Reaction on PSL 2020 opening ceremony

• Well, things did not start off nicely as one of the cricket fans expressed his disappointment quite early

already looking terrible

— Ammar (@AmmarAshraf) February 20, 2020

• And the same fan had enough of the ceremony as he wanted the show to end

Band kero yar! Match start ker lo is say acha hai

— Ammar (@AmmarAshraf) February 20, 2020

• The Sufi Soul medley was, however, admired

The song selection from the Sufi Soul medley is LIT AF!! #PSLComesHome

— Aman (@LalaLoyalist) February 20, 2020

• One of the fans smashed a sarcastic remark to one of the Lahore Qalandars’ fan

LQ fans ko toh ab apni performance se kuch bhi behtar lagay ga https://t.co/O8ovzx50qN

— Childish Ghambino (@Sarkhail7Khan) February 20, 2020

• Early on, there was a host who was loud and perhaps he lacked hosting skills too. Keeping in mind, someone tweeted

Jaani Stadium full hai lekin masla ye hai ke hum karachi walon ko hosting ki nahi telephonic khitaab ki aadat hai sorry

— nma. (@namaloomafraaad) February 20, 2020

• While we are at it, everybody was interested in knowing who the host was but the answer was

Google refuse to throw any result. https://t.co/F2CEXVqx11

— Umar Farooq Kalson (@kalson) February 20, 2020

• One of the journalists blatantly called the ceremony …

Shambolic! Best way to describe what is happening right now at National Stadium in the name of PSL opening ceremony.

— WaheedKhankisaafseedhibaat (@WaheedKhancc) February 20, 2020

• To an otherwise shambolic opening ceremony, there was something in the end which lifted the mood of the fans

Finally, something to be reported as "exciting" in this ceremony, amazing fire work as artists arrive to present PSL's anthem. Tayyar Hain!

— Faizan Lakhani (@faizanlakhani) February 20, 2020

• So many rehearsals for this?

Can't believe they had many rehearsals for this shitshow. Disappointed.

— Humayoun Ahmed Khan (@HumayounAK) February 20, 2020

• In a nutshell

Though anthem #TayyarHain was not upto expectations lekin itna bhi bura nahi tha ke Haroon aur Asim Azhar ka part hi bilqul opening ceremony se kaat dia jaye. Even Ali Azmat was lip singing Tayyar Hain as Tayyar Ho instead. Overall a so so opening ceremony of #HBLPSLV!

— Arfa Feroz Zake (@ArfaSays_) February 20, 2020

What are your thoughts about the opening ceremony of PSL 2020?

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According to the Falkenmark Water Stress Indicator, the following descriptions fit a country where there is significant disproportion between its water resources and the population:

• A country with less than 1700 m3 per capita water resources is “water-stressed“
• If the per capita resources are less than 1000 m3, it is facing “water scarcity“
• If water resources per capita fall below 500 m3 per person, the country is suffering from “absolute water scarcity“

In view of this indicator, Pakistan already reached “water scarcity” in 2005 and could further reach “absolute water scarcity” if the situation remains unchanged.

2. Indus Basin is the Second-Most Overstressed Aquifer in the World

The findings from studied based upon data from NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) satellites carried out between 2003 and 2013 found that the Indus Basin aquifer in Pakistan and India is the most overstressed in the world, second only to the Arabian Aquifer System.

GRACE is NASA’s joint mission with the German Aerospace Centre and the German Research Centre for Geosciences in partnership with the University of Texas at Austin.

3. Pakistan’s Water Supply will be Grossly Deficient by 2030

The 2015 World Population Prospects Report estimates that Pakistan’s population will reach somewhere around 244 million by the year 2030.

The 2015 IMF Report projects that water demands will reach 274 Million Acre Feet (MAF) by 2025 whereas the supply will remain unchanged at 191 MAF. Approximately 83% of a demand-supply gap will be witnessed, as a result.

The matter is further compounded by water resources mismanagement and changing climate patterns.

4. Pakistan’s National Water Policy is Contradictory and Tokenistic

Pakistan’s Council of Common Interests approved the pioneering National Water Policy (NWP) in April 2018, followed by signing of the Pakistan Water Charter by then Prime Minister of Pakistan Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and four provincial Chief Ministers pledging commitment to the NWP.

Some international water policy analysts proffer that while the NWP encompasses current and future threats, the broad scope of policy recommendations leads to a space encouraging varied interpretations and a very broad understanding of how to address the issues.

There are also issues of contradictions within the policy which underline its credibility, such as:-

• NWP calls for solar energy for groundwater pumping to reduce energy costs but says at another instance that this process will prove less sustainable
• NWP recommends a ban on flood irrigation but in other instances proposes investments to line open channel water courses for flood irrigation

5. India could use Water to trigger a War with Pakistan

Pakistan and India signed the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty which allows Pakistan to use water from rivers originating in India (Indus, Ravi, Beas, Chenab, Jhelum and Sutlej).

However, in the aftermath of the tense Pak-India standoff in early 2019, India’s Water Minister Nitin Gadkari announced stopping this water supply to Pakistan.

Factually speaking, India is already using 94% of waters meant for Pakistan is fast-tracking construction work on projects to choke off Pakistan’s water lifeline.

Indian strategic analyst Brahma Chellaney proposed that India should use water as a leverage with Pakistan to meet political objectives on the pretext of so-called “cross-border terrorism“.

In the prevailing environment, it appears New Delhi has already set itself on this course. Pakistan has made it clear that any such move will be considered an ‘Act of War‘.

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The event is underway from 18-21 December involving several Muslim countries as participating nations including Iran, Qatar, Turkey and Indonesia. While Pakistan cites ‘neutrality‘ as a pretext for pulling out of the summit at the last moment, reports suggest otherwise.

Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Qureshi said that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates were ‘concerned’ that KL Summit could cause a “division in Ummah“. Moreover, according to Qureshi, both powerful Arab Gulf states viewed KL Summit as a parallel competitor to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).

The spectacular about-face by Pakistan only strengthens the long-held beliefs among many geopolitical analysts that Islamabad’s foreign policy, especially regarding relations with Muslim states, is influenced by the two strongest members of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Both countries, especially the UAE, have past resentments against Pakistan for keeping out of the geosectarian quagmire in Yemen.

With regard to the KL Summit, the Saudi leadership reportedly insists that matters of the Ummah should be discussed through OIC only, despite Turkey and Malaysia’s leadership expressing frustration at the OIC’s inability to resolve the Muslim community’s long-standing issues.

The 2019 KL Summit, its fifth edition so far, is neither a political grouping of Muslim countries nor does it have any institutional bearing to influence foreign policy discourse unlike the OIC or GCC. It is merely a platform hosted by the Malaysian government enabling leaders from the Muslim world to discuss issues affecting the Muslim world in general. While ‘Peace, Security & Defence’ are among the seven pillars of discussions in KL Summit, the overall objective is to foster networking among leaders of Muslim countries across the world, not just a select grouping of invited countries. In fact, Malaysia had sent invitations to all 57 member states of the OIC.

Ironically, it was Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan himself who proposed a ‘strategic alliance’ against Islamophobia involving Pakistan, Malaysia and Turkey. He discussed the idea with his Malaysian counterpart Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan during a trilateral meeting on the sidelines of the 74th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York in September.

Following this abrupt withdrawal, the Malaysian government found itself in an embarrassing situation. Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad had to personally clarify that KL Summit is not meant to isolate or discriminate against any country. While Islamabad feels it may have exhibited ‘maturity’ in trying to balance relations within the Muslim blocs, it has in fact committed a strategic blunder of multi-farious consequences.

In the near future, Pakistan risks losing critical support to bail out unfavourable decisions from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Apart from China, it was Turkey and Malaysia who surprised India by announcing not to support a blacklist against Pakistan. Though it isn’t likely for Turkish and Malaysian leadership to let a single incident dent bilateral relations, the international humiliation triggered by Pakistan’s haphazard foreign posturing has the potential to discourage future support, at least overtly.

Both Ankara and Kuala Lumpur have already risked spoiling relations with New Delhi following the usurpation of Indian-Occupied Jammu & Kashmir whereas Arab Gulf countries maintained criminal silence rather than denouncing the Hindutva regime of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. What Pakistan gains by succumbing to unwarranted pressure from the Arab Gulf countries therefore, is beyond comprehensible.

Doha has reasons to feel awkward too. Earlier this month, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister visited Qatar to participate in the KL Summit Ministerial in which he assured of all-out support to the KL Summit.

In the context of an evolving Indo-Pacific Strategy emplacing India as the pivot, Pakistan needs reliable partners in the Pacific region. Sooner or later, Pakistan will need to come out of the shadows and make its presence felt in the Pacific, at least through enhanced port visits to Malaysia and Indonesia. On account of being the largest exporter in ASEAN, Malaysia enjoys considerable influence in the forum’s policymaking. This influence is essential to ensure that India does not manipulate ASEAN to its geostrategic advantage.

Furthermore, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an important binding factor between Turkey, Pakistan and Malaysia. Qatar also stands to benefit from BRI and Iran has already submitted a 25-year roadmap for comprehensive strategic cooperation with China.

Broadly speaking, the geostrategic futures of key KL Summit member states are tied together to a common destiny under Beijing’s patronage. In this context, Pakistan should ideally refrain from spontaneous commitments and policy reversals before it risks denting bilateral relations which could further impact multi-lateral harmony.

It is clear that these distasteful developments bearing strategic ramifications resulted from the absence of well-thought-out foreign policy advice as also uncalibrated policymaking. For Pakistan’s Foreign Office, a comprehensive introspection is the need of time to avoid similar blunders in the future.

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The visiting dignitary from IAEA commended nuclear security measures emplaced by the administration of Pakistan Nuclear Regulatory Authority (PNRA), which oversees nuclear safety and security matters.

Islamabad has taken concerted steps to follow international best practices recommended by IAEA in light of IAEA-Pakistan Nuclear Security Cooperation Programme which came into effect in 2005. Further additions were made in 2011.

Mr Raja Adnan and his delegation visited the Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP) and held meetings with senior officials of PNRA as well as Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC).

The dignitary acknowledged that beyond routine collaboration, Pakistan also shared its expertise with IAEA through various advisory groups and committees.

The nuclear safety matrix in Pakistan functions under a pyramid from ordinance down till regulatory matters and industrial codes, all of which are drafted in light of IAEA rules. As of 2016, the PNRA had an enforcement staff of approximately 200 inspectors to review nuclear sites in Karachi and Chashma as well as under-construction projects.

It is worth mentioning that recently, the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant (KKNPP) in India had been subjected to a suspected state-sponsored cyber intrusion exploiting vulnerabilities in administrative servers.

Annual Report (2018) published by PNRA mentions that the Cyber Security and Digital Safety (CSDS) project of federal Public Sector Develop Programme (PSDP) was approved by the Planning Commission of Pakistan in 2018. The agenda is to strengthen PNRA by making it adaptive to latest nuclear plant designs since analogue Instrumental & Control (I&C) systems are being replaced with digital systems. PNRA aims to license the digitalised nuclear power plants within the country. These efforts are being led by Mr Ali Awan.

Last year in March, late Japanese diplomat and then DG IAEA Yukiya Amano had visited Pakistan and offered similar commendations to its nuclear security regime.

Late Mr Amano had observed construction work on two new reactors in Karachi including physical protection measures. He was also informed that both PNRA and PAEC are working in tandem to ensure highest levels of nuclear safety and security.

From April to May 2014, an Integrated Regulatory Review Service (IRRS) Team from IAEA visited Pakistan to assess PNRA’s regime led by Mr Liu Hua of China and deduced that:

“Since its creation in 2001, PNRA has progressively established a regulatory framework covering activities licensed in Pakistan. This includes internal processes to review applications and submissions, and documentation of the basis for recommendation on licensing decision. Although some aspects of the framework remain incomplete, plans are in place to ensure completion“.

Compared to India, the nuclear regime in Pakistan has extremely limited budgetary allocations and resources. However, the professional competency and commitment of PNRA/PAEC staff have so far assured the world community about Pakistan’s edge over its eastern neighbour in nuclear safety and security.

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Commander Imtiaz of Pakistan Navy participated in the International Maritime Exercise 2019 (IMX 19) held in the Arabian Gulf since 21st October. The exercise features assets and personnel from more than 50 partner nations of the US including international organisations.

IMX 19 is hosted by the US 5th Fleet at Naval Forces Central Command (HQ NAVCENT). The exercise spans from Suez Canal in Egypt down to Bab al-Mandeb through the Strait of Hormuz, culminating the North Arabian Gulf. It comprises four phases:

• Staff training
• Table-top and classroom exercises
• Fleet training exercise (FTX)
• Force redeployment

IMX is an annual naval exercise which commenced in 2012. Speaking at the opening ceremony, Vice Admiral Jim Malloy (Commander NAVCENT) explained that the exercise strengthens partnerships among nations in the US Central Command (USCENTCOM) Area of Responsibility (AOR) and beyond.

“Stability and security in the maritime domain is a shared goal of all nations“, he said.

On 4th November, representatives from 15 different countries including Pakistan joined Commander NAVCENT for a tour aboard mine sweeper JS Bungo belonging to the Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) and United Kingdom’s landing dock ship RFA Cardigan Bay.

Vice Admiral Malloy also praised the role played by Royal Saudi Naval Forces’ Rear Admiral Abdullah Al-Shammary (Deputy Commander IMX 19).

Update: A statement by Director General Public Relations (DGPR) Pakistan Navy reveals that PNS Shamsheer, PNS Muhafiz and P3C Orion aircraft of Pakistan Navy participated in the exercise in the Arabian Sea and Gulf of Oman.

https://www.facebook.com/DgprNavy/videos/969265570116412/?__xts__%5B0%5D=68.ARAfCCFZiu3P8kV34cKaYJbZb4c_K4y82aUzOGRrdV6Z9xhheGB-4zt_dWf-LThr_ktfw18hi-BrXxMdrFX1_puVXk_OC3yW-grEOZpjas6c3LhTXZzvM5kd66KuA2wPvGtlHmU0mGBjCTwXwLy_blpRreLOuLhPfIFT7NcfXSYZFnfWEGd1TLsqHS0aVypBB3UxIgZlteH2SSfEmA_DKj19GJvYZ5fGrZ7QkMg7zStzRBjGntze1y0-Ser2q71mJWclqM65ygaf4D84hlmPLfishoggmABEHLqksfvhIM5Y7T1kfVJRLO8Wv5CgPTsmwhcJSZFTO6pxq7g&__tn__=-R

(Information sourced from Story ID NNS191021-03 dated 21 October 2019 released by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Bryan Neal Blair at US 5th Fleet Public Affairs and Story ID 350653 released by Petty Officer 1st Class Christopher Okula at US 5th Fleet, NAVCENT)

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Social media and Over-The-Top (OTT) platforms hosted in the US such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp and Instagram are very popular in Pakistan, which hosts a sizable youth population. Accessing technical details from back-channels through coordination with concerned counterparts in the US, such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), remains a distant dream unless an authorised inter-country legal framework is put in place. Just recently, the Ministry of Information Technology & Telecommunication (MoITT) has also pressed the Ministry of Interior to finalise deliberations upon an MLAT with the US.

Though it appears that federal government authorities are finally according some seriousness toward cyber coordination on the external front, mere discussions alone will not yield anything fruitful. Systemic reforms and high-level policy planning are necessary before any resourceful headway can be made.

Legislation & Policymaking

Existing laws such as PECA-2016 are inadequate, ill-defined and insufficient to process all major types of cyber crime. Additionally, no political regime including PTI has so far promulgated any National Cyber Security Strategy to provide an overarching framework for deliberations at the national level among all concerned cyber stakeholders. Unless adequate laws exist, developed countries will hesitate in forging memorandums of understanding with Pakistan. It is the need of time to pass a Cyberspace or Cyber Security Strategy and revise PECA.

Transparency

It is a standard practice in developed countries such as the US to publish annual reports and awareness material related to their mandate, functions and performance output. The FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Centre (FBI-IC3) regularly updates users about developing crimes, assuring the public about their own sense of responsibility, and also releases Annual Reports so that public confidence is retained. Whereas FIA-NR3C has never published a single Annual Report ever, it is regrettable that the Ministry of Interior last published its Performance Report in 2015. Furthermore, Pakistan’s government is routinely accused of censoring free speech and putting curbs on social media which cannot bode well with prospective foreign partners. The Ministry of Interior will first have to update and publish its previous and current performance reports in conjunction with all subordinate organs, including FIA-NR3C.

Diplomacy

Pakistan has an abysmal track record in discussions relating to cyberspace at the regional as well as international levels. Whether it is the SCO or UN Group of Governmental Experts, meaningful gains have not been achieved to interact with influential countries and seek support for greater leverage when it comes to acting against cyber crime perpetrators based overseas. As a consequence, most of the crime ringleaders based in the US, Europe or Asia remain untouched. MoITT pointed our rightly that Pakistan should consider signing the Budapest Convention on Cyber Crime

Overlapping Mandates

Online content blockage requests in Pakistan are processed by PTA whereas cyber crime cases are handled by FIA. This parallel and disjointed effort between two different government bodies (IT & Telecom and Interior ministries) not only creates hurdles in case prosecution but also creates problems during coordination with foreign partners; ideally, Islamabad should have a single point of contact on cyber crime matters handled by FIA-NR3C alone (unless, of course, a dedicated national cyber agency at federal level is setup as sanctioned through PECA). In neighbouring India, an Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (IC4) similar to FBI’s IC3 operates under the Home Ministry and exclusively handles all cyber crime issues. It is also mandated to formulate MLATs as and when required. In Pakistan, however, turf wars between MoITT and Ministry of Interior will not even spare inter-ministerial delays. Since objectionable content also comes under the broad scope of cyber crime, this mandate should preferably be shifted to FIA-NR3C.

Resource Allocation

In his briefing to the Senate Committee, Director FIA-NR3C revealed that only 15 cyber crime investigators are available across Pakistan to handle an average of 14,000 cases per annum (42,447 cases registered since the enactment of PECA-2016). These statistics present a disturbing picture about the lack of seriousness accorded by both the previous PML-N regime and incumbent PTI regime in allocating qualified and skilled human resources for processing quantum of cases increasing every day. It is the need of time to induct a minimum of 300 qualified male and female cyber crime investigators across the country.

Training

Presently, officers in FIA-NR3C (Assistant Director, Deputy Director rank) are recruited through public advertisements on the basis of their technical expertise. They are not, however, give the necessary international exposure through training workshops and seminars which can familiarise them with evolving best practices. US Embassy Islamabad organises programmes for Pakistani Customs and FIA personnel in the US but they focus almost entirely on border control issues and nothing related to IT or cyber crime. In contrast, a Framework for the US-India Cyber Relationship has been effective since August 2016 promulgated by Dr Gulshan Rai, the pioneering National Cyber Security Coordinator of India who sits in the PM Office. This strategic level cooperative framework promotes cyber crime training workshops between both countries. This initiative could not have been spearheaded at the ministry or department level.

In an ideal scenario, NR3C should be upgraded and converted to an autonomous organ independent of the FIA but administratively subordinated to Ministry of Interior so that experienced technocrats, not career-hungry PSP officers, can provide overall institutional guidance and policy direction.

Until the existing systems are overhauled at par with acceptable standards, no developed country will give serious consideration to Pakistan’s pleas.

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Gotabaya joined Sri Lanka Army in 1971 and was commissioned into the Corps of Signals. He completed basic officer training at Military Academy Diyatalawa then proceeded to Pakistan to complete Young Officers’ Course at Signals School Rawalpindi (presently Military College of Signals) and later Mid-Career Course at Command & Staff College, Quetta. He then acquired advanced training in counter insurgency and jungle warfare in Assam (India). Despite his Signals training, Gotabaya was selected for Advanced Infantry Training at Fort Benning, US and again went to India for higher learning. His last assignment before premature retirement for active service was Deputy Commandant of Sir John Kotelawala Defence University in 1991.

Gotabaya may have a military service record of only two decades but he was awarded for distinguished achievements with the President’s Commendation letter by former President J.R. Jayewardene and medals for valour such as Rana Wickrama Padakkama (RWP) Rana Sura Padakkama (RSP) by former Presidents R. Premadasa and D.B. Wijetunga. Moreover, this military background proved immensely resourceful to play a decisive role as Defence Secretary during his brother Mahinda’s previous tenure which led to the successful end of a deadly 25-year civil war against the Sri Lankan state waged by terrorists belonging to Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam or ‘LTTE‘ in 2009. This resounding success helped the Rajapaksa brothers achieve new heights of glory and mainstream popularity.

Mahinda, not Gotabaya, would have contested for elections were it not for the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution Act in 2015 which reduced presidential term in office to five years (previously six) and barring candidates twice elected from contesting any further (only two terms); a fact admitted by none other but Gotabaya in an interview to a Lankan daily earlier this year.

Gotabaya’s fundamental responsibility at least during his first year in office would be to carefully balance relations between New Delhi and Beijing

Pakistan’s role in supporting Sri Lankan government’s operations against LTTE underpin the dynamics of time-tested friendship, although some analysts tend to exaggerate the nature of this relationship. Although India had refused selling weapons during their critical military operations, Pakistan and China proved as reliable partners. With foreign support and increased internal confidence, Gotabaya was able to increase his Armed Forces strength by almost 160,000 soldiers.

Despite the snub by New Delhi, Gotabaya maintained exceptionally cordial relations with the Indian security establishment during the premiership of Dr Manmohan Singh/Congress through both his esteemed NSAs M.K. Narayanan and his successor Shivshankar Menon. Gotabaya, or “Gota“, as Menon referred to him, has been an ardent admirer of Menon’s ability to understand Sri Lanka’s security concerns in the larger geostrategic context during his term in office. In fact, Menon devoted a whole chapter of his memoirs “Choices” to Gotabaya.

In spite of fluctuating Indian cooperation, Gotabaya acknowledged the influence New Delhi wields over the island nation through its ethnic Tamil community. After what he called his brother’s firm leadership, Gotabaya said that working with India was the “second decisive factor in winning” (tenure of NSA Narayanan). For Gotabaya, the support by the West or China “wasn’t crucial“.

Prior to his victory, Gotabaya attempted to clarify what he considered misperceptions regarding Chinese commercial projects meant to revive the Lankan economy, which were shared on two separate occasions by the incumbent Indian NSA Ajit Doval. Apparently, he tried to dissuade concerns about reports speculating that Hambantota port might be used as a strategic base of operations for China in the Indian Ocean Region in the following words:-

“We got assistance from China mainly on infrastructure development. We never forgot about the national security issues and our relationship with India; we categorically said that we will not allow any country to have military presence in Sri Lanka and that we will not do anything that will [cause] any security concerns for India.”

These statements are perhaps insufficient to dissuade concerns expressed by Indian strategic commentators such as Brahma Chellaney, who claims that the return of Rajapaksas to the Sri Lankan executive is “welcome news for China“. It remains to be seen whether or not the pre-election Gotabaya who expressed open reservations on Chinese investments in Hambantota port would shelve them altogether upon assumption of office. Gotabaya’s fundamental responsibility at least during his first year in office would be to carefully balance relations between New Delhi and Beijing

With regard to terrorism, Gotabaya has a clear-cut policy of zero-tolerance for extremist preachers. In fact, he revealed that during his tenure as Defence Secretary well before the conduct of any ‘jihadi’ attacks, senior Sri Lankan intelligence officers were sent for training in the US with a particular focus on cyberspace for online monitoring of what he calls ‘radical Islamic preachers’. This hard-hitting approach isn’t a new characteristic in his personality; it is a continuation of similar ‘shoot-and-kill’ policies adopted toward militant Tamils, even those who reportedly agreed to surrender.

Gotabaya’s affinity for India, however deep it may be, does not imply his lack of awareness about the hardliner BJP’s long-term vested interests. He mentioned the incumbent Indian NSA Ajit Doval’s obsession with China which prompted covert regime change efforts in Sri Lanka in 2014 as a consequence of which R&AW’s station chief in Colombo was expelled in early 2015 for reportedly strengthening opposition parties against Mahinda Rajapaksa. Needless to say, he has been observing ambitious and adventurous regional incursions by Modi 2.0 against Pakistan and other smaller countries nearby.

Pakistan is not expected to feature any more prominently in the new Sri Lankan cabinet’s foreign policy equation than it traditionally has, excepting occasional references under the Chinese umbrella through the Belt & Road Initiative (BRI), sports diplomacy viz cricket or traditional channels of military diplomacy. In the current circumstances, meaningful traction on the latter aspect can be impacted because of the controversial appointment of Major General (Retired) Saad Khattak as High Commissioner to Sri Lanka.

Pakistan’s efforts for the preservation and promotion of Buddhist heritage supported by Thailand could be upgraded to a trilateral forum status involving Sri Lanka which could complement Islamabad’s own soft power ventures and sustain Pak-Lankan ties beyond the defence and security realms. Unless Islamabad is satisfied with its existing passive diplomacy, that is.

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The following 5 key facts highlight the project’s significance:

1. Pakistan to Europe link via Africa

PEACE will link Pakistan to France by 2021 using the Asia-Europe route and Mombasa (Kenya) through 12,000 kilometres of cable called ‘PEACE Med‘. In the future, it is likely to extend till South Africa reaching a total of 15,000 kilometres.

French telecom giant Orange will handle landing operations in Marseilles whereas infrastructure development responsibilities will be shared by Hong Kong-based PCCW Global.

Renowned Pakistani firm Cybernet (owned by Lakson Group) will handle PEACE operations in Karachi. In fact, Wu Qianjun, CEO of PEACE Cable and Vice President of Hengtong Group, termed the project as “a strategic pivot for the Hengtong Group“. Essentially, it refers to the significance of PEACE cable to provide China with communication access to Europe and vice versa.

2. Part of Critical Chinese Strategic Policies

PEACE cable as an enabler of China’s ‘digital silk road’ will fulfill two long-term strategic priorities of the incumbent Communist Party of China (CPC) leadership as outlined by its parent company’s stated agenda:-

• Made in China (2025): An industrial initiative initiated by Premier Li Keqiang in 2015 to boost the value chain of Chinese manufacturing industry toward a more technology-intensive agenda. Reportedly, it has the potential to place China in direct industrial competition with the US.
• Belt and Road Initiative (2049): It is a global development strategy encompassing 152 countries in Asia, Europe, Africa, Middle East and Americas initiated by President Xi Jinping in 2013. The project comprises Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.

The geo-economic and geostrategic value of Pakistan in the digital domains for Beijing increase manifold through PEACE cable project.

3. High-Level Security Integrity

PEACE cable’s parent company Hengtong Optic-Electric Company Limited has developed specialised communication networks for various government and industrial sectors in China including Ministry of National Defence, General Staff Department of the People’s Liberation Army.

This is an indication about the high-end integrity enjoyed by PEACE cable’s backbone.

Here it worth adding that Hengtong’s production value is achieved through rigorous scientific research and development activities. The company owns the following major R&D platforms:

• State-level Corporate Technical Centre
• National Corporate Postdoctoral Research Station
• Jiangsu Provincial Academician Workstation
• Jiangsu Province Optical Cable Transmission Engineering Technology Research Centre

4. Improved Latency and Speed

The latest 200G and WSS technology will be implemented to transmit a total capacity of 96 Tb/s to Pakistan’s Internet infrastructure.

In addition, network latency will be sigicantly reduced with a Round Trip Delay of almost 89 ms from Karachi, Pakistan (Point of Origin) to Marseilles, France (Point of Landing).

5. Carrier-Neutral Cabling

PEACE cable will be a carrier-neutral open submarine cable. There are many advantages of having carrier-neutrality because they facilitate multiple networks, content/service providers and increased partnerships.

Carrier-neutral cables have more resilient access as they are delivered within the data centre.

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Detection of Indian-sponsored and anti-Pakistan content networks took place since early October, when investigations revealed that a so-called website for the “European Parliament” (EPToday) was in fact managed by Indian stakeholders linked to the Srivastava Group. In case it wasn’t clear already, this discreet group was directly associated with the sponsoring of far-right EU MEPs to visit Indian-Occupied Jammu & Kashmir (IOJ&K) as part of Indian National Security Adviser Ajit Doval’s publicity stunt.

Geo-plotting of the network reveals purported presence of two forums (now defunct) in Pakistan, namely “Socialist Weekly” and “Khalsa Akhbar Lahore“. The exclusive open source investigation below by Pakistan Insider focuses on these two specific forums to examine the attributes and influence methodology of Srivastava Group.

SOCIALIST WEEKLY

Socialist Weekly was an Urdu-language publication from Karachi launched in 1947 which later served as an official mouthpiece for the Pakistan Socialist Party. It was a continuation of Sindhi Socialist Weekly. Mobarak Sagher was the Founder/Editor-in-Chief who was a member of PSW’s National Executive Board and the only Pakistani delegate at the Asian Socialist Conference held in erstwhile Burma (1953).

Chronology of Online ‘Revival’

• Twitter Handle: 21 January 2015 [Archived Copy]
• Website/Domain: 21 July 2018 [Archived Copy]

Dissection of Twitter Handle

Twitter analytics reveal that the handle published almost 12 tweets per day linked to 3,000+ web links for detailed content (all to its associated website). So far, only 8 tweets have been RT’ed (retweeted) and 16 ‘favourited‘. These tweets are mostly auto-published through syndication with the parent website (hosted on WordPress). Hashtags used by the handle include “#stopbalochgenocide” (frequency: twice), “#pakistanstopgenocide” (frequency: twice) and “#stoppashtungenocide” (frequency: once).

Dissection of Website

The main IP address of socialistweekly.com is 162.241.171.75, hosted in Provo, US. Its servers belong to an entity known as “threemediagroup.com” which is also hosted on the same servers. Deep investigations have revealed that:

• One of the email IDs mentioned against threemediagroup.com is charles.forceps.gmail.com.
• This email ID is linked to dozens of websites, including one with a similar-named server “fourmediagroup.com“. The same name “charles forceps” is mentioned here against the propaganda website lepaysdefrance.com. This website is also part of the network uncovered by EU Disinfo Lab.
• Reverse-lookup of FourMediaGroup.com led to a company based in Ghaziabad, India owned by one “Vinayak Sharma“, a digital media specialist [click here for a copy of his LinkedIn profile].

The website’s content is syndicated from different news feeds for re-publication to display “authenticity”, whereas two posts categorised under “Opinion” merit attention: one of them is a letter on Aasia Bibi’s detention addressed to Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan on behalf of less-known EU Parliamentarians dated 10 November 2018. Upon further inspection, it was found that contents of this post were originally published a day prior by EUToday, the same Indian propaganda website uncovered by EU Disinfo Lab.

The ‘About‘ section of the website, in a brief one-liner, has picked up the opening entry of Socialist Weekly’s history from Wikipedia and tried to (falsely) associate itself with it.

The ‘Contact Us‘ section lists the following address:

1/F Bahria Complex III, MT Khan Road, Naval Officers Colony, Karachi, Pakistan

This precise address is listed as “Karachi, Financial Centre“. Apparently, virtual offices on this address can be leased ranging from Rs 8,800 to Rs 15,000 per month.

It’s unclear whether the people behind Socialist Weekly actually registered a virtual address in Pakistan or simply misued their brand address through illegal means. The owners of this premium property in Karachi can appeal against Srivastava Group on international forums against exploitation of their address.

A Facebook page called “Centre for Assistance To Minorities (CATM)” shared a post by Socialist Weekly earlier in July. It is operated by one “Aaron Bhatti” who happens to be one of the followers on Socialist Weekly‘s Twitter handles (video already shared above). Apparently, this account is a sock-puppet (fake persona) based on examination of social media account characteristics.

KHALSA AKHBAR LAHORE

Khalsa Akhbar was a weekly newspaper in Lahore which served as the official mouthpiece for Lahore Khalsa Diwan. It was in circulation from 1886 till 1905, shut down after the dissolution of Singh Sabha Lahore.

The ‘re-emergence’ (fake) of this newspaper online was through domain registration of khalsakhbarlahore.com on 17 June 2019 [Archived copy]. At the time of compiling this report, the site does not have any associated social media accounts.

It’s noteworthy that this fake website has a similar design theme, layout and content feed as Socialist Weekly.

The ‘About‘ section of the website contains copy of the Wikipedia entry to Khalsa Akhbar (same strategy applied for Socialist Weekly front) and mentions the following contact details:-

Contact Address: Eden Value Homes, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan
Phone: +92 321 4224534

A reverse-lookup of this address and mobile number led to Regus Enterprise Business Centre in Lahore. Interestingly, the same address and mobile number are mentioned for an additional website “Times of Azad Kashmir” which is purportedly operating from Muzaffarabad, Azad Jammu & Kashmir. Not surprisingly, this website also has the same characteristics as the other two highlighted above.

What’s noteworthy is that all these fake, Indian-origin websites have mentioned contact details which led back to co-working spaces available for leasing through Regus.

It’s unknown whether Regus personnel are aware about these details. If their brand identity has been misused, they can take up legal proceedings against Srivastava Group.

Disclaimer: Information used above is extracted from publicly-accessible open sources and does not constitute any privacy breach or violation. Speculations and conjectures in the report have been wilfully avoided to avoid bias and in accordance with principled ethics of reporting.

The post Additional Open Source Findings on Indian Influence Operations against Pakistan appeared first on Pakistan Insider.

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The officer was commissioned in Operations Branch of Pakistan Navy in 1986. He is a graduate of Royal College of Defence Studies (UK), National Defence University (Pakistan) and Naval Staff College (Philippines). He has a Masters Degree in National Security & War Studies from Quaid-e-Azam University (Pakistan).

He has commanded PNS Tariq and staff appointments include Directing Staff at Pakistan Navy War College, Director Naval Warfare and Operational Plans (NHQ), Deputy Naval Secretary (NHQ) and Chief Staff Officer to Commander Pakistan Fleet (COMPAK). He later served as Naval Secretary (NHQ) and, until recently, was Deputy Chief of Naval Staff (Operations).

Recently, in his previous role, Rear Admiral Lodhi oversaw the successful conclusion of Pakistan Navy’s war game Shamsheer-e-Bahr VII and logistics exercise Tarseel-e-Bahr II at Karachi as Officer Conducting the Exercise (OCE).

The officer played an instrumental role in finalising the contract for acquisition of two additional Type-054A ships constructed by M/s China Shipbuilding Trading Company Limited (CSTC). The addition of these warships will reportedly double the overall fighting capacity of the Pakistan Navy’s surface fleet.

In his capacity as COMCOAST, the officer is responsible for the overall operations of vital coastal establishments including Pakistan Marines, Special Services Group (Navy), Naval Observatory, Pakistan Naval Air Defence and Commander West (responsible for security of Gwadar port). In essence, he is responsible for the entire spectrum of coastal defence through aerial interdiction, amphibious and special operations capabilities. His Area of Responsibility spans from the Iranian border on the west to the Indian border in the east.

This critical appointment looks after the overall maritime security aspects of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

To this end, it is worth mentioning that COMCOAST also oversees the functioning of Task Force-88 (TF-88), a special maritime force established in Gwadar in the end of 2016 exclusively for protecting CPEC’s land-sea connect at Gwadar against conventional and hybrid threats. TF-88 comprises ships, fast-attack craft, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) and other surveillance and reconnaissance assets.

In the near future, the force will have its own dedicated squadron of super-fast ships at Gwadar built in China and Turkey.

Since its announcement by Pakistan and China, CPEC has proven a critical issue of concern for the Indian security establishment who view the project as a hegemonic ambition by China to encircle India through a ‘String of Pearls‘ strategy. Moreover, the operationalisation of CPEC has the potential to overshadow the Chabahar port project in neighbouring Iran which India relies on as an alternative sea route for entry to the Central Asian mainland.

Over the past few years, the Indian Navy has exhibited growing interest in power projection in its neighbourhood, proclaiming itself the “net security provider” of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Of late, India’s security policymakers have also reportedly included the rationale for naval expeditionary forces in its upcoming National Security Strategy, finalised by none other than Ajit Doval himself.

The appointment of incoming COMCOAST coincides with a tense standoff in nearby Strait of Hormuz between Iran and members of the Warsaw Process which, if mishandled, can lead to a full-blown conflict in the region; primarily, this will be staged on air and sea. There is also a persistent threat from inland-origin threats by Baloch secessionists covertly supported by Indian intelligence agencies to sabotage CPEC under the guise of “liberation”.

Continued coastal defence exercises with the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) of China will augment inter-operability in the event of any untoward incidents.

In view of his past experience, Rear Admiral Lodhi is expected to boost the technological prowess of his Area of Responsibility (AOR) and ensure effective deterrence against threats of amphibious warfare.

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