged support from the party to conclude this challenging job.

Q3: CPN-UML is widely accused of being an opportunist party. Sometimes it prefers to be close with the Nepalese Congress (NC) and when things and context change, it again increases hobnob with the Maoists, abandoning its previous ally. Mr. Kangmang! What you would like to say on such serious accusations?
Kangmang: This is totally a baseless allegation. Let me make it clear. Right now, three major ideas prevails inside Nepal. This first one is ultra-communist idea and is represented by the Unified Maoists. The Maoists want to wage yet another revolt without institutionalizing the gains so far bagged. The other camp believes that the republican order and the issues of social inclusion, secularism, federalism, etc, were introduced in Nepal against the consent of the Nepali population. This camp, represented by the NC, dares to oppose each and every progressive moves. The third camp wants to contain the hasty and extremist move of the Maoist and at the same time desires to make NC more progressive. The third camp is well represented by the UML. The political line of the UML is the only way to recover the country from the pangs of ongoing political logjam. Can you just tell me how a party with such a sound political scheme can be an opportunist one?

Q4: But Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, the Vice Chairman of the Unified Maoist has time and again alleged the UML for being a party of the eunuchs. He usually claims that UML does not have any concrete political agenda?
Kangmang: Comrade Dr. Bhattarai may have said so on a different context. He represents different political camp, and therefore we should not get surprised if he accuses his rival camp. Dr. Bhattarai's charge is baseless and totally wrong. The political position of UML is the need of the time. Indeed, it is essential for the overall benefit of the nation.

Q5: Now let’s change the context of our conversation. A section of Nepali analysts say that the politics of identity in Terai and Eastern Hills is gradually becoming an anarchist one. Could you please forward your precious comment in this regard?
Kangmang: I want to deal your question along with its context. From 1990 to 2000, political parties used to be regarded as a sole platform to uproot each and every kind of existing exploitations. People used to look towards political parties for the remedy of exploitation based on class, caste, religion, ethnicity, region, gender, etc. But after 2000, the political parties lost the faith of the people. And different groups representing different ethnicity, region, religion, etc began to raise their concerns on their own.
The 10 years’ Maoist insurgency gave a great impetus to the dissatisfaction of different ethnic groups. The Maoist insurgency shaped a new culture, culture of violence in the country. The Maoists rationalized the use of violence for the fulfillment of even a minor demand.
Thus, in conclusion, I would like to say that the declining credibility of the political party, the attempt of the ethnic community to raise their voice themselves and the violent culture institutionalized by the Maoists is gradually making ethnic movement more violent and anarchist. And the situation is becoming more inflammable and serious especially in the Terai and the Eastern Hills.

Q6: We are time and again listening that different donor agencies are funding a sizeable chunk of money, both covertly and overtly, to derail the existing communal harmony in Nepal. Mr. Kangmang, what would you like to say on such rumors?
Kangmang: The ethnic and other groups do not get a single penny from the donor agencies without addressing their latter's concerns. They provide fund along attached with strings. I too have heard that those agencies are funding a big chunk of money in Nepal. They are investing money not only on ethnic issues, but also in the issue related with inclusion, drafting of new constitution, etc. However, I exactly cannot say whether the hidden intention of the donor agency is to derail the communal harmony of Nepal or not?

Q7: Mr. Kangmang, several national and foreign analysts have warned that Nepal may turn into a battleground of international powers soon. What do you would like to say on this subject?
Kangmang: Nepal is currently is in a transitional period and different political parties and its leaders are keenly looking to swell their influence in national politics by pleasing their alien masters. And the alien forces are also looking forward to address their concerns by using those political parties and leaders as tools. While doing so, they are breaching the minimum diplomatic norms and values also. Such deeds of local political actors and international power is creating critical situation in Nepal.
Right now, Nepal is experiencing several difficulties in the conduct of international relations. It is high time for Nepal to devise foreign policy looking after the economic, cultural, political and geographical constraints and strength of our nation. While devising foreign policy, we have to give top priority to the legitimate concerns of our neighbors. This is the only way to curb the growing influence of international powers in Nepal.

Q8: The Chinese government backed Asia Pacific Exchange and Cooperation Foundation has decided to invest 3 billion US dollar for the overall development of the birthplace of Lord Gautama Buddha in Lumbini, Nepal. However, this issue has now been dragged into controversies. Do you think it was necessary to make this issue controversial?
Kangmang: We should try our best to develop Lumbini as an international pilgrimage center of Buddhists, just like the Pashupatinath temple for Hindus, Mecca-Medina for Islam and Vatican City for the Christians. If any country or INGO wants to help in this campaign, then we must heartily welcome them. But the overall funding and managerial aspect of such campaign must be under the strict supervision and control of Nepalese government. If the Chinese government backed Asia Pacific Exchange and Cooperation Foundation wants to help us to build Lumbini by addressing our concerns, then I don’t see any valid reason to oppose it.

Source: The Telegraph Weekly
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-08-10/nepal:-alien-forces-use-our-leaders-as-tools

Some Regional and Global power want to contain Chinese increasing influence from Nepal

2011-08-05T03:21:00.000-07:00

Umesh Thapa
Youth Leader, Nepal Maoists

Mr. Umesh Thapa is a young leader of the Unified Maoist. He is associated with the student wing of the party. The Telegraph Weekly and the telegraphnepal.com has initiated a campaign to promote youth leadership in the country. As a part of this campaign, Sujit Mainali for the Telegraph Weekly and its online edition talked to this studious young politician on different aspects of contemporary Nepali politics. Here are the excerpts of the interview: Editor

Q1: The party which you belong to is mired in serious internal feud, yet we have been told that the matter has got settled temporarily. What you would like to say on such pitiable situation of your party?
Umesh: The internal rift inside our party is not a new phenomenon. Our party was formed through the amalgamation of different communist parties. All the leaders who jointly formed a new and vibrant Unified Maoist party are sincere towards the strategy and for achieving the final goal of the party. However, they sharply differ on the tactics to achieve the strategic goal. Their goal is same, but ways to achieve it are different.
During the time of civil war also, our party used to experience serious political and ideological differences among the leaders. This difference has become more severe now. The unity among top brass of our party is essential for the transformation of the country.

Q2. There are three distinct factions inside your party led by Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' and Vice-chairman duo Mohan Baidya 'Kiran' and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. At the personal level, which factional political line do you prefer?
Umesh: I would like to correct your question slightly, if you please. If anybody says that three factions exist inside our party, I think the analysis of that person is virtually wrong. There are only two major factions inside our party. One faction believes on the immediate People's revolt and this faction wants to install People's Republic instantly. The other faction believes that the situation is yet not ripe for the revolt and so first wants to institutionalize the achievement so far gained during post 12 point agreement period. This faction is urging to wage revolt after some period when circumstances become more favorable. The third faction does not have any political line and hence it does not exist.
At the personal level, I believe the political and tactical line proposed by Dr. Bhattarai is more relevant and a reasonable one. The global communist movement is now in the defensive posture. Dr. Bhattarai’s proposal is based on the minute analysis of the global, regional and national circumstances, the stage of evolution of the Nepali society, the geostrategic location of our country and today's geopolitical reality.

Q3. Mr. Umesh, you have made quite interesting comment about the factions prevailing inside your party. Could you please tell us at which point do you think the ongoing Maoist movement will be concluded?
Thapa: Unified Maoist is a revolutionary party and we all know that the revolution is an ongoing process. The Maoist movement is the result of age old discriminatory behavior of the State. Until and unless the civil suppression is not ended, the root of feudalism is not abolished, Nepali society is not transformed and our nation does not become independent in real sense, the Maoist movement is not going to conclude.

Q4. Do you think that revolution is likely to successfully happen in Nepal?
Umesh: Why not? Revolution is unavoidable. It is a universal phenomenon. No forces that exist on the earth can avert the wave of revolutionaries. Revolution is necessary for the evolution and transformation of the society and the world at large. I firmly believe that revolution will be a grand success in Nepal. I am optimist towards it. In fact, optimism and patience are the major features of true revolutionary.

Q5. Mr. Umesh, could you please tell our august readers what type of Nepal do the youths of your party want to make? What type of Nepal do you dream of?
Umesh: We, the revolutionaries, became rejuvenated and energized by our dream. We are struggling for a New Nepal and we are ready to sacrifice ourselves to make our dreams come true. We want independent and sovereign Nepal which can take its decision on its own without the dictation and bullying of the alien forces. We want to end the marginalization of the Dalit community; want to ensure the deserving stake of indigenous community in the machinery of State; we want to end the existing patriarchal society and we want to liberate the women; we want the liberation of poor peasant and farmers from the clutches of feudal landlords. In short, we dream of an independent, sovereign and glorified Nepal. The introduction and installation of nationalism (rastriyata), democracy (janatantra) and livelihood (janajeevika) is our ultimate dream.

Q6. A large section of Nepali analysts usually accuse the leadership of Unified Maoist for using Nationalism as a bargaining chip to elevate them to power corridors?
Umesh: What we have to understand is that the way of revolution is not straightforward and easy. In the process of achieving the ultimate goal, our party may have compromised on some immediate policies. This may have created some confusion among the masses regarding the sincerity of our party towards the aspect of nationalism. I do not like to criticize those analysts. However, I want to remind those observers that from the time of civil war, our party has been vigorously raising the issue of nationalism and national independences. Can you tell me who else than the Maoists have raised the issues of nationalism, both from the street and negotiation-table in the history of Nepal?

Q7. Let's change the topic of our conversation. You are keenly studying Tibetan issues and its impacts on Nepali politics. Could you please tell us what type of influence do Tibetan issues have exerted on the Nepali politics?
Umesh: The Nepalese and Tibetans have influenced the politics of each other since long. Before the unification of Nepal by late King Prithivi Narayan Shah, our northern neighbor used to tremendously influence the Nepali political circuit. However, after the unification, the influence of China still remains in Kathmandu in this or that form. Nepal had time and again come under military confrontation with Tibet. China appeared on the battle ground to fight on behalf of Tibet against Nepal. In the past, Kathmandu had experienced the influence of Peking and Lhasa. At the same time, Lhasa was also influenced by Kathmandu politics. Tibet used to pay annual tribute to the King of Nepal. This system was abolished only after the victory of communists in China. After Nepal signed the Treaty of Sugauli with East India Company, 1816, the influence of our southern neighbor began to increase in Nepal. And the influence of China gradually faded.
China has time and again asked Nepal to be aware of the sensitivity of Tibet. Nepal and Tibet Autonomous Region (TOR) of China share common border. Some vested interest groups are trying to abuse this territorial linkage in order to create havoc in Tibet. China is very cautious and sensitive on this issue.

Q8. Could you please kindly tell our readers as to which groups are trying to abuse the territorial linkage between Nepal and TOR of China?
Umesh: Everybody knows which those groups are? China is gradually strengthening its economic, military and political might.
Some regional and global power, fearing of the China’s meteoric rise, want to contain its increasing influence. They are time and again trying to use Nepali soil for Free Tibet Movement. Some local stooges of those alien forces are helping the latter to implement their malicious plans. Those local marionettes are doing in order to please different power centers, which they think, will perpetuate their unjust hold on political and economic resources of Nepal.

Q9. Mr. Umesh, you might be aware of some alien academicians who have been telling that China, in a deceit manner, is looking to interfere in Nepal by projecting the hullabaloo of Free Tibet Movement. Could you please forward your precious comments on the analysis of those alien analysts?
Umesh: National interest is and should be the primary and chief agenda of each nation in the conduct of international relations. We, the communists, believe that the foreign policy is the extension of domestic policy. China may do anything in order to protect its national interests. It may begin to interfere in internal affairs of Nepal also. To neutralize the aggression of all alien forces, including China, Nepal must devise appropriate foreign policy. We should not allow them to maneuver Nepal. We should try our best to address the security concerns of our neighbors. Similarly, we should deny dictations and interferences of other countries in the internal matter of Nepal which could surface in any form.

Q10. The last question. August 31 is approaching nearer. The tenure of Constituent Assembly (CA) will be cease to exist on this very date provided its tenure is not further extended. Some political parties and political analysts are urging for the dissolution of CA after August 31. What might be the implied meaning of such a proposal?
Umesh: CA is an achievement gained after waging 60 years long armed and peaceful struggle. It is the single platform to ensure and institutionalize the rights of Nepali population. The CA should be protected at any cost. However, the regressive, reactionary and rightist forces are advocating for the dissolution of CA. These forces want to obstruct the escalating wave of revolution by dissolving CA. This is anti-national and anti-people's move. The revolutionary and patriotic forces of Nepal should join their hands to protect the CA. Otherwise; Nepal will be engulfed on serious conflict.

Published on The Telegraph Weekly
Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-08-03/some-regional-and-global-power-want-to-contain-chinese-increasing-influence-from-nepal.html

अफगान युद्धमा भारतीय चासो

2011-07-31T21:48:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

विदेशी हस्तक्षेपकारी शक्तिविरुद्ध अनवरत रूपमा लडिरहेको एसियाली राष्ट्र अफगानिस्तानले शान्तिको सास फेर्न नपाएको युगौँ भइसकेको छ । पश्चिम, मध्य र दक्षिण एसियाको साँधमा रहनु अफगानिस्तानको भूराजनीतिक विशिष्टता भए पनि आफ्नो भौगोलिक अवस्थिति उसका लागि घाँडो बन्न पुगेको विभिन्न समयक्रममा विकसित घटनाक्रमले प्रमाणित गरेका छन् । ईसापूर्वमा एलेक्जेन्डरको युनानी फौजको आक्रमणबाट सुरु भएको विदेशी प्रभुत्ववादी शक्तिको मार खेप्नुपर्ने अफगानिस्तानको नियती २१औँ शताब्दीसम्म आइपुग्दा पनि बदलिन सकेको छैन ।

सन् २००१ को सेप्टेम्बर ११ मा अलकायदाले अमेरिकामाथि हवाई आक्रमण गरेको घटनाले २१औँ शताब्दीमा अफगानिस्तानको संक्रमणलाई अत्यन्त पीडादायक बनायो । आक्रमणका मुख्य योजनाकार ओसामा बिन लादेनलाई अफगानिस्तानको तात्कालीन तालेवान सरकारले संरक्षण दिएको आरोपमा अमेरिकाले अफगानिस्तानमाथि सैन्य हस्तक्षेप गरी तालेवान सरकारलाई अपदस्थ गर्‍यो । लादेनलाई पक्राउ गर्न र 'आतंकवादलाई संरक्षण प्रदान गर्ने' तालेवान सरकारलाई अपदस्थ गर्न अफ्गान भूमिमा ओर्लिएको अमेरिकी सेनाले दुइटै लक्ष्य हासिल गरिसकेको छ । घोषित लक्ष्यहरू हासिल भइसकेकाले अघोषित स्वार्थहरूको रक्षा हुने गरी अमेरिकाले अफगानिस्तानमा आफ्नो उपस्थिति घटाउँदै लैजाने सोच पछिल्लो समय बनाएको छ । यसले अफगान युद्ध नयाँ मोडमा पुगेको आभास मिलेको छ । दक्षिण एसियाली क्षेत्रीय सहयोग संगठन (सार्क) को सदस्य राष्ट्रसमेत रहेको अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थिति कम हुने सम्भावना देखेपछि यस क्षेत्रको सबैभन्दा शक्तिशाली राष्ट्र भएको नाताले भारतले यसप्रति गम्भीर चासो प्रदर्शन गरेको छ ।

केही समयअघि अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति बाराक ओबामाले अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थितिलाई पातलो बनाउँदै लैजाने घोषणा गरे । अफगानिस्तानमा अहिले एक लाख अमेरिकी सेना तैनाथ छन् । यसै वर्षको अन्त्यसम्ममा १० हजार अमेरिकी सेनालाई अफगानिस्तानबाट फिर्ता बोलाउने उद्घोष गर्दै राष्ट्रपति ओबामाले आगामी वर्षको सेप्टेम्बरसम्ममा थप २० हजारलाई फिर्ता बोलाइने घोषणा गरे । सन् २०१४ सम्ममा अफगानिस्तानको सुरक्षा जिम्मेवारी स्थानीय सुरक्षाफौजलाई सुम्पिने अमेरिकी नीतिअनुरूप ओबामाको घोषणा सार्वजनिक भएको बताइन्छ । त्यसो त यसअघिका राष्ट्रपति जर्ज डब्लु बुसको युद्धमुखी आक्रामक नीतिको विरोध गरेरै उनले राष्ट्रपतीय निर्वाचनमा विजय हासिल गरेका थिए । त्यसैले अमेरिकी मतदातालाई युद्धको सघनता घटेको देखाउन ओबामाले शान्तिका पक्षमा कुनै कदम चाल्नै पर्ने बाध्यता थियो । नयाँ राष्ट्रपतीय निर्वाचनको मिति नजिकिँदै गएको र सन् २००९ मा ओबामाले सन् २०११ को सेप्टेम्बरदेखि अफगानिस्तानबाट अमेरिकी सेनालाई फिर्ता बोलाउने प्रक्रिया सुरु हुने बताएको पृष्ठभूमिमा उनीबाट अफगान मामिलामा केही पहल हुने अनुमान धेरैले गरेका थिए । सबैको अनुमानलाई सही साबित गर्दै राष्ट्रपति ओबामाले अफगानिस्तानबाट फिर्ता हुने अमेरिकी सेनाको संख्या हालै तोकेका हुन् ।

अफगानिस्तानमाथिको अमेरिकी आक्रमण यो इस्लामबहुल राष्ट्रमा विदेशी शक्तिद्वारा गरिएको सैन्य हस्तक्षेपको पछिल्लो उदाहरण मात्र हो । भिन्नाभिन्नै समयमा विभिन्न शक्तिराष्ट्रले अफगानिस्तानमाथि आक्रमण गरेका छन् । भारतमा बि्रटिस उपनिवेश कायम रहेका वेला भारतले अफगानिस्तानमाथि पटकपटक आक्रमण गरेको थियो । अफगानिस्तानको सिमाना रुसी साम्राज्यसँग जोडिएको तत्कालीन समयमा रुस र अफगानिस्तानबीचको सम्भावित साँठगाँठलाई रोक्नु भारतीय आक्रमणको उद्देश्य थियो । अन्ततः अफगानिस्तानलाई आफूले चाहेअनुरूपको सन्धिमा हस्ताक्षर गराउन ब्रटिस भारत सफल भएको थियो ।

उसो त भारतले त्यसअघि चन्द्रगुप्त मौर्यका पालामै अफगानिस्तानलाई आफ्नो भूखण्डको अंश बनाइसकेको थियो । त्यसयता विश्वले आर्थिक, सामरिक र राजनीतिक क्षेत्रमा ठूलो फड्को मारिसकेको छ । बदलिँदो समयमा अफगानिस्तानमा भारतका आर्थिक तथा सुरक्षासम्बद्ध चासो थप सघन हुँदै गएका छन् । त्यसैले अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थिति कम गर्ने राष्ट्रपति ओबामाको घोषणा स्वाभाविक रूपले भारतको गम्भीर सरोकारको विषय बन्न पुगेको छ ।

सन् १९४७ मा भारत र अफगानिस्तानको बीचमा पाकिस्तानको उदय भएपछि भारत र अफगानिस्तानबीच भौगोलिक सम्बन्धविच्छेद भएको छ । पाकिस्तान भारतको जन्मजात दुश्मन भएकाले अफगानिस्तानको महत्त्व भारतका लागि पृथक ढंगले विशिष्ट भएको छ । सुरक्षाका दृष्टिकोणले भारतको पश्चिमी सिमाना उसका लागि सधैँ संवेदनशील रहने गरेको छ । भारतको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा र उसको सार्वभौमिकतामाथि खलल पुर्‍याउने शक्ति पश्चिमी सिमाना हुँदै भित्रिने गरेको इतिहास साक्षी छ । अहिले भारतको सार्वभौमिकतामाथि खलल पुर्‍याउन सक्ने शक्ति नरहे पनि उसको बाह्य सुरक्षामा पाकिस्तानबाट असर पर्ने गरेको छ, जो उसको पश्चिमी सीमासँगै जोडिएको छ । त्यसैगरी कास्मिरलगायतका विवादमा मुछिएको भारतलाई इस्लामिक अतिवादीले पश्चिमी मोर्चाबाटै तारो बनाउने गरेका छन् । त्यसैले आफ्नो बाह्य सुरक्षामा सबैभन्दा गम्भीर खलल पुर्‍याउन सक्ने क्षमता भएको राष्ट्र चीन उत्तरमा रहे पनि भारतले आफ्नो सैन्य संयन्त्रलाई पश्चिमी मोर्चामै केन्दि्रत गर्दै आएको छ ।

अफगान युद्धमा भारतको स्वार्थ के छ भन्ने पत्ता लगाउन अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी आक्रमणपछिको भारतीय कदमलाई नियाल्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । अफगानीस्तानमाथि सोभियत संघको आक्रमणलाई झैँ भारतले अमेरिकी आक्रमणलाई समेत समर्थन गरेको थियो । यसबाहेक उसले काबुलमा अमेरिकाको कठपुतली हमिद कारजाईको सरकारलाई बलियो बनाउन अनेक प्रयत्न गर्दै आएको छ । तालेवानविरुद्धको अमेरिकी कदममा उत्तर एटलान्टिक सन्धि संगठन -नेटो) बाहेक भारत पनि दरिलो साझेदार बन्न पुगेको छ । पाकिस्तानसँग अफगानिस्तानको खुला र अव्यवस्थित सिमानाको उपयोग गरी यही मौकामा पाकिस्तानमा अस्थिरता उत्पन्न गराउने भारतीय योजना, इरानसँग जोडिएको पाकिस्तानी भूमि बलुचिस्तानको जातीय अन्तरद्वन्द्वमा खेली यसलाई स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्र बनाएर इरान-भारत ग्यास पाइपलाइन निर्माण परियोजनालाई मूर्त रूप लिने उसको भित्री इच्छा, इस्लामिक चरमपन्थीलाई अफगानिस्तान द्वन्द्वमै अल्झाएर कास्मिरसम्बन्धी विषयबाट उनीहरूको ध्यान हटाउँदै लैजाने उसको ध्येय आदिले नयाँ दिल्लीलाई अफगानिस्तानमा आफ्नो उपस्थिति थप सघन पार्न प्रेरित गरिरहेको छ । यसका लागि भारतले अफगानिस्तानको वर्तमान सरकारलाई बलियो बनाउन चाहेको छ ।

सन् १९७९ को अन्त्यमा अफगानिस्तानमाथि सोभियत संघको सैन्य हस्तक्षेपलाई भारतले समर्थन गरेको थियो भने पाकिस्तानले सोभियतविरुद्ध जिहाद नै छेडेको थियो । भारतीय कदमका कारण अफगानी मुक्तियोद्धा मुजाहिद्दिन र भारतबीचको सम्बन्ध ज्यादै चिसो बन्न पुगेको थियो । त्यसमाथि कास्मिरका जनताको मुक्तिको आवाजमाथि बर्बर दमन गर्ने भारतीय कदमले विश्वभरका मुस्लिम अतिवादी समुदायमा भारतप्रति चरम नकारात्मक भाव विकसित गराएको छ । यी दुई कारणले गर्दा दक्षिण एसियाका मुस्लिम अतिवादीहरूको आक्रमणको निसानामा भारत पर्ने गरेको छ । मुस्लिम अतिवादीको एक्लै सामना गर्दै आएको भारतले ९/११ को घटनापछि दक्षिण एसियाका अतिवावादीविरुद्ध लड्ने सहयात्री पाएको छ । त्यसैले अमेरिकी सेनाको कमजोर उपस्थिति रहेको अफगानिस्तान भारतीय स्वार्थका लागि वाञ्छनीय छैन । अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थिति अझ सुदृढ बनोस् भन्ने भारत चाहन्छ । अमेरिकी सेना अफगानिस्तानबाट फर्किए कारजाई सरकार तत्कालै ढल्ने र भारतप्रति असहिष्णु तालेवान सत्तामा आउने सम्भावना प्रबल छ, जुन भारतीय हितमा छैन । यसो भएको खण्डमा अफगानीस्तानको आन्तरिक मामिलामा हाल कमजोर बन्न पुगेको पाकिस्तानको क्षमता पुनः सुदृढ बन्नेछ किनकि अफगानी तालेवानप्रति पाकिस्तानले अपेक्षाकृत नरम भाव राख्दै आएको छ । भारतले भने उल्टो तालेवानविरोधी उत्तरी गठबन्धन र कारजाई सरकारलाई सघाइरहेको छ । काबुलमा तालेवानको सत्ता पुनः स्थापित भए पाकिस्तानसँगको अफगानिस्तानको खुला सिमानाको उपयोग गर्दै पाकिस्तानविरुद्ध खेल्ने भारतको सम्भावना क्षीण बन्न पुग्नेछ । अफगानिस्तानबाट अमेरिकी सेना फिर्ता भए 'इसाइ क्रुसेड'लाई निस्तेज गर्न गोलबन्द भएका चरमपन्थीले आफ्नो फुर्सदिलो समयलाई कास्मिरमा 'हिन्दू अतिक्रमण'को विरोध गर्ने कार्यमा खर्च गर्नेछन् । यसबाट भारतको सुरक्षामा गम्भीर खलल पुग्नेछ ।

अमेरिकाका विख्यात सुरक्षाविद् रोबर्ट डी कप्लानले आफ्नो पुस्तक 'जिगोग्राफी अफ साउथ एसियामा'मा त्यसै लेखेका हैनन्, 'अफगान युद्धसँग गाँसिएका भारतका स्वार्थहरूलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै अमेरिकाले एकलौटी रूपमा अफगानिस्तानबाट फिर्ता हुने निर्णय गर्छ भने यसले भारतसँगको उसको बहुमूल्य रणनीतिक साझेदारीको अस्तित्वमाथि नै प्रश्नचिह्न खडा गर्न सक्छ ।' यस्तो परिप्रेक्षमा ओबामाको अफगानिस्तानबाट अमेरिकी सेना फिर्ता गर्ने कुरालाई भारतले गम्भीरतापूर्वक नियालिरहेको सहजै अनुमान लगाउन सकिन्छ । तसर्थ, अफगान मामिलामा भारतका आगामी कदम अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकाको सैन्य उपस्थितिलाई कसरी अनन्त कालसम्म सुनिश्चित गर्ने भन्नेतर्फ लक्षित हुने दाबी गर्न सकिन्छ । यस सन्दर्भमा हालैको भारत भ्रमणका क्रममा अमेरिकी विदेशमन्त्री हिलारी क्लिन्टनसमक्ष भारतले अफ्गानिस्तानबाट आफ्ना सेना फर्काउने ओबामाको घोषणाप्रति राखेको चासो र यसको जवाफमा विदेशमन्त्री क्लिन्टनले अमेरिकी सेना फिर्तीपछि पनि आतंकवादविरुद्धको युद्ध जारी रहने भनी भारतलाई दिएको आश्वासनमाथि ध्यान पुर्‍याउनु वाञ्छनीय हुन्छ ।

August 1, 2011
Monday
Published on: Naya Patrika Daily
Original Link: http://www.nayapatrika.com/the-view/10262-%E0%A4%85%E0%A4%AB%E0%A4%97%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%A8-%E0%A4%AF%E0%A5%81%E0%A4%A6%E0%A5%8D%E0%A4%A7%E0%A4%AE%E0%A4%BE-%E0%A4%AD%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%A4%E0%A5%80%E0%A4%AF-%E0%A4%9A%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B8%E0%A5%8B.html

Please let me be Ambassador for my son's study: Mrs. Gunalaxmi

2011-07-31T21:46:00.000-07:00

Sujit

Nepal's Ambassador to Myanmar Mrs. Gunalaxmi Sharma (Bishwakarma) has pleaded with Prime Minister Mr. Jhalanath Khanal, Foreign Minister Mr. Upendra Yadav, Foreign Secretary Dr. Madan Kumar Bhattarai, topmost leaders of ruling CPN-UML and Foreign Ministry to further extend her tenure as ambassador for at least one year.

She wants extension of her tenure as an ambassador for the completion of her son Mr. Aminrarj Sharma's study.

A Himalayan cause.

Mr. Sharma is currently perusing bachelor degree from Buddhist University situated in Theravada, Myanmar. He further needs 18 months to complete his bachelor degree.
The Naya Patrika Daily, 31 July, 2011, quotes Mrs. Bishwakarma in her 3 page long letter written to Foreign Ministry as saying,"I am dalit and women hajur".

A grand revelation.

"I have got this magnificent opportunity to serve as an ambassador. Please have mercy and extend my tenure for at least one year so that my son Aminraj can complete his bachelor degree … I humbly request you by joining both hands hajur."(dubai kar Jodi aagurodh garchu)

Mrs. Gunalaxmi was appointed as ambassador from CPN-UML quota on 2063 BS. Immediately after landing to Myanmar, she had admitted her son in Buddhist University, Theravada, perhaps on the scholarship quota.

To recall, the foreign ministry has issued a notice to recalled 12 Ambassadors working in different countries because of the completion of their tenure within six months.

Nepal: Rajendra Mahato is both shooter and looter

2011-07-26T23:11:00.000-07:00

Anil Kumar Jha
Chairman, Sanghiya Sadbhavana Party, Nepal

Mr. Anil Kumar Jha is the Chairman of Sanghiya Sadbhawana Party, the 31st party of Nepal representing Constituent Assembly (CA). His party was formed after the split of Nepal Sadbhavana Party led by Rajendra Mahato. The rivals of Jha are accusing him of splitting the party with the tacit support of Upendra Yadav, the current Foreign Minister of Nepal. However, Jha summarily denies such accusations.
Journalist Sujit Mainali for The Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com talked with this now controversial young politician on different subject matters related with the ongoing Nepali politics. Here are the excerpts of Mainali's exclusive interview with Chairman Jha: Editor

Q1: Could you please tell us the reason(s) behind the fresh split in the Nepal Sadbhavana Party?
Jha: There were two major reasons which compelled us to split the Party. First reason is the ideological deviation noticed in our party. Chairman Mr. Rajendra Mahato failed to run the party according to the party's prescribed guideline and ideologies. The second reason was his individualistic working style. He began to run the party in an extremely irrational way. He mishandled the party thinking as if it were his private property. Thus, we unwillingly were forced to split the party in order to protect our integrity.

Q2: What types of response are you receiving from different quarters after the formation of new party that you lead now?
Jha: I have found people are very sympathetic towards me. I was pushed to the wall and no options were left with me. Mahato jee did injustice to me and my well-wishers desired me to retaliate. And now, I have found them very positive towards my decision.

Q3: After the formation of new party, you made a fascinating remark. You have said, 'A sharp-shooter only shoots the target, it does not loot money and purse. Mahato is a different kind of shooter; he not only fires bullets but also loots money and purse.' Could you please elaborate your saying for the simplicity of our august readers?
Jha: There is one popular saying in Hindi, "Do the dishonest work in an honest manner." (Baimani ke kaam bhi imandari se karo). But Mahato jee did not follow the essence of such genuine proverb that it contained. If you give supari (nuts) to a shooter to kill somebody, then he just presses the trigger of his gun and shoots the person in target. The shooter does not loot the money, purse or bracelets of the slain victim. Have you ever heard a rapist stealing the jewelry of a girl after the rape? But Mahato jee did it. He himself became more dishonest while doing unfair works. He tried to make the party his personal property and he ruined the ideology that the party adheres to. In this context, I have accused him of being both shooter and looter.

Q4: While addressing a program in Bhaktapur city, you had recently said, "I am Nepali of Madesh." Mr. Jha, could you please simplify your saying?
Jha: Nepali is a larger and wide-ranging identity. This is a national identity. When I am traveling abroad, I introduce myself as a Nepali citizen. But when I am inside Nepal, I say that I am from Madesh. Nepali is a broader term. Different communities, nationalities and ethnic groups are living within this vast territory of Nepal. However, all the groups are incorporated in this broader national identity.

Q5: What type of response did you receive from Unified Maoists, the single largest party of Nepal, after splitting the party?
Jha: I haven’t got any message from the Maoist party; neither have I met with any of its leader. Right now, they are engaged with their own internal problems. I think these days; they don’t have any time to think about other parties. The Maoists are intensely busy in managing the political and ideological differences between themselves.

Q6: Are you having some sort of conversation with Chairman of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum- Nepal, Mr. Upendra Yadav? Your rivals have accused Mr. Yadav for engineering the split in Sadbhavana Party?
Jha: That is a ridicules charge. Upendra jee is among those Nepali leaders with whom I meet very rarely. We have split the party because of the hegemonic and totalitarian working style of Mahato jee. I have not met Upendra jee since long. However, he congratulated me after I formed new party.

Q7: The Madhesh based parties are polarized in two extremely opposite poles. The Unified Madhesi Front is now in opposition where as the MJF-Nepal, is in government. Will your party also join government or will prefer to remain in opposition along with the Front?
Jha: These days, I am totally devoted to manage the fragile situation and consolidate the newly formed party. Our party is being targeted from different possible quarters. The Front is against us and is trying its best to foil the achievement that we have gained. My primary concern is to consolidate our party first and make it a robust one. Only after that, we will decide whether to join the government or the Front.

Q8: Some latest media reports say that some sort of tacit understanding has been reached in between the armed outfits of Terai and the Front. Could you please forward your precious comments on such understanding?
Jha: I have heard that some armed outfits of Terai-Madesh are forging alliance amongst themselves. Forging alliance is not bad thing. Indeed it will enable the government to hold dialogue with several outfits in a collective manner. However, I don’t know whether any tacit understanding has been reached in between the Front and those armed outfits or not.

Q9: Didn't you read the news about the dialogue managed recently by the Indian establishment in between three leaders of the Front, Mr. Bijay Kumar Gacchedhar, Mr. Mahanta Thakur and Mr. Rajendra Mahato, and the armed outfits of Terai during the formers' last sojourn to New Delhi?
Jha: I suspect the credibility of this information. I don’t think such dialogue has ever happened. Immediately after return of the leaders of the Front from India, I had visited New Delhi. There I didn't smell anything about such presumed dialogue.

Q10: Are you planning to visit India, China, US, Europe or any other countries as the Chairman of a newly formed party?
Jha: These days, I am primarily focused on the consolidation of our party. I am not planning to go abroad right now.

Q11: What was the response of diplomatic community in Kathmandu on your decision to split the party?
Jha: I am among those few Madhesi leaders who have many good friends in almost every diplomatic mission situated in Kathmandu. But please don’t think that I am admiring myself. At the personal level, the diplomats in Kathmandu are very sympathetic towards me. They all know that I was pushed to the wall and no any other options were left behind with me. I am getting several congratulatory messages from them.

Q12: Could you please name some diplomatic mission that has send congratulation message to you?
Jha: If I would have received such message from any one or two diplomatic mission, then I would have told their name(s). However, many diplomatic missions have congratulated me and it is not possible to present the whole list.

Q13: Let's change the context of our conversation. We have come to know that India is vigorously developing Buddhist circuit in India to overshadow the birthplace of Buddha, Lumbini, which lies right inside the Terai belt of Nepal. As a leader of Terai, how do you analyze the Indian moves?
Jha: To be frank, I don't know many things about the question that you have asked. Now I will study in this subject matter. But one thing what we have to accept is that at the time of the birth of Lord Buddha, the political, cultural, religious and territorial landscape was totally different. If India wants to develop Buddhist pilgrimages in its territory, I don’t think any reasons to oppose the Indian move.

Q14: But India is spreading false propaganda about the birthplace of Lord Buddha. Mr. Jha, what would you like to say on such false propagation?
Jha: If India is doing so, then it is not fair. We should not try to misinterpret the history. This is a cultural and religious issue but not a political one. Therefore this dispute should be solved in an academic manner.

Q15: August 31 is approaching nearer. If the CA is not further extended, then it will be dissolved on that very date. Your party wants further extension of CA or prefers its dissolution?
Jha: Today, we are in different circumstances. Yesterday, our standpoint was different because we were the leaders of another party. Let's hope that preliminary draft of the new constitution will be charted before August 31 and CA tenure will be further extended according to the 5 point deal. If preliminary draft of the new constitution will not be charted and the basic tasks of peace process is not completed before 31 August, our nation will be in a completely different state of affairs. We will make our position clear after some days on whether or not to extend the term of CA if things do not move according to the 5 points deal.

Originally Published on www.telegraphnepal.com
Link: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-27/nepal:-rajendra-mahato-is-both-shooter-and-looter.html

साम्यवाद माने सम्प्रदायवाद

2011-07-26T02:14:00.000-07:00

२०४२ सालमा आधिकारिक रूपमा प्रतियुनिट चार रुपैयाँ उत्पादन लागत पर्ने भनी घोषित अरूण तेस्रो परियोजनामा 'सतलज' को नामले भारत मिसिन पुग्यो र अमेरिकी कम्पनीले तमोर जलविद्युत् परियोजनामा रूची देखायो । बाहिरबाट हेर्दा यी सामान्य कुरा नै हुन् । यतातिर सिक्किममा अथाह ओइरिएको संघीय सरकारको पैसाले कथित लिम्बुवान र खम्बुवान आन्दोलनलाई बलियो पारेको माओवादी संयोजकलाई कांग्रेसले आफ्नो कोटामा राजदूतको निम्ति सिफारिस गर्‍यो । यो बेग्लै कुरा हो पहिला जस्तै एगि्रमो आइदिएन । तर आजका मेची र कोसी अञ्चल, सिक्किम र भावी गोर्खाल्यान्डलाई मिलाएर छुट्टै संघ बनाउने दूरकालीन योजनामा सिक्किमको पैसाले एक हदसम्म सफलता पायो । दायित्व सकिएपछिको पुरस्कार राजनीतिक नियुक्ति नै हो । यो पनि बेग्लै कुरा हो त्यो भावी संघ स्वतन्त्र वा कसको हो ? यतिबेला अनुमान गर्नेतिर नलागौं । कति बाहेक भने अरूण र तमोरका नाममा भित्रिने जनशक्ति संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको झन्डा बोकेर मेसेडोनियाको तर्फबाट युगोस्लाभियासँगै लड्न ओर्लेका पाँच सय अमेरिकी सैन्यको अर्को अवतार साबित भयो भने कसैले आश्चर्य नमाने हुन्छ, जसबाट युगोस्लाभियाको टुट्ने क्रम सुरु भयो । लाओस, कम्पुचिया र भियतनामलाई मिलाएर इन्डोचाइनिज एएसआर स्थापना गर्ने ब्रेजनेभ योजनाको हल्ला सञ्चारमा चलेका बेला नेपाल, सिक्किम र भुटान मिलाएर हिमालयन फेडरेटेड स्टेट्स खडा गर्ने योजनाका बारे पनि खासखुस हुन्थ्यो । आज त्यसको अर्को अवतार भविष्यमा देखिन जाँदैछ ।

जानिबुझी नै होला जवाहरलाल नेहरू विश्वविद्यालयसँग टाँसिएको आरोप लागेका आफ्नो तेस्रो नेतालाई नै माओवादीले मिथिला गणराज्य घोषणा गर्न पठायो । यो घोषणा त्यतिबेला भएको छ जब स्वयं उत्तर प्रदेशमा छुट्टै मिथिलाञ्चल नाउँको प्रान्तका निम्ति संघर्ष चलिरहेको छ । र रिप्लेका विसंगतिहरूलाई माथ गर्ने गरी जनकपुरका लेखकहरू लेख्छन्- सीता सधैँ फूल टिप्न जाने फूलबारी(गिरिजास्थल) चाहिँ विहारमा पर्छ । विसंगति के भने त्यो ठाउँ १७ किलोमिटर टाढा पर्छ । सम्भव छ दिनदिनै एउटी नवयौवनाले रथमै भए पनि दिनको ३४ किलोमिटर ओहोरदोहोर गर्नु ? बरु त्यही मन्दिर छेउछाउको फूलबारी कुनै नभएर ? अर्थात् सीमापारि नै आफूलाई जोड्ने मानसिकताको कसरत पनि तीव्र छ ।

सिरमौर कुनै बेला 'इम्पेरियल गोर्खा' को सिमानामा पथ्र्यो सुगौली सन्धिअघि । कुनै अधिराजकुमारीको विवाहमा दाइजो स्वरूप यसलाई सीमापारिको रजौटा राज्यलाई बुझाइयो । कालान्तरमा त्यस राज्यका उत्तराधिकारी कोही भएनन् । त्यो रजौटा राज्य बि्रटिस भारतमा मिल्ने भएपछि नेपालले सिरमौर फिर्ता पाउन दाबी गर्‍यो । तर इस्ट इन्डिया कम्पनीले फिर्ता दिएन । अब मिथिला गणराज्य एकपल्ट सिरमौर भएर फेरि जब कोहोरिनेछ त्यसमा माथिका आलाप त्यही बेला सुनिएला ।

तत्कालीन राष्ट्रिय पञ्चायतका उपाध्यक्ष गोपालचन्द्रसिंह राजवंशी, पदावधि सकिएपछि कोचिला राज्य निर्माणका निम्ति चलिरहेको आन्दोलनमा सामेल भएकै थिए । तर त्यस कोचिलाभित्र भारतको पनि ठूलै भूभाग पनर्ेे/पारिने आन्दोलन हो भन्ने बुझेपछि सीमापारिबाट जुन अँकुश खिचियो, त्यसैमा राजवंशीको साम्प्रदायिक राजनीतिको घाँटी फँस्यो । त्यति मात्र हो । आजको स्थितिमा सीमापारि अनेक राज्यहरू थपिँदै जाने सम्भावना तीव्र हुँदा यो कोचिला त्यसको अंग बन्न पुग्यो भने पनि कसैले आश्चर्य नमाने हुन्छ । आखिर पोल्यान्डका कैयौं भूभाग कहिले जर्मनी, कहिले उक्राइना र कहिले सोभियत संघमा पुगेकै हुन् ।

माओवादी 'कम्युनिस्ट' (साम्यवादी) हो भन्ने भ्रम रहुञ्जेल र 'कम्युनालिस्ट' (सम्प्रदायवादी) हो भन्ने स्पष्ट नहुञ्जेल पंक्तिकारको हेराइ साम्राज्यवादी नै लाग्नेछ पाठकलाई र लागिरहोस् पनि । युनिभर्सिटी अफ क्यालिफोर्निया एट वर्कलेले नेपाली विद्यार्थीहरूलाई चाहिँ 'एथ्नोसेन्टि्रसिटी' (जातीय अहं) होइन एथ्नोइसेन्टि्रसिटी (जातीय बौलठ्ठी) मा दीक्षित गरेको छ भन्ने कुरा आत्मबोध गर्न मन लाग्दैन भने नलागोस् ।

किनभने नामिबियामा सबैले जानेकै कुरा हो बुसम्यान ल्यान्ड, दमाराल्यान्ड, हेरेरोल्यान्ड, काओकोल्यान्ड, काभांगोल्यान्ड, नासाल्यान्ड, ओभामल्यान्ड, वास्टरल्यान्ड र स्वानाल्यान्ड नामका दसवटा जातीय होमल्यान्डहरू इयानस्मिथको रंगभेदवादी सरकारले घोषणा गरेको

थियो । ल्यान्ड प्रत्ययअगाडिका नाम जातीय हुन् । त्यसका पदाधिकारीहरू पनि छानिए । शपथग्रहण खाए जसरी अहिले माओवादी समानान्तर स्थानीय सरकार पनि खडा गर्ने धम्की दिइरहेको छ । तर तिनै इयानस्मिथका विश्वभरिका गोरा आफन्तहरूले ती होमल्यान्डहरूलाई जातिभेदवादी/रंगभेदवादी भन्ने आरोप लगाएर असफल बनाइदिए ।

दक्षिण अपि|mकाको तत्कालीन गोरा सरकारले अरू १० वटा जातीय होमल्यान्डहरू जब थप्यो, जुलुल्यान्डका राजा हुँ भनी दाबी गरिरहने बुथलेजीलाई मण्डेलाका जीवनी लेखकले जुलु राजा होइन बरु जुलुराजाको पुस्तैनी 'एनस वाइपर' (दिसा पुछिदिने कर्मचारी) पुर्खाको उत्तराधिकारीसमेत लेखिदिए । यद्यपि आज केही किराँत भनिनेहरूले कम्तीमा सय वर्षसम्म त्यहाँ आफ्नो शासन थियो दाबी गरेजस्तै 'शाका जुलु' नामको एउटा भव्य कथानक सिनेमा नै तयार गरेर विश्व बजारमा प्रवर्द्धन गरिएको थियो जुलुल्यान्डलाई स्थापित गर्न ।

तर दक्षिण अपि|mकी भाफुत्सवाना -श्वाना), ट्रान्सकेई र सिस्केइ -शोशा), भेण्डा -भेण्डा), गजान कुलु -सुगा), कानग्वाने -स्वाची), क्वान्डेवले -डेवले), क्वाजुलु -जुलु), लेडोवा -पेडी), क्वेका -सिथो) आदि पनि विश्व मान्यता नै नपाई मरे । कोष्ठकभित्रका नाम जातीय हुन् । एफडब्लु डी. क्लार्कलाई राष्ट्रपतिबाट उपराष्ट्रपतिमा झर्नुपर्‍यो, विश्वमै अपमानजनक सम्झौताको यस्तो पहिलो घटना ।

वामपन्थी परम्परामा लेनिन जतिसुकै महान् होऊन् । तर वोल्सेभिकका नाममा तिनको पार्टीलाई २१ वटा जातीय गणराज्य दिने कुनै अधिकार थिएन । त्यसको नतिजा आजको रूसले बेहोरिरहेको छ- मुस्लिम बाहुल्य रहेका तीन गणराज्य चेचेन्या, इंगस्तिया र दागेस्तान सीमाहरू जोडिएका पनि कारणले पश्चिमा हस्तक्षेपका निम्ति आकर्षक भएका छन् । अडगेया, अल्ताली, बास कुरुस्थान, बुर्यातिया, याकुतिया, उत्तरी ओसेटिया-अलानिया, तातारस्थान, तुरा, उद्मुर्तिया, खाकासिया, चुभासिया आदि अरू १८ वटा किन शान्त छन् भने त्यहाँ रूसीहरूकै बाहुल्यता छ ।

प्रजातान्त्रिक परम्परामा गोर्वाचोभ-येल्तसिनको जतिसुकै नाम होस् सीआईए भनी आरोप लागेका तिनको अधिकार थिएन, लातभिया र एस्तोनियालाई छोडेर उक्राइना, आर्मेनिया, अजरवैजान, उज्वेकिस्तान, तुर्कमेनिस्तानसँगै आफू पनि बोल्सेभिक क्रान्तिभन्दा अघिको विशाल रसियाको बगरे बाँडफाँडमा सरिक हुन् ।

चीनले लेनिनको कोणमा सन्तुलन गर्नुपर्छ भनेरै होला तिब्बत, जुआङ, उध्युर, भित्री मंगोलिया र हुईलाई 'स्वायत्त प्रदेश' को मात्रै स्थान दियो । तैपनि इराक, इरान, अफगानिस्तान र पाकिस्तानमा समेत मुस्लिमहरू विरुद्ध खनिएको पश्चिम चंगेजी विस्तारमा मध्य एसियासँग जोडिन पुगेको 'उध्युर' मा चाहिँ हात हालेर चीनलाई सताउन व्यस्त छ । त्यो पनि संसार जान्दछ ।

माथिका हरफमा भएका नीतिगत विसंगतिहरूलाई काठमाडौंमा हाल चर्चामा आएका दुई पुस्तकहरूले स्पष्ट पार्ने छन् । भन्नेहरू भन्छन्- नामिबिया र दक्षिण अपि|mकामा जातीयताको विरोध किन भए भने त्यतिबेला जातीयताको आधारमा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय राजनीति गर्ने पश्चिमा रणनीति 'अर्फन्स अफ कोल्डवार ः 'अमेरिकन एन्ड तिबेटन स्ट्रगल फर सर्वाइवल' मा जस्तो निर्दिष्ट थिएन । र 'टु पार्टिज इन ल्याटिन

अमेरिका ः द इभोलुसन अफ एथनिक पार्टिज' ले जस्तो जातिवादीहरू वामपन्थी पार्टीहरूमा लागे भने तिनको कल्याण हुँदैन भनेर निर्दिर्ष्ट गरिएको थिएन अर्थात् यही कारण हो जनाधार नै खलबलिने खतराले माओवादी कम्युनिस्टबाट 'कम्युनालिस्ट' बनी नै सकेको छ जुन अमेरिकी कमान्डमा राजनीति तय गरिरहेछ ।

तैपनि हर्क गुरुङले रेखा कोरेका २५ वटा इलाकामा बाँडिएको राज्य पुनर्संरचना कतै पनि साम्प्रदायिक देखा पर्दैन । यद्यपि राज्य पुनर्संरचनाको पहिलो अवधारणा भने सायद ३६ अञ्चलमा बाँड्ने भरतमणि शर्माको परिकल्पनाबाट नेपालमा सुरु हुन्छ । तर संयोग पक्कै होइन, कोर्नेल विश्वविद्यालय र फुलब्राइटसँग कुनै न कुनै रूपमा सम्बन्धितहरूले कोरेका नक्सामा पुनर्संयोजनको 'सर्जरी' होइन स्पष्ट 'बुचरी' देखिन्छ । येल्तसिन अवतारको नेपाली अवतरण स्पष्ट छ ।

रोचक त के छ भने एउटाचाहिँ दक्षिण अपि|mकी होमल्यान्ड क्वेका भूपरिवेष्ठित त छँदै थियो, त्यसभित्र पथ्र्यो- लेसोथो राज्य । माओवादी नक्साको ताम्सालिङभित्र नेवा राज्यको नियति त्यही छ- भूपरिवेष्ठित नेपालभित्रको भूपरिवेष्ठित ताम्सालिङभित्रको पनि बन्दी नेवा राज्य । अर्थात् नेवा राज्यको नाममा राजधानीलाई नाकाबन्दीले घुँडा टेकाएर पश्चिम बर्लिन बनाउने चाल हुँदा पनि १६ डिसेम्बर २००९ का दिन वसन्तपुरमा नेपालीहरूले बेवकुफहरूको 'हिसिमरू प्याखँ' हेरे, जब गैरजातीय इलाकामा राजधानी सार्न दबाब बढ्ला, जब ह्योत्सोले मेलम्ची रोक्ला, त्यतिबेला यस्ता प्याखँहरूको मर्म खुल्ला । आधामूल चाहिँ तिब्बती भएका उपत्यकाबासीहरू किन यो जातीय अभियानमा कम्युनिस्ट खोल ओढेर लागेका छन् भनेर त्यतिबेला खुला नै जब अंग्रेजीको 'भिक्टोरियन एभान्जेलिस्ट' भन्ने वाक्यांशको मर्म पाठकहरूले बुझ्नेछन् ।

समता पार्टी उद्घाटनको सत्रमा एक भाषणको वाक्य थियो- 'कंग्रेस पूर्वीया बाहुनहरूको, राप्रपा कुमाइ बाहुनहरूको र एमाले विभिन्न जातजातिका छोरी भित्र्याउने बाहुनहरूको पार्टी हो । यसैले हाम्रो छुट्टै पार्टी हुनुपर्छ' यो उद्गार वर्कलेले उत्पादन गरेका जनै नलाउने 'बाहुन' हरूबाटै आएको हो । तर यसको प्रेरक खुट्किलो चाहिँ नेपालमा इन्डो-अमेरिकन एक्सिसका संस्थापक हृषिकेश शाहबाट आएको हो, जसले राजनीतिमा लागेर असफल भएकाहरू वा राजनीतिज्ञ हुने चाहना राख्ने तर नसक्नेहरूका निम्ति 'मानव अधिकारवादी' हुने बाटो देखाइदिएर गए । 'मानव अधिकार' अहिले पश्चिमा स्वार्थको घूसपैठ गराउने एउटा ठूलो उपकरण/औजार भएको छ । नभन्दै १९ माघपछिको सडक आन्दोलनमा सामेल हुन जब निमन्त्रणा गरियो वाक्य नै थियो- 'बरु देश नभए पनि हुन्छ, प्रजातन्त्र चाहिन्छ ।' यस्तो वाक्य अवश्य पनि भाग लिन चाहनेका लागि पनि विकर्षक रह्यो । जस्ता व्यक्तिहरूबाट यी वाक्यहरू प्रसारित भए तीसँग अहिले पश्चिमा अनुदानका करोडौं बजेटका मानव अधिकारवादी संस्थाहरू छन् । स्वाधीन देशभन्दा उपनिवेश हुन जाँदा तिम्रा प्रजातान्त्रिक अधिकारहरूको रक्षा हुन्छ भन्ने पराइ पाठलाई मन्त्र बनाउनेहरूको स्वर नै अहिले सञ्चारमा बढी घन्किरहेको छ । खलासीले प्रयोग गर्ने साबुन तेस्र्याएर अब नेपाल सफा पारिदिन्छैं, ढलान गर्न नमिल्ने सिमेन्ट तेस्र्याएर अब हामी नेपाल बनाइदिन्छौं, पाचक तेस्र्याएर अब नेपाललाई स्वस्थ बनाइदिन्छौं जस्ता विज्ञापनहरूको बाढी यसै पनि त्यही मानसिकताको विकास गराउने सुनियोजित 'सरोगेट' सन्देशहरू हुन् । यो 'आम मनोविज्ञान' भाँड्ने एक औजार हो ।

एनवर होक्जा जातीय रूपमा अति नै संयमित र केही समय टिटोसँग सौहार्द सम्बन्ध भएका कम्युनिस्ट थिए । तर तिनले पनि कुनै दिन कोसोभोमा भएका अल्वानियालीहरूका बारे बोले । स्लोवोदान मिलोसेविच स्वयं एक कम्युनिस्ट थिए, तिनकै सर्वियन जातिवादले युगोस्लाभिया तहसनहस भयो । अन्यथा न बोस्नियनहरू युगोस्लाभिया छाड्न चाहन्थे न क्रोआटमूलका टिटोले देशको नाममै 'स्लाभ' शब्द हुँदा पनि असन्तोष व्यक्त गरे । कम्युनिस्टहरू 'कम्युनालिस्ट' हुँदैनन् भन्नु पच्चीसै आना भ्रम हो । बाबुराम जस्ता खसहरूलाई नै खसान चाहिएर यसो भएको हो कि ?

sauravst@gmail.com

Originally published on The Kantipur Daily
http://www.ekantipur.com/np/2066/9/14/full-story/304301.html

1950 Treaty with India and some more agreements not in Nepal’s favor

2011-07-22T02:41:00.000-07:00

Badri Pandey
Central Committee Member, Nepali Congress

Q1: Finance Minister (FM) Mr. Adhikari has recently tabled budget in the parliament. What is your comment on the content of budget presented by him?
Pandey: I didn’t find anything new in the budget. It was largely expected that the ongoing coalition government formed by two largest communist parties of Nepal, Unified Maoist and CPN UML, will introduce some provisions in the budget which will ease the livelihood of common men. However, when I review its contents, I found it more traditional and more so it lacks vision.
While presenting the budget, the government failed to maintain minimum secrecy. The whole content of budget was leaked before it was tabled in the parliament. This is a serious breach of parliamentarian system and is also a grave financial crime. Such deeds of the government has once again proved that it is unqualified and incompetent one. This government cannot recover the country from ongoing political mess.
On the moral ground, the finance minister should have immediately tendered his resignation after the leakage of the contents of the budget. But this government is in itself an immoral one; therefore we cannot expect moral behavior from its ministers. In the 5 points deal which was signed before the extension of Constituent Assembly (CA) on 31st May, 21011, it is clearly stated that Prime Minister Mr. Jhalanath Khanal will immediately step down to create atmosphere for the formation of national unity government. This agreement was even endorsed by the parliament. However, forwarding this and that reason, PM Khanal is denying tendering his resignation and thus his government has lost the moral ground to remain in power. Therefore, to expect the moral behavior from the member of current government which is based on the immoral ground will be a self defeating exercise.

Q2: These days, you are busy in providing training to the cadres of your party. Could you please tell our readers what is the purpose of such a training?
Pandey: Before 12th General Convention of our party, we had formed a Central Policy and Training Academy (Kendriya Niti tatha Prasikshan Pratisthan) whose purpose is to empower our cadres with ideological and political agenda that our party adheres to. The academy is yet not in full operation However, we are organizing trainingprograms in various districts. The party has assigned me the task to empower our followers, both politically and ideologically through different training campaigns.

Q3: Being a mass based party, your party refrained from organizing such training programs in the past for indoctrinating its followers. What urgency your party felt now that you are carrying out such programs?
Pandey: The Unified Maoist has formed a militant force of youths called Young Communist League (YCL). Imitating the Maoist, the UML has also formed a Youth Force. These youth wings of the communist parties are physically targeting our cadres. However, NC believes on peaceful and competitive politics. Therefore we have not formed any wing of youth to physically retaliate the assault from other parties. Rather the youths of our party want ideological and political knowledge to defend the assaulters. Indeed this is the practice of democracy in real sense. We want to counter our rivals equipped with ideological and political standpoints. And for this purpose we are carrying out trainingprograms in different districts.

Q4: CA is scheduled to expire on August 31, 2011 and this date is approaching closer. Is the NC is preparing internally to tackle the difficult situation which is expected to follow soon after August 31?
Pandey: Before the extension of CA for 3 months on May 31, a 5 point deal was signed by NC, Maoist and UML. However, the parties in the government did not become serious to implement the agreement. Up to now we have signed different agreements including 12 points agreements and Comprehensive Peace Agreement. But the Unified Maoist has not become serious on implementing the essence of those agreements.
Drafting of new Constitution based on democratic norms and value and institutionalization of democratic order in Nepal is experiencing a threat. The ultra-communist forces in Nepal who believe in violent politics are opposing such moves. Only a strong and vibrant NC can tackle such aggressive forces and can protect democracy which has been achieved waging a long struggle. Right now, we are working to make our party strong. We are committed for not to let the ultra-communist forces of Nepal to overshadow the democratic achievements gained so far.

Q5: Mr. Pandey, please tell our readers on how you are observing the internal rift seen inside the Unified Maoist party?
Pandey: I don’t know whether the internal rift inside the Maoist party is a deliberate action to mystify the rivals or a real one. Whatever may be the case; such volatile situation inside the Maoist will not benefit themselves and the country as a whole. If they are projecting the rift to confuse others, it will boomerang on them ultimately. And if the rift is real, then it will harshly hamper the ongoing peace and constitution drafting process. The rift seen in the Maoist party is not a good omen for the nation. I personally request them to unite and proceed further.

Q6: The hardliner faction of the Unified Maoist led by senior Vice Chairman Mr. Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran' is urging for the immediate formulation of a National Security Policy. Could you please forward your valuable comments on the proposal pushed by Mr. Kiran?
Pandey: To be frank, I do not understand the literature and language used by the Maoist leaders. They say that only they are the real representatives of the people. I don’t know what is the definition of people in their perspective? They called all those people who were not in their side as regressive, reactionaries, rightist, local puppets of expansionists and imperialists, traitors, etc. I don’t know the exact meaning of those terminologies which is frequently being used by the Maoist leaders.
Regarding the proposal of Mr. Kiran, I think the proposal deserves serious discussion. All the party should hold extensive and intensive dialogue to formulate National Security Policy in such a way that it makes our country stronger. For this, the Maoist should be responsible. Their proposal should be based on realist ground and it should not be overshadowed by dogmatic and orthodox mindset.

Q7: The country is in the state of logjam and the major political parties are still rigid on various contentious issues related to peace and constitution drafting processes. Could you please offer us some candid suggestions on how to end the ongoing political impasse?
Pandey: The treacherous intention of Maoist is a major factor which is primarily responsible for the ongoing political stalemate.The Maoists are intending to introduce and install a totalitarian regime in Nepal under the leadership of their party. They want to wipe out other political parties and want to install unchallenged dictatorship. This is the root cause of current political mess.
For solving this problem, the Maoists have to do two things. Firstly, they have to accommodate themselves in multiparty democratic system. They should abandon their politics based on violence. And secondly, they should cooperate with other parties to charter new constitution based on democratic norms and values. If the Maoist deny these two things, I don’t think this problem is going to be solved.

Q8: Why the NC is cynic on each and every move of the Maoists?
Pandey: It is because the very intention of the Maoist is treacherous. Just look at their proposal then you can become clear of their intention? They are collecting money from different sources in vigorous manner. During the wartime, they had robbed several banks and they still have a big chunk of deposit. They are forcefully collecting money from different people and businessmen. They are even asking for money from the foreigners. During the latest election for the Prime Ministerial Post, we heard a tape record where Maoist leader Mr. Krishna Bahadur Mahara, who is now leading the Home Ministry, had sought 50,00,00,000 rupees from a Chinese national for the purpose of horse trading inside the parliament. Further, the Maoist had captured all the major tender process and they are getting handsome money from it. The Maoist want to collect as much money as they can.
At the same time, they are advocating for the Presidential System in which the president is elected from the public and he will remain as the head of National Army. Similarly, they are working for the bulk integration of their combatants in the National Army under a separate directorate. Further, they are insisting for the leadership of such a directorate.
The Maoists are cunningly looking forward for the State Capture. In the new election to be followed after drafting of new constitution, they are preparing to sweep the election for vast majority with the help of muscles and big chunk of money that they possess. If it so happens, then the Maoist leader will be the president of Nepal and National Army will fall under their command. Under these circumstances, the Maoist will declare the capture of State in any favorable situation.
At the same time, the Maoists are working for the militarization of the whole nation. Maoist Chairman has already declared that his party will convert the universities and industries into barracks. They are working for the inclusion of such provision in the new constitution which made all Nepali citizens above 18 years old to take military training compulsorily. The Maoists already possess paramilitary force, YCL to carry out any military exercise. Thus, the Maoists are moving ahead with grand design and their ultimate aim is the State Capture. However, their plan is not going to work. NC is fully committed to foil their deceitful plan.

Q9: Let’s change the topic. NC is widely accused for undermining nationalism. The leaders of NC are also accused of remaining tightlipped on the issue related with Nepal-India relations. Mr. Pandey, what you say on such accusation?
Pandey: The communist of Nepal are responsible for such false accusation. They want to portray themselves as a nationalist by tarnishing the image of NC.
I agree that we have some serious problem in our relations with India. The Peace and Friendship Treaty signed in 1950 and other several pacts and agreement signed in between the two countries do not seem to be in favor of Nepal. On the changed national, regional and global context, those treaties and agreement should be reviewed in such a way that it will develop the strength of our nation.
To make our nation stronger, we should have to strictly do two works. Firstly, we should unite the entire Nepali people in the string of nationalism. An act of playing one ethnic group against another or one region against another should be immediately stopped. We should not try to play Limbuwan against Khumbuwan or Terai against Hills. The Maoists are doing same thing. This will further weaken our nationalism.
Secondly, we should be economically independent. Until and unless we do not stop receiving aid from other countries, we cannot gain moral ground to defend our agenda strongly while negotiating with them.
The communist in Nepal call themselves as nationalists. However, their childish and immature behavior is making our nation further weaker. Just look what the Maoist Chairman Prachanda did after assuming post of Prime Minister? He went to Beijing to participate in the closing ceremony of Beijing Olympics. That was fine. As a Premier of a sovereign Nation, he can visit any country. However, after returning to Nepal, he said his first formal visit will start from New Delhi as if he had committed any crime by visiting Beijing. What force compelled him to utter such nonsense? What the Chinese may have thought upon listening to such remarks?
Such immature behavior do not work well in diplomacy. We should practice mature and subtle diplomacy based on negotiation and dialogue. The present day Nepali leaders should learn diplomacy from late BP Koirala. We should learn from the way he successfully made the Chinese establishment led by Chairman Mr. Mao Zedong and Prime Minister Mr. Zhou Enlai to accept Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest) as a part of Nepal. He had done so with tactful skills. We should enrich our negotiating skills if we have to make our nation strong.

Interviewed by Sujit Mainali for the Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com
Published on www.telegraphnepal.com
Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-21/1950-treaty-with-india-and-some-more-agreements-not-in-nepals-favor.html

गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनमा अर्को स्खलन

2011-07-19T22:48:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

पश्चिम बंगालबाट अलग गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाका लागि भएको आन्दोलन पुनः तुहिएको छ । सन् १९९० को दशकमा सुवास घिसिङको नेतृत्वमा सुरु भएको नेपालीभाषी भारतीयको आन्दोलन दार्जिलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद्मा सहमति जनाउँदै टुंगिएको थियो । घिसिङको सम्झौताबाट उत्पन्न असन्तुष्टिको उपयोग गर्दै गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा -गोजमुमो) ले करिब २५ वर्षपछि दार्जिलिङ र वरिपरिका क्षेत्रमा अलग राज्य स्थापनाको आन्दोलन पुनः चर्काएको थियो । आन्दोलनले राम्रो गति लिइरहेको वेला गोजमुमो नेतृत्वले घिसिङपथलाई नै अनुसरण गर्दै पार्वत्य परिषद्कै नयाँ स्वरूप गोर्खाल्यान्ड टेरिटोरियल एड्मिनिस्ट्रेसनमा सहमति जनाएर गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनलाई पुनः तुहाएको छ ।

इन्डियन आइडलमा दार्जिलिङका युवा प्रशान्त तामाङको विजयी सुरुवात भएपछि उनलाई जिताउन नेपालीभाषी भारतीयले अभियान सञ्चालन गरेका थिए । तामाङलाई इन्डियन आइडल बनाउन गठित 'प्रशान्त तामाङ फ्यान क्लब'का मुख्य सल्लाहकार गोजमुमो अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङ थिए । यस अभियानमार्फत गुरुङले गोजमुमोको ब्यानरमा अलग राज्य स्थापनाका लागि पुनः संघर्ष गर्न नेपाली समुदायलाई गोलबन्द गरे । लगत्तै, सन् २००७ को अक्टोबरमा पश्चिम बंगालबाट अलग भई गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाका लागि आन्दोलन सुरु भयो । आन्दोलन उत्साहप्रद रूपमा अघि बढेकाले गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापना गर्ने भारतीय नेपालीको अधुरो सपना साकार हुने आशा सर्वत्र पलाएको थियो । आन्दोलनमा स्थानीय नेपालीभाषीको अपार सहभागिता, आन्दोलनका पक्षमा छिमेकी राज्य सिक्किमले औपचारिक रूपमै जारी गरेको मत र गोजमुमोका मागप्रति मुख्य विपक्षी दल भारतीय जनता पार्टी -भाजपा) ले जनाएको ऐक्यबद्धताले आन्दोलनलाई सफलतातिर डोर्‍याइरहेको थियो । तर, गोजमुमो नेतृत्वले परिस्थितिको सही विश्लेषण गर्दै आन्दोलनलाई निरन्तरता दिनुको सट्टा सीमित सम्झौतामै चित्त बुझाएपछि विजयको सँघारमै पुगेको गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलन पुनः स्खलित भएको छ । यसबाट भारतका नेपालीभाषीको अलग राज्य स्थापनाको आकाङ्क्षामा ठूलो ठेस लागेको छ ।

गोजमुमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाका लागि भइरहेको अभियानप्रति आफू पूर्ण प्रतिबद्ध र इमानदार रहेको बताउँथे । कुनै समय आफ्नै गुरु रहेका सुवास घिसिङले केन्द्र र राज्य सरकारसँग सम्झौता गरी ८० को दशकमा टुंग्याएको गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलन इतिहासको कालो सत्य भएको उनी बताउँथे । उनको यस्तो खुला र इमानदार प्रतीत हुने उद्घोषका कारण भारतका नेपालीभाषीहरू उनलाई नेता मान्दै गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाका लागि ज्यानको बाजी लगाउन तयार भएका थिए । गुरुङले एक समय भनेका थिए, 'गोर्खाल्यान्डको मागबाट म एक इन्च पनि टसमस हुन्नँ ।' डुवर्स र सिलिगुडीलाई छोडेर गोजमुमोले दाबी गरेका भूभागलाई गोर्खाल्यान्ड घोषणा गर्न सकिने चर्चा नयाँ दिल्ली र कलकत्तामा चल्न थालेपछि गुरुङले घोषणा गरेका थिए, 'डुवर्स र सिलिगुडी गोर्खाल्यान्डका अभिन्न अङ्ग हुन् । यी भूभागमाथि सम्झौता गर्नुपर्ने अवस्था आयो भने सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर गर्नुभन्दा पहिल्यै म आफूलाई सुट गर्छु ।' आन्दोलनमा नेपालीभाषीको उत्साहप्रद सहभागिता सुनिश्चित गर्न गुरुङले १० मार्च २०१० सम्ममा गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापना गराइछाड्ने र यसो गर्न नसके आत्महत्या गर्ने उद्घोष गरेका थिए । तर, यस्ता यावत् प्रतिबद्धताका बाबजुद अन्ततः गुरुङ पनि आफ्ना गुरु घिसिङभन्दा फरक बन्न सकेनन् । पार्वत्य परिषद्मा थोरै सुधार गरिएको गोर्खाल्यान्ड टेरिटोरियल एड्मिनिस्ट्रेसनमा उनले चित्त बुझाए । सिलिगुडी र डुवर्स छोडौँ, गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापना नहुने अवस्थामा पनि उनको स्वीकृति रह्यो । आफ्नै कारणले भारतका नेपालीभाषीको गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाको आकांक्षामा यत्रो ठेस पुग्दासमेत उनले आफूलाई 'सुट' गरेनन् । बरु, गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनका लागि भावी पुस्ताले आन्दोलनलाई अघि बढाउनुपर्ने काइते तर्क उनले गरे ।

१५औँ विधानसभा निर्वाचनमार्फत ३४ वर्षदेखि पश्चिम बंगालमा एकछत्र राज चलाउँदै आएका भारतीय माक्र्सवादी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीलाई पाखा लगाउँदै ममता बेनर्जी नेतृत्वको तृणमुल कांग्रेसले पश्चिम बंगालमा शासनको बागडोर सम्हालेको केही महिनाभित्रै गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलन टुंगिनु आफैँमा रोचक छ । मुख्यमन्त्रीको पदभार सम्हालेलगत्तै बेनर्जीले गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनको सम्भावनालाई गर्भमै निमोठेर आफ्नो राजनीतिक अब्बलताको परिचय दिएकी छिन् । गोजमुमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ आफ्नो 'छोटा भाइ' भएको बेनर्जीले सार्वजनिक सभासमारोहमै बताउँदै आएकी छिन् । अन्त्यमा दिदी र 'छोटा भाइ' गुरुङले संयुक्त रूपमा नेपालीभाषी भारतीयको स्वाभिमानको सवाल बन्न पुगेको गोर्खाल्यान्डको मागलाई पुनः रछ्यानमा पुर्‍याइदिएका छन् ।

ग्ाोर्खाल्यान्डको सपना तुहाउने कार्यमा ममता बेनर्जी र उनका 'छोटा भाइ' गुरुङबीचको साँठगाँठ निणर्ायक रहेको देखिए पनि पर्दापछाडिको यथार्थ अर्कै देख्ने दार्जिलिङमा धेरै छन् । तृणमुल कांग्रेस र कांग्रेस-आईबीचको सहकार्यबाट पश्चिम बंगालमा कम्युनिस्ट शासनको पतन भएको सर्वविदितै छ । पश्चिम बंगालमा शासन गर्दै आएका कम्युनिस्टहरू बंगाल टुक्र्याउने विषयमा असहमत थिए । यो सवालमा तृणमुल कांग्रेस अझ कठोर छ । उता, केन्द्रीय सरकारको नेतृत्व गरिरहेको कांग्रेस-आई पनि बंगाल टुक्रिने अवस्था आउन नदिन लागिपरेको छ । पश्चिम बंगालमा कम्युनिस्टलाई पुनः टाउको उठाउन नदिने र गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको मुद्दालाई निर्मूल गर्ने विषयमा कांग्रेस-आई र तृणमुल कांग्रसबीच सहमति भएको देखेपछि गोजमुमो नेतृत्व केही हच्किएको थियो । त्यसमाथि भारतीय नेपालीभाषी नेता मदन तामाङको केही समयअघि भएको हत्यामा गोजमुमोको संलग्नता रहेको सर्वत्र आशंका गरिएपछि यस विषयमा सिबिआईले छानबिन गरिरहेको छ । यसले गोजमुमो नेतालाई ठूलो त्रासमा राखेको छ । तामाङ हत्यामा संलग्ता पुष्टि भए कानुनी कठघरामा उभिनुपर्ने देखेपछि गोजमु नेतृत्वले गोर्खाल्यान्डको माग त्यागी केन्द्रीय र राज्य सरकारलाई सिबिआई छानबिन रोक्न घुमाउरो किसिमले अनुरोध गरेको छ ।

दार्जिलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद्मा भन्दा प्रस्तावित नयाँ व्यवस्थामा पश्चिम बंगालका थप भूभाग समेटिने र यस क्षेत्रको विकासका लागि राज्य सरकारले ठूलो राशी खर्चिने सहमति बनेको रटान लगाउँदै गोजमुमो नेतृत्वले आफ्नो अवसरवादी, सम्झौतापरस्त र भयग्रस्त व्यवहारमा विजयको लेपन लगाउने खोक्रो प्रयास गरेको छ । तर, विजयको सँघारमै पुगेर फर्किनुपर्दा नेपालीभाषी भारतीयहरू ज्यादै खिन्न र दुःखी भएका छन् । उनीहरूको यस्तो खिन्नतालाई विकास र रोजगारीको आश्वासनले शान्त गर्न सक्दैन । उनीहरूलाई चाहिएको आत्मस्वाभिमान र पहिचान हो । गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाबाहेक अरू कुनै माध्यमबाट उनीहरूको माग पूरा हुन सक्दैन ।

भारतको मुख्य विपक्षी दल भाजपा गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनप्रति सकारात्मक देखिएको वेला भाजपाको यस्तो मनस्थितिको उपयोग गर्दै गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको आन्दोलनलाई निरन्तरता दिनुपथ्र्यो । गोर्खाल्यान्डको जस्तै माग राखेर आन्दोलनमा उत्रिएको तेलाङ्गनाको माग सम्बोधन हुने निर्णय राजनीतिक तहमा भइसकेकाले यसलाई नजिरका रूपमा अघि सार्दै गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनका लागि ठूलो दबाब सिर्जना गर्न सकिन्थ्यो । पार्वत्य परिषद्मा सीमित सुधारसहितको व्यवस्थामा सहमति जनाएर गोजमुले गोर्खाल्यान्ड प्राप्तिको अभियानलाई अनिश्चयको खाल्डोमा जाक्ने दुश्कर्म मात्र गरेको छैन, छुट्टै राज्य स्थापनाको प्रक्रियामा जान लागेको तेलाङ्गनाको सम्भावनालाई पनि नराम्रोसँग बिथोलिदिएको छ । नभन्दै गोर्खाल्यान्डका लागि गरिन लागेको नयाँ व्यवस्थाकै मोडेलमा सहमति जनाउन तेलाङ्गनालाई राजनीतिक दबाब दिने काम सुरु भइसकेको छ ।

नेपालीभाषी भारतीयले करिब एक सय चार वर्षअघि देखि अलग गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाका लागि आवाज उठाउँदै आए पनि अहिलेसम्म यसको सुनुवाइ किन भएको छैन ? नेतृत्वको अक्षमता र सम्झौतापरस्त व्यवहार यसका लागि सबैभन्दा बढी जिम्मेवार छ । यसबाहेक भारतीय संस्थापन पक्षमा विद्यमान नेपालीभाषीलाई हेर्ने पक्षपातपूर्ण दृष्टि यसको अर्को मुख्य कारण हो । गोर्खाल्यान्डले दाबी गरेको भूभागअन्तर्गत भारतका अत्यन्त संवेदनशील र सामरिक महत्त्वका केही क्षेत्र पर्छन् । तीमध्ये सिलिगुडी कोरिडर मुख्य हो । २१-४० किलोमिटर फराकिलो सिलिगुडी कोरिडर भारतको राजनीतिक तथा आर्थिक एकीकरणका लागि आवश्यक छ । यही कोरिडरमार्फत भारतको केन्द्रीय सरकारले उत्तरपूर्वी भारतमा राजनीतिक, आर्थिक र सैन्य क्रियाकलाप सञ्चालन गर्दछ । यस क्षेत्रको सुरक्षालाई लिएर नयाँ दिल्ली साह्रै सचेत र संवेदनशील छ । किनकि नेपाल, बंगलादेश, भुटान र चीनको बीचमा रहेको सिलिगुडी कोरिडर भारतको नियन्त्रणबाहिर गएको खण्डमा सम्पूर्ण उत्तरपूर्वी भारतसँग उसको भौतिक सम्पर्क विच्छेद हुन्छ र भारत टुक्रिने प्रक्रियामा जाने जोखिम रहन्छ । यो भूभागको हेरचार र सुरक्षाका लागि नेपालीभाषी भारतीयलाई विश्वास गर्न सकिँदैन भन्ने सोच भारतको केन्द्रीय सरकारमा रहेको तथ्य आजसम्म उसले गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको विरोधमा रचेको षड्यन्त्रले खुलस्त पारेको छ । प्रस्तावित गोर्खाल्यान्डको नजिक नेपाल रहेका कारण नेपालीभाषी भारतीयलाई उसले विश्वास गर्न सकिरहेको छैन । दार्जिलिङ र त्यसवरिपरि बसोबास गर्ने नेपालीभाषीको नेपालसँगको सम्बन्धलाई उसले शंकालु दृष्टिले हेर्दै आएको छ । तर, बंगालीको सवालमा यो मान्यता लागू भएको छैन । बंग्लादेशसँगै टाँसिएको पश्चिम बंगाललाई नयाँ दिल्लीले विश्वास गर्न सक्छ, तर, नेपालसँग सीमा जोडिएको क्षेत्रमा बसोबास गर्ने नेपालीभाषी भारतीयप्रति उसलाई रत्तिभर विश्वास छैन । त्यसैकारण गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको दिशामा चालिने हरेक कदमको सामना गर्न उसले बंगालको राज्य सरकारलाई पूर्ण सहयोग गर्दै आएको छ ।

यद्यपि, यसपटक चलेको गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनमा भाजपाले सक्रिय समर्थन जनाएको थियो । दार्जिलिङबाट संसदीय निर्वाचनमा विजयी पूर्वविदेशमन्त्रीसमेत रहेका भाजपा नेता जसवन्त सिंहले संसद् भवनमै गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको पक्षमा आवाज उठाएका थिए । यसले गोर्खाल्यान्डका पक्षमा राष्ट्रिय माहोल बनिरहेको थियो । तर, परिस्थितिलाई राम्रोसँग बुझ्ने र इमानदार भएर अभियानमा लागिपर्ने क्षमता गोजमुमो नेतृत्वमा नहुँदा गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको मुद्दा पुनः स्खलित भएको छ । गोजमुको यस्तो सम्झौतापरस्त व्यवहारले ऊ नेपालीभाषी भारतीयहरूको प्रतिनिधि हो कि पश्चिम बंगाल अथवा नयाँ दिल्लीको भन्ने गम्भीर आशंका उत्पन्न भएको छ ।

Logic behind opposition to Indian investment in Nepal's Water Resources

2011-07-18T03:07:00.000-07:00

Pari Thapa
Communist Party of Nepal (Unified)

Q1: Let's start our conversation with the latest happening. While celebrating his 65th birthday, former King Gyanendra Shah said, 'I had not quit the Palace thinking that the situation would be in this sorry state." What is your comment on the former King's remarks?

Thapa: One thing which we have to understand is that the Monarchy in Nepal was not ousted, it was ended. The institution was ended because its end had become a Himalayan urgency. The former King could have done anything if his attempt could have be able to save the institution which he represented. However, he did not see any hope to retain his throne and was compelled to vacate the palace unwillingly.

The remarks of the former King do not deserve any serous comment. He failed to save his throne and the Monarchy from Nepal came to an end. However, former King Shah enjoys the freedom of expression as other ordinary Nepalese nationals do. It is his right to say that republican order was established in Nepal because of his magnanimity. We should not have to be serious over his fresh remarks.

Q2: The peace process had shown some sign of improvement after signing of the 5 points deal. However, this couldn't last for long. Now, the entire peace process is at the state of a quandary. Mr. Thapa, could you please tell us which factors are primarily responsible for this situation?

Thapa: Peace process, constitution drafting process and Constituent Assembly (CA) are interlinked subjects. Our nation was engulfed in 10 years prolonged people’s war. Thousands of people lost their lives. Around 10,000 peoples were killed from the government side where as about 5,000-6,000 were killed by the then Maoist rebel. After signing Seven Point Agreement (SPA) and Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), we have come to this point where we are trying our best for the successful conclusion of the peace process. We should not think this as a general situation. We are definitely experiencing it as to have been a critical phase. Extra attention and care should be paid from every possible quarter so that the ongoing peace process approaches to the logical conclusion and peace finally prevails in our country. We have overcome different hurdles and arrived to the today's point and I am very optimist that things will move ahead in a positive manner.

The issue of the integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatant is lingering the peace process. However, I don’t think it as a complicated issue as such. At the time of insurgency, the state was vigorously planning to create an armed force of 2, 00,000 personnel. Now the size of Nepal Army (NA) is about 1, 00,000. If 19,600 Maoist combatants verified by UNMIN will be integrated in NA, it will not make any notable difference in the size, professionalism and integrity of the NA. Therefore, the so-called three big political parties, Unified Maoists, Nepali Congress and CPN-UML should not give extra importance to the number of Maoist combatants to be integrated in the national Army.

Q3: Could you please offer further candid suggestion in this regard?

Thapa: Maoist combatants are politically indoctrinated. Therefore from the personal level, I suggest them to accept the rehabilitation package so that they can get involved in different political activities in the day ahead.

However, CPA and different other understandings reached between Unified Maoist and other political parties explicitly indicated the integration of Maoist combatants in the army. After the handover of combatants to the Army Reintegration Special Committee, the combatants have already become a pure army and they are eligible to be integrated in NA. We should not further hang around on such peripheral issues.

Q4: The constitution drafting process is also being delayed. It is very unlikely that the preliminary draft of the new constitution will be charted well before August 31, 2011, as prescribed in the 5 point agreement. What is the root cause of this delay?

Thapa: The root cause is the power hunger of the so-called three major parties. These parties fear that they will fail to retain their present mighty position of they go through the fresh elections. Therefore, they are very reluctant to draft the constitution, formulate new laws, rules and regulation and announce the date of new election. In fact, none of the so called three big parties believe that they can sweep majority of the seats in the new election. Because of this fear, they are lingering the constitution drafting process. All the so called three big parties are keenly looking forward to satisfy their thirst for power by prolonging the ongoing transition period.

Q5: Communist forces in Nepal are advocating for the inclusion of Right to Self-determination in the new constitution. Could you please tell us about the relevance of such an advocacy?

Thapa: Indigenous community and the ethnic groups of Terai/Madhesh are in fact robustly advocating for the Right to Self-determination. Our party had theorized it and we have formulated the Principle of Self-determination instead of Right to Self-determination. The concept of Right to Self-determination was developed from Soviet Union. 17 countries were included in the Union and they were assured that they can split from the Union whenever they preferred. In fact, the Right to Self-determination means the right to secession. However, Nepal has yet not become a nation-state in its real sense of the term. Therefore, I am against the inclusion of Right to Self-determination in the new constitution. The context of Soviet Union and Nepal are completely different. The society of Soviet Union was based on the notion of "coming together". However, Nepali society is based on the idea of "living together".

Q6: We are observing that different groups of Nepal are opposing Indian investments in Nepal's water resources. Do you support their views or you have some different ideas in this regard?

Thapa: The opposition of Indian investment in Nepal's water resources is backed by sound logic. We have plenty of reasons to oppose Indian investment. Look how Nepal is betrayed in the Koshi, Gandak and other several hydro power agreements signed in between Nepal and India in the past? According to these agreements, Nepal cannot utilize water of its own river for irrigation and other purposes. The monopoly of India in using Nepal's water resources is ensured through different agreements. The same situation prevails in the agreement of Sharada Bridge also.

The fault also lies with us for this pity situation. We failed to devise our foreign policy on the basis of equi-proximity and on reciprocity. Rather we favored special relation with our southern neighbor. We failed to remain united on the very issue even of nationalism and genuine national interests.

The covetousness of our southern neighbor is another major reason responsible for such opposition against the Indian investments in Nepal. Geographically, India is very big and it is said that she is going to be third largest economy after 25-30 years. It is high time for India to make its heart big enough while dealing with the small neighboring country. This will ultimately benefit India itself.

Q7: But some analysts say that India is deliberately deteriorating its relations with the neighboring countries. The Chanakya Doctrine which Indian establishment is following since long observes that if a nation wants to expand its power, she should worsen its relations with those countries with whom it shares its border?

Thapa: This is an age-old and feudal thought. If India is to stick on such ideas, then it is high time for her to immediately abandon such policy. In this 21st century, no any country can progress if it fails to maintain cordial relations with its neighbors. Look what is happening in Europe? The European countries had shared bitter relations. They fought bloody war among themselves. However, they are now united for common benefit and for a common purpose. They are practicing the systems of same currency, and have the same parliament.

Q9: There is overwhelming majority of Communist in the Constituent Assembly body. However, they have failed to unite for common purposes. What might be the reason behind it?

Thapa: About 62 percent of the total lawmakers in CA are communists. But they are divided under the banner of different parties. Despite of the marked division, the communists are gradually increasing their base. This is very positive side of Nepali politics.

Division and split among the political parties of Nepal is not an uncommon happening. Not only communists, but Nepali Congress has also witnessed splits several time.

While talking about the communists, I think that the tendency of compromising in ideology is responsible for the recurring and frequent splits. The aim of the communist movement is economic and social transformation and its ultimate goal is of the human liberation. However, the big communist parties of Nepal are being drawn in the bourgeoisie parliamentarian system. The communists can compromise on the immediate policy, but ideologically they should remain in an united state. The communist parties should maintain their main stand which should be for the ultimate liberation of the mankind.

Interviewed by Sujit Mainali
Published on telegraphnepal.com
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-13/logic-behind-opposition-to-indian-investment-in-nepals-water-resources.html

India imprudently wants Nepal to bow down to its might

2011-07-05T21:12:00.000-07:00

Abhishek Pratap Shah
MJF Party whip, Nepal

Mr. Abhishek Pratap Shah, 28, is the youngest lawmaker of Nepal and is also the party whip of Madeshi Janadhikar Forum. He has ever remained a sharp critic of any sort of foreign intervention in Nepal and is continuously opposing it from various platforms. Journalist Sujit Mainali for The Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com had talked with this brilliant young politician on several issues related to the ongoing political stalemate and its internal and external dimension. Here is the excerpt of Mainali's exclusive interview with Shah:

Q: The United Madhesi Front is insisting for the bulk integration of 10,000 Madhesi youths in the Nepal Army (NA). What is your comment on this demand of the Front?
Abhishek: This question should be dealt in two ways. First, about 47 percent of total population from Nepal is from Madhesh. However, till now they are marginalized from the mainstream politics. Their inclusion and proper participation in every organ of State including NA is necessary. NA is the army of the people of Madhesh as well. Therefore there should be proper representation of Madhesi youths in NA. This will further increase the belongingness of NA within the Madhesi people.
Before joining this Khanal led government, Chairman of our party Mr. Upendra Yadav had signed 4 points agreement with Maoist Chairperson Mr. Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Prime Minister Mr. Jhalanath Khanal in which they had agreed to create separate battalion of Madhesis within the NA. If this agreement is materialized then the issues of inclusion of Madhesi people in NA will be easily solved. However, in spite of pressuring the government to implement this agreement, the Front has forwarded the demand of bulk integration of 10,000 youth in NA. This has raised several serious questions on the very intention of the Front.
Secondly, we have to carefully analyze the essence of the demand forwarded by the Front. This is the proxy demand to counter the probable integration of People's Liberation Army (PLA) of the Maoist in NA. The alien force had strongly encouraged and instructed the Front to forward such a demand so that it will nullify the issues of the integration of the PLA. And everybody knows who this alien force is?

Q: The ongoing peace process is said to be on the verge of collapse due to Himalayan internal differences within the Unified Maoists. Do you think on the same line or you have different opinion on this issue?
Abhishek: After the second extension of tenure of the Constituent Assembly (CA), some significant achievements so far have been gained in the peace process. The double security mechanism which the leaders of Maoist were enjoying till now has now ended. A faction within the Maoist is irately opposing such a move of the leadership and is insisting not to demilitarize the party. However, we have to understand that Maoist is a revolutionary party and it will take some more time for the party’s leadership to convince the entire party on some contentious issues related to peace and constitution drafting process. I have found the Maoist very clear on not derailing the ongoing peace process. I am very hopeful on the conclusion of peace process very soon.

Q: Mr. Abhishek, can you tell our readers how the problem of ongoing political logjam can be solved?
Abhishek: Well, for this Nepali Congress (NC) and the Unified Maoists should take the needed initiatives. Ongoing peace process and constitution making process is the brainchild of late Girija Prasad Koirala who was the Chairperson of NC. Therefore the successful conclusion of peace and constitution drafting process is in the broader interest of NC itself. For this, NC should act as a responsible guardian of the whole nation.
Besides the NC, the Chairperson of Unified Maoist Mr. Dahal also should have to act in a responsible manner. He should accord top priority to the overall national interests and should not confine himself only within his party chambers. The ongoing stalemate can be solved only if Mr. Dahal and NC agree to proceed ahead with a common political roadmap.

Q: The vertical split in the Madhesh based party has became a regular phenomenon. Your party has also faced several splits. Can you tell us why this usually happens particularly in Madhesh based parties?
Abhishek: Lack of mature political behavior and political culture in Madhesh based party is a major factor which is primarily responsible for such a regular split. Since the period of Gajendrababu (Gajendra Narayan Singh), we have seen several splits in the Madhesh based parties and this process is continuing till now. Until and unless the Madhesi people do not learn the political culture this problem is not going to be solved.
The infiltration of alien forces in Madhesh and their political maneuvering in the Madhesh based party is also equally responsible for this pitiable situation. However, the root of the problem lies on us. We are ever ready to split our party if a diplomatic mission in Kathmandu offers scholarship for our children. We have become so impoverished that we instantly become ready to split our party for such a nominal reason!
Therefore if we have to create a stable party in Madhesh, we have to uproot all those elements from Madhesh who are working for alien forces rather than working for the benefit of the Madhesi peoples. For this we have to teach the lessons of nationalism to the people of Madhesh. The solution of the problem of Madhesh should be explored in Kathmandu but not in New Delhi. Until and unless the maneuvering of New Delhi in Madhesh based party doesn’t come to an end, the overall political stability in Nepal cannot be achieved because unstable and splitting tendencies of Madhesh based party is one of the major reasons to be held responsible for the unstable national politics.

Q: Your party is continuously opposing the intervention of India in Nepali politics. Can you tell our readers why such intervention frequently occurs in Nepal from our southern neighbor?
Abhishek: First of all we have to understand the major concerns of India in Nepal. Open and porous border, pumping of fake Indian currency from Nepali soil, trans-border crime, the so called escalating network of Inter Service Intelligence (ISI), Air Marshall in international airport, extradition treaty, etc are some of the major concerns of India in Nepal. We should understand the concerns of India and should try to convince her that Nepal will not let anyone to go against the logical interest of India from the Nepali soil. India should seek these assurances through diplomatic channel.
But in the name of addressing their concerns, India is directly intervening in Nepali politics. It is using one faction of a party against the other. India should realize that these sorts of activities are not going to work anymore. Indeed such activities will further escalate anti-Indian sentiments in Nepal. If India does not realize this fact and go on acting in a ridiculous manner, it will be counterproductive for them ultimately. If they have any expectation from Nepal, they can raise those issues through diplomatic channels. We are ready to address all the logical interest of India.
However, India boasts itself of being Big Brother of other neighboring countries and she is very reluctant to accept Nepal as an independent and sovereign Nation. India imprudently wants Nepal to bow down to her geographical, political, economic and military might. India should realize that in this century, the strength of a nation is judged on the basis of its potential and not on the basis of the geography it covers. We want warm and cordial relation with India and India should also have to think on the same line. No one should dare to coerce Nepal thinking it as a small and powerless nation. Nepal has now enough international exposure.
At an international conference held in the US, I narrated both dark and bright side of Nepal-India relations. If I get opportunities and feel it necessary then I will raise those issues in United Nations (UN) also. India should realize that a stable and prosperous Nepal is in her own overall security and economic interests. India should immediately abandon its mighty and hegemonic approach and should deal with Nepal through diplomatic channel on the basis of reciprocity.
Another pathetic thing is that India's Nepal policy is being handled by its inept bureaucracy and this is another cause of crisis seen in Nepal-India relations. India should expand its relation with Nepal at the political level. The incumbent Indian Ambassador Mr. Rakesh Sood and other bureaucrats of India act in Nepal as if they were the Prime Minister of this Himalayan nation. Such activities will further make the things worst.

Q: India exhibits its serious concerns on so called growing anti-Indian activities in Nepal. However, it has remained tight lipped on the activities of several terrorist outfits operating from Indian soil against Nepal. Your comments on such double standard of Indian establishment please.
Abhishek: I have come across the information that India had managed a secret meeting of different armed outfit of Terai/Madhesh with three leaders of United Madhesi Front, Mr. Bijay Kumar Gacchedhar, Mr. Mahanta Thakur and Mr. Rajendra Mahato during their last sojourn to India. I have heard that the Indian establishment had managed some agreements with the Front and the armed outfits but I exactly don’t know what those agreements were? Such acts of India are not only against existing Nepal-India relations but also against all international norms and practices.
On the other hand, India frequently raises its security concerns in Nepal. A bomb explodes in Mumbai and Indian police says the overall planning of the blast was designed from Nepali soil. Can you tell me what the hell is this? If they have any proof then they have to forward it.
Both Nepal and India should agree not to allow any outfits operating from its soil against its neighbor. This should be strictly followed by both the countries.

Q: What sort of relation the people of Madhesh want to with India?
Abhishek: The relation between Nepal and India is a natural phenomenon. We have Roti/Beti (economic and marital relations) with India at the personal level. We want this cordial, cooperative and intimate relation to further improve and flourish. However in the name of such relation, we cannot sacrifice our national interests. The open border with India is not in favor of Nepal. We, the people of Madhesh, want our borders with India to be regulated. Heavy security personal should be deployed on the both sides so that unwanted elements cannot sneak into the either side and derail our friendlier relations.

Q: Let's change the topic. You have recently appealed the Indian government to carry out the investigation against Acharya Balkrishna in a sensitive manner. Can you further elaborate your appeal?
Abhishek: Acharya Balkrishna is an Indian citizen of Nepali origin. He was born and come of his age in Haridwar, India. He also had publicly declared that he belonged to India. However, the Indian government is attempting to make him a scapegoat. Indian government is insisting that Acharya had fled from Nepal committing a crime. However, it has so far failed to furnish any evidence as such to support their allegations.
In the name of taming Baba Ramdev, Indian establishment is portraying Nepal as a factory of criminals. This attempt of Indian establishment to tarnish the image of Nepal is not tolerable. I again make humble request to the Indian government to handle this issue in a sensitive manner. If India turns a deaf ear on it, I may draw the attention of the international community on these issues.

Published in telegraphnepal.com
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-06/india-imprudently-wants-nepal-to-bow-down-to-its-might.html

माओवादीमा किरण पक्षको दाउ

2011-06-30T22:23:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

मुलुककै ठूलो दल एकीकृत नेकपा माओवादीभित्र घनिभूत रूपले उठ्न थालेको पार्टर्ीीहाधिवेशनको माग पछाडि उपाध्यक्षद्वय मोहन वैद्य 'किरण' र डा. बाबुराम भट्टर्राईका के-कस्ता स्वार्थ लुकेका छन् भन्ने नियाल्न अर्जुनदृष्टि लगाइरहनु पर्दैन । उपाध्यक्षद्वयहरूबाट भइरहेको महाधिवेशनको मागमा अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहालको पखेटा काट्ने अभ्रि्राय लुकेको प्रस्ट छ । सम्भावित महाधिवेशनमा आफ्नो गुटको बहुमत स्थापित गराउन माओवादीका तीन ओटै समूह गृहकार्यमा लाग्न थालेजस्तो देखिन्छ । नानी पाउनुअघि नै कोक्रो बुन्ने मेसो सुरु गरेका माओवादी नेताहरूका चालले महाधिवेशनको सम्भावनातर्फसंकेत गरेको त छ । तर, आफ्नै पखेटा कटौतीका लागि हुने महाधिवेशनप्रति अध्यक्ष दाहालले कत्तिको रुचि देखाउँछन् भन्ने विषयले महाधिवेशन हुने-नहुने कुरालाई धेरै हदसम्म निर्धारण गर्नेछ ।

किरण समूहलाई जनताले शान्ति र संविधानविरोधी शक्तिका रूपमा बुझेका छन् । आफूहरूप्रति जनताको यस्तो बुझाइ देखेर यो समूह हच्किएको छ । त्यसैले यो समूहले आफूहरू 'जनताको संविधान'को पक्षमा रहेको र्सार्वजानिक रूपमै पटक-पटक दोहोर्‍याएर चोखिने प्रयास गरिसकेको छ । शान्ति र संविधानविरोधी गुटका रूपमा जनतामा स्थापित परिचयबाट भष्मिभूत हुन पुगेको आफ्नो छवि उकास्न यो समूहले राष्ट्रियता र राष्ट्रिय स्वाधीनताको विषयलाई उच्च प्राथमिकता दिइरहेको छ । २०५२ सालमा 'जनयुद्ध' सुरु गर्दा माओवादीले सरकारसमक्ष प्रस्तुत गरेका मागहरूमध्ये राष्ट्रियतासँग सम्बन्धित मागप्रति जनताले विशेष सद्भाव देखाएका थिए । त्यसैले, राष्ट्रियताको सवाललाई जोडतोडका साथ उठाए जनतामाझ खस्किएको आफ्नो छविको पुनरुत्थान हुने किरण पक्षको वस्तुगत अनुमान छ । तर, 'राष्ट्रियताभन्दा शान्ति र संविधान जनताका लागि प्यारो छ' भन्दै हिँड्ने डा. भट्टराइको लोकप्रियता क्रमशः बढिरहेको अहिलेको अवस्थामा किरण समूहले अघि सारेको राष्ट्रियताको तुरूपले अपेक्षा गरेअनुरूपको सफलता हासिल गर्न सक्छ भनेर ठोकुवा गर्ने आधार भने त्यति बलियो छैन ।

अध्यक्ष दाहालले पालुङ्टार प्लेनममा प्रधान अन्तरविरोध भारतीय विस्तारवाद रहेको चर्चा गरे पनि उनी आफ्नो भनाइमा लामो समयसम्म अड्न सकेनन् । अर्का उपाध्यक्ष डा. भट्टर्राई भारतलाई प्रधान शत्रु मान्न नहुनेमा प्रस्ट छन् । दाहालको धर्मराउँदो अडान र डा. भट्टर्राईको भारतप्रति नरम दृष्टिकोणका बीच राष्ट्रियता र राष्ट्रिय स्वाधीनताको मुद्दामा आफ्नो एकछत्र कब्जा स्थापना भएको देखेर किरण पक्ष केही हदसम्म उत्साहित देखिन्छ । राष्ट्रियताको मुद्दाले राष्ट्रिय जनमत आफ्नो पक्षमा ल्याउने मात्र नभई सम्भावित महाधिवेशनको नतिजालाई समेत प्रभावित गर्न सक्ने देखेर 'एक तीर दर्ुइ निसान' साध्ने तरखरमा किरण पक्ष जुटेको छ । त्यसैले उसले सेना समायोजनअघि राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा नीति बन्नुपर्ने, माओवादी लडाकूको समायोजनपछि बन्ने सैन्य टुकडीलाई भारतसँगको सीमामा परिचालन गरी नेपालको सीमालाई थप अतिक्रमित हुनबाट जोगाउनुपर्ने, भारतसँग अहिलेसम्म भएका सम्पर्ूण्ा असमान सन्धि सम्झौता भङ्ग गर्नुपर्ने जस्ता माग उठाइरहेको छ । किरण पक्षले अघि सारेका यस्ता मागहरू पार्टर्ीीत्र र बाहिरका राष्ट्रवादी शक्तिलाई आफ्नो खेमामा गोलबन्द गर्नेतर्फलक्षित छ । साथै भारतीय गुप्तचर निकायसँग अध्यक्ष दाहालले बढाइरहेको सर्म्पर्क, नेपालको जलस्रोतमा भारतीय लगानी भित्र्याउन अध्यक्षले पर््रदर्शन गरेको लचकता आदिको र्सार्वजनिक रूपमै विरोध गरेर किरण समूहले अध्यक्ष दाहालको व्यवहारको भण्डाफोर गर्दै उनको अलोकप्रियताबाट आइलाग्ने राजनीतिक लाभ लिन खोजेको प्रस्ट देखिन्छ ।

पालुङ्टार प्लेनममा किरणसँग निकट रहेका अध्यक्ष दाहालले जेठ १४ को पर्ूवसन्ध्यामा भट्टर्राईसँग मितेरी गाँसेका थिए । लगत्तै उनले खरिपाटी बैठकको निष्कर्षर यसैको विस्तारित अंश बन्न पुगेको पालुङ्टार प्लेनमको निर्ण्र्ाााई केन्द्रीय कमिटीको बहुमतद्वारा उल्टाउँदै चुनवाङ् बैठकपछि भएको १२ बुँदे सहमतिको लाइनमा आफूलाई उभ्याए । अध्यक्षको अडानमा रातारात देखापरेको यस्तो विचलनले किरण पक्षलाई विष्मित भन्दा पनि धेरै रुष्ट तुल्याएको छ । अध्यक्षले शक्ति र सत्ताका लागि क्रान्ति र आफूहरूलाई 'युज एन्ड थ्रो'को वस्तु बनाएको महसुस गरेपछि यो समूहले अध्यक्षलाई गतिलो पाठ पढाउने संकल्प लिएको छ । किरण समूहबाट अहिले प्रखर रूपमा भइरहेको राष्ट्रियताको वकालत र महाधिवेशनको माग अध्यक्षलाई 'गतिलो पाठ' पढाउने ध्येयतर्फलक्षित छ । महाधिवेशनमा 'क्रान्ति र राष्ट्रियता'लाई मुख्य मुद्दा बनाउँदा पार्टर्ीीे विशाल पंक्ति त्यसमा गोलबन्द हुने र यसबाट पार्टर्ीीत्र अध्यक्ष दाहालको एकछत्र पकडमा ठूलो धक्का लाग्ने किरण पक्षको विश्लेषण छ ।

महाधिवेशनमार्फ अध्यक्ष दाहाललाई चुनौती दिने सम्भावना जीवित रहेकाले यो समूहले पार्टर्ीीmुटाउनुको सट्टा महाधिवेशनसम्म पार्टर्ीीत्रै समानान्तर सत्ता सञ्चालन गर्ने उपाय अवलम्बन गरेको हो । पार्टर्ीीmुटाउँदा आफ्ना पक्षमा हाडखोरमा टाँसिएका दर्ुइ चार चोक्टा मात्र पर्ने र फलमासुमा दाहाल-भट्टार्राईपक्षले एकछत्र रजाइँ गर्ने देखेपछि किरण पक्षले दाहाल र भट्टर्राईबीचको अन्तरविरोधमा खेलेर एकलाई अर्कोसँग भिडाउँदै तर मार्ने नीति लिन खोजेको छ ।
तर, महाधिवेशनमा दाहाललाई चुनौती दिनु त्यति सजिलो भने छैन । जनसेनाका मुख्य र सहायक शिविरहरू अध्यक्षकै कमान्डमा छन् । यस्तो कमान्डलाई तोडेर शिविरलाई आफ्नो पक्षमा उतार्न सक्ने क्षमता किरण समूहसँग छैन । शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिमा प्रवेश गरिसकेपछि माओवादीको शक्तिको मुख्य आधार ट्रेड युनियन बनेको छ । त्यसैले ट्रेड युनियनमा आफ्नो दबदबा कायम राख्न माओवादीका तीन ओटै समूह एकअर्काविरुद्ध भौतिक आक्रमणसम्मको हदमा पुगिसकेका छन् । ट्रेड युनियनमा भट्टर्राई पक्ष सबैभन्दा कमजोर देखिए पनि किरण पक्षको अवस्था बलियो छ । तथापि, अध्यक्षको सत्ता र शक्तिको छायामुनिबाट ट्रेड युनियनको बहुमत हिस्सालाई आफ्नो र्समर्थनमा उतार्नु किरण समूहका लागि ढुंगाका चिउरा चपाउनुसरह बन्न पुग्नेछ । त्यसमाथि अध्यक्ष र अर्का उपाध्यक्ष डा. भट्टर्राईबीच हाल अघोषित साझेदारी कायम भएकाले संस्थापन पक्षलाई माथ गर्नु किरण पक्षका लागि झन् कठिन भएको छ ।

यस्तो अवस्थामा पार्टर्ीीत्र बलियो बन्न किरण समूहले दाहाल-भट्टर्राई समीकरण तोड्न आवश्यक छ । अध्यक्षलाई कमजोर बनाउने मुद्दामा भट्टर्राईसँग कार्यगत एकता गर्न सके यसबाट दाहाल-भट्टर्राई समीकरण टुट्ने मात्र नभई महाधिवेशनमार्फ पार्टर्ीीत्र अध्यक्षको स्वेच्छाचारितामा अंकुश लगाउन सकिने देखेर किरण समूह यसको तयारीमा लागिसकेको छ । किरण पक्षका प्रभावशाली नेताले भट्टर्राईसँग गोप्य रूपमा राखेको नयाँ सरकारको नेतृत्व लिने प्रस्तावलाई यसै तयारीको उपज मान्न सकिन्छ ।

माओवादीभित्र अध्यक्ष दाहालको नेतृत्वलाई चुनौती दिने व्यक्ति डा.भट्टर्राई मात्र हुन् । डा.भट्टर्राईलाई प्रधानमन्त्री बन्न सहयोग गरे डा.भट्टर्राईको बढ्दो साख र प्रभावबाट अध्यक्ष दाहालले आफूलाई असुरक्षित महसुस गर्ने र दाहालको यस्तो भयग्रस्त मानसिकताको लाभ उठाउँदै उनीहरूबीचको सहकार्य तोड्न सकिने विश्लेषण किरण पक्षधरको छ । दाहाल र डा. भट्टर्राईको आपसी खिचातानीका बीच महाधिवेशनमार्फ पार्टर्ीीे नेतृत्व हत्याउने र पार्टर्ीीई जनव्रि्रोहको लाइनमा लाने घुमाउरो र कठिन बाटो किरण पक्षले समातेको छ ।

किरण पक्षधरहरूले बारम्बार जनव्रि्रोह र जनसंविधानको चर्चा गरे पनि यस्तो चर्चाले पार्टर्ीीत्रका सबैको मन जित्न सकिरहेको छैन । यद्यपि, जनव्रि्रोह र जनसंविधानको मुद्दालाई गम्भीरतापर्ूवक लिने समूह माओवादीमा सानो छैन । अहिलेको तरल र जटिल राष्ट्रिय परिस्थितिमा किरण समूहका नेताहरूको विश्लेषण वस्तुगत पनि देखिन्छ । जारी प्रक्रियाबाट कम्युनिस्टले खोजेजस्तो संविधान बन्न नसक्नेमा यो समूह प्रस्ट छ । अहिलेकै प्रक्रियाबाट अघि बढे सम्पर्ूण्ा पार्टर्ीींशोधनवादी भासमा फस्नेतर्फउनीहरूले बारम्बार सचेत गराउँदै आएका छन् । हार्डलाइनर खेमाको यस्तो विश्लेषण तार्किक मात्र होइन, व्यावहारिक पनि छ । अहिलेकै अवस्थामा जारी राजनीतिक गतिरोध अन्त्यको एक मात्र र्सत बहुदलीय संसदीय व्यवस्थाको माओवादी स्वीकृति हो । त्यसैले किरण पक्षधरहरू 'जनताको संविधान' बनाउनु छ भने राजनीतिक 'कोर्स' परिवर्तन गर्नुपर्ने बताउँदै छन् ।

तर, योभन्दा पछिको उनीहरूको विश्लेषण भने रुमानी स्वैरकल्पनाबाट मुक्त हुन सकेको छैन । मार्क्सवादले भन्ने गरेको 'क्रान्तिमा अनिवार्य बल प्रयोग'को सिद्धान्तबमोजिम अहिलेको अन्योलग्रस्त र तरल राजनीतिक अवस्थाका बीच 'जनव्रि्रोह'को शंखघोष गर्नुपर्ने उनीहरूले बताउँदै आएका छन् । यसबाट जनसत्ता स्थापना  हुने उनीहरूको निश्चय छ । किरण पक्षधरकाको यस्तो विश्लेषणमा विमति जनाउने माओवादीभित्रका गुटले कार्यकर्तालाई क्रान्तिका गुलिया शब्दजालमा अल्मलाउँदै संसदीय व्यवस्थामा अवतरित हुने मौका खोजिरहेका छन् । नेपाली समाजको संरचना र मुलुकको भू-अवस्थिति 'जनव्रि्रोह'मार्फ जनसत्ता स्थापनाका लागि प्रतिकूल रहेको उनीहरूको ठम्याइ छ । 'जनयुद्ध' सुरु गर्दाको र अहिलेको नेपाल/नेपाली समाजको आधारभूत विशेषतामा तात्विक भिन्नता छैन । अहिले नेपालमा सशस्त्र क्रान्तिमार्फ राज्यसत्ता कब्जा गर्न सम्भव छैन भन्न सक्ने नेताले किन हिजो हजारौं सोझासाझा नेपाली जनतालाई क्रान्तिका नाउँमा अनायासै मुत्युको मुखमा फाल हान्न लगाए - अहिले आएर नेपालमा सशस्त्र क्रान्ति सम्भव छैन भन्नु हिजो द्वन्द्वका क्रममा ज्यान गुमाएका जनताका छोराछोरीको प्राण उर्त्र्सग अर्थहीन थियो भन्नु हो कि होइन - व्रि्रोहबाट केही उपलब्धि हुँदैन भन्ने जान्दाजान्दै फगत नेता बन्ने व्यक्तिगत लालसा पूरा गर्न सोझा जनताको बलि चढाउन पाइन्छ -

क्रान्तिको मार्गबाट नेतृत्व विचलित भएको देखाई पार्टर्ीीत्रको 'रिभोल्युसनरी सेन्टिमेन्ट'लाई उपयोग गर्ने अभियान किरण समूहले सुरु गरिसकेको छ । शान्ति र संविधानको दिशामा पार्टर्ीीेतृत्वले ठोस काम थाल्नेबित्तिकै 'क्रान्ति कि विर्सजनवाद'को मुद्दा पार्टर्ीीत्र चर्काउँदै नेतृत्वको हरेक कार्यमा भाँजो हाल्ने नीति यो समूहको छ । माओवादी शान्ति र संविधानका दिशामा साँच्चिकै अग्रसर हुने हो भने 'जनयुद्ध'देखि पार्टर्ीी उठाएका अधिकांश मुद्दाको सम्बोधन नहुने पक्का छ । त्यतिबेला मौजुदा राजनीतिक 'कोर्स'को विकल्पमा जान नेतृत्वमाथि ठूलो दबाब सिर्जना गर्न सकिने उसको विचार छ । त्यतिबेलै पार्टर्ीीहाधिवेशन आह्वान गर्न अध्यक्षलाई बाध्य बनाउन सके आफ्नो प्रभावबाट उम्किएको पार्टर्ीीई पुनः आफ्नै कब्जामा पार्न सकिने सम्भावना देखेर यसै दिशामा किरण समूह लागिपरेको छ ।

Published on Rajdhani Daily
२०६८ - आशाद - १५

International Community believes Bhattarai is the only politician of Nepal with Vision: Maoist Leader Poudel

2011-06-16T02:32:00.000-07:00

Devendra Poudel aka Sunil, Unified Maoists Party

Devendra Poudel alias Sunil, a politburo member of the Unified Maoist, is one of the closest aides of Vice-Chairman Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. Mr. Poudel is now actively lobbying for the formation of new government under the premiership of Dr. Bhattarai.
Sujit Mainali for telegraphnepal.com and The Telegraph Weekly talked to Mr. Poudel on several issues related to internal rift prevailing inside the Maoists party and the basis of formation of new government. Below the excerpts of his exclusive interview:

Q1: You are time and again saying that formation of new government under the premiership of Vice Chairman of your party Dr. Baburam Bhattarai is almost certain. Could you please elaborate what you exactly want to say?
Sunil: Our party has not made any formal decision regarding the premiership of new government which is yet to be formed. Since the national consensus is yet not built for the formation of new government under the leadership of Maoists, to take any decision in this regard will be a hasty move. As soon as other parties accept the Maoist leadership, Central Committee (CC) meeting of our party will endorse the name of Dr. Bhattarai as the new Prime Minister of Nepal. The other factions of our party led by Chairman Dahal and Vice-Chairman Kiran are also eager to see Bhattarai as new Nepal Prime Minister.

Q2: You have said that factions led by Dahal and Kiran are keen to see Dr. Bhattarai as new PM. Please let our readers know whether any substantial consensus has been reached inside the party in this regards or not?
Sunil: We are holding dialogue(s) with Chairman Dahal and Vice Chairman Kiran and both are very positive in accepting Dr. Bhattarai as new Nepal PM. I don’t see any suitable alternative to Dr. Bhattarai inside our party. Chairman Dahal had publicly announced that he is not interested to lead the government. In this context, who else other than Dr. Bhattarai can be a consensus nominee of PM from our party?

Q3: A few days ago you had said that China, India, US, UK and EU will welcome Dr. Bhattarai as a new PM. How did you get this hint? What is the basis of your claim?
Sunil: Well, the diplomatic and international community based in Kathmandu was keen to see Dr. Bhattarai as new PM of Nepal. We are in regular contact with different diplomatic missions located in Kathmandu. I found that diplomats are very positive towards Dr. Bhattarai.

Q4: But don’t you think that this is blatant interference of foreigners in the internal affairs of Nepal? Should the international community be allowed to dictate as to who should be the PM of Nepal?
Sunil: Please don’t take it in another way. Let me clarify it. They haven't said that they will support the premiership of Dr. Bhattarai only and they will not accept other leaders as the new PM.
However, they are very optimistic towards Dr. Bhattarai and they believe that he is the only politician of Nepal with vision who can garner national consensus and can steer the ongoing peace and constitution drafting processes to a logical conclusion. I also firmly believe that Dr. Bhattarai is the only person who can end the current political stalemate which has engulfed the entire nation.

Q5: We have come to know that Dr. Bhattarai and Chairman Dahal have reached some tacit understanding on several issues related to peace process and constitution drafting process. However, your faction is holding separate meetings in different parts of the country. It seems that the faction whom you represent doesn’t trust the implicit alliance forged between Dr. Bhattarai and Chairman Dahal? What say you Mr. Poudel?
Sunil: Let me make you clear that we are not holding any sort of separate meetings. We are just having tea-talk with those comrades who believe on the political line floated by Dr. Bhattarai. It is true that some sort of agreement has been reached between our Chairman with Dr. Bhattarai on some issues related to peace and constitution drafting process. However, our differences with Chairman Dahal still prevail on several other important issues. But this doesn't mean that we do not trust him altogether. If there was such distrust then we would have already formed another party. We are still working together and this shows that we trust each other.

Q6: Rumors in Kathmandu's political circuit has it that your group is holding secret meeting with hardliner faction of your own party to forge an internal alliance. Is this correct?
Sunil: No any hardliner or soft-liner factions exist in our party. These terminologies are coined by media for their own convenience. I assume that you are asking me whether we are holding discussions with the faction led by Vice-Chairman Kiran or not? Of course we are holding discussions. Since we are in the same party and are working together, we have to discuss on several issues so that our party can function in a much more progressive manner.

Q7: Have you found any change in the attitude of Kiran faction while dealing with your group?
Sunil: Of course, there are visible improvements in their attitude. They have become very positive towards Dr. Bhattarai. Previously, they used to be very biased with him and they had even attempted to tarnish his image by alleging him for working for some vested interest alien group. However, now I have found that they have changed from their previous stance. They have come very closer to us on the institutionalization of the two line struggle, internal democracy (aantarik janabaad) and many other issues.

Q8: We have come across with the information that your group has made some sort of understanding with Kiran's faction regarding summoning of General Convention of the party. Is that true?
Sunil: Of late, we have seen the ideological differences inside the party have gone up dramatically. We firmly believe that the General Convention of the party is the only platform to settle these differences and disputes and make our party more vibrant and united. We have found that Vice-Chairman Kiran is also thinking on the same line. However, we have yet not decided any specific date(s) for General Convention. The Central Committee (CC) meeting of our party will soon fix the date.

Q9: Your party is divided on whether or not to continue with the incumbent government led by Khanal. Dr. Bhattarai has demanded the immediate resignation of PM Jhal Nath Khanal but Kiran conversely prefers the continuation of this government. Your comments on this differences please?
Sunil: We are the member of this coalition government and we are supporting this government so that it can tackle the ongoing political crisis. We wish to convert this coalition government into a national consensus government. But the present situation is such that this government cannot garner support of the opposition parties. I humbly suggest PM Khanal to immediately step down in order to create an atmosphere for the formation of national consensus government. Only a national consensus government can bring the country out from the ongoing political logjam.

Q10: Some analysts even suspect that the intraparty rift seen in the Unified Maoist is the deliberate attempt of Maoist leadership to mystify the parties in opposition? Is it so?
Sunil: Not at all. Such allegations, I think, are the deliberate attempt of some vested interest groups to defame our party. Some serious ideological and tactical difference prevails inside our party. We are working together to settle down those differences.

Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-06-16/international-community-believes-bhattarai-is-the-only-politician-of-nepal-with-vision.html

हामी कति खुला ?

2011-06-10T00:22:00.000-07:00

सुजित मैनाली

चीनीया सेनाका जवानले फेसबुक, ट्विटर, माइस्पेसजस्ता सोसल नेटवर्किङ साइट चलाउन नपाउने उर्दी हालै जनमुक्ति सेनाको हाइकमान्डबाट जारी भयो । सुरक्षा व्यवस्थाजस्तो अत्यन्त संवेदनशील क्षेत्रमा खटिएका जनशक्तिले सोसियट नेटवर्किङ साइटमा राख्ने व्यक्तिगत जानकारी, ठेगाना, कार्यक्षेत्रमा खिचिएका तस्बिर आदिमा शत्रुपक्षको सहज पहुँच स्थापित हुने र यसले मुलुकको समग्र सुरक्षा व्यवस्थामा समस्या उत्पन्न गराउन सक्ने सम्भावनालाई ध्यानमा राखेर यस्तो उर्दी जारी गरिएको थियो । सुरक्षा मामिलामा राष्ट्रहरू कुन हदसम्म संवेदनशील हुन्छन् भन्ने विषयको यो एउटा उदाहरण मात्र हो । चीनले मात्र होइन, जुनसुकै राष्ट्रले राष्ट्रिय हितका लागि पनि कतिपय विषयलाई अत्यन्त गोप्य राख्ने गर्छन् । खासगरी सुरक्षा र परराष्ट्र मामिलासम्बन्धी विषयमा आन्तरिक तथा बाह्य अवाञ्छित तत्त्वको पहुँच नपुगोस् भनेर राष्ट्रहरूले यस्तो गोपनीयताको व्यवस्था गरेका हुन्छन् । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिमा आदर्शवादको वकालत गर्नेहरूले राज्यद्वारा निर्मित रहस्य र गोपनीयताका यस्ता अभेध्य पर्खालको विरोध गर्दै राज्य सञ्चालनको सम्पूर्ण प्रक्रिया पारदर्शी हुनुपर्ने भनाइ राख्दै आएका छन् । तर, २१औँ शताब्दीसम्म आइपुग्दा सुरक्षा र परराष्ट्र मामिलासम्बन्धी विषयको गोपनीयता राष्ट्र सञ्चालनको अभिन्न पाटो बनिसकेको छ । यस यथार्थलाई स्वीकार गर्न नचाहने शक्तिले बदलिँदो समयको प्रवाहमा आफूलाई सुरक्षित राख्न नसक्ने अवस्था सिर्जना भएको छ ।

विश्वभर लागू भइरहेको राज्य सञ्चालनमा गोपनीयताको यस्तो सिद्धान्त नेपालमा भने लागू हुन सकिरहेको छैन । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले बाहिरी जगत -विषेशगरी तात्कालीन समयमा भारतमा रहेका बेलायती नागरिक) को सहज पहुँचबाट नेपाली समाजलाई सुरक्षित राख्नुपर्छ भनिदिएको अभिव्यक्तिअनुरूप राणाहरूले आफ्नो १०४ वर्षे शासनकालमा नेपाललाई 'बन्द समाज'को परिभाषाभित्र सीमित गर्ने प्रयास गरेका थिए । २००७ सालमा प्रजातन्त्र आएपछि नेपाल आधिकारीक रूपमा विदेशीहरूका लागि खुला भयो । खुला हुनुको अर्थ सर्वांग नांगिनु होइन । तर, नेपालका राज्य सञ्चालकहरूले खुलापनको सीमितता बुझ्न नसक्दा प्रजातन्त्र स्थापनापछि नेपाल क्रमशः उदांगिँदै गयो । आजसम्म आइपुग्दा नेपाल पूरै नांगिएको छ । नेपालको कुनै पनि क्षेत्र अब कौतुहुलता अथवा रहस्यको विषय रहेन । यो पारदर्शी काँचको सोकेसभित्र सजाएर राखेको खेलौनाजस्तो भएको छ । जोसुकैले यसलाई चारै दिशाबाट नियाल्न सक्छ । सक्नेले झिकेर मन लागुन्जेल खेल्न सक्छ ।

भर्खरै संविधानसभाको म्याद थप गर्ने वेलामा भारतीय गुप्तचर एजेन्सी 'र'का चारजना उच्च अधिकारी काठमाडौं आएर नेपालको राजनीतिक प्रवाहलाई भारतले चाहेको मोडमा डोहोर्‍याउने प्रयत्न गरे । उनीहरूले भारतका लागि घाँडो बनेको संविधानसभाको विघटन र भारतप्रति अपेक्षाकृत असहिष्णु वर्तमान सरकारका प्रधानमन्त्री झलनाथ खनालको राजीनामाका लागि अनेक प्रयत्न गरे । उनीहरूको प्रयत्न सञ्चारमाध्यममा चासोको विषय बन्यो । कुन नेतासँग भारतीय गुप्तचरहरूले के-कस्ता कुरा गरे, त्यसको फेहरिस्त मिडियामा आयो । परराष्ट्र मामिलाका गतिविधिहरू स्वभावैले गोप्य हुने गर्छन् । त्यसमाथि गुप्तचर निकायका गतिविधिसम्बन्धी सूचना बाहिर चुहिन नपाओस् भनेर ठूलो होसियारी अपनाइएको हुन्छ । तर, नेपालमा राजनीतिको यस्तो सर्वमान्य व्यावहारिक सिद्धान्त लागू भएन ।

'र'का अधिकारीहरू कुन विमानबाट ओर्लिए, कुन होटलको कुन कोठामा बसे र काम तमाम गरिसकेपछि विमानको कति नम्बर सिटमा चढेर दिल्ली फर्किए भन्नेसम्मको समाचार सञ्चारमाध्यममा छायो । नेपालको जासुसी संयन्त्र अथवा पत्रकारिताको सञ्जाल बलियो भएकाले भारतीय गुप्तचर अधिकारीहरूका गतिविधि 'एक्पोज' भएका होइनन् । नेपालसँग 'डिल' गर्दा कूटनीतिक शिष्टताजस्ता औपचारिकता अपनाउन आवश्यक छैन भन्ने नयाँदिल्लीको सोचाइका कारण यो सब भएको हो । नांगो व्यक्तिसामु नांगिन आखिर कसले पो संकोच मान्छ र ? होइन भने राजदूतले समेत खुला रूपमा गर्न नसक्ने -हस्तक्षेपकारी) काम जासुसले गरेको उदाहरण नेपालबाहेक अरू कुन मुलुकमा देख्न पाइन्छ ? काठमाडौंमै बसेर नेपाली आफैँले गर्नुपर्नेर् राष्ट्रको आन्तरिक मामिलासम्बन्धी काम विदेशी जासुुसले उज्यालोमै गरिरहेको जान्दाजान्दै नेपालबाहेक अरू कुन राष्ट्रको सरकारले उनीहरूलाई कालकोठरीमा नराखी सही सलामत स्वदेश फर्किन दिन्छ ?

राष्ट्रहरूबीचको आसपी सम्बन्धका मुद्दा सम्बन्धित राष्ट्रका कूटनीतिज्ञहरूले छिनोफानो गर्ने गर्छन् । यसमा गुप्तचरहरूले पर्दा पछाडिबाट भूमिका खेल्ने गर्छन् । यद्यपि, औपचारिक रूपमा गुप्तचरको यस्तो भूमिका कूटनीतिमा वर्जित हुन्छ । तर, काठमाडौंभित्र र बाहिर रहेका भारतीय कूटनीतिक नियोगका प्रतिनिधिले मात्र होइन, उनीहरूका गुप्तचर निकायले समेत हस्तक्षेपकारी गतिविधि दिनहुँ सञ्चालन गर्नु नेपालमा सामान्य भइसकेको छ । राज्यले कूटनीतिक मर्यादा नाघेर हुने अवाञ्छित् र राष्ट्रिय हितप्रतिकूलका यस्ता गतिविधिप्रति आँखा र कान बन्द गर्छ भने आफ्ना गतिविधिलाई मर्यादा अथवा शिष्टाचारको जामा पहिर्‍याउने झन्झट विदेशीले किन पो गर्छ र ?

जंगी अड्डा अथवा प्रहरी मुख्यालयमा राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षासम्बन्धी बैठकमा सहभागी कुन व्यक्तिले के भन्यो, त्यसको फेहरिस्त बाहिर आउँछ । कुनै मित्रराष्ट्रले नेपालसँग प्रस्तावित सन्धि-सम्झौताको मस्यौदा परराष्ट्र मन्त्रालयमा बुझाएको छिनभरमै त्यसको प्रतिलिपि विभिन्न शक्तिकेन्द्रको फ्याक्समा पुगिसकेको हुन्छ । नेपालको कुन क्षेत्रमा कस्ता खनिज पदार्थ छन् भन्ने विषयमा जुनसुकै देशबाट आएको फिरन्तेले विनारोकटोक अनुसन्धान गर्न सक्छ । सामरिक महत्त्वका भू-भागमा विदेशी भूगोलविद्ले विनासंकोच सोधमूलक कार्य गर्न सक्छ । यहाँको जातीय, भाषिक, सास्कृतिक संरचना, इतिहास आदिमा जुनसुकै राष्ट्रको पढेलेखेको मान्छेले कसैसँग अनुमति नलिई अनुसन्धान गर्न र आफ्नो स्वार्थअनुकूलको 'हाइपोथेसिस'मा पुस्तक लेख्न सक्छ । जबकि यही मुलुकमा सेतो छालाधारीहरूको कूटनीतिक नियोगवरिपरी फोटो खिच्न त परै जाओस्, क्यामेरमा हात पुर्‍याउनु अथवा नियोगबाहिरको सडकमा छिनभरका लागि रोकिनुलाई पनि जघन्य अपराध मानिन्छ । कतिसम्म भने महाकाली, झापा, नवलपरासीलगायत भारतसँग सीमा विवादमा मुछिएका जिल्लाका सीमावर्ती नेपाली भूमिमा गएर नेपालीले फोटो खिच्न पाउँदैन । जबकि मुस्ताङको लोमानथाङ, संखुसभाको किमाथांकाको मात्र होइन, भद्रकालीस्थित जंगी अड्डापरिसरको तस्बिर जो-कोही -स्वदेशी अथवा विदेशी) ले निर्वाध लिन पाउँछ ।

संविधानसभाको म्याद थप गर्ने वेलामा यसपटक भारतीय जासुसको क्रियाकलाप र भारतीय संस्थापन पक्षको नियत तथा यसलाई नदेखेझैँ गर्ने नेपाली राज्यसञ्चालनको प्रवृत्ति उदांगिएको एक मात्र विषय हैन । नेपालको कुन नेताले नेपाली नागरिकता बोकेर अन्य देशका लागि काम गर्दै छ भन्ने विषय पनि यसपटक उदांगो भयो । सिक्किमको लेन्डुप दोर्जे, बंगालको मिर जाफर, जापानको वी सान-क्वी आदिका नेपाली संस्करण यसपटक उदांगो भए । थप उदांगिन अब नेपालका के बाँकी रह्यो र ?

(Published in Naya Patrika Daily)
http://www.nayapatrika.com/the-view/7810-%E0%A4%B9%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%AE%E0%A5%80-%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%A4%E0%A4%BF-%E0%A4%96%E0%A5%81%E0%A4%B2%E0%A4%BE-%3F.html

Nepal should feel pride in naming Mount Everest as Sagarmatha

2011-06-05T23:04:00.000-07:00

Jeff Botz
Himalayan Mountain Photographer Extraordinaire

Q1: Jeff let our readers know exactly what brings you to Nepal quite often. By the way how many times have you been here?
Jeff: This is the most beautiful land in the world. I’ve been to a lot of places including all around the USA including Hawaii, even to Africa, Japan, scuba diving in the Bahamas, some locations in Europe but no land as such has the very essence of beauty like Nepal. The dramatic mountain landscape, to me, has the ability to represent the intersection of divine presence with human emotion. Remember, if I could correctly express what appeals to me with words, I would be a writer instead of a photographer. My opinion about Nepal is best seen through my photos.
I have been here eight times, almost one year in the last ten years five of those trips.

Q2: We have come across with the information that you have been running some sort of a campaign on Everest? Could you please make our readers aware of this?
Jeff: It came to my awareness that the Tibetans had named the world’s tallest mountain Qomolungma many centuries before the British appeared but somehow the British decided to ignore that fact and named the mountain after the Second Surveyor General of India, George Everest. The naming of the mountain after a British civil servant really has no cultural connection with the very culture which owns the mountain but Qomolungma, interpreted as Goddess Mother of the World, seems much more appropriate and significant because the British name denies the emotional and religious significance of the mountain.
Then I realized that Nepal had the name Sagarmatha and I believe Nepal as an independent nation has the right to name locations within its borders – although Nepal has never legally asserted this right. The British name is a hangover from the age of British imperialism and I think this new nation of Nepal should reclaim its mountain as part of the restructuring of the Constitution and the new spirit of nationalism here.
I have a lot more to say about this and I did write a letter to the Prime Minister of Nepal encouraging him to claim the mountain and saying there would be financial benefits to this but he never wrote back to me and it’s still a British possession as far as I can see.

Q3: As you have told that you have been in the Sagarmatha Base camp so many times...why don’t you tell our readers what changes have you felt in these many years in the vicinity of the tallest peak?
Jeff: Truthfully, in the time period I’ve been coming basically 12 years, it’s hard for me to account for differences year by year because snowfall varies from year to year. But when I look at pictures of the early expeditions even the period ’53 thru the 70’s there is a huge amount of snow in base camp and I never see that now. I can see how the Dudh Kosi had very high watermarks for some previous years, but I’ve never seen it raging at the times I would expect it to be raging from the spring snow melt. There’s just not a lot of snow in the Khumbu in the spring below 18,000 feet. Also when I speak to people who’ve been around longer than me they will quickly speak about the receding glaciers and it is sad. I’m trying to document the area as quickly as I can before its character is completely changed.

Q4: You have recently organized a Photo Exhibition in Kathmandu on Sagarmatha and other mountains of Nepal. What is the response you have been receiving regarding the event and on the campaign you have initiated in Nepal?
Jeff: The response is truly amazing and gratifying. I had my first real show last week and people said they had never seen the mountains so clearly or with such passion. My pictures are an attempt to capture the wild spirit of the landscape and the sacred nature of place and I think people can see it. So many people buy postcards of my pictures and some prints but many people make suggestions as to where else I might put on a show to share this work with a broader audience from France to Japan. It’s very gratifying after 12 years on this project.
Gallerie Jeff Botz will open this week in Thamel and anyone can see the show any day (except Saturdays) from then on.
As far as my ‘campaign’ is concerned, it’s more of an artist’s statement that accompanies the photographs. I’m basically sharing the information about the naming traditions and my personal statement of belief that the British name is invalid and that the use of the Nepali and Tibetan names honor the nations and cultures in which this mountain is located. My show at The Hickory Museum of Art was titled Everest Not Everest and conveyed this information and Americans were surprised to learn about Qomolungma and Sagarmatha and they were supportive of my statement, after all we did rebel from British colonialism 250 years ago.
Right now I’m just passing on observations and information, any campaign for the recognition of the names must come from the Nepalese people and I would be happy to help in whatever further way I can. For a more complete statement of my opinion about this visit jeffbotz.net.

Q5: Nepal is currently celebrating Tourism Year. You are in Kathmandu and there is Bundhs/Stikes in series. As a good friend of Nepal what do you feel personally on such happenings?
Jeff: I don’t know too much about every issue only like the big ones that I read about in the papers and the exact purpose of strikes isn’t always clear to me. The bundhs and strikes are inconvenient but if you believe in the principles of democracy you must accept this as a valid and significant part of an involved electorate, Thomas Jefferson would have endorsed these grassroots actions. I just hope your legislators get it right at this critical and formative moment for the New Nepal.

Q6: Jeff! you have also witnessed many a political changes taking place in Nepal. Yet the country which you love have never been able to achieve the political stability. What would you suggest to your Nepalese friends and their political leaders?
Jeff: This is a critically important question at this critical moment. I think that for one brief moment the leaders need to put aside any thoughts of personal or even group advantage and think about setting a foundation for a new nation which guarantees personal freedoms as well as civic responsibility and the opportunity for personal advancement based on merit and accomplishment. I also think they should enact term limits and very low pay for members of parliament as they did in ancient Greece where it was an honor to serve as a senator and they were not paid at all.

Q7: Being a US citizen as we understand it has become quite difficult to visit many interesting places in the world due to changed international political order. Have you felt any difficulty visiting Nepal since many years?
Jeff: No, no problems. The people here still have a high regard for Americans and I hope we as the American nation continue to earn that high regard although I sometimes regret some actions my nation makes, for instance the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. But America takes on a lot of responsibility and it’s a difficult position to be in – everyone can’t be happy with every move we make.

Interviewed by Sujit mainali for telegraphnepal.com

Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/headline/2011-06-02/nepal-should-feel-pride-in-naming-mount-everest-as-sagarmatha

Forwarding security concerns, India is interfering in Nepal affairs: Journalist Kaphle

2011-05-24T22:06:00.000-07:00

Journalist Sujit Mainali for the Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com talked with this vibrant young journalist Parshuram Kaphle on various contemporary issues related with peace and constitution drafting process and its internal/external dimensions.
Kaphle, an intelligent Nepali media personnel, specializes on peace process and security. Below is the excerpt of Mainali’s exclusive conversation-Ed.

Q1: What do you say on the ongoing debate among the political parties on whether or not to extend the tenure of the Constituent Assembly (CA)?
Kaphle: This debate is directly or indirectly linked to the power greed of political actors of Nepal to elevate them in the government power structure. Due to unnecessary inter-party and intra-party wrangling, the CA body failed to draft the constitution on time. If the political parties do not change themselves and continue to quarrel in the manner they are doing as what we have observing for quite some time now, it is highly unlikely that the constitution will be drafted even in further extended time.
None of the political parties are against extending tenure of CA. Nepali Congress (NC) and Madhesh based parties have forwarded some pre-conditions to Unified Maoist regarding the latter's commitment on peace process and republican order. I am fully convinced that political parties will unite again as usual to further extend the tenure of CA.
Up to now, the expenditure in the name of making new constitution has exceeded the colossal amount of 29 billion rupees. This expenditure should not go in vain. Not only to recover this cost, but also to institutionalize the achievement made in the post 12-point agreement period, the tenure of CA must be extended. Before this, politicians should say 'sorry' to the people for having failed to draft the constitution on time.

Q2: In recent days, Unified Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' is frequently having secret meeting with the Indian officials of RAW and South Block. What might have been the concealed intention of this meeting?

Kaphle: Well, after tendering resignation from the post of Prime Minister after having failed to sack the then Army General Mr. Katwal, misunderstanding between Prachanda and India has increased. Indeed due to this misunderstanding, Prachanda is being unable to bounce back to the power corridors. Prachanda is trying to please the Indian establishment so that he can pave his way towards government leadership. For this, Prachanda is having secret meeting with officials of RAW without informing even his party colleagues.
After the Palungtar Plenum, Prachanda had requested the Indian establishment twice to create an atmosphere for his New Delhi visit. But New Delhi denied his proposal outright. Rumors are being heard that during his recent mysterious visit to Bangkok, he had secretly meet National Security Advisor of Indian PM, Mr. Shiva Sankar Menon. Inside the party, Prachanda is floating anti-Indian sentiments to retain his strong hold in party’s leadership. At the same time he is time and again ventilating his desire to fulfill even those security concerns of India which may eventually jeopardize the sovereignty of Nepal. Power counts most for Prachanda.

Q3: What is your opinion on the security concerns of India in Nepal?

Kaphle: It is normal for India to express its concern towards the political instability of Nepal because an unstable Nepal has direct impact on the internal security of India. But in the name of expressing security concerns, India is frequently interfering in the internal affairs of Nepal. India can express its concerns but cannot say this person should be the PM of Nepal and that person should not. And Nepal also should have to assure neighboring countries i.e. India and China that their legitimate security concerns will not be harmed at any cost from the Nepalese soil.

Q4: Who is primarily responsible for increasing anti-India sentiments in Nepal?

Kaphle: Nepali people are not anti-Indian, but they are against the hegemony and continuous interferences of India in Nepal’s internal matters. And India is primarily responsible for this.
Land encroachment, the atrocities committed to the Nepali people living in the border area by the Indian SSB forces and the reluctance of the Indian establishment to accept Nepal as an independent and sovereign nation are other major causes which could be taken as responsible for increasing anti-Indian sentiments in Nepal.

Q5: After the highly unsuccessful tenure of Rakesh Sood, Jayant Prasad is landing in Kathmandu as Indian Ambassador. Do you have any message for him in advance?
Kaphle: I have heard that Mr. Prasad is calm and a modest person. I suggest him to learn from the modest diplomacy practiced by former US ambassador to Nepal Mrs. Nancy J Powell and incumbent Ambassador Mr. Scott DeLisi. The aggressive and hegemonic working style of former ambassador of US, James F Moriarty and incumbent Indian ambassador Rakesh Sood, is not going to work anymore.

Q6: Let's change the topic. Senior vice-chairman of Unified Maoist Mohan Baidya 'Kiran' is insisting to formulate National Security Policy much ahead of the conclusion of the ongoing peace process. What is your opinion on Kiran's proposal?
Kaphle: Not only Kiran but other security experts are also insisting in favor of the formulation of a National Security Policy. To tackle the looming internal and external security threats, a National Security Policy should be formulated as soon as possible. Earlier the better.
But the proposal of Kiran is more strategic in essence. He wants to formulate the National Security Policy in such a way that it helps his party during what he say "People's Revolt". Not only he, but his entire party is in this line.

Q7: Does this mean that the entire Unified Maoist Party is moving ahead with the same purpose and idea?
Kaphle: Of course. The introduction and the installation of Communist order is their sole objective.

Q8: But rumors are being heard there exist wide ideological differences between Chairman Prachanda, Vice-Chairman Kiran and another Vice-Chairman Dr. Baburam Bhattarai? How you see to it?
Kaphle: The differences are more tactical than strategic. (Bhinnata Ranatik vanda pani Karyanitik ho). All the three leaders are committed to "People's Revolt". However, while Kiran immediately wants revolt where as Dr. Bhattarai wants peace and constitution drafting process to be completed first. Prachanda is balancing the ideas of his two deputies.

Q9: Unified Maoist has accepted the proposal made by Nepal Army (NA) on modality of integration of PLA. What impact will this have in the political course of the country in days ahead?
Kaphle: I don’t think that Maoists have accepted the modality of integration made by the NA. In the proposal of NA, it is said that a separate unit comprising of Nepal Army, Nepal Police, Armed Police and PLA should be created and the command should remain with the Nepal Army. According to the proposal, 35 percent of the unit will come from PLA, next 35 percent from the NA and remaining 30 percent from Nepal Police and Armed Police. Further NA’s proposal is very clear for not awarding the first and second command of the said unit to the PLA. But Maoist had claimed the highest command of this separate unit. More intensive and extensive debate on modality of integration of PLA is perhaps yet to happen.

Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-05-25/forwarding-security-concerns-india-is-interfering-in-nepal-affairs.html

केहि नहोस् यमबहादुर बुढालाई

2011-05-23T23:49:00.000-07:00

भारतमा भ्रष्टचारविरोधी विधेयकका लागि आमरण अनसनमा बसेका नागरीक समाजका अगुवा अन्ना हजारेसामु भारतको केन्द्रिय सरकार झुक्यो र हजारेको माग मान्न बाध्य भयो । हजारेको सफलताबाट प्रेरीत भएर होला, महोत्तरीका यमबहादुर बुढाथोकीले नयाँ संविधान नबनेसम्म अन्न नखाने प्रण गरेर आन्दोलनमा होमिएका छन् ।

कान्तिपुर दैनिकमा आज प्रकाशित समाचार अनुसार गौरीवास ३ पटु गाउँ निवासी बुढाथोकीले माग ९ गतेदेखी अन्न त्याग गर्दै आएका छन् । त्यसयता फलफुर कन्दमुलको भरमा जीवन धानिरहेका बुढाथोकीको स्वास्थ्यस्थीति बिगि्रँदै गएको छ । तर कुनै पनि दलले उनको मागका सम्बन्धमा चासो देखाएका छैनन् ।

संविधानसभाको म्याद जति थपेपनि दलहरुले संविधान बनाउँदैनन् भन्ने जनमत बाक्लिँदै गएको बेला बुढाथोकीले सुरु गरेको आन्दोलन अप्ठेरो अवस्थमा पुगेको छ । हाम्रा नेताको छाला गैडाको भन्दा बाक्लो छ जसमा बुढाथोकीको रुग्ढ शरीरले संबेदना जगाउन सक्दैन । दलहरुको जवाफदेही अभावका कारण अन्न त्याग गरेका बुढाथोकी बाबैलाई कतै केहि भइहाल्ने त होइन ?

श्री पशुपतीनाथले बुढाथोकी बुढाको रक्षा गरुन् ।

मधेसी पार्टि तर्बुजा भेगेले

2011-05-23T08:16:00.000-07:00

रेडियोबाट मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम पुनः फुटेको खबर एफएफ रेडियोबाट सुनेपछि डिल्लीबजार चोकमा रहेको चिया पसलमा चियाको चुस्की लिँदै गरेका जनकपुर स्थाइ घर भएका रामकुमार महतोले भने, 'इ मधेसी पार्टि तर्बुजा भेगेले ।' आफ्नो भनाईको आशयलाई थप प्रष्ट पार्दै उनले थपे, 'तरबुजा राख्दा अलिकती ख्याल नराख्ने वित्तिकै फुटिहाल्छ । मधेसका पार्टि पनि त्यस्तै भए ।'

काठमाडौंभित्र र बाहिर नेपाली राजनीतिलाई सबैभन्दा बढि प्रभावित गर्ने छिमेकी मुलुक भारतका जासुसहरु सलबलाइरहेको फोरम फुटेको हो । टेलिग्राफ नेपालले जनाएअनुसार दरबारमार्गस्थीत एक पाच तारे होटल (याक एण्ड यति ?) मा विभिन्न उपनाममा नेपाल मामिला हेर्ने भारतिय जासुसी संयन्त्र रका अधिकारीहरु अहिले बसेका छन् । यसअघि फोरमबाट विजय गच्छदाारले छुट्टिदा पनि भारतिय जासुसहरुले काठमाडौं यस्तै चलखेल गरेका थिए । त्यतिबेला गच्छदार समुहलाई भारतिय दुतावासमै रोटी ख्वाई उनीहरुको समुहलाई भारतको साथ रहनेमा आश्वस्त तुल्याइएको थियो ।

भारतिय संस्थापन पक्षसँग फोरम नेपालका अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादवको दुरी बढ्नुलाई उनको पार्टि फुट्नुको मुख्य कारणका रुपमा लिइन्छ । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनपछि मुलुकै चौथो ठूलो दलको हैसियत बनाएको फोरम अहिले ज्यादै सानो भएको छ । २३ जना सभासद रहेका फोरमबाट १३ जना लिएर गुप्ता बाहिरिएका छन् । अब फोरमको पोल्टामा दस जना सभासद मात्र छन् ।

पछिल्लो पटक मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम नेपालबाट जेपी गुप्ता समुह फूट्नु मधेसी पार्टिको चरित्रको एउटा उदाहरण मात्र हो । फोरम यसअघि पटक पटक फुटिसकेको छ । एनजीओबाट पार्टि बन्ने तरखरमा लागिरहेको बेला फोरम पहिलोपटक फुटेको थियो । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनअघि गिरिजाबाबुको सरकारका पालमा आन्दोलन गरेको फोरमले सरकारसँगको सहमतीमा आन्दोलन फिर्ता लिएपछि मधेसी जनताको अपमान भएको भन्दै किशोर विश्वास पार्टिबाट अलग भए । त्यसपछि माधवकुमार नेपाल नेतृत्वको भारतपरस्त सरकारमा सहभागी हुने कि नहुने भन्ने विषयमा मतभेद चर्किएपछि गच्छदार फोरमबाट टुकि्रएका थिए । अहिले भारतविरोधी मानिएको झलनाथ खनाल नेतृत्वको सरकारमा सहभागी भएको विषयमा मतभेद भएपछि फोरम पुनः फुटेको छ ।

पार्टि फुट्दै जाँदा अन्तिममा फोरम यादव समुहमा उपेन्द्र यादव एक्लै हुने पो हुन कि ?