Parivartan Nepal

POST ELECTION NEPAL : POLLS RIGGED OR NOT BUT NEGATIVE AGAINST THE MAOISTS

2013-11-28T07:43:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

The election of the second Constituent Assembly (CA) has been basically over. The old 'greats' Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist party of Nepal (UML) are back to the position of their grand old days. The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) or UCPNM tested the bitter pills. The Madhesi parties shed their muscles and became smaller and, perhaps, fitter. The monarchist pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal (RPPN) has done fairly better. The small parties got the slice of the cake according to their strength and size. The election boycotting Nepal Communist Party-Maoist led front has been sidelined or has emerged stronger; nobody knows exactly as they were out of the contest.

Now, there are fierce debates on fairness and impartiality of the election and its process as rigging has become a buzzword. Another issue of larger concern is the probable course, the poll-boycotting force, the Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist (CPNM) may adopt. The third issue is that of government formation. The fourth is the task of constitution writing and the fifth is to address the larger issues of people's livelihood and taking the country to the path of progress.

Let's examine the issues one by one.

Election – Impartial or rigged?

Initially, there was general consensus among the mainstream political parties that the election was peaceful and impartial. Every top leaders of poll participating parties were in hurry to thank the people, election commission and interim government. However, at the middle of the night, UCPNM discovered that the election was rigged. The next morning, some other parties joined UCPNM. Prominent among them included Sanghiya Samajbadi Party (SSP) and Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum, Nepal (MJFN).

The article by Dr. Prakash Chandra Lohani published in a popular Nepali newspaper 'raveled' a modus operandi that was used for rigging. This revelation gave some credence to the "Rigging Theory". The probability of involvement of the army in this process made the situation further complicated. UCPNM blamed some abstract forces for this 'rigging', Dr. Lohani pointed finger to army's complicity and "pro-rigging theory" media blamed India for staging a grand show behind the curtain. Among the believers of "Rigging Theory", nobody knows exactly what went wrong, but they strongly feel that the election results are cooked by using rigging as the fuel. In the past, when King Birendra Shah and his family members were murdered, many people blamed his near and dear in killing of him and his family. They did not know how, but concluded that they know who. The same thing has repeated now. The believers of "Rigging Theory" do not know how and who did it, but are sure that the election was rigged. I leave it for future to dig out the truth, if anything needs to be discovered.

However, this "Rigging Theory" gave comfort to UCPNM and helped to save the morale of their cadres. This is, perhaps, the positive outcome of this theory. More than this, there would be no big impact due to this theory. UCPNM will sneak into the CA edifice in one or the other way and the business will continue as usual.

One point should be noted down here that primarily, the voters voted against the highhanded behaviors of the cadres, vulgar luxuries of the leaders and anti-people as well as anti-nation policies of the UCPNM rather than endorsing NC and UML agenda. If it is not rigged, it is a negative vote against the UCPNM.

What would be the future course of the forces boycotting CA election?

The CPNM- led front has lost some glory as the voting percentage was high, but it is also in a position of celebration as in the mainstream there is hue and cry regarding rigging. This phenomenon gave opportunity to the front for self-assessment and also provided some moral high ground.

Now, they have two options available.

First, they will boycott the entire process of constitution writing, discredit the entire CA and go for mass agitation for new way for drafting a new constitution. This way, by excluding them from the new constitution drating process, they may keep option open for burning the constitution in near future. The forces fighting for inclusion and justice, which were in favor of federalism with identity of nationalities and social, political and economic justice for Dalits may form coalition with them, and in this way they could build a formidable force. They will basically function as the permanent opposition and one fine morning the CPNM may start armed rebellion.

Second, they will enter into debate to formulate a constitution that could insert a few provisions, which are dear to the front's heart. These provisions, if included, may assuage the ego of the front and also could make the constitution a bit more inclusive. They will not burn the constitution and will repeate what UML had done in 1990s. They will say "support with reservation" and go slowly the UML way and assimilate in the larger canvas of the conventional politics.

How the government would be formulated?

Now, this is a major question.

There are two probable options here too.

The first and more probable option makes the situation easier to form the government and more complicated to deliver. The NC has emerged as the single largest party. UML could not survive without fodder and power is its lone fodder. Hence, rather than staying in opposition, it will join the government with juicy ministries under its control. When its pathfinder UML joins the government, the ardent follower, the UCPNM also would jump into the bandwagon. The fourth party, the RPPN would lead the opposition with its stale ideology, regressive program and feeble number. The 'Three Bigs' will run the loot raj as they are familiar with and the opposition would just play the role of a sick and weak crow. Nepal looses again.

The second option could be that the NC as largest party forms the government and UML stays in opposition. The unpredictable UCPNM may join the government as it needs power to remain relevant and united. Hence, there would be two power blocks. The other forces would join this or that power block. This way, the government may function independent of the responsibility of drafting a new constitution. Running the government and drafting constitution would be separate. This option is more hypothetical seeing hunger for power in Nepali political field, but would be ideal for democratic functioning of the government and participatory process of constitution writing.

How the constitution drafting process would go?

This time, the CA has more homogeneous nature in regard to the agenda. Particularly, 'multi-identity federalism' and supremacy of parliamentary cabinet system are common between NC and UML. Only a small difference is about how the Prime Minister is elected – Israeli way or the British way. This minor difference is that of more technical nature and it would not be a major hurdle. Hence, a constitution that has the soul of 1990 constitution and form of Indian constitution would be the final product, if NC and UML succeed to translate their manifestos into reality. However, here is a BIG question mark.

The UCPNM would try to project itself as the Messiah of social inclusion and justice including "federalism with identity." This is the strongest emotional chord that the party could get hands on. The opposition forces that boycotted the polls would join hands and the other identity based parties may join this front. This force makes the life of numerically stronger NC and UML vulnerable as their own flocks from Janajatis, Dalits and Madhesis will start creating unbearable pressure on them.

Fight over the nature and essence of federalism would divide the nation in an unprecedented scale and intensity. Hence, the constitution drafting process, most probably, would get delayed and delayed.

The alternatives are there such as the NC and UML agreeing to travel halfway and the opposing forces also agreeing to come forward and reach the same destination and there is constitution which has both "yes, federalism with identity" and "yes, federalism without identity". Both blocks would interpret it according to their needs. However, when that would come into practice, the whole nation will face the situation of another mess created by this ambiguous constitutional provision.

Moreover, the new CA may not formulate progressive provisions to correct the injustices on Dalits as the NC and UML have nothing to offer other than some cosmetics. This contradiction would continue unresolved.

This way, Janajatis, Madhesis and Dalits would feel excluded and another wind of agitation makes the situation more unstable.

What would be done for people's livelihood and country's progress during the interim period?

The parties and the leaders are well known for inaction, hypocrisy, corruption and visionlessness. I have never seen or heard a bull giving birth to a calf. Therefore, expecting any contribution from the political elites is too unrealistic.

However, our people are intelligent, enterprising, committed and largely disciplined. They have been finding the ways and means that makes them productive, their families prospering and the nation, at least, surviving. A few millions have been working hard in the desert of the Gulf countries, more or less the same number is in India, some are in the jungle of Malaysia, or are in South Korea and a few are in Europe, Japan, Australia and America. Many among them are working under sub-human conditions, a few have lost their precious lives and only a small percentage is in better positions. The others in Nepal itself are busy in changing the subsistence agriculture into economically viable agriculture activities, some are active in providing services and some are managing profit ventures. In this way, our people with never-say die attitude are sustaining Nepal as a place worth living. Hence, not the elites in the government, but the common people from villages, towns and cities are the protectors of our survival and hope for a bright future. The expansion of educational institutions, functional health facilities, transport system and means of communications including the FM radios; all tiny enterprises run by the small private sector are contributing to create the foundation of a shinning Nepal. Alas! Our leaders and parties could contribute a small percentage to make this endeavor better. Or, at least they do no harm in this process. But, it is not so easy to expect from them. Notwithstanding what the leaders or parties do, we could reach to a new high. Nepal could be a glaring example of success, if the same tempo continues for some more years. This would be a fine example of success where politicians pull down the nation but people push up and succeed.

In conclusion, I am not very hopeful that this CA would be different than the one we had in recent past. The top Nepali politicians neither are clean nor honest (except Sushil Koirala and Mohan Baidhya), nor are they visionary. The political parties they run are less like a party and more as their fiefdoms. Hence, the situation from now also would be messy. But, our people will continue to fight against all odds and would make Nepal proud by their enterprising and daring acts including cleaning the political mess sometime in near future. Although, this sounds just a dream now, but a dream, when gets translated into a vision, it becomes a mother of a new reality. We are in that process. Really, it is interesting to note that we are marching forward with good speed and intensity.

Second Constituent Assembly Election and Probable Course Thereafter

2013-11-19T12:15:00.001+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

After some months of the demise of the first Constituent Assembly (CA), politics took a back stage in governance and bureaucracy took control. Forces behind the scene played major roles in this transition. Ultimately, they decided to hold second CA poll in November 19, 2013.

When the date was finally declared, some political forces came out against the process and the decision as that process and decision excluded them. A few cosmetics here and there did not satisfy the opposing parties and they started to protest vehemently. The vertical division started to get widened.

Foreign forces led by India stood firmly behind the 4-party syndicate and the government they had given birth to. India sounded resolute after its assessments that the United Progressive Alliance government led by Indian Congress has nothing to project as success in foreign relations front particularly in the case of its neighbors. Moreover, its future prospects of coming back to power seem not bright. Hence, to show the outside world that it contributed to bring stability in Nepal by supporting to organize CA election and also to bring its friends and collaborators in government in Nepal; India took stand in favor of the election of the CA.

The Europeans have no education in democracy in the Third World countries. They are somehow illiterate in this regard. They have just two indicators of democracy – western orientation of the politics and election. In Nepal, both factors satisfy them and they jumped in the bandwagon of election. Civil rights, human rights, inclusiveness, participation etc are the external teeth of an elephant.

The Americans are not that mush interested as they have already outsourced Nepal policy to India. As long as their interest in Tibet is served and real Maoist forces are in check, they will continue this policy of outsourcing.

Anyway, the conductor of Nepali CA election orchestra, India made every support available including light helicopters, combat equipments, weaponry and other non-military logistics. The Nepali army was made battle ready. Finally, with support from the western powers, several non-government entities mushroomed to educate voters, to advance the cause of our marginalized section of society and to make Nepal heaven with the magic stick of the CA election. Money flooded in, information flooded out. The capital city of Kathmandu and other major cities and towns were also flooded with ISO- certifying company called in this regard called as election observers including former US President Jimmy Carter of Carter Center. Nepal got attention of and resources mostly from India, the West and the US.

Today, in 19 November 2013, the voting started.

Now, let's see the other side of the coin. The opponents of the election started to stages protests in the form of mass meetings, rallies and demonstrations in several parts of the country at the time of taking decision for CA election. Their demands were brought down into two – solution through all party conference and change of the election government. The Nepali faces of the ruling syndicate were somehow seen sympathetic, at least for public consumption purpose to organize the all party conference, but the India-led foreign coalition was determined not to do so. Ultimately India prevailed and the conference was put to back burner. The angry opposition offered militant warnings of words and started the march past of militant volunteers. The confrontation started to take ugly course. Bombs, fake and real, were planted and/or exploded. The new discovery of petrol bomb generated terror among citizens. Who did this? The ruling syndicate blamed the opposition. The opposition denounced such bombings and blamed the government and the ruling syndicate for such acts.

After all, who did the bombings? There are four probable forces for such acts capable to carry out. They are: 1. Communist Party of Nepal -Maoist. 2. Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). 3. Angry, frustrated and skilled unorganized individuals, particularly the members of former PLA scattered all over the country, and 4. Some other small criminal groups hired by election participating parties. The country, once again, sounded like a war zone. Some innocent persons lost their precious lives. Properties, particularly the transport vehicles were damaged and destroyed. In this way, some type of anarchy was created to spread fear all over the country.

In this period, the Communist Party of Nepal –Maoist - led front continued to dominate the headlines the media with positive or negative coverages. It emerged as the opposition force at national level due to its call for the boycott of the CA election.

The end result was that, now, we have a society and a nation vertically divided. The positions of the parties in two camps are beyond reconciliation. The fight would continue though the forms will change.

After the election, the members of the syndicate will have different strengths as individual components. The probable positions could be as: number ONE Nepali Congress, number TWO Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), number 3 Unified Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist. They will form the core of the ruling syndicate by forming a coalition government or by putting an unconstitutional mechanism above the government to share the booty. Madhesi parties may loose their significance all together. Most probably, the parliamentary opposition would be led by Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal and 40 plus parties with 1 to 10 seats may get access into the CA edifice. Hence, here too horse trading and ugly fights could be seen. All of them are less interested to draft a new constitution rather than to prolong the transition, which gives them the opportunity and means to serve their vested interests.

The anarchy of the petty political elites will continue for some more years. However, the vertical division, turmoil and deadly confrontation would not allow them to stay long and to enjoy the luxury of power, position and wealth.

The people, now, are more aware. The critical mass has emerged stronger. The parliamentary opposition within and extra-parliamentary opposition outside the CA would spoil the party of the ruling syndicate. The turmoil may give birth to a third mass movement. The Shah King's autocratic rule and the Panchayat were extremely hated by the people. Hence, there was mass movement in 1990. Gyanendra and his rule were extremely hated by the people. Hence, the mass movement of 2006 took place. The syndicate and the elitist anarchy have been extremely hated by the people now. Hence a third mass movement seems not only logical but also inevitable. History repeats itself but from a higher spiral, observed V. I. Lenin, perhaps, rightly.

Nepali History: A Note for PowerPoint Presentation

2013-10-09T09:21:00.001+05:45

Govinda Neupane

1. Timeline

Neolithic tools found in the Kathmandu Valley and in Shivalik area in Nawalparasi indicate that people have been living in the Terai and in the mountain regions for at least 30,000 years.

30,000 BCE to 900 BCE: Nomadic tribes/ Primitive tribes/Herders (Gopal/Mahishpal, cow/buffalo herders)

900 BCE to 250 CE: Kirats (Yalakhom, in western and eastern hills and Kathmandu valley, 1118 - 1225 years), Kapilvastu/Koliya, Videha, Mithila and Kichakdesh (Terai)

300 CE to 1100 CE: Lichchhavi/Thakuri/Rajput (central Terai, Kathmandu valley), Kirats (Eastern hills), Magars (western hills), Terai (eastern & western Terai?)

1100 CE to 1768/1800 CE: Mallas (Kathmandu Valley, near western hills), Khasas (Khasan and also Baishi & Chaubisi principalities in western hills), Kirats (Eastern hills and far eastern Terai), Magars (Magarat, Makwanpur in mid-western hills and central Terai).

1769- 1950: Shaha/Rana's dynastic rule/ absolute monarchy (Nepal)

1951 - 1960: Parliamentary system with Shah Monarchy.

1961- 1990: Panchayat system/Shah King's authoritarian rule.

1990 - 2003: Parliamentary system with constitutional monarchy.

2005-2006: Shah King's direct rule

2006 - Onward: Republican system/transition to democratic system with elected Constituent Assembly/legislator parliament.

2. Governance systems

Kirats: Primitive Tribal Republic/chiefdom (primitive monarchy)/ monarchies/semi-autonomous monarchies/ unitary/loosely centralized rule.

Kapilvastu/Koliya: One of the earliest confederations of South Asia was that of the Shakya clan/tribe, whose capital was Kapilvastu, Nepal. It had loosely federated system of tribal governance.

Lichchhavi/Thakuri/Rajput: Feudal monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Khasan/Baise/Chaubise: Feudal monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Magarat: Chiefdom/republic/feudal monarchy (out of many Magarats, in one there was a strange system of selection of the king. The selection of the king of Liglig principality was done through running in a particular day. He, who reached at Ligligkot first by running fast, was crowned as king.) /unitary/centralized system of governance.

Mallas: Monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Shah/Ranas/Panchayat: Monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Parliamentary system with monarchy: Representative democracy with constitutional monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Federal Republic (proposed): Representative democracy/federal/decentralized system of governance.

3. Local Institutions/Common Community Social Instruments

Panchali: There were local bodies called 'Panchalis' to settle minor disputes and to carry out the public utility services. This was the beginning of local self-government and local democracy in Nepal.

Guthi: Guthi was a social organization that used to maintain the social order of Newar society. Presently, most of the Guthis are defunct. In the past, Guthis were most powerful social organizations, which resolved conflicts, insured social harmony, provided social safety- net in situations of extreme difficulties such as deaths and insured social and religious functions were observed..

Bheja: Magars have an informal cultural institution, called Bheja. Bheja was reponsible to perform religious activities, organize social and agriculture-related festivities, bring about reforms in traditions and customs, strengthen social and production system, manage resources, settle cases and disputes and systematize activities for recreation and maintain social solidarity.

Nangkhur: Tamangs had a traditional cultural organization, which was called Nangkhur. This organization helped them to continue cultural practices and strengthen collective community bond.

Chumlung: Chumlung was a social organization of the Limbu indigenous ethnic group.

Nogar: Nogar is some sorts of agricultural cooperative of the Gurung people.

Dhikuri: The Thakalis were known as business group and "Dhikuri" was their indigenous cooperative institution.

Katuwal system: Under the Katuwal system, a person was assigned with the responsibility of conveying important messages to all the villagers in a village. The Katuwal, a communicator/messenger, used to beat a drum to grab people's attention and convey the message orally in loud voice. Most of these communicators/messengers belonged to the Dalit community. (This system is still in practice in many villages in mid-western hill districts.)

Panchayat: Village assembly organized under five elders, who functioned as juries to resolve local conflicts and guided to build or maintain local facilities including foot trails, water systems, irrigation canals, etc. This was the most important participatory mechanism for local decision making. During King Mahendra's authoritarian rule, he borrowed the traditional social instrument, corrupted it and made this community social asset sounding as a negative instrument.

Local bodies/village/ town assemblies: In 1961, the government constituted Tribhuvan Gram Vikash Boards at district level and assigned the task of local development. Afterward, the government created elected local bodies as village/town/district Panhayats, which were renamed as Village Development committees/Municipalities/District Development Committees after 1990.

4. Democracy in Nepal: Initiation and Development

Ancient - 1950

Kapilvastu/Koliya: Primitive Federated system of governance was introduced, first time in South Asia. This system created favorable environment for consultation/participation. Though, it was imperfect and had no mass participation in governance, but it provided some mechanism that was new in that time.

Magarat: There were several small principalities, which functioned independently. Some principalities had very strange system of selecting/electing the ruler. The Liglig principality had the system of organizing a marathon, which was open for all to compete. He, who came first, that person, was declared a ruler. This was a unique system of election, but it was participatory and open.

Kirat: After the agreement with the Gorkha rulers, the Kirats accepted autonomy. It preserved the KIPAT system of land ownership and also there was a sharing of revenues between the central government and Kirat autonomous entity. Six parts out of 16 parts (of the total revenue collected) had to go to the central government, whereas 10 parts could be utilized locally by the Kirat political entity. This arrangement gave birth to the idea of federal system with autonomous provisions.

The above three example and the traditional/local institutional instruments discussed above provided basis for democracy in Nepal. Hence, participation, consultation, federation and autonomy were in practice even before 1950, though in limited area and with limited scope.

1951 - 1960

There was a mass political movement, which successfully dethroned the infamous Rana regime and introduced the parliamentary democratic system, first time in Nepal. The general election organized first time elected a representative government.

1961 - 1989

The Shah king Mahendra staged a coup and snatched all political power by dissolving the parliament. The Shah dynasty ruled for 30 years. However, the Shah Kings also were compelled to organize election for a rubber stamp legislative assembly. They too had to show some form of democracy, though shamefully. But, the people continued their struggle and compelled the Shah King to accept the multiparty parliamentary system by retaining his ornamental role as constitutional monarch in 1990.

1990 - 2005

Once again, there was multi party system. The representative government came to power through a general election. The parties and their leaders discredited as many among them were corrupt. The constitutional monarch of the time thought that that was the opportune moment to snatch power once again. He dismissed the multi-party government and took over all powers.

2005-2006

The people came out on the street. The Maoists, who were involved in a fierce armed struggle against the government for about 10 years, joined hands with the agitating parliamentary parties and the King tasted the bitter pills.

2006 - Onwards

After relinquishing active role, the monarchy was initially suspended and finally abolished by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Constituent Assembly debated on writing a new constitution for Democratic Federal Republic of Nepal for four years, failed in its job, was dissolved and another election for the assembly is presently being organized.

Inclusive Federal Model in Nepal: A Gateway to Social Harmony and Economic Prosperity

2013-09-09T08:36:00.001+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

The issue of state restructuring would resurface prominently as one of the major issues of debate. The supper-structure of a state mechanism is very difficult to design. In this design phase in Nepal, there are major debates going on, particularly, in the form of government and state structuring. Now, I will just focus on state restructuring.

Nepal has three geographical regions – mountains, hills and southern plain called Tarai.
It has three major river systems – Koshi (this includes Nepali side of Mechi river system and part of Bagmati river system), Gandaki (includes part of Bagmati river system) and Karnali (this includes part of Nepali side of Mahakali/Sharada river system).
Nepal is divided into 75 administrative districts within 14 zones and these zones are again regrouped in five development regions.
It has four major nationality clusters. They are as mentioned below.

· Khas-Aryans (with sizable population of Dalits) in north-west,

· Mangol-Kirats or Janajatis in north-central (from Rolpa-Rukum to Dolakha-Ramechhap) and north-east regions,

· Newars in Kathmandu valley, and

· Madhesis in the southern plains of Tarai.

There is no consensus about the definition and classification of nationalities. Hence, some people say that there are hundreds of them. I argue that we have five nationalities. They are Khas-Aryan, Mangol-Kirat or Janajati, Madhesi, Newar and Dalit. [i]

Unitary system and federal system

Among Nepali political forces, scholars and activists, we could see two divisions, in the first place, regarding the structure of governance. They are as below.

a) Unitary system of governance that decentralizes power as much as possible to local bodies.

b) Federal system of governance by carving out relatively powerful states or provinces within the national boundary.

Probable disintegration of Nepal is one among the major concerns of the supporters of unitary system. They believe that federal structure will invite conflicts and India will play one against the others. Also, too much power at the hands of state would make Nepal weak. They argue that federal system increases administrative expenses tremendously and make it financially not viable in a small country like Nepal.

Regarding the first logic, I argue that, now, we have become a sponsored regime in a unitary system of governance. No worse could happen than this in a federal structure. There could be more upward pressure in a legitimate way to strengthen national sovereignty. Several provinces could alert the government at the center not to go against national interests. The states or provinces could play vital role in safeguarding the interests of Nepal together.
Regarding the second argument that Nepal would be weak as India will play one against the others. This is nothing other than suspecting the loyalty of the people of Madhesi nationality. This is the product of Pahadi (hill) mind set, that too the reminiscent of Mehendraite ultra-nationalism. The people of Madhesi nationality are equal children of Mother Nepal as Pahadis are. We should not allow bringing such communal flavors into our national life.
The administrative costs may go up or not, we do not know for sure. However, speeding up the tempo of development, mobilizing resources effectively and using these resources judiciously, and many more could come up. We should see things in a dynamic realm not in a static world. Change brings hundreds of positive and negative factors into play and the society moves on.
There is no ground for the apprehension that the country will be fragmented and the states will try to be separate independent entities. This is just the ruling Khas-Aryan nationality's apprehension as they think that it is their BIRTA (land gifted by some kings/rulers to them). That is the product of a sick mind.

The geographical, river system and existing administrative division models understand Nepal just a part on earth. But, for me, that part of land and the different types of people who inhabit there combined together is Nepal. If you do not include people, their culture, their history and their aspirations, then you certainly fail in designing a governance system that could be sustained for a long period of time and also that could deliver. The geographical model, the river system model and existing administrative division model do not consider the cultural diversity factor and the aspirations of people in a multicultural society.

Finally, I do not see any valid reason that proves that federalism would harm Nepal. Hence, I stand for federalism.

Proposed models of federalism

Now, I will examine and propose, which model of federalism would work for Nepal.

There are four models.

· Ethno-Geographical model, example includes the proposal that pleads for "One Madhes, One Pradesh".

· River system model that proposes three to five states.

· Existing administrative division model with some adjustments with just disbanded divisions such as 14 zones. This model proposes to convert five development regions into five provinces or 14 zones to be converted into 14 provinces. Alternatively, there were proposals to reorganize the existing 75 districts into 25 and make provisions for decentralization of powers to local governments as much as possible. (This model was initially proposed by Dr. Harka Gurung but he proposed this model long ago, when federalism had not caught imaginations in operational term.) And, also there are some voices, which advocate for maximum decentralization of power by making existing 75 districts as local governments.

· Inclusive federal model that recognizes identity of nationalities together with economic viability and geographical clustering. In Nepali it is called "Jatiya Pahichan sahitko sanghiyata". It has three divisions in operational terms.

1) Naming sates/provinces on its historical context/ identity of core nationality such as Kirat, Nepah, Tharuhat, Khasan, etc.

2) Adding "right to self-determination" with the provision as mentioned in clause number 1 above.

3) Providing prerogative to core nationalities for certain period in addition to the provisions as mentioned in clause number 2 above.

Suitable model of federalism

The debate now is not mainly between unitary model and federal model as a massive majority supports federal model. The major debate is among the supporters of federalism. When we look critically on the proposed federal models above, it is very difficult to come to consensus at a model that is appropriate and suitable for Nepal.

With due respect to advocates and scholars who stand for other models, I like to argue for the inclusive federal model that includes identify of core nationality in a geographical region, where they were and are the indigenous people or first settlers. Moreover, I also support their right to self-determination. Why I stand for this model?

While working on a book on nationalities in 1990-2000, I came across contrast views regarding for and against federalism and its types. I have documented some of the major views in my book. I finally, had reached the conclusion that there is need of 11 provinces/states. In 2005, when I was revising the book for second edition, I analyzed hundreds of comments and feedbacks. After carefully examining the new information, I reached to the conclusion to bring down the number of provinces from 11 to 8. I have discussed the criteria, geographical clustering, population and the main qualitative aspects of federalism in my book. (Please see the end note below.)

Now, after about 12 and half years of the publication of my book, I revisited it last month. Strangely, I found it as fresh as it was. Hence, rather than going into details about the nationalities, need of restructuring, multiculturalism, federalism, physical and social infrastructures we need and designing co-operative federalism keeping equity, equality and justice as main thematic areas; I thought to advise to download my book from www.neupaneg.wordpress.com and read it. I will repeat the name of the book, once again here – "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and federalism." Unfortunately, the English translation is that of the first edition only. However, other than a few changes here and there, the essence, orientation, findings and conclusions are the same. In that book, I have summarized my findings as below:

· There are five nationalities – Khas or Khas-Aryans, Mangol-Kirats or Janajatis (excluding Newars and Tarai sub-nationalities), Madhesis (including Madhesi 'Janjatis' and Madhesi Dalit community), Dalit (hill Dalits as nationality) and Newars.

· Khas or Khas-Aryans dominated in the past and still are dominating in all spheres of state affairs – politics, bureaucracy, judiciary, legislative and many more areas.

· Dalits, Madhesis and Magol-Kirats /Janajatis were and are marginalized.

· Inclusion with power sharing is what Nepal should consider while restructuring the state.

· Federalism could accommodate the aspirations of people in a multicultural society.

· There is need of affirmative actions including prerogatives, reservations and reparations.

· There should be eight provinces/states, which could be financially viable, socially harmonious and politically functional. They are – Kirat Pradesh, Tambasaling/Tamsaling, Nepah, Tamumagarat, Khasan, Tharuhat, Bhojpuri Pradesh and Mithila.

· Co-operative federalism with identity of nationalities could be the most suitable form of federalism for Nepal.

Conclusion

Finally, I share concerns about the messy present and gloomy future of our country. We love Nepal and we should stand together to translate the abstract love into actions that will take the country out of the darkness of today and will lead us to a future that is shinning. And, I hope, inclusive as well as co-operative federal model could open up the flood gates of imaginations, initiatives, endeavors and will bring a large orchestra into full play. Let's take the very first step to this direction.

The talk of the election of the constituent assembly will bring several issues out of the hibernating deep holes. Federalism would be at the top among such issues. Gradually, it will continue to heating up. This time, let's come out with full force so as to rectify past injustices; to bring justice, equality and equity into full play and to build partnership among nationalities through multiculturalism and federalism. This is not only the responsibility of oppressed nationalities, but also that of forward looking and progressive elements among the ruling Khas-Aryan nationality. The Khas-Aryan domination should end now and just now.

"Unity in diversity" is what we need. Let's build Nepal truly a "rainbow nation". We could and should build a new Nepal that is multicultural, federal, strong, peaceful and prosperous. In essence, inclusive federal model is the gateway for social harmony and economic prosperity.

[i] For detail definitions, classifications and status, please read my book, "Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism". The first edition of the book is available on www.neupaneg.wordpress.com. It could be downloaded free of cost. The second edition of "Nepalko Jatiya Prashna"(Nationalities' Question in Nepal) is available in print edition.

NEPAL: SYNDICALISM, ELECTION PHANTOM AND THE LISTLESS PEOPLE

2013-07-24T20:43:00.000+05:45

Posted by The Himalayan Voice:

[Issue-wise also, federalism will emerge as the main agenda once again. This will create problem for the Khas-Aryans dominated syndicate. The genuine federalist forces will bring the ethnic or indigenous nationality dimension to the forefront of the debate. The issue of identity, once again, will bring out thousands of people to the streets. The opponents also will raise their voices. The syndicate has no intention settling the issue democratically. Therefore, the syndicate is neither interested nor ready to hold any elections.]

By Govinda Neupane

In its interesting but not so cherished recent history, Nepal has been continuously changing its seating places between fire and frying pan. Rana aristocracy was replaced by King's indirect (1950-1959) and direct (1960-1989) dictatorial regimes. From 1990 to 2002, the amateurish or in other way opportunist amalgamation of parliamentary forces promoted a notorious political culture that included elitist anarchy, lawlessness, corruption and never ending lust for power.

When these parliamentary forces turned into villains overtly, the king and his forces 'dethroned' them and snatched power. Nepal, once again was under the firm grip of the resurgent dictatorial monarchy (2002-2006). The king, who was already under the scanner for his notorious activities, did more damage to Nepal's standing and national interests also. People revolted against him. As the result, the infamous parliamentary forces in company with the Maoists got the throne back. As usual, they did everything wrong – elitist anarchy, corruption, loot, promotion of power-hungry culture, lawlessness and etc. They staged several politically vulgar dramas including the proposal of promulgating a new constitution through elected constituent assembly (CA). Once, they held elections, formed assembly, spent several billions of rupees and finally destroyed everything by disbanding the CA without producing a new constitution.

Once again, people are asked to line up to cast their votes in November this year for a new CA. For this purpose the ruling elite, the four party syndicate (an illegal de facto government) has formed an Election Council (government without any right to make executive decisions independently). The syndicate has put in place the Election Commission by employing its nominees on shared basis. The Election Commission has registered the voters by now. On surface, it seems that the syndicate and its offspring, the Council of Ministers and Commission are busy to organize the CA election on time. These are visible elephant tusks but the chewing teeth are deep inside invisible.

Why would the syndicate be so genuinely interested in organizing an election? There are no valid reasons. All the leaders of the constituents of the syndicate are enjoying royal status, privileges and perks without being accountable to anyone. They have power to make any governmental decisions using their pawns and proxies. At their whim, they can use air ambulances to lift them up to Delhi and Singapore or could make 'health' trips to US or Singapore or Japan on state expenses. They could appoint any hooligan to any position of power (e.g. Man Singh). In this way, they are not interested to stage the election on the basis of individual preferences.

As a collective entity, the syndicate has four constituent integral parts. Among them, the Nepali Congress is a loose network of liberal interests. They neither know about their philosophy nor their organizational strengths nor even their standing among parties. They have no idea what happens if the elections take place. Hence, neither they are ready nor they want taking any risks. The UML is a clever fox. It has begun talking loud and beautiful. It projects itself as the Messiah of people and nation as well. More recently, taking pieces of working notes from dustbins and reassembling them, it has started to make loud claim that it will win 106 out of 240 seats (directly elected) in the new CA. It is happy to say that Nepali Congress will win 86 and Unified Maoists 28. This tall claim alone tells a lot about its seriousness on the issue of election. The Unified Maoist party has been vertically divided into two and its house is not in order. Certainly, they know that there may not be miracle everyday in their favor and this time, it may happen against them. The split, factionalism of unprecedented nature and overt rage of people against them, and particularly against its top brass have heralded them a message to go to the elections as late as possible, if it is a must and never organize election, if it is a choice. The Madhesi forces under the loose network called Madhesi Morcha neither commands respect among Madhesi people nor it may enjoy the same status, privilege and perks as it does enjoy today. Hence, they are interested in clinging to power rather than facing the angry electorate.

Issue-wise also, federalism will emerge as the main agenda once again. This will create problem for the Khas-Aryans dominated syndicate. The genuine federalist forces will bring the ethnic or indigenous nationality dimension to the forefront of the debate. The issue of identity, once again, will bring out thousands of people to the streets. The opponents also will raise their voices. The syndicate has no intention settling the issue democratically. Therefore, the syndicate is neither interested nor ready to hold any elections in the country.

The bureaucrats, enjoying the prestige of the positions of ministers are willing to prolong their terms as much longer as possible. These are warm winter sunny days - their heydays in life. The Almighty has blessed them with this golden opportunity and they will try with every possible means to prolong the term period to remain blessed. Hence, they would be even happier, when the date gets changed and extended every six months or so.

The President and his deputy will also gain from the extension of election dates as they would continue enjoying 'royal treatments' happily till replacements become available. And, the replacements will only be there, when the constitution is ready and elections are held for the positions of the President and his deputy.

The opposition lead by Maoist Party has seen this as an opportunity to expand their mass as well as organizational base. If the syndicate prolongs the election date, the Maoists may gain more as the ruling syndicate will be forced out of the rural areas due to their unpopularity and anger of the people. It appears that the Maoist Party has done simple arithmetic already. Their math is that when the forces of the syndicate vanish, the Maoists will automatically replace them. And, to some extent that has been happening there.

Now, many observers outside Kathmandu share their assessments and opinions that the (Dash) Maoist Party or popularly known also as the 'Baidhya Party' has emerged stronger in many rural clusters. The Maoist party and their mathematical indicators have emboldened them to beat the drum against elections. Whereas both the newly formed Federal Democratic Party and 'Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum, Nepal' appear undecided. They are evaluating the cost and benefit. All these acts and actions are providing fodder to the syndicate to unroll apprehensions against organizing the elections.

The great neighbors – India and China are watching with some interests of their own. While the fluid political situation prolongs in Nepal, India believes that it could harvest more benefits. China is in a weaker position there. Tibet is its core component in diplomacy with Nepal. Hence, India has sided with or even gave birth to the syndicate with a motive of prolonging political fluidity in the tiny Himalayan nation. On the other hand, China seems to have pushed the oppositions: both the Maoists and royalists to open dialogue. It again seems that China is doing so and so with the syndicate and doing some business with Baidhya also. Hence, both India and China are not that excited about Nepal having elections anytime soon.

The European Communities and the international NGOs are getting a fertile land to promote or rather impose their values, beliefs and culture over Nepali society through their 'foster children' called NGOs. They are happy to play in this muddy water. The UN and its system agencies may be happy that they have a project area where their bureaucrats could stay in a paradise on earth without any hardship or risks. Probably, this is one of the most preferred destinations for the UN bureaucrats to have a duty station. For the Americans, Nepal is, perhaps, a tiny particle. Hence, they have outsourced the task of taking care of their interests in Nepal to India, Europe, INGOs and UN. In this way, the international players may not have any wishes that help settle the political dust down here.

And, who wants to have elections? They may be Nepali people, who are the most frustrated, angered and powerless lot now. Who cares them? Hence, for now, I think, the proposed election is just a phantom or mirage - an optical illusion caused by atmospheric conditions. Why all these dramas then? The illusion has been created just to camouflage the ill intents of the beneficiaries, particularly that of the syndicate. Till the syndicate survives, there is little chance of new elections taking place in the country. Therefore, dissolution of the syndicate effectively and introduction of provisions that provide a level-playing field may be the pre-conditions for the election.

* The author is one of the contributors to The Himalayan Voice. He is an independent political thinker of Nepal and whose Nepalko Jatiy Prashn (Ethnic Issues of Nepal - 2000) has already become one of the bestsellers in the country. He also supports the idea of identity of the people within a federalism system in Nepal.

http://thehimalayanvoice.blogspot.com/2013/07/nepal-syndicalism-election-phantom-and.html

I have re-posted the article above. Thank You The Himalayan Voice!

Nepal Now: A Cursory Look on Major Areas of Achievements and Failures

2013-06-08T19:19:00.003+05:45

Nepal Now: A Cursory Look on Major Areas of Achievements and Failures

Govinda Neupane

Areas of Achievements

Nepal has done fairly well in areas of mass communication. We have highest number of FM radio stations in South Asia, many TV channels, large percentage of people have telephone access, particularly the spread of mobile phones. Internet has been gaining popularity each day.

Banking is another sector where Nepal has built a network of financial institutions and services capable of meeting needs of a large percentage of people. The informal network of remit centers and its service of remittance handling have created a cobweb of future banking activities, particularly that of micro-transactions. The major banks including in private sector are run professionally and profitably.

The education infrastructure built by the private sector has been catering fairly quality education, though it is too expensive for ordinary people. However, the intakes of children in these institutions have made space available for children of low income families in the government-run education institutions. Rather than launching movement for improvement of education quality in government schools and for affordable fee structure in private schools, our political parties and their sister organizations are busy over-politicizing teachers and students in government schools and extracting donations from and threatening the private schools to close down.

Similarly, mushrooming of health service delivery institutions including medical colleges, public health teaching institutions, nursing colleges, private hospitals, nursing homes, polyclinics and clinics have created fairly well infrastructure for health services. The government institutions are also a bit functioning in this sector compared to education sector, may be due to public pressures. In any case, the health sector has been functioning well baring remote areas, though there is not much vibrancy.

The participation of Nepali migrant workers in the labor market of different countries, particularly the Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea has opened a major source of foreign earning in the form of remittance. The remittance income has been fueling the financial viability of different activities in Nepal mostly in education, health and real estate. The World Bank has estimated that Nepal receives more than 23% of its GDP from remittance. There are thousands of sad stories of the hardship the workers face each day. Hence, the ethical dimension and sustainability of such source of income is always subject of fierce debate. Just limiting to financial part, it has been insulating Nepal from being a failed state. The fighting for survival in harsh physical and social condition but still hard working Nepali migrant workers deserve salute from us in Nepal.

Transport is another area where we have done fairly well. Roads are our gems that we have created. Nearly all District Headquarters are connected by the road network. Though, the quality of roads is quite sub-standard in a large majority of roadways, at least, there has been the first break through. The airports, private sector airlines, bus and truck services all are making lives of people connected and are creating thousands of market places where millions of people are employed in informal sectors or are self-employed.

Nepal could compete with many countries who are welcoming large number of tourists. Our hospitality services industry, which includes hotels, restaurants, travel and tour agencies, international connectivity and so on are functioning well.

Areas Where We Lag Behind

The agricultural sector is still the major employment generator. However, it has neither been made commercially viable employment and productivity option nor has it been modernized. Moreover, the labor flight from agriculture to foreign destinations and urban centers has made this important sector an orphan. We are still continuing the practices of subsistence agriculture. We should learn to switch to cash crops and commercial farming. Our hills and mountains could function as diamond mines in the form of horticulture and floriculture farms and also as major source of timber and other forest produces. But, we are happy growing the economically not-so-viable paddy and corn. The southern plains could really be our bread basket provided we adopted new agriculture technologies. In this sector, we are far behind.

Similarly, we have not been able to harness water resources available in abundance. The country of vast hydro-power potentials has been suffering from power cuts of several hours everyday. We are hungry to get electricity to consume whereas we should be selling electricity to China through northern grid and to India through southern grid. Here, we have failed miserably.

Manufacturing is an area where we have done extremely poorly. Inadequate infrastructure, power outage and labor unrest have limited its potentials. Competing with the giant neighbors, China and India is also a tall order. Here, we should be selective. Going for anything and many things may lead us to nowhere. Success here depends upon our ability in being correctly selective.

Priorities and Focus Areas

Now, it has become clear that our future depends on how we could educate our people. When we talk about education it refers to overall development of human capacities of our people. Hence, quality education should be our number ONE priority.

To provide enabling environment so that people get better education and also contribute in areas of production and services, there must be a well functioning and quality health delivery infrastructure and allied support services.

Wealth creation is another key area. This wealth creation should include common properties such as physical and social infrastructures and means and methods for economic prosperity. By now, it has become clear that commercial farming including horticulture, floriculture, herbs cultivation, animal farms and other cash generating produces should get attention.

Multipurpose utilization of water resources including generating electricity and locally consuming for households, industries and transport systems and also exporting it, providing irrigation facilities, bottling water and exporting etc is what we should go for. This could be the backbone of our economy.

Another focus should be on tourism including hospitality business. Tourism has become already a milking cow for us. Lumbini, Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest) and many other majestic mountain peaks, cultural and architectural wonders of the glorious valley of Kathmandu and the natural panorama and scenic beauties spread all over Nepal are the treasures, which only we have in the entire world. These treasures make us special.

Many other small things we can do with difference such as handicrafts, IT services, transit trade between India and China, etc.

We could and should make better and brighter future. And, for this aim, we should clear the political mess that we are in today. Let's dare to clear the mess and let's march forward to build a prosperous Nepal, where well educated, healthy and enterprising Nepali people may live happily.

June 07, 2013

New Nepal Not Yet: A Shattered Dream or Just a Stalled Process?

2013-04-04T14:12:00.001+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

After the historic April Mass Movement of 2006, it was expected that there would be a New Nepal, where prosperity would flood, civilized society would develop fast and all social ills would disappear. The egalitarian, shinning and prosperous future Nepal was called as New Nepal. However, the emerging reality not only challenged the foundation of this imagination; the Nepali state, first time in its modern history, appeared reaching to a danger of collapse.

There are five critical factors, which contributed to this sorry state of affairs.

Degeneration of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) into a new Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) party
Formation of a syndicate and spread of all-round anarchy
The defacto rule of Indian ambassador stationed at Lainchour
Sold out 'civil society', greed-centered intellectuals and "ready- to- be auctioned" professionals
Making politics a dirty business of profit without investing a penny

Let's examine the factors mentioned above one by one.

The Maoists started the protracted war with a goal of establishing a society that is free from exploitation, subjugation and domination. After a gallant take off and splendid high altitude flying, the Maoists made emergency landing without any compelling reason. They turned to be 'Unified Maoists' and amended their ideology, politics and practice. Now, they transformed as representatives of the elites, creamy layer and "Sukila-Mukilas" (the high class educated sections). They melted down, changed their revolutionary uniform and formed a different shape, which was similar to that of the UML. In essence, they became new incarnation of the old UML and did exactly the same what UML had done during late 1980s and early 1990s. This process of adjustment of the 'Unified Maoists' passed through a long course of dramas and acting. They tested the joy of romancing with wealth and also they discovered easy way of its collection. Hence, servitude, anarchy and corruption were glorified and practiced as never before. These acts encompassed political, economic and social decision makings and unlawful financial transactions. The newly formed Communist Party of Nepal –Maoist Secretary Netra Bikram Chanda rightly questioned the rational and relationship between assessing value of martyrdom of so many thousands people and a few leaders becoming billionaires by amassing wealth in no time. He asked this question addressing a gathering in March 17, 2013 in Kathmandu. This is a representative question of thousands of other questions about promises made for societal transformation, human values, equality and equity and social justice. However, simply unimaginable anarchy was delivered in reality. The changed color, content and course of the former Maoist leadership influenced by the old state practices, contributed significantly to degenerating values, attitudes, norms and goals of the people in general and the 'Unified Maoists' cadres in particular. Hence, this factor played a major role in the process of destruction of the dream of a New Nepal.
The 'Unified Maoists' developed the modus operandi that brought key players of the status quo together and formed a syndicate. In this syndicate, the spineless leadership of Nepali Congress, UML and Madhesi Front collaborated with the 'Unified Maoists'. And, they shared the loot together. Although, they have different names, documents and style of lecturing but they are one when they get opportunity to grab privileges, perks, power, positions and opportunities. This way, Nepal became a paradise for the anarchic political elites. Finally, they established an elitist oligarchy instead of attaining the goal of a new and shinning Nepal.
The India factor played critical role in this process that contributed to shattering the dream of a New Nepal. Governed by its legitimate and illegitimate national interests, particularly the desire to control over Nepal's water resources (high dams, flood control, hydropower, irrigation), surveillance (airport security, passport control, etc.), and establishing a client regime loyal to its command (creation of a new Bhutan); India did everything to prolong the transition and, in the process, it made Nepal as weak as possible. The political leadership in Delhi delegated the power to rule and ruin Nepal to its ambassador stationed at Lainchour in Kathmandu. The western powers helped India and 'Unified Maoists' as they thought that this could be best way to check the influence and expansion of communism, particularly in South Asia and generally all over the world. These western powers were ecstatic when the 'Unified Maoists' disintegrated, demobilized and de-revolutionized the Maoist army.
The Indian interference in Nepal was political and direct, whereas the interference from the western powers was more covert and indirect. India used its bureaucracy and political parties to dictate terms and to influence governance in Nepal. However, the western powers used their ambassadors in a sober-looking ways when there is utmost need. Otherwise, they used the 'holy cow', the so-called civil society. Generally, the syndicate and its participating parties, leaders and collaborators in the bureaucracy made the loot of governmental resources, whereas the 'civil society' chieftains and their collaborators primarily grabbed bilateral, multilateral and non-governmental resources. In this way, many dollar-hungry 'civil society' chieftains, greed-guided intellectuals and "ready-to-be-auctioned" professionals contributed immensely in the process of shattering the dream of a New Nepal.
The impact of making politics an industry, which could be profitably run without investing a single penny and the process of mass politicization, became infectious. Even the government employees started becoming flag bearers and card-holding slogan mongers of different parties. Politics became an instrument that empowers any thug or dacoit or robber or murderer. The politicians at leadership positions of nearly all parties became merchants of all sorts of illegal transactions, protector of dons and masters of deceit. Hence, politics got a bad name and positive political change in Nepal became nearly unattainable.

The factors discussed above created an environment where frustration, helplessness and surrender became the ruling thought processes of people. In this way, Nepali people, brave and wise, started to believe themselves as powerless. This is the most damaging impact of the acts and actions of the ruling elitist oligarchy. Their syndicated politics, corrupt practices and never ending lies made the situation worst. Many 'civil society' chieftains and their associates added fuel to this fire of anarchy. Some intellectuals and professional saw opportunity to fish in this flood. Hence, the situation got messy, completely messy.

Now, the situation demands concrete, decisive, brave and thoughtful departure from this anarchy. A few political forces, social organizations and popular movements are still available. They could start, strengthen and ensure effectively the process of detachment from this messy and anarchic situation and could take the nation and people to a glorious phase in our history.

There are four types of forces, which could play vital positive roles in this process of turn around. These forces include but not limited to the forces mentioned below.

1) Revolutionary forces like CPN – M.

2) Federalist forces like Sanghiya Samajbadi Party.

3) Nationalist forces like Rastriya Jana Morcha. Even, the nationalists within former Pancha's parties could play positive role in strengthening national unity.

4) Social forces like Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities.

If these four types of forces unitedly or otherwise but resolutely organize mass movements, popular rebellion or resistance movements; they could throw away the ongoing anarchy, injustices and deceits imposed by the elitist oligarchic syndicate. The election of the Constituent Assembly declared by the syndicate could be utilized to further the cause of the transformational course, but the election alone will neither make the nation strong nor empowers thepeople. The unified movement alone could free Nepal from foreign dictates, covert rule and other adventures. Now, probably, this is only course available to restart the stalled transformational process, which could really lead us to attain the goal of a New Nepal, a shinning Nepal.

Nepal on Reverse Gear Ephemerally

2012-12-23T08:56:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

The recent developments have derailed several progressive political, social and economic processes, which could have played significant roles in shaping the nation's future. The most critical processes included social inclusion, state restructuring, building local democracy and strengthening economic capacities.

Social Inclusion

The important issue here is to develop common understanding about the groups, sections and nationalities that are excluded and marginalized. Since the mass movement of April 2006, the process of identification of such groups had been accelerated. During the last days of the dissolved Constituent Assembly, the discussion had picked up. However, a planned or unplanned Khas-led conspiracy that resulted to the demise of the Constituent Assembly without drafting a new constitution aborted this hugely important process that had been in full swing. The Khas leaders particularly who were running the government succeeded in sidelining one of the most critical issue of inclusion, which is multiculturalism. Together with multiculturalism, they derailed other attempts that were basically addressing the issues of social justice in relation to gender, marginalized sections including the status of Dalits. These issues could have very well addressed by accelerating the process of social inclusion. But that did not move that way.
State Restricting

Federalism certainly will function as an accommodative model of governance. It could provide the framework to decentralize power and could make the grassroots level empowered. The unitary Khas-led polity that was introduced during the early years of Nepal's emergence as a unified nation got serious challenge from the supporters and advocates of federalism. The Khas elites, who were either overtly favouring unitary polity or covertly helping such idea brought the issue of differing state modules and started quarrelling on numbers of states to be carved out rather than going for devolving power to lower structurEs of state functions. The Unified Maoists were at the centre stage from where thick confusion ruled out the idea, processes and actions and made the issue of vital importance redundant.

Building Local Democracy

The local level institutions including Village Development Committees (VDCs) and municipalities bear such sign boards but neither they are VDCs nor municipalities. They are simple extensions of the occupiers of the seat of power at Kathmandu. They are being run by bureaucrats for years. Rather than making such grassroots level institutions responsive to people's needs and forming them through people's participation by organizing local elections, the big parties used them as instruments to collaborate and share the booty. Instead of building local democracy, the politicians at the helm made local democracy a joke.

Strengthening Economic Capacities

Nepal has become virtually a labor supplier. The highly educated professionals are running out of the country as opportunities are shrinking here. The unskilled or semi-skilled labourers are also going out in thousands in number every year. Remittance has become the life-support-system of Nepalese economy. The industries have been closing down due to no power supply, never ending labour unrest and sky-high rate and range of corruption. Talking loud of water resource and making it a tool to hang in power by pleasing the benefactors has been practised. In the name of expanding roads and beautifying cities and towns, billions of Rupees have gone out of government coffer whereas people in remote and rural areas are dying due to no availability of Paracitamol or due to lack of purchasing power of the people of the most economically weaker sections. This way, the hope of strengthening economic capacities has been dashed out.

Why All This Happened?

It is one of the most difficult questions to answer. Till a few years ago, I had been tirelessly sharing with friends that a leader like Baburam Bhattarai, a party like Maoist and a country like Nepal when come together, there could be magic. The synergy would be unthinkable. Nepal would be free of corruption, the tempo of national development would be unparallel and justice would prevail everywhere. In justice, I used to include the issue of social inclusion through mainstreaming marginalized sections and incorporating multiculturalism and federalism. Now, all three are together but the country is marching to opposite direction using all the power of a reverse gear. Is this Bhattarai's personal failure? Is this the failure of the Unified Maoist Party? Is this the failure of Nepal as a nation as we failed to produce better leaders and better parties? In retrospection, I realized that I underestimated the influence of governing social and political values on an individual or on a party. When time came, not the external hero but the internal villain came out of Baburam Bhattarai and in company with other upper class Khas elites he played the decisive role in killing the Constituent Assembly. This act alone derailed the progressive processes mentioned earlier. The same happened to corruption. Those who are at the helm of the state affairs, both in the government or in the opposition, spent their time and energy to accumulate wealth by all means – legitimate or illegitimate, retail or wholesale. Making the state bankrupt and making themselves lavishly rich is what all are busy with except a small number of leaders and cadres.

Then What?

When nation weeps, people weep together. When nation fails, people also fail accordingly. The water starts boiling, when it reaches 100 degree Celsius.

The power struggle that too to occupy the chairs of the ministers or prime minister has angered people immensly. The temperature has reached close to the boiling point. The scale and intensity of corruption, ever weakening law and order situation resulting to higher crime graph, unprecedented price rise and weakening patriotism to its low are creating motivational infrastructure for people's rebellion. People as individuals are powerless. However, as collectives, they are the most powerful lot. The signals are clear now. Beware leaders and parties!

Nepal inside Dark Tunnel: Anarchy of Elitist Oligarchy

2012-06-21T14:38:00.001+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

Where to start from? This is a very difficult task. Anyway, there should be a beginning and that could be the signing date of the second Delhi Agreement of 2006, generally called as 12-point agreement. The first Delhi Agreement was signed in 1951. Strangely, both times, the domestic Nepali political forces went to Delhi to conclude agreements between them seeking guidance, direction and mediation from India, a regional hegemonic power.

There was some sort of euphoria both the times. However, the euphoria, generated both the times, evaporated immediately, leaving space for hopelessness and frustration. Several people have already analyzed the factors that made the revolutionary zeal and fervor evaporating in no time in 1951. The agreement failed to make democracy functioning. As a result, we suffered for decades under the anarchic or authoritarian regimes till 1990. Even from 1990 to 2006, either there was another anarchic parliamentary regime or a totalitarian regime for a brief period of Gyanendra’s rule. That is all history now. However, we need to look deeper into the scenario that has been continuously unfolding since 2006.

We have been living in a situation of full blown political anarchy. We have no constitution, no polity, no constitutional government and no fully functional democratic institution. We have all-round corruption of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. There is competition in pocketing state resources among different vested interest groups including the political actors at the high offices. We have no guardian. We are trapped in a politico-economic and social mess. Powerlessness, anger and frustration have become the governing feelings of millions of ordinary Nepali people. Really, we are somewhere deep inside a long, dark and narrow tunnel. I believe that independent analysts, political actors without colored vision, thoughtful professionals active in different fields and ordinary people surviving in a very hostile environment will agree with this depiction of the reality.

Either the Unified Maoist or the seven party alliance partners or both of them together have been at the helm of the state power since 2006. They are ‘powerful’ rulers. However, in practice, not the parties but a few leaders snatched power from their respective parties and established an oligarchic regime. In the 'august galaxy' of this oligarchy, there are twelve persons. Among them, four are from Unified Maoist, four from Nepali Congress, three from CPN (UML) and one from Madhesi front. All of them are of Khas origin (eight Bahuns and two Chhetris) except two (a Newar and a Tharu). All of them are male. All of them are new super-rich except one (a Koirala). Hence, this is the oligarchy of new super rich-Khas-male elites. This oligarchy made the party system dysfunctional. They made the Constituent Assembly nonfunctional and irrelevant and finally finished its existence. In de facto term, they snatched power from the polity in the name of political consensus.

The oligarchic regime continued with support of and blessings from the council of foreign ambassadors. It is interesting to note that the regime got legitimacy by executing wishes of the Indian, American and European ambassadors.

The United Nations, in case of Nepal, played quite dubious role. Its mission, from the very beginning, was governed by the American agenda – finish Maoism as an ideology, finish Maoist party as an instrument of communist upsurge and demobilize and disintegrate Maoist army as a fighting force.
The council of ambassadors actively provided political support to the UN mission called UNMIN. UNMIN provided cover for all wrongdoings of the Maoist and encouraged them to venture into new wrongdoings so that people could get alienated from them. UNMIN succeeded in this mission. Moreover, the council of ambassadors together with the UN mission, bilateral aid mechanisms and Bratton Woods institutions motivated, encouraged and made ready to the oligarchic regime to venture into the path of 'consensus politics'. This consensus politics is anti-democratic as it discourages the formal democratic mechanism of “majority-minority in decision making”. Hence, a few leaders started to assemble, interacted and went back to their respective parties just to explain. This explaining was part of a political ritual. The party mechanisms became fiefdoms of a few leaders. The Constituent Assembly that was tasked to draft, finalize and promulgate a new constitution had been made paralyzed, and finally it was slaughtered at the middle of the night.

The remaining task of derailing the constitution making process was accomplished by the donation -hungry northern NGOs and their Nepali counterparts including the human rights groups. They got fund from dubious northern or UN sources, organized several meaningless workshops, and arranged foreign trips to Constituent Assembly members to show them as beautiful dolls and to milk donor-cows. Several Nepali interest groups also jumped in the flood to catch a few fleshy fishes. Intellectuals and media are naturally smell-sensitive. They also grabbed their share of the booty. In this way, the state invested billions of Rupees in an exercise that brought into reality Franz Kafka's "Kafkaesque".

In this way Nepal was thrown inside a deep, dark and long tunnel.

The class factor in Nepali politics became weak after 2006 as the Maoist party was converted to Unified Maoist and changed its class orientation from working class to upper middle class. Now, after the emergence of a few political instruments of working class forces, the class politics will get prominence once again. The most powerful force could be the force of working class people and the political process that could bring them into forefront of transformational actions would prevail over all other forces on the long run.

The non-Khas nationalities are on the war path. The Khas domination in all organs of the state is being challenged. The oppressed nationalities are asking for equity, justice and equality. Now, federalism has become the standard bearer of inclusion and power-sharing. The oppressed nationalities want federalism with ethnic identity and right to self-determination so as to mainstream oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections of people. This movement has been gaining momentum.

If the political forces of exploited classes, oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections come together, they could build a formidable force that would lead the process of radical societal change and progressive restructuring of the state. Now the political polarization has started to take shape rapidly. On one side, there could be the forces of status quo lead by the oligarchy of elites and their fragile party apparatus as mentioned above. And, on the other side there could be the political instruments of the exploited classes, regional forces, oppressed nationalities’ political instruments and associations of marginalized sections.

Now, after the dissolution of the duly elected Constituent Assembly, if there is no strong pressure, there is not much chance to have a constitution that is different than the constitution of 1991 with two exceptions – republic and nominally federated state structure. Hence, the progressive political forces including that of class, region, nationalities and marginalized sections should form, at least, a loose alliance and should create a mass movement which could generate strong pressure to make a progressive constitution. These forces must accept the challenges in any front whether that is round table conference, referendum or election. They should oppose the attempt of short cuts, particularly drafting a constitution by a super rich-Khas-male oligarchy appointed commission.

It is true that the tunnel is deep, dark and long. However, determined, sustained and collective journey will take us to the light that is at the other end of the tunnel. Daring to challenge the super rich-Khas-male oligarchy is the new departure point of this long journey. All movements, actions and endeavors, which have been continuing from the past or even from distant past, should get aligned with this historic journey, this new mass movement.

Seeds of Realignment of Social and Political Forces in Nepal

2012-05-19T12:30:00.002+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

The political course, now, has taken a new turn. The forces of status quo and the forces of change, once again, are in search of new baskets to put them separately.

The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Establishment Faction or MEF) has taken new stand on federalization and system of governance. The structure long advocated by the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) has prevailed. The MEF, NC and UML are on one side and they are advocating for 11 ethnic identity-free federal divisions, non-executive president (however, to satisfy MEF ego, directly elected one), sovereign parliament (jumbo sized), provisional constitutional court (that too cosmetic type with 5 years life), and many other attributes of a parliamentary system. Now, the MEF has overtly expressed its political gender that it is a parliamentary political force fully committed to western values, ideals and system.

The change of ideological stand, political line, strategy, tactic and modus operandi of the MEF has influenced several stake holders. The major forces, which are affected by this change, are the progressive political forces, working class including agrarian workers and poor peasants, oppressed nationalities and marginalized social forces including the Dalits and women. The hopes and aspirations of these people have got severe jolt because of the parliamentary forces mentioned above serving the same wine produced in 1991 in new bottles and with new labels. Content-wise, the base would remain the same and form-wise it will look slightly different. There will be a president in place of the king; there will be 11 provinces in place of 14 zones and a few other things.

Now, it is a big challenge for the forces who have been advocating for substantial to radical change in the society, polity and spread of wellbeing among people. The forces that are still committed to their progressive causes are in a challenging situation. Now, they are at crossroads. They should decide whether they go to reformist path or take the path of radical change. The reformist path has been travelled by the UML and MEF and if the progressive political as well as social forces decide the same path to travel through, it would be futile for them to talk loud. If they are genuinely committed to change the society, then they must go for radical change. The progressive political force is not alone as there are other social forces who are feeling betrayed. Particularly, the oppressed nationalities, suppressed social sections and federalist forces could very much shoulder the responsibility of transforming the Nepali society, politico-social relationships and polity and they could work together for equitable spread of wellbeing including wealth, access, power and opportunities.

The forces representing class politics and identity politics, now, are coming closer as these forces are either exploited or oppressed or both. The same is true for the marginalized sections. The problem is that the class politics is heavily influenced by reformism and the identity politics has been under the influence of northern NGOs and western bi-laterals. The marginalized sections are also heavily infiltrated by the western governmental or non-governmental agencies. Therefore, it is a challenge for them to free themselves from these trends and actors first. If they succeed in freeing themselves from such trends and forces, then they could effectively change the prevailing socio-economic order, which has been standing on a sandy ground.

These progressive forces could create the tempest of movements and could transform Nepali society and the state. These forces may include but not limited to the revolutionary faction of the UCPN (Maoist), oppressed nationalities organized collectively or separately such as Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities, Madhesi parties, Janajati Parties, Dalit associations, women’s associations, etc. The unity among such forces has been seen in the movement to realize identity based federalism in these days. If this unity in action which has attracted even the Janajati and Madhesi Constituent Assembly members of MEF, NC and UML takes institutional form, this broader alliance of exploited class, oppressed nationalities and marginalized social sections may lead the new mass movement, which seems inevitable.

History Repeats Itself: Launching A New Mass Movement in Nepal

2012-05-06T10:51:00.000+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

A newly discharged patient from a government hospital reached limping at the office of the ministry of foreign affairs in German capital Berlin and asked the minister to note his dissent that he will not accept the accord between Germany and France as it was too humiliating for Germany, though it effectively ended the First World War. The man was Adolf Hitler, a wounded Corporal of the German army. In his political profession, Hitler was known for all his wrong doings. However, as a protesting solder, who had already contributed liters of his young blood for his country and tried to defend his nation; his role was remarkable.

In retrospection, when I peep into the situation of Nepal in recent past, I feel proud. There were villains at the helm like Gyanendra and Girija. However, there were heroes too and that too in many in numbers. The society was changing and it was changing very fast. The process of societal transformation could be felt and observed vividly. The powerless were busy snatching power, the marginalized were marching to take respectable place in the mainstream and the ever exploited lots were coming out of the shackles of exploitative socio-economic fabrics of the old society. Everything unscientific and outlived was being challenged and scientific and new one was emerging. When the transformational course was on full swing; the people had started to believe that the roses were blooming everywhere around them. Although, they had to pay a high price, they had consolation that there could be a better tomorrow. There was hope and there was hope that was instrumental in making them believing that all their endeavors have worth. Hope was on the air and hope was inside their mind.

After the loss of several thousand lives and properties of billions of Rupees, a new situation was created when the April 2006 mass movement succeeded in taming Gyanendra, the autocratic ruler. In that new situation, the yesteryears' villains put on new furs and projected themselves as heroes. It happened partly due to Gyanendra as he kept them in five star detention facilities that made them 'freedom fighters' without sacrificing anything substantial, and partly due to the Maoist leaders' appetite for power for themselves that made them too accommodative and compromising. The Maoist leaders learnt tricks from the Congress and UML leaders to cheat and steal money from public and governmental coffer and became one among them making corruption as rampant as it could be. On the other side, the Congress and UML leaders sharpened their skills and borrowed courage from the Maoist leaders so as to stage corruption of unprecedented nature and scale. Corruption through change in policy instruments that sounds perfectly legitimate became one of the prime source incomes for them. Inflating the number of PLA fighters at cantonments, increasing the number of CA members to 601, appointing ministers and advisers as many as that could go, are some of such practices. The levy the top leadership got from PLA, CA members and advisors/ministers was their prime source of income which has been amply clear from the financial statements the Maoists, Congress and UML have submitted to Election Commission. The hidden money in the form of commission, bribes etc what they collected is huge. The donation drive from individuals and companies is another area from where large amount of money was snatched. The program funds that were sent to local bodies simply were pocketed by the local leaders and their bosses at national level. Hence, in these post-monarchy five years, the amount looted either from the state coffer or from private source is difficult to estimate.

The never ending power game and ever increasing corruption have impacted heavily negatively in the lives of Nepali people and Nepali nation. The difficulties of people are increasing every day. The price rise, deteriorating law and order and terror created by the anti-social elements under the protection of political forces have added to already existing difficulties of people including managing their lives in a very difficult economic environment. The worst that happened in Nepal is that the people have no HOPE at all. Hopelessness and powerlessness govern the mind of people. From east to west, from north to south, the prevailing majority felling, particularly that of common men and women is that of hopelessness. In leaders, they see the face of villains. The new drive to make new Nepal has been aborted wholly and totally.

Now, it is simply foolish to expect that a bull will deliver a calf. The state is at the verge of collapse, the people are bewildered as their dreams shattered and Gyanendra is there looking at things with all smile. All these three factors add on frustration of people. However, frustration is not the remedy of any problem and here too the people must overcome this frustration. Although they are a few in numbers today, still there are leaders with vision, courage and commitment to cause. They should dare to lead. They may not so strong today; there sustained efforts could make them and their parties champion, credible and large.

There are three forces they could fill the vacuum created by the departure of United Maoists and other forces which were standing with the people in the past. a) The first forces are the communists, particularly who are still struggling against the party apparatus inside the Unified Maoist party – Mohan Baidhya-led platform together with Matrika-led party. b) The second force could be that of democrats who are inside Congress and UML or other parties or independent. They should come together to form a democratic force that would challenge the orthodoxy of the Congress and opportunism of the UML. c) The third force could be the inclusions as well as federalist forces that could uphold progressive agenda as a united front or as an alliance if not as a party.

The Nepali society must not stop transforming itself neither it will. The Nepali nation must not stop advancing itself and Nepali people must not stop dreaming a dream of a new Nepal - the future abode of prosperous, civilized and happy people. Similarly, the progressive, democratic and nationalist political forces also must not stop renewing, reorganizing, rediscovering and reorienting themselves so as to play their historical role of leading the people and nation to new height. They should succeed in providing new direction that makes Nepali people confident, happy and hopeful and that makes Nepal a proud member among the comity of nations.

With all my reservation about Hitler, I referred him at the very first paragraph to communicate some strong sense of responsibility and some sense of urgency though that could be small and insignificant to begin with. We should dare to start our journey from scratches. Let's not follow the Hitler of later years, but recognize his act of boldness when he was neither Fuehrer nor warlord Hitler that time in 1918. We need leaders and parties that may not be necessarily too large and too strong now, but they have the potentials to grow fast with progressive vision and purposeful actions and who dare to start from scratches. A mass movement that could mobilize hundreds of thousands of people only could ensure positive change and could sustain it.

Adivasi and Janajati: Indigenous People and Nationalities in Nepal

2012-01-04T07:18:00.002+05:45

Govinda Neupane

There are two words that are used in Nepali more frequently recently. These words are Adivasi and Janajati.

Let's first discuss about Adivasi. They are the original inhabitants of a land mass. They are not immigrants, and if they are, they are the very first settlers of that area. They did everything to make the area inhabitable. Hence, they cleared forests, arranged protection from wild animals and initiated economic activities that included but not limited to hunting and gathering as well as agriculture. They put their energy, skills and resources whatever insignificant it was to develop the very first settlements.

In this way, the Adi Kirats, Magars, Tamangs, Gurungs, Sherpas, Tharus and many other branches of Mongol race are the Adivasis of central and eastern hills of modern Nepal covering the area between Limbuvan in the east and Magarat in the west.

The Aidi Khasas are the Adivasis of Khasan region. The Aidi Khas included present day Matawali Chhetri, Thakuri and Hill Dalits residing in Khasan region till today. The Khasan region covered the hill areas of present day Karnali, Seti and Mahakali zones.

The Tharus moved to several areas in the Tarai as first settlers together with other Madhesis including Yadavs, Rajbanshis, Satars etc. All of them are the Adivasis of southern plains of Nepal.

The Nepar Kirats (originally a branch of Kirats with whom many immigrant groups assimilated afterwards), who were later called Newars, were the first inhabitants of Kathmandu valley. Hence, The Newars are the Adivasis of the valley.

The Sherpas were the first to reside in the Himali region (mountain region) from East to west, and they are the Adivasis of the Himali region.

In brief, Nepal had nine Adivasi regions in ancient times. They were Kirat, Nepal Mandal or Nepaa, Tambasaling or Tamsaling or Tamangsaling, Tamuvan, Magarat, Khasan, Tharuhat (Kapilavastu), Madhes (Mithila) and Himali region. The names of the regions might have not been used during that time as they are mentioned here. Here, the regions are mentioned by these names to know the areas, which were the clusters of certain indigenous people. Hence, Kirat, Newar, Tamang, Magar, Gurung, Tharu, Sherpa/Lama, Aidi Khas, Yadav, Rajbanshi, Satar, etc are the ADIVASIS of Nepal. The list mentioned here is not inclusive of all Adivasis.

In the ancient time neither there was a unified Nepal, nor a single branch of people had a spread that covered the land mass, we call Nepal now. Hence, all inhabitants who had settled or had been roaming around within a certain area of today's Nepal are the Adivasis of Nepal. And, they have every reason to ask for the rights and privileges of indigenous people.

It is interesting to note that the Bahuns, Chhetris and Sanyasis were the immigrants, who came to the Hills from Aryavarta, the Gangetic plains or from Kumao-Gadhwal region. The process started in the 2nd century. They became part of Khas nationality after assimilation of Aidi Khas and these new immigrants. Some, earlier immigrants in the valley like Lichchhivis submerged within the culture of civilized Newars of that time residing in the valley. The assimilation of Lichchhivis into Newar is a good example of this process. Hence, they became part of Newar nationality. The Madhesi sub-nationalities such as Bahuns, Rajputs, Kayasthas were also the immigrants in Madhes and they assimilated within the Madhesi nationality. The immigrant groups such as Bahuns, Chhertis, Rajputs, Kayasthas etc do not belong to indigenous people.

The new immigrants particularly Bahuns, Chhetris and Sanyasis from the Gangetic plains or from Kumao-Gadhwal adopted Khasakura as their language and also converted many Aidi Khasas into Hinduism. Thus, a hybrid nationality originated. This nationality primarily adopted the customs and language of the Aidi Khas, but also included many branches of Bahun, Chhetris and Sanyasis into its fold. Hence, a Khasakura (afterward called Gorkha Bhasa and finally called Nepali) speaking nationality called Khas came into existence.

Some of the branches of Khas who were socially outcaste from the Khas separated from them and developed gradually as a different nationality. Their socio-cultural and psychological state that originated from extreme humiliation, inhuman exploitation and extreme marginalization made them developing as an independent nationality called Dalit.

Regarding Madhesis, there is still debate going on about Tharus. In my opinion, they are part of the larger Madhesi nationality who have a spread from east to west of Tarai. They are the very spinal cord of the Madhesi land mass and they are very much the driving force of the Madhesi nationality. And, if they think that their Tharu identity has nothing to do with Madhesi identity, they could claim as an independent nationality. They should decide on this issue. It is their internal matter to be settled by themselves.

The Tharus emigrated from the hills to Tarai, the Yadavs and many other sub-nationalities of Madhesis emigrated from the Gangetic plains. Neither the Tharus originated in Tarai nor many other Madhesi sub-nationalities. However, they were the very first settlers of Tarai-Madhes and they have every right to claim it.

The Muslims also sometimes consider themselves separate. However, they are religious minorities and not another nationality. They are part of the larger Madhesi family there. However, the Churautes could be classified as "others" as neither they are Madhesi nor Khasa nor Janajati (MangolKirat). They are Muslim by religion but not Madhesi as nationality.

There is lot of debate about the fifth nationality. Many sub-nationalities within this nationality have a long history of inhabitation in the hills. Their spread is between Limbuvan in the east and Magarat in the west. They are several branches of Mongol race. Part of them is Adi Kirats. These two together formed a distinct nationality. Naming them was difficult. Janaklal Sharma was the first to use a common term called MangolKirat to address them. Some scholars named them simply as Kirats and many categorized them as independent nationalities and grouped them as Janajatis together with Newars and some indigenous sub-nationalities of Madhesi including Tharus.

The term Janajati was invented by scholars including Harka Gurung and Krishna Bhattachan when they were in need of finding some common name for people outside of Hindu caste hierarchy. Their interpretation was, "Generally the words Janajati (nationality) and Adivasi (the indigenous people) are used as synonyms. Of course, Janajati is related to social composition and Adivasi has its relation with time period. The word Janajati or Jati refers to the group of people outside of caste system and Adivasis are the ancient inhabitants or the indigenous people." (Gurung et al, Janajati, Janajati Vikash Samanwaya Kendra 1999: 1). Their attempt was for connecting oppressed nationalities and groups together who had been suffering at the hands of caste-Hindu ruling elites. However, now this term Janajati has become interchangeable with Adivasi. Both reflect the characteristics of indigenous people.

I followed Janaklal Sharma and accepted them collectively as MangolKirat nationality. Now, the word Janajati has become irrelevant in the sense that the term Adivasi is being used exclusively for indigenous people. However, the term Janajati is quite popular and is being used by people of MangolKirat nationality affectionately. Therefore, I have been thinking to propose to use the term Janajati that replaces MangolKirat. Hence, there would be two distinct terms - Janajati as nationality (replacing MangolKirat) and Adivasi continuing as usual as the Nepali equivalent for indigenous people.

In summary, Adivasi meaning indigenous people is well accepted. Hence, that is already a settled issue. Regarding nationalities, we have to continue discussions. In my opinion, they are five – Madhesi, Khas, Janajati, Dalit and Newar.

In this case, Janajati would replace the term MangolKirat that I had used in the past. The Newars and some sub-nationalities among Madhesi could be together with Janajati as Adivasi but they will no longer be part of the Janajati nationality.

It also should be noted that the term Dalit is used for a nationality and a community too. When it is used for nationality, in Nepali it is used as Dalit Jati, whereas for community, it is used as Dalit Samudaya. Within Dalit Samudaya (community), there are some sub-nationalities of Madhesi and Newar nationalities too.

Now, it is high time to understand our social composition, dynamics and processes that are continuously creating new reality, establishing new relationships and rejoining the disjointed parts and sections. We should continue endeavors that could dig out our social realities so as to bring harmony in the society and create social infrastructures that support unity in diversity. Being different is our reality, coming together is our strength. Hence, we should understand multiculturalism not only as a social process but also as an important value adding political ingredient that brings transformative actions into play and generates synergy.

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Posted on 05/01/2012

P. S. I got some queries regarding the status of reservation as I have proposed something that would bring new scenario to deal with. I reviewed the lists of Janajatis and Dalits. I propose the following changes.

1. The list of Dalit community is fine. They deserve special rights.

2. The list of Janajati needs three changes. a) Newar is a highly developed nationality. Hence, they have to say "Good Bye" to the reservation provision. b) Matwali Chhetris and a few other similar groups of Khas nationality in Khasan region should be included in the reservation list as they are extremely marginalized. c) The name of the list of the groups that is for reservation should be changed to "List of nationalities and groups qualified for Reservation". In Nepali, it could be calld as "Arakshan Paune Jatigat Samudayaharuko Suchi."

Moreover, In this situation the term Janajati would be completely free to be used exclussively for a nationality. It would replace the term MangolKirat, which I also had used in my previous writings.

Federalism in Nepal: Why and What Type?

2011-12-18T13:32:00.001+05:45

Govinda Neupane

When I was finally editing my first book, "Samajik Bikashko Vivechana" (Social Development in Nepal), I realized that there is a great need and urgency to know the composition and characteristics of colorful nationalities in Nepal and the way they could build better social harmony. It was 1999.

I started to prepare notes on nationalities, social compositions, conflicting values and behaviors, and ways and means to address existing discriminations so as to make Nepal a harmonious place to live in.

Once, I even thought of leaving the task of studying, analyzing and determining the nature, number and historical context of different nationalities as it was too complex and too controversial. However, I finally stick to it as I had done some foundation building exercises already. After months of review of literatures available during that time, I prepared three working papers – a) nationalities in Nepal: their composition and standing, b) relationships among them, and, c) superstructure that provides platform for mutually beneficial and harmonious partnership.

I encountered hostile circumstances as many experts, leaders, activists and professionals had highly diverse views on nationalities and many among them were hostile to any superstructure that challenges the one existing that time. A large majority among this crowd was too critical of federalism as they consider that that structure of governance would disintegrate Nepal. They discouraged me saying that that exercise would harm Nepal. I continued my field work for another six months and arrived at a conclusion that the hostile crowd was that of Khasa, the ruling nationality. Many among the leaders of Khasa origin of all major parties were against multiculturalism and federalism.

After a year, I concluded that there were five nationalities in Nepal – Khasa, Madhesi, MangolKirat, Dalit and Newar. I was in two minds about using the term MangolKirat. Many intellectuals among indigenous groups were using the term JANAJATI that included but not limited to MangolKirat. Janak Lal Sharma had first used the term MangolKirat. Harsha Bahadur Budha had used simply the term Kirat that included Magars. In my first draft, I had used Kirat only. However, after consultations with some of the authorities on indigenous people in Nepal including but not limited to Parshuram Tamang, I was convinced that the term MangolKirat better represents that nationality. Although, several advances have been made in researching the nationalities' composition in Nepal, still there is no consensus. It may take some more years or decades, and that is only natural. However, after a decade of that research, I am more convinced that the findings of that research stand correct.

In the past decade, my book, "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Composition and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" has been widely used as reference material for evidences to highlight socio-political discriminations in Nepal. It has got wide recognition in area of study on discrimination of nationalities.

The decade-long Civil War created upheavals in the society. The values, belief systems and practices had to pass through scrutiny. Several old values were discarded, belief systems were challenged and the society had gone through the painful process of initial restructuring. However, the process got stuck when the Maoists entered into a new path that included negotiations, give and take and compromises. When the Maoists changed their strategies, they needed different political traits that had similar value ingredients as that of their new brethren, the Congress and CPN (UML). Hence, the process of societal transformation faced new road blocks as the lead actor disappeared from the scene. Thus, the Maoists became friendlier to status quo and gradually sidelined themselves from exercises that needed confrontation against the creamy layer of the society including the most influential Khasa politico-intellectual fraternity.

Many popular agencies formed and led by oppressed nationalities and their activists either were trapped by the Khasa-led politico-governance mechanism or by the western donors as their projects. Now, on the horizon, there are not many agencies or individuals available who truly represent the dreams of oppressed nationalities. Krishna Bhattachan and a few scholars and activists like him could be seen in the wilderness still defending the cause, still putting their intellectual richness, energy and time to champion the dreams of an egalitarian Nepali society that is free from prejudices and discriminations.

In this context, new breeds of champions of federalism have emerged. They are the yesteryear's die-hard opponents of federalism including the Congress and UML leaders. Many anti-federalism professors and professionals are raising voices in favor of federalism. However, their model of federalism is the second edition of Panchayati geographical set ups of zones or regions. Adding a few cosmetics, they want to reintroduce the same politico-administrative mechanism in the name of federalism.

Why federalism was considered a need in Nepal? The oppressed nationalities had concerns in three primary areas – cultural identity, end of discriminatory practices related to nationalities and equitable access to power, opportunities and resources. To address these concerns, they raised the voice for multiculturalism and federalism. Putting together these two attributes with geography, economic viability and governance, the appropriate federal model could be evolved. However, the new Mullahs of federalism are advocating for splitting the federal units from north to south to suit their interests. Mahendralism or Birendralism with some cosmetics added by Congress-UML-Maoists will not be federalism, if it would not address the core issue of multiculturalism that too with autonomy and the right to self-determination. Moreover, the federalism that has its functional base on co-operation or if it is a cooperative federalism, only that model could absorb the shocks and could provide sound platform for dialogue so as to sustain development, cooperation and harmony.

Now, there is a commission that is tasked with recommending the model. Before any meaningful discussion inside the commission, the coordinator of the commission has started to advocate for Mahendralism or Birendralism. This is another futile exercise that would simply legalize the thoughts, plans and designs of the Khasa leaders. Without addressing the core issue of multiculturalism, any state restructuring exercise would not address the aspirations of oppressed nationalities and thus, could not solve the problem.

Now, the transformational socio-political and economic course has been put in the back burner. It is quite unfortunate. The interests of working classes, oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections should get proper attention and priority. If that will not happen, the radical transformational course would get accelaration, once again, sooner or later. The wise men and women could see it, the average type could sense and the fools have no idea. Irrespective of having any idea or no idea, the radical course correction is inevitable.

Nepal: Disparately Waiting for the End of Darkness

2011-12-01T14:40:00.004+05:45

Govinda Neupane

The ‘last’ extension of the term of six months of the constituent assembly has many interpretations. Some of the cartoonists have already sensed that the leaders, who have no credibility and moral obligations to abide by laws, rules and norms would again propose for another ‘final’ term extension after six months as the Supreme Court has used the term ‘last’ and not ‘final’ in its verdict. Some parties have even rejected the jurisdiction of the court in the ‘extension business’, which they consider is their fiefdom. Moreover, some party cadres present in the parliament have asked to impeach the judges for ‘encroaching’ into their politico-legislative territory.

Similarly, the verbal barbs have regularly been exchanged between Prachanda-Baburam Faction (PBF) and Baidya-Badal Faction (BBF) within the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The two line struggle of the present essence and form that had originated from the Chunbang meeting has been polarizing them and has established two de facto Headquarters. The management of the Maoist fighters or rather, in essence, the demobilization, disarmament and rehabilitation of the organized Maoist’s military force could be the last axe that would split the party into two.

The non-Maoist parliamentary forces have downsized their roles as cautious observers. The issues they were championing in the past that included disarmament of Maoist fighters, return of seized property, end of barrack-system of Youth Communist League (YCL) and acceptance of pluralism by the Maoists have been taken over by PBF. When PBF replaced them as the lead parliamentary force, the leaders of the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) have plenty of time to shine their cheeks, dresses and shoes. Hence, now they look as the products of high quality manufacturers. Really, they are the new brand of Nepali leaders - wealthy, healthy and elegant. The Madhesi leaders are neither far away from them nor could they be so. The parliamentary Panchas, organized under a democratic banner called Rastriya Prajatantra Party, could be seen ruminating at one corner of the luxurious balcony. Hence, the fire-fight between PBF and BBF has provided opportunities to relax to the conventional parliamentary forces.

The social forces with several organizations, natures, colours and agenda are making their presence felt through their acts, actions and movements. Among them, the prominent forces include the indigenous people, different nationalities and marginalized sections. Two issues – federalism and rights of their respective constituencies are being debated vigorously.
Some forces including the Kirat Janabadi Workers party, different factions of Tarai Janatantrik Mukti Morcha, Samyukta Jatiya Mukti Morcha, etc are carrying out their social-political activities by being involved in violent means. The Matrika-led Maoists also are in the picture, though with limited visibility.

The foreign forces, particularly India and the United States are busy in pampering PBF so as to complete disarmament of the Maoists fighters. Dismantling the organized formation is what India and the westerners are after. For them everything including human rights, stability, progress and development etc. are non-issues. When the nonperforming constituent assembly got extension, the Secretary General of the United Nations pours flowers on them. Non-performance is being rewarded. What nonsense!
In such background as briefly discussed as above, the fundamental challenges that include societal transformation and structural rearrangement have been out of sight and they are no longer considered as priority issues.

The gains, which the people had made during the transformative period of civil war, are in question in regard to their sustainability. Poverty, illiteracy, social inequalities and marginalization have been continuing, as if they are part and parcel of Nepali life.

When the PBF came to power with some mysterious arrangement with Madhesi forces, there was some sort of euphoria. Baburam had an untarnished image, further shined by his academic brilliance. He was one of the last available leaders of high stature. When he became Prime minister, during that time people had high hopes and expectations from him. In the course of reaching to power and staying there for a longer period of time, he sacrificed most part of his political and intellectual assets. This phenomenon thickened the darkness. And, the frustration among ordinary people contributed to further hopelessness. Now, the political process has lost its way and nobody knows where it reaches to.

Lawlessness and anarchy are the twins that govern everything in Nepal. Criminals have a field day. Criminalization of politics or rather politicization of crime is a course that has been accepted as normal as sun coming out from the east every morning. For two grams of gold, women are being murdered. Small children are continuously being abducted in want of ransom and several of them have been murdered. Nepal has been witnessing hundreds of events that make commoners very sad.

The complex and fluid situation, which is full of anarchy, lawlessness, corruption, and many more negative phenomenon has been called ‘transition’. It is full of darkness. Nobody knows how and when this darkness ends. There are not many alternatives or alternative forces that could generate hope among people. The BBF together with social forces such as indigenous nationalities has the potential to develop as an alternative. However, they too are behaving like a talking club. In strategic sense, yes, the darkness will end; but right now it is too gloomy to see the end of the tunnel. One most probable course could be an unpredictable one – spontaneous uprising of people, the Nepal Spring.

Nepal in Transition: Short Euphoria, Long Journey

2011-09-12T18:08:00.000+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

Formation of the new Unified Maoist-led government has created hype among intelligentsia in Kathmandu. A large majority of them dislikes Unified Maoist but likes Prime Minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. It is strange but true. Dr. Bhattarai has been considered a genius for a long time. The support available for him is primarily based on his background, particularly his academic records and his tax collection ability during his tenure as Finance Minister. After being the Prime Minister, he has taken some steps, though cosmetic in nature but quite popular among the intelligentsia. These steps include the Mustang Jeep, lunch at Sigh Durbar cafeteria, announcement of a few relief measures etc. Individuals could play important roles. However, an individual could not transform a society. The politics they represent makes the difference. Hence, leaving him alone here, I like to explore probable course of Nepali politics.

The Unified Maoist got the opportunity to lead the government, second time. The first Unified Maoist-led government is known for selling dreams of all-round transformation and buying political compost to nurture parliamentary sapling inside the party. Prachanda's government never seriously concentrated in any real issues, rather he was spreading everywhere. He sounded a man in hurry.. During that time, his control over the party was intact as he was still the superhero of the revolution. Gradually, he demystified himself. His party also contributed to demystify him. The Unified Maoist party tried to look communist to its base and democratic to its new found galaxy. The new galaxy of parliamentary fame incorporated it with some serious pre-conditions. The pre-conditions included that the Unified Maoist had to renounce violence, disband their fighting force, which they call PLA, revert to old societal structure in economic relationships by surrendering the land they seized during insurgency, and finally accept pluralism in all sphere of socio-political values, systems and practices. Gradually, the party opened its doors to individuals, groups and smaller parties to get a majority to meet the conditions put forward by the great galaxy of parliamentary fame. The leadership used two types of fodders to feed its cadres and supporting grassroots on one side of the divide and to convince its new national and international friends on the other side. The first was a basket of anti-India rhetoric and strikes, including the suicidal 'indefinite general strike' and several industrial closures. It helped the party to maintain the revolutionary posture. The second was accepting "made in India" political course more indirectly and attending to meet the pre-conditions as mentioned above. The first course helped to soften, deform and disband the hard core revolutionaries gradually and the second course broadened the acceptance among new national and international friends like Nepali Congress, Unified Marxist-Leninist, India, Europe and America.

Now, inside the Unified Maoist party, the line struggle has centered on demobilization of the PLA either through integration with Nepal army or by rehabilitating them in the society. The leaders are fighting, the cadres are joining them and the public at large are watching the fight with bewilderment and skepticism. The side the Unified Maoist camel will sit is already clear. The majority will go for demobilization as this is a major condition put forward by the parliamentary forces together with India, America and Europe to fully submerge itself into the democratic world. The course of minority led by Kiran-Badal combine is not clear. The minority leadership has not made public any specific tactical or strategic line till date. Anyway, the new government formed over a sandy foundation may continue till it implements "made in India" political course.

The old parliamentary political parties will sit in opposition and utilize any available opportunity to create more pressure on their new Unified Maoist friends to meet the conditions as soon as possible. They also will continue to harvest financial benefits and other opportunities as far as possible. Happy India could use its new found financial muscle to accomplish the task of PLA demobilization by supporting to offer an attractive package or also may provide finances to fund infrastructure projects, though in a cosmetic way. We could even see the development that followed the merger of Sikkim with India. The western countries may throw their hats on the ring. Scandinavian countries, particularly Norway may provide finances as it could project Nepal as its success story in its peace initiatives. It may compensate its failure in Sri Lanka. The Americans, though they are in difficulty in managing bread for themselves, may throw a few million dollars by printing money as they always do as one of the most undisciplined nation in the world. Hence, we could have a euphoric environment exactly similar to the post-1990 days. During that time, we were waiting for a giant Russian cargo plane that could bring Singapore to Nepal. The Prime Minister of that time had promised to make Nepal Singapore in no time. That did not happen that time, nor will this happen this time.

More than 1400 people sacrificed their lives either in establishing a new order or protecting the existing socio-political order. However, what we achieved?

The grassroots is more aware of their conditions, prospects and the hostilities that surround them. The social hierarchy has started to crumble down. The social power structure in the society has got changed drastically. The mouths are open. The spirit has been reinvented. The sense of power has empowered the previously marginalized and economically oppressed. The women are not only dreaming equality but also demanding to bring it into practice. The oppressed nationalities have come forward and are asking for greater access to opportunities and are striving hard for establishing their shining identities in a federal Nepal. The monarchy is gone. These are remarkable achievements. However, when we compare our achievements with that of other nations, sadness governs our thought processes. Poverty, illiteracy, ill health, oppression, marginalization etc continue to challenge our conscience.

A large percentage of people are still surviving under extreme poverty. The progress what we have attained has been grabbed by a tiny minority mostly composed of the upper middle class and urban elites. Inequalities exist in their extreme. Hence, the society has changed in incremental term, but is the same in structural term. The structures of the old society have started to crumble. However, they are very much dominant even today. Hence, there is the need of transformational ideals, actions and arrangements.

But, how the process moves ahead that addresses the need after such a major setback? The Maoist (not Unified Maoist) left the course at the middle of the journey. Yes, there is scarcity but it is still not a situation of disastrous famine. Be they minority inside the Unified Maoist or some new entities to take the lead; the endeavors that once the Maoist initiated, championed and developed would continue.

The euphoria originated due to the formation of new Unified Maoist-led government will be over sooner than later. The new endeavors will take shape and different organized forces would emerge. The new heroes will appear. And, the class confrontation will continue till a fundamentally different society comes into existence and a new progressive state power is established. The oppressed nationalities will continue their struggle to meeting their aspirations that will help them getting greater access and shinning identity. The Dalits will never sit idle till their emancipation is attained. The people have no option other than to continue their forward march. We took rest for about five years; it is time to start a long journey, once again.

A Cursory Look on Political Developments in Nepal

2011-08-22T16:10:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

Even after a long and painful waiting period of more than four years, the Nepali people could not see rays of hope and the mile stone where the transition ends. Frustration has become the talking agenda for a large majority. The leaders are busy building the personal empire and ensuring luxury and comfort for them. The people are seeing the leaders and their notorious acts and have become speechless. They, particularly the disciplined cadres, who still cherish the dream of a new Nepal, have been slowly recovering from their own disbeliefs. The most revered leaders and most loved party headquarters have moved 360 degree in all areas encompassing ideology, politics, tactic, strategy and practice. This phenomenon is more true to the cadres and supporters of Unified Communist party of Nepal (Maoist). The change, there, is phenomenal.

Now, it is important to have a cursory look of the political developments, particularly reviewing the developments of recent past so as to have some glimpses of the future.

The 12-point agreement between the Maoist and the parliamentary parties had created new expectations. The Nepalese people were waiting to get rid of many difficulties. Although, the people’s movement of April 2006 succeeded in electing the constituent assembly and abolishing the monarchy, but the new ruling elites utterly failed in generating hope among the people. They talked loudly about the birth of a New Nepal, but that Nepal was neither moving towards peace nor stability nor prosperity.

The Maoist people’s war was naturally violent. During the war, they not only practised armed transformational course of the society, but also imparted skills on the use of weapons, build strong attitudes towards organized attempts to attain goals and generated hope among people that a shiny new day is closer to their lives. So, the expectations had been created aggressively. The failure in materializing the expectation resulted to the emergence of several armed groups.

The parliamentary parties were accustomed to lethargy, cynicism, brinkmanship and greed. They were in a state of rotten potatoes. Simply, they were involved in certain regular rituals, which could be constructed as ‘peaceful struggle’ at times of need. They lined up at the opportune moment together with the Maoists and with India and are continuously harvesting benefits.

The king was an outdated autocrat, who was not only extremely unpopular but also was a useless brat who did not know even the basics of governance. Naturally, the monarchy accumulated all negatives at one point of time and initiated its own downfall.

The anti-monarchy role India played at that particular moment was critically important. India was unhappy with the monarchy as the monarchy was considered as anti-India, historically.

Hence, the Maoists with the strength of people’s power moved ahead in collaboration with the parliamentary political parties as these parties had certain degree of legitimacy on their side. Both of them together joined hands with India to overthrow the autocratic monarchy. India also represented the western power centres. Finally, they formed a coalition to overthrow the monarchy and they succeeded to accomplish that goal.

The days after the success of the movement, brought some honeymoon between the changing Maoists and the parliamentary political parties. They formed an interim government, drafted an interim constitution, organized election for the constituent assembly, abolished monarchy legally, formed government under the Maoists’ leadership and gave some impression that things will move to right direction and a New Nepal could be there sooner. But, that did not happen. The Unified Maoists failed miserably in all fronts, which could initiate radical change in the society. Hence, the Unified Maoist-led government collapsed. The UML-led spineless governments were no different.

After a few years of the success of the mass movement, the scenario got drastically changed. There is all-round frustration. There are tensions in the society. There are clashes of interests. The contradictions between and among nationalities is one particular feature of serious concern. The constitution drafting is facing serious roadblocks and the nature of federalism is one among them.

In political front, there are three forces in full play.

The first camp is that of regressive forces. The former monarch is the de facto leader of this camp. The regressive forces are not that well organized in form but have tremendous power in substance. They are thinly spread within political parties, bureaucracy, army, police, intelligence networks, so-called civil society groups and so on. They sometimes cover themselves as nationalists, in some other occasion as anti-federalists and in some other times present them as Hindu zealots. They sound sometimes as peace preachers and sometimes as human rights defenders. So, they are omnipresent. They work on the basis of issues and try everything to create obstacles in the advancement of the society in all its attributes – values, ethics, beliefs, attitudes, progress etc. These dark forces play skilfully and create platforms where the forces of reform and the forces of transformation clash among and between themselves. These regressive forces have played vital role in maintaining the.

The second camp is composed of reformists. They are in a difficult situation as their cadre base is composed of idealist change activists and their leadership represent the interests of semi- reactionary or reactionary classes. Many among leaders who are at the helm of the political organizations in this camp are overtly foreigner’s darlings. They talk loud to pacify their cadres, to blindfold common people and to camouflage themselves. Hence, this force, which is at the centre stage of the state power, is a coalition of progressive bottom and part-regressive top. The Nepali Congress, UML and Unified Maoist Establishment Platform (UMEP) belong to this reformist camp.

The third camp is that of transformational forces. The Mohan Baidya-led Maoist platform, Matrika Yadav-led Maoists, Mani Thapa-led Maoists etc belong to this camp. There are others also such as Kirat Janabadi Workers Party in this camp. They are in a state of setback and are again rearranging raw jute threads to make a rope. Hence, they are, at this point of time, creeping babies in the sense of their organizational strength. Still, they could turn into a formidable force anytime soon as there are plenty of raw materials available for them to process.

The regressive forces were the regressive forces in the past too (prior to 2006). The transformational forces were the transformational forces in the past too. Among the reformist forces, the Nepali Congress and the UML were the reformist forces in the past too. Hence, there is only one entity that got changed is the Unified Maoist’s establishment platform (UMEP). All other forces except the UMEP have been travelling following their stated roadmaps. They are predictable. However, the political behaviours of the UMEP are most unpredictable. This platform swings to all directions and climbs up and down in no time without any understandable reasons. Hence, the UMEP has been instrumental in making and breaking promises, structures and functions. It is primarily responsible for what has been happening today in Nepal. Understanding this reality is no less than attaining half of the solutions of the problems the country and the people are facing.

The sudden change of the politics of the UMEP made the process of societal change gloomy and messy. The state and society have every right to ask UMEP to behave according to their newly acquired political philosophy. The transformational forces also should recognize the fact that they are fundamentally different and should take their course accordingly. When, the roles would be clear, the mess will start getting cleared. The clarification of their roles automatically clears the ways for political alliances based on their ideological affinity and class base. Gradually, the thick fog would disappear and the road ahead will be visible to drive to.

Tenure of the Constituent Assembly: Extension, Extension ......

2011-05-14T06:45:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

Why the Constituent Assembly (CA) again failed to complete the constitution writing process? Many people believe that due to fighting among political parties and infighting within them are the major reasons. Some others say that it is due to Unified Maoist's reluctance to detach itself from its combatants. Some fertile minds cultivate reason and tell us that there is foreign hand. Some leaders say there is conspiracy to dissolve the CA and they are creating hurdles to stall the constitution drafting process. Hence, it would be absolutely necessary to look deep why the constitution is not ready.

The major issues that had contributed to the starting of the decade long "people's war" and the people's movement of 2006 included but not limited to political freedom, economic development and social justice through inclusion and participation. To institutionalize these strategic objectives, it was agreed that a new constitutional mechanism should be designed and for that purpose the election of a CA would be the best course. Hence, the election was organized and a grand CA came into existence. The tenure of this assembly was of two years, and when the assembly failed to produce the desired result the life of the assembly was extend for another year.

After sidelining the king, the CA declared Nepal a republic. Also, it concluded that Nepal will be a federal state. However, it failed to state on what basis the federal structure will stand on - geography, economic viability, nationality/ethnicity clusters, and combination of all or something else.

Hence, inability in agreeing on the restructuring of the state by designing a system that insures social inclusion and no interest in creating an operational framework that brings into full play the rights of indigenous and/or oppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and working class people are some of the major factors that have been contributing for the failure to finalize the constitution. In such background, federalism becomes one of the issues of prime importance.

The people, particularly the indigenous people and Madhesis have been facing discrimination in areas of language, ownership, opportunities, representation and governance. They want their rights back. To ensure that their grievances are addressed appropriately and positively, they should get the opportunity to govern themselves in a very autonomous way with the right to self-determination. Unfortunately, nearly all top leaders of major political parties are high caste hill Hindu Khasa males, who have failed to feel the discriminations against and sufferings of the oppressed sections of the people. Moreover, their control over power may erode, and thus, they are most reluctant to design a federal system where power is highly decentralized. Now, they need time to dilute the aspirations of oppressed people with frustrations so as to design a system of their likings that could be a nominally federated mechanism more in line with Mahendra's zonal system or Birendra's regional system.

The other unresolved issue was the reservation or special rights for marginalized sections of the society including Dalits, indigenous peoples and Madhesis, and women. Inclusion of marginalized sections into the mainstream needs bold steps to incorporate in the constitution. The reservation for women and Dalits and reparation for the Dalits are some of the critical issues. The Khasa male mindset of the troika prevents them moving forward. At the same time, they cannot deny the needs of such provisions, and they simply prolong the life of the Constituent Assembly to buy time.

Similarly, the large working class majority has been expecting change in their conditions. This needs a constitution that overtly favors working class majority, excluded sections and oppressed nationalities/ethnicities. However, the leaders either have come from higher class back ground or have amassed wealth and have elevated to higher class. They are not in need of the change which is transformative and creates environment for radically new power relationships. If there is no new constitution, the leaders could pretend that they are with the people whilst enjoying lives of aristocrats.

Democracy is one of the most misunderstood political terms in Nepal. Nepal, as a country, was never democratic, neither it is today. The Shahas had the dictatorial rule that followed by similar rule of Ranas. When such rule finally was over in 2006, the people got a dictatorial rule of a new troika (sometimes a gang of two or sometimes only an individual lord). This troika collectively and/or an individual behind the curtain or openly have been ruling Nepal for more than four years. The brigade of 601 at Baneshwor is functioning just as the participants of a public gathering. They are there to listen and to clap. Due to the troika or the individual lord taking all decisions, the CA has been functioning as a rubber stamp. May be a large majority of the CA members feels powerless, sees their role ornamental and experiences humiliation when the people throw stones on them. Designing democratic constitution by the most undemocratic troika is an uphill task, if not impossible.

Every big leader has turned to be a liability for him. This has created fear factor within them. In the same degree, their parties also are not confident that they will be able to grab better opportunities next time as their credibility factor is too low. In any case, there will be much less number in the legislative assembly, if a constitution is finally ready. Hence, slaughtering the constitution writing process and prolonging their stay in power is in the interest of the parties of the troika.

Also, the Unified Maoists are being composted and they need time to go through the decomposition process. They have taken the familiar UML route with much better speed. However, the compost needs time to be ready to be used to make the parliamentary system greener. The westerners know this better and as experts of time, space and processes, they are advising to extend the tenure of the CA and are funding too.

Due to the reasons as mentioned above, the government has proposed to extend the tenure of the CA for one year now, and the future extensions are open.

Is there any chance that the people or parties or parliamentarians could snatch power from the troika and complete the constitution writing process?

The people are very much frustrated. Hopelessness, generally expressed as "Jun Jogi Aaye Pani Kanai Chireko" (everybody is the same), has been encrypted in their mind. May be, not because of no constitution, as it is too abstract for them, but because of anarchy, lawlessness, scarcity of essential commodities and sky rocketing prices, the people will come out boiling with rage. When the lion is out of a cage, it is really out. Similarly, when parties start becoming parties and not the fiefdoms of the patriarchs, they may revolt against. And, when the parliamentarians start feeling really as a humiliated lot - powerless and frustrated, they may start ventilating their anger that could progress to some sort of revolt. These three are the positive factors that could help bringing out a federal, inclusive, democratic and progressive constitution. The alternative is foreign instigated or locally staged coup. This will add even more darkness; however, the troika rule is heading towards that direction. Let's try to bring synergy and build collaboration among people, parties and parliamentarians to prevent further darkness and to take our country to peace, progress and prosperity.
May 13, 2010

New Political Masters Enthroned: Hopelessness and Upheavals Continue

2011-02-07T07:24:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

The election of the prime minister has significantly polarized the political situation. The Congress has felt betrayed. A large majority of the Madhesi parties saw the play, a process that further marginalizes them. The so-called small parties have splinted vertically between left and center. The Unified Maoist party has faced near revolt as their 51 legislators expressed their disagreement on the standing committee decision that supported the CPN (UML) candidate. The UML is one in its look but when somebody goes beyond their physical being, it is the loose network of two entities clubbed together. They are in constant fight against each other. The center-right faction saw the biggest surprise of their political journey, when the Unified Maoist supported the UML candidate, who represents center-left faction of the party. The exercise conducted to elect the prime minister sounded a conspiratorial drama designed to checkmate the other side of the divide. It had everything - conspiracies, cover-ups, excitements, frustrations and many lows of political characters.

The new government will have several push and pull factors together. The most critical factors include but not limited to integration and rehabilitation of Maoist fighters, constitution writing and concluding the peace process logically. The Unified Maoists will not agree to break the chain of command of their fighting force. They will try to keep it as it is now under one or the other cover. The day when they agree to demobilize and disintegrate their armed force, they will be toothless. Hence, neither they will lose control of their PLA, nor will they change the status and modus operandi of operation of the Young Communist League nor will they return the property seized during the time of war. They consider that, now, they are free from these obligations as they are not leading the government. Therefore, at best, the new government could preserve the status quo. "Integration", "rehabilitation", "concluding peace process" and "constitution writing" are simply the phrases to use repeatedly without any operational obligations. Therefore, expecting any outcome, which could be termed substantially progressive, is just a mirage.

One of the major qualities of the new prime minister is that he is considered a weak and vulnerable leader. A government where the Unified Maoists are in majority in the cabinet, certainly they will promote their party's interests. The PM will have no other option than to abide by the Unified Maoist's decisions. The UML, minority in the cabinet, will be utilized to further the Unified Maoist plans. In outer appearance it sounds all great for the Unified Maoist leadership. The critical question is for what the Unified Maoist will utilize such opportunity? The Maoist agenda of societal transformation has been kept in the back-burner, since they became Unified Maoist. Hence, naturally, this opportunity will be utilized for some handsome gains for a galaxy of their core leaders.

The Unified Maoist leadership has clear objectives now. First, sideline or even crush the internal opposition. Second, maximize benefits of the barter they have done in the form of offering the prime minister's chair to a UML faction. Third, implement already devised strategy of getting the prime minister's chair for their chairman. And, finally get a constitution that has presidential form of government and ensure its chairman could get that position. In that day, they will integrate or rehabilitate their PLA, finish barrack system of the Young Communist League and may even return the seized property, if that would help them.

Many people have already started to speculate how long the government will survive? It depends on two critical issues - first, what will happen to constitution writing? Second, how far the prime minister could bear the load of ever increasing pressure? The sources of the pressure include the Unified Maoists, arch-opponents within and outside his party, the southern and northern neighbors and the western world.

There is no two-third majority with the governing coalition. To have the constitution finally approved, they need two-third majority. Therefore, there is a great need of give and take. However, in this environment, where the trust factor has been vanished, it is too difficult to finalize the constitution by the deadline. In that situation either the Constituent Assembly will be dissolved and election for a new assembly will be ordered or again the parties will extended the life of the existing assembly for another year. In such phenomenon, the never ending period of transition will frustrate the people more and there is most likely situation of people revolting against the ruling coalition. This will not only effectively seal the fortune of the government but also it will end the position of the Unified Maoist as powerful party. This way, the government will go by people's revolt. This is not the revolt the Unified Maoist talk often. This would be a revolt against them too. In a distant scenario, the constitution will be drafted, new election will be held and the new government will take over from this government. This is most unlikely to happen.

Now, let's see the second factors. The Unified Maoist chair is just ready to jump on the chair of the government. He will do everything to 'cordially' and 'comradely' oust the PM. Even there are people who say that the new prime minister is a stop gap official as their 'secret' seven point agreement hints that the PM's chair will revolve. In such case, the PM will simply warm the chair for the Unified Maoist chairman. Hence, the pressure from the partner could be unbearable. Equally important is the crucial role that could be played by Baburam Bhattarai camp to bring down the government. Once again, he is cheated as his political line has been implemented excluding him. The Congress and Madhesis are just restless to revenge the 'betrayal' of the UML leaders. The arch-opponents inside the prime minister's party will leave no stone unturned to dethrone him. When the Unified Maoists start prevailing over all government decisions, they will get fodder to feed their own comrades. Frustrated without getting any position of power, many UML MPs may turn against the prime minister. This could lead to the downfall of the government. The Unified Maoist at the center of power, that too, checkmating it, the famous South Block together with the mighty westerners will do everything at its disposal to dislodge the government. This "everything" includes designing splits within the governing parties, particularly within Unified Maoist and UML, convincing the President to stage a soft coup or provoking the army to militarily dethrone the government.

The new government, thus, is simply a change of guards. The guards are that of the same species but with different motivations regarding their self-interests. Their tilt is different. The previous one was tilted towards center- right and this new government has its tilt towards center-left. However, Nepal is a unique case for years. The society remains the same irrespective of the change of governing parties, ideologies or polities. This has been applicable this time too, which simply contributed to continue the existing crisis. There is just the change of custodians but hopelessness and upheavals continue. No medication has been working. Probably, our society and the governance have to go through surgical processes that include rapid transformation through genuine revolution. When the revolution with all its colors and vibrancies starts descending rapidly, the gamblers of the political casinos will be washed away and the people, individually and collectively, will celebrate the dawn of a new age.

Nepal: Hopelessness to Vibrancy

2010-09-23T14:29:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

(The following text is part of my reply to a friend's email. The personal references are taken out. I had sent the reply on 12 September 2010.)

More recently, collectively the Nepalese people have started feeling hopeless. The leaders, as individuals and collectives, failed to generate hope among the people. This all happened, I think, not as an accident. This sounds designed by someone skilled, interested and powerful. In our case, they are the external powers - easterners and westerners. I believe that the design was conceived around their need of disarming the Nepali Maoists so as to prevent the resurgence and spread of communism. The immidiate objective was to effectively prevent the Maoists taking over power in Nepal until they become same as the Communist Party of Nepal- UML (the center-left liberal parliamentary party that still carries the word "Communist" in its name). Aware or unaware of such design, the leaders (including the "overtly anti-India but covertly nobody knows type" Unified Maoists) sound just a part of the external powers' support mechanism in implementing their design.

In the distant past, the Ranas had resisted external designs somehow and to some extent. The Panchas followed the Rana's line. However, the parliamentary system of government, particularly, the one after 1990 movement followed pro-external power line, aggressively. Moreover, the mid-wife of the new political course, which started in 2006, as people believe and some external powers claim or agree with, is Delhi. Therefore, the external powers (not only India) remained most important, influential and dominating in today's political scenario. What we are seeing is just the dance of our leaders under the conductor's gestures. These conductors are in Washington, New York, Delhi, Beijing, London and Oslo. The roles of the ambassadors and their diktats reveal a ton.

Our socio-economic foundation is very weak and politico-educational attainment is in its infancy in regard to the formation of a critical mass. If the common men and women as the human products of such foundation behave in the same way as that of their base, it is understandable. But, when the leaders, who claim as the vanguards, behave in such fashion, it makes no sense. Hence, there is something seriously wrong in them. They may not be that bad as individuals but the environment made them subservient to its objective whole, and many among these leaders demean themselves to the lowest extent possible. As a result, even the infamous former king has started dreaming that he could revive his throne. This is a day-dream, but the new messy environment provided ground for him. I agree with you that the major parties and their leaders are responsible for this mess.

I agree that we are passing through the most difficult phase in our nation's history. The independent decision making power as a sovereign state has been compromised. The Nepali state is in crisis. The hope generating side of the Maoist movement has been evaporating. And, frustration among a large majority of people has been running high. However, as a diehard optimist, I believe that there is light on the other side of the tunnel. These leaders could be thrown out. The parties of today may disappear. There could be the need of another difficult journey. New sets of leaders may emerge. New (or radically reoriented existing) political parties may come up. This is quite certain that there would be a day full of sun-shine. You and I may or may not see that shiny day. However, the energetic, enterprising and visionary youths of today or even small children of today will bring that day, will see that day and will celebrate the birth of a shinning Nepal. As Anton Chekhov (1860–-1904) has narrated in his famous short story, "Ward No 6", we should enjoy the imagination of that pleasant day though it may arrive in distant future. After that historic break, there would be the creation of tranquility, peace and prosperity. Our motherland will be pervaded by the lovely yellowish light of the baby sun. I salute in advance to those politically, economically, socially, intellectually and culturally emancipated, enlightened and empowered citizens of that vibrant Nepal!

Nepal in Crisis: Long Live Nepal!

2010-09-06T10:26:00.000+05:45

Govinda Neupane

The political parties are repeating the same wrongful acts and activities as they did in 1950s and 1990s. They were after power and now they are again after power. They ignored people's problems and prospects completely in the past when they were at the helm of affairs; they are doing the same today. Being a participant of the parliamentary political system, the Unified Maoist party has been claiming itself as a revolutionary force. This role was played by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) in 1990s. Lack of alignment between the form and content is what the Unified Maoist party is sick of. Similarly, the CPN (UML) is a party that represents the interests of middle class people. Still, it declares that it is the party of proletariats. The Nepali Congress, at best, is a centre-right party, but it proudly declares that it is socialist. Hence, all three parties have been suffering from ideological illusion. Their philosophical lenses are no more working. However, they pretend that their lenses are all right. Hence, the major Nepali political parties are in crisis in regard to their approaches as their practices are totally detached from the ideology they love to talk about. The other smaller parties are in the same condition or if some of them are okay, still their roles may not have much impact in the larger political amphitheater of the nation.

All the main leaders want to grab the high office of the Prime Minister. There is total irresponsibility on their part. Two of the leaders representing two major parties are contesting an election which has failed to produce result for six times in a row. The third largest party knows nothing other than hatching political conspiracies to get the highest seat of the state power. This time 'consensus' is their mantra to cover their ill intensions. They want to sit at the driver's seat whatever way it is available. The Madhesi parties, notorious for their splits and doubtful practices, are at the bidding place and the bidders are bidding for their votes. Therefore, the political circus, which is one of the worst in the history of Nepal, has been continuing. The end result of the collective political behavior of the political actors has been confined to petty interests of the political lead-actors/villains or their parties. Similar to their ideological chit-chats, the nation and the people are simply means to attain power and prosperity for them.

The social forces also are overly reactive. They are just reacting to both issues and non issues. Coming to street has become the order of the day. There are several "forced closures" of market, transport, industries and educational institutions as and when a small section wishes so. Stone throwing crowd could be seen all over Nepal. Bewildered with all sets of chaos and anarchies, the indigenous people in some areas have started to demand greater role including a nominally federated state system. The demand of Limbuvan autonomous state is an example.

The law and order situation has been deteriorating continuously. People are feeling insecure as anytime criminals could strike. Their lives and properties are in danger of all sorts of harm. The criminals have a field day. The crime graphs including the daring cases of rubbery, abduction and killings are increasing many folds. Particularly, the central Madhes is seeing such events most regularly. The people in Madhes are the worst affected lot. A Tim, Dick or Harry comes with a gun, loots a few, kills a few and disappears. They are living in a disparate situation where the forces of the state have become onlookers. The parties and the leaders, who claim to represent Madhes and Madhesi people, are busy making their fortune in Kathmandu. Moreover, the people all over Nepal have become virtually powerless and they have become pessimists. There is the other side of the coin. Therefore, there are high chances that the patience of people disappears and a situation of total anarchy pervades the country.

The youths all over Nepal got an escape route in the form of foreign employment. Skilled or unskilled, rural or urban, male or female and healthy or not so much aspire for going out, particularly in Gulf countries, Malaysia, South Korea , Japan, USA, UK and Australia. This large scale migration of labor has been helping the national economy breathing as remittance income is 22% of annual GDP of Nepal. However, in the absence of youths and their vigor, vision and spirit, the societal as well as political changes have suffered.

The gap between the rich and poor has been widening. The recent Oxford report says that there is a large majority of people under poverty line (Multidimensional Poverty Index Poor 64.7%). The national wealth is mostly under the control of a few super rich families. The economic contradiction has been fierce. The strikes in industries, though ignited by political aspirants have reflected the workers' desire for a better life.

At macroeconomic level, the situation is fast approaching to full-fledged characteristics of a failed state. The legislature is unable to pass the annual budget as there is constant fight among the major political parties in the parliament. The Balance of Payment is quite negative. The foreign currency reserve has been decreasing. Trade deficit is alarmingly high. The growth rate of economy is nominal. Nobody knows exactly what the rate of unemployment/underemployment is. No new macro development projects, which could add wealth to national economy and provide infrastructural foundation, were implemented during the last several years. Prices of essential commodities are skyrocketing. Corruption, nepotism, favoritism, malpractices and black-marketing have become regular features.

On the nationalism front, Nepal has been in the weakest position after the war against the British colonizer (1814-1816). This fact also has been rightly pointed out by Pashupati Sumsher Rana and Baburam Bhattarai in their television appearances. They were unanimous comparing today's situation with that of aforementioned period. When Nepalese are so much divided, it is only natural that the foreign powers start meddling. Not only big countries like USA or big neighbors like India or China, but also small European countries like Norway try to diktat. The resources they provide and their nationals who are international professionals and hold high offices in Nepal are the instruments of their meddling. Together, India, European Union, USA and United Nations are over stepping on Nepali sovereign rights in an unprecedented manner. These over stepping, meddling and interferences have contributed immensely to make Nepal a strong candidate for failed state. Now, survival as a nation and as a people has become the first and foremost concern for us.

The situation is too gloomy. The nation is too fragile. The people are too weak. This mess is what the 'big' political leaders and their party apparatus have created. Their lust for power, money and luxury is the main cause of this sorry state. The problem is that we do not have any strong and organized progressive political force to snatch the initiative and start doing something to generate synergy for a rapid political change. Hence, Nepal is virtually at the stage of either power take-over by the regressive forces or fragmentation of its territory to deferent nationality/ethnic units or losing its sovereign national status. Alternatively, the process could be reversed if nationalists (do not equate to royalist), leftists and democrats within all major parties rebel against their Headquarters. If the rebels could take control of their parties or form separate parties and create a united front with other like minded parties, they could keep Nepal united. This endeavor offers hope to people, creates positive environment to reverse the fate of being failed state and opens up new horizon to move forward.

Now in Nepal, there is possibility of two types of coup d'états. The first is regressive coup d'état, which could be staged by the army. The other is progressive coup d'état, which could be staged by nationalist progressive democrats, who are functioning as second layer leaders or cadres within the major parties. They could stage the political and organizational coup d'état against their own party Headquarters. If this happens, people could see the ray of hope. The third option is disintegration of Nepal into several smaller nationality/ethnic units. If this option gets acceleration, there would be bloodshed of unprecedented nature and scale. The solution is not several smaller nationality/ethnic units, but a nationality/ethnicity based cooperative federal system. The fourth option is Nepal being a protectorate either ruled by western powers through a United Nations mechanism or directly by India. Hence, the situation is grave.

We have not many choices available. Therefore, all who love Nepal should be alert, active and organized to challenge the Bhasmashurs (the notorious destroyers). Defeating or sidelining them, at least, makes space available to initiate the process of societal transformation and national renewal. Therefore, all patriotic, progressive and democratic Nepali political and social activists should contribute most meaningfully to make sure that our beloved motherland overcomes weaknesses, acquires strengths and starts shining. Strategically, only "people power" movements could realize this goal. The "People power" movements could include but not limited to mass information initiatives, political awareness campaigns, cultural programs, diplomatic lobbying, literary works, pro-Nepal internet information endeavors/campaign/networking, dissemination of well-researched facts/truths and direct actions including demonstrations. Let us create the sound of thousands of Vuvuzela aiming to energize the grassroots and encourage the pro-people, pro-Nepal activists. A person or a group or a mass of large number of people, individually or collectively, could contribute in these "People Power" movements. Hence, wherever we are, this is our duty to organize or participate in these movements and contribute positively whichever way we could. Long Live Nepal!

September 05, 2010

Hindsight on the Unified Maoists' "Indefinite" General Strike

2010-05-11T11:36:00.000+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

1. Kathmandu was over flooded with red flags on May Day. The procession was one of the largest processions that Nepal ever had seen. The busses, trucks, vans, etc ferried people from neighboring districts. The number of people coming from outside valley was estimated around 150,000. The lowest estimate of the number of participants in the mass meeting, as usual, was that of the Valley Police and the highest was that of the organizers, the Unified Maoists. The police estimated their number around 200,000 and the Unified Maoists said their number was more than 600,000. Anyway, their number was quite large. The crowd was jubilant. They were adding energy by singing and dancing. Among the participants, the Young Communist League (YCL) volunteers were the most visible lot. The participants included a large number of women and teenagers. In brief, the participants of the procession were joyous, enthusiastic and energetic and the procession was colorful and exciting. The same scenes were replicated in several urban centers all over Nepal. The Unified Maoist leaders made politico-sentimental speeches that enhanced jubilation, inserted heroism and replanted 'do or die' attitude. In the same venue, they declared nationwide indefinite general strike from 2nd May. The key demands included overthrowing the incumbent coalition government and establishing a new national consensus government so as to ensure stable peace and constitution writing. The party quite frankly said, "You must come to Kathmandu with shroud cloth wrapped around your heads and flour in your bags. It will be our last battle. If we succeed, we survive; else it will be the end of our party." (Unified Maoist General Secretary Badal in www.southasiarev.wordpress.com.) Thus, a "third people's movement" was unfolded.

2. The "third people's movement" was not spontaneous, it was planned meticulously. The Unified Maoist leaders were busy preparing the foundation publicly by communicating massages about "people's revolt", "overthrowing puppet government", "salvaging the peace process", "ensuring pro-people constitution writing" and "formation of the national consensus government under the Unified Maoist leadership", etc. Internally, the party and its sister organizations assessed their strengths and prepared plans to enroll their cadres and sympathizers to take them to urban centers. Similarly, to adopt Gandhian protest technology, which centers on nonviolence, they motivated the prospective volunteers and participants in 'peaceful' protest techniques and behaviors. Prior to the agitation, they also provided refresher trainings on martial arts and armed self-defense techniques to volunteers. The open demonstrations of such exercises in several parts of the cities and towns indirectly created fear among the neutral city dwellers. This made them subdued in expressing their opposition during the initial days of protest. Probably, the open demonstrations were organized keeping this as one of the objectives. The timing of the protest was quite appropriately chosen as it was dry season, the Constituent Assembly was in a stage of coma, the government was highly unpopular, frustration was at its climax among the people, the Nepali Congress was nearly headless, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) was at the verge of division due to bitter internal quarrels and the United Nations Mission in Nepal(UNMIN) and the Nepal office of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) were overtly favoring the Unified Maoists. Hence, the timing was excellent. The occasion of the May Day to declare the protest movement and implementation of the same, from the very next day was quite appropriate.

3. The Unified Maoist leaders are skilled in unfurling surprises. They have a large store of several types of surprises, and this time it was their love to nonviolence. They proudly declared the borderline of ethics for the protesters and that was no act of violence. During the initial three days, the protestors adhered to this behavioral arrangement, though it was new to the Maoist cadres and sympathizers. The leaders were busy selling this surprise. They were repeatedly mentioning that their protest remained peaceful - no tire burning, no stone throwing, no fight etc. They did not break any iron bars erected for partitioning footpath and road, nor did they smash the window glasses of the government and private buildings except a few. They did burn or destroy a few two-wheelers and four-wheelers. They also did not vandalize that many shops. The agitation of this size could have devastating effects, if judged by previous events and experiences. Interestingly, the participants were singing and dancing as if the protest was a festival and they were happily celebrating it.

4. The people from the rural areas were taken to unfamiliar places. They had to stay in strange arrangements, something like staying in a barrack system. They had to survive in an unhygienic street/city environment. Moreover, they did not see anything that is directly relevant to their lives. The strike was neither a general popular movement nor any extraordinary initiative that could be called revolt. Hence, bewilderment among the participants was quite normal. They did not get meaningful support from the local people. Most probably, the Unified Maoist leadership overestimated their strength in the urban areas particularly in the Kathmandu valley. Contrary to their expectation, the neutral local people, by and large, see the protest movement as another invasion after what Prithvinarayan Shah did two hundred forty two years ago. Already, the donation drive had antagonized many middle class people. Many among the neutral people in Kathmandu were suspicious in the beginning, started to feel fear after two-three days and perceived as some sort of threat to their very survival after fourth day. The same happened to others cities. When the forced closure prolonged, it affected the working class people. They became the primary victims. In this opportune moment, the Hindu ultras attacked and vandalized agitators' base in Birgunj. Also, local people clashed against them in Satungal in Kathmandu and other places including Budhanilakantha, Kapan, Jorpati, Patan, etc. There were serious confrontations in Dhankuta, Parbat, Pokhara, Rajbiraj and other places. The militant YCL cadres saw several acts of disobedience from many sections including from their own supporters. The situation got worse after the beating of construction wage workers in Pokhara and beating of a woman at Ratnapark in suspicion of adding pesticide in drinking water. These beatings revealed intolerance on the part of YCL. Intolerance gave opportunity to their opponents to demonize them and it clicked to some extent. The neutral mass started to polarize against them, particularly after the YCL cadres confronted against the prospective participants of the Basantapur mass meeting and their peace rally. Moreover, the Unified Maoist leadership underestimated the ability of the government to resist. It sounded that the leadership had an agitation wish, "We will put a few hundred thousands people on the street. The people will sing and dance. Under the pressure of singing and dancing, the puppet government will run to Delhi vacating the seat of power in Kathmandu. Chairman Prachanda or some other comrade will jump to the prime ministerial chair. The movement will succeed and the people will go home back thrilled with joy".

Moreover, during the initial days of the strike, there was absence of consistent position in regard to talks and protest. This inconsistency created lots of confusion. Similarly, the leadership did not foresee the possibility of infiltration by vigilantes and could not stop them from infiltration. Baring a few beatings, the vigilantes succeeded in carrying out their tasks. Also, the leadership failed to mobilize support of independent progressive individuals and groups.

Finally the leadership woke up and called the strike off. As the direct result of this tactical defeat, the political brand value of the Unified Maoist decreased, substantially. They are seen now not as a roaring lion that had been in its natural habitat, but as one domesticated. Their writ may not run as in the past as their strength got exposed. The Unified Maoist leadership has been seen visibly tired. The cadres, particularly the youth are angry. The party lost a large sympathizer base, particularly in urban centers. The talk of the town is that the Unified Maoist is not invincible. This perception has challenged the psyche of the previously unchallengeable Unified Maoist youth cadres. Now, there is a danger that the Maoist youth cadres will go back to their home bases in the rural areas and may act against local Congress and UML cadres. It should not be surprising if several Congress and UML cadres will run out of their villages or they will retaliate. Hence, the after-effects may give rise to more acts of violent confrontation.

5. Even after its tactical defeat, the Unified Maoist is still the largest cadre based party that could mobilize largest number of masses. They are down but not out. They have tested bitter pills. May be, that would cure some of their illnesses - over nurturing of personal ambitions, tall talking, fantasies and romanticism. Who knows, they may fight back as a wounded lion. In any case, this tactical defeat may not take them to oblivion. But, this defeat may crystallize the differences inside the Unified Maoists. There are already two platforms. The socialist platform could overtly UMLise itself and the Maoist revolutionary platform could reemerge as a vanguard, once again. Alternatively, the socialists' and Maoists' cohabitation within the Unified Maoist party will continue but with intensified two-line struggle in ideological and political fronts.

May 10, 2010

Nepal: moving forward, slowly but surely

2010-04-09T12:01:00.000+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

The New Nepal has become a different Nepal. This different Nepal is a republic. This republic pardoned former monarchs and their cronies, corrupt political leaders, wrong-doing bureaucrats and dreaded criminals. So, all of them are having a field day. The former monarch is roaming around dreaming that one fine morning he could reclaim over his previous throne. The shady leaders have been projecting themselves as the Messiah of New Nepal. They occupy all high positions existed legally. Even, they have arranged strange entities such as High Level Political Mechanism and have been parading everywhere showing luxurious political clout. The criminals have been pardoned as many of them all of the sudden converted themselves as cadres of ruling political parties. Many among them purchased their political affiliation by paying good price to the leaderships. So, day-dreaming, corruption and crimes have become the ruling ideology of the superstructure of New Nepal. Hence, full blown anarchy, ailing national economy, confrontational social relationships and all pervading black marketing and profit-pocketing by several layers and types of politico-business tycoons and their stooges have been hitting hard at the backbone of New Nepal. Similarly, the commoners in the new republican order are also experiencing the heat. Acknowledging this nonsense as the sad side of the story, in this essay, I will share my exploration on fundamental positive change that has been taking place at the grassroots and at national level in many areas.

The series of movements and strategic initiatives including the Arya Samaj movement, pro-democracy movements, Jhapa movement and decade-long Maoist people's war contributed significantly in the process of grassroots awakening. The same movements and initiatives also contributed to break several chains of exploitations and injustices, which had been preserving unjust socio-economic and political structures, order and hierarchies. A different grassroots of New Nepal has emerged as a result of many socio-political factors including the initiatives that created common community wealth and greater facilities. Similarly, at national level, the people and the nation have erected some important milestones. Hence, it would be relevant to talk about the contributing factors and their impact on the larger society, though briefly.

Silent social revolution

Without any hue and cry, people at local levels tried to insert new values, which, on the long run, replaced the value system that existed for centuries. A Brahmin boy got married to a Dalit girl and he was thrown away from the village. It was difficult to adjust with but they survived. This event was a clear break with the past. Slowly, such events were replicated all over Nepal. This new trend had major contribution in breaking the untouchability myth. Hundreds of undocumented events including the struggle of Dalits to get rid of untouchability and to get justice and equality created the platform. And, the state was forced to declare untouchability as crime. But, the forceful implementations of such arrangements were only possible when education offered new information and the paradigm of the people particularly that of youths shifted. Now, they have generally (though not fully yet) regained respect in the society after several centuries. Similarly, the oppressed nationalities have individually and collectively tried for several years to get recognition of their rights and equal place in the society. Now, they have attained a level from where realization of their goals is not far away. Several women including Yogmaya and Dibya Koirala either through religious reform movements or by spreading facilities to educate women took part in the emancipation process of women. These acts of silent revolutions contributed most meaningfully to provide the foundation to change the society. During the ten years of the Maoist people's war, the process was shortened as they revolutionized the thought processes and the behaviors of the masses. So, the village Nepal is quite different than the village Nepal of ten years back. The same is applicable at grassroots level in urban Nepal. Although, the grassroots is not egalitarian as such, neither it is free of social prejudices against Dalits, women and oppressed nationalities, but it is uniquely different. Now, no power could prevent it from saying "good bye" to untouchability, gender stereotypes and socio-political exclusion of oppressed nationalities. The forces of change have been proceeding forward and their march is fast and irreversible. This is really a New Nepal in making at the grassroots.

Chains of mass movements

The new political journey initiated by the idealist youths of Prachanda Gorkha (the very first political party in Nepal that survived just for some months) has created several milestones to reach the level that of today. Among the movements, the anti-Rana movement, pro-democracy movements (1947 onward), Jhapa movement and Maoist movement contributed more in the process of mass awakening, but the major role have been played by several small local level mass uprisings. Some of these uprisings had a class nature such as the very first industrial workers strike in Biratnagar Jute Mills (1947) and Gaur peasants struggle (1950). The same could be seen in social arena like oppressed nationalities' movement such as the Kirat rebellion in Majhkirat (1908) or that of Dalits such as the struggle launched to establish their right to enter inside Pashupatinath temple (1954) or that of student's Jayatu Sanskritam struggle (1947). These struggles erected several milestones in the process that played significant role in detaching the future from its past. They developed and disseminated a strong message that a new Nepal is in making. May be, several small local level uprisings did not last long, but they deeply impacted on the socio-political landscape of the area. The synergy generated through their impacts accelerated the process of substantial change in the larger society.

Emergence of the critical mass

Expansion of formal educational facilities, non-formal education activities, cooperative movements, community level project implementation mechanisms, user groups and several small scale participatory grassroots mechanisms had created the environment, where people started to question, tried to search for probable answers and more importantly moved away from subordinate frame of mind and became a part of valuable critical mass. The recognition of plurality of values, belief systems, social norms, community behaviors and social relationships opened the horizon for interactions, quantitative reformation and qualitative change. Hence, the society has been passing through several acts and activities of continuous renewal. Thus, it has provided opportunities to expand the critical mass and helping it to be more informed, reasonable, logical, confrontational and resolute.

New information highway and ever-expanding communication networks

Newspapers, radios including FM stations and television channels played one of the most important roles not only in disseminating information and building knowledge base in several areas but also they helped people to move out of the mindset primarily confined to feudal attitudinal frame. Gradually, they have been moving towards open attitudinal space. Now, they know how the affluent sections of their society live. Hence, they have the opportunity to compare between two types of livelihoods and lifestyles. This has exposed them to different type of reality. This exposure enabled them to set new life goals on one side and also it empowered them with information to direct their efforts to attain those goals by mixing confrontational and capability building approaches, simultaneously. The telephone network and other communication facilities are integrating societies more closely and hence, more united actions could be seen in several fronts that include but not limited to new initiatives, common interest actions, joint acts, issues/events based struggles etc. The means of information dissemination, knowledge building and attainment of relaxation/entertainment have offered more comfortable space and livable environment.

Expansion of facilities

Whether be it formal education institutions or health facility service centers or business enterprises or community level service delivery mechanisms; the number, size and capacity of such facilities have increased many folds. The airports, highways and road networks have connected places and people and provided infrastructural base for the feeling of oneness among people of several different regions. These transportation infrastructures have also expanded the market for products and services. Although, there is power cut for more than 12 hours daily during dry season, the fact is that Nepal produces more than 600 megawatts of electricity (2009). This is not enough, but the foundation is ready to move fast to generate more.

Emergence of new social contract at the grassroots

The annual labor contract system between the peasants and agriculture workers in the rural areas has gone through a sea change. The system of an agricultural worker attached to a certain peasant or a landlord is no more in practice in eastern and central Nepal and in western Nepal too such systems like Kamaiyas, Haliyas and Kahmlaris are disappearing fast. It may not continue for long. This is one major contribution of the left movement in Nepal. Similarly, the changes in tenancy system and providing rights to the tenants have freed them from evicting whenever the landowner wished so. Though, exploitation and unjust relationships are still prevalent in the society, the new system of social contract has been emerging very fast with a clear goal of establishing a just and egalitarian society. It may not radically transform the society just through evolutionary change, but it has been building foundation to realize the goal through revolutionary means.

Labor migration and remittance economy

Many youths from rural areas even from remote parts are daring to travel to the places they have not heard about. Neither they know the language nor they are familiar with the culture there nor do they be sure what type of job they will get and how much money they could earn. Even, they do not know to complete the embarkation/disembarkation forms. Still, they ventured particularly to Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea. Some of them have gone to Israel and Cyprus. A few could be found in Japan. And, many travel to several parts of India. Their number is not exactly known but that could be more than 2.5 million. They are sending money home and that is estimated around a trillion in Rupees every year. They did not only go out and send money, but also helped to take out excess workforce from agriculture creating fairly reduced supply of labor in that sector of economy. The demand and supply mechanism created some positive change in rural wage system. Now, the labor gets more. Though, it has increased the price of agricultural produces but it is only fair if the agriculture workers get more wages. This way, the rural folks are getting inward remittance regularly and their living standards are improving. The children of migrant workers are enrolled in schools, in some cases in better schools. Hence, rural livelihood mechanism has been changing and the national economy is getting breather in times of senseless anarchy.

Professionals and experts

The experts in certain fields and professionals in many areas could be found working in several parts of the globe. They are with United Nations and its system agencies, multilateral organization, international business enterprises, universities and research centers, aid agencies including international non-government organizations and expert services caterers such as famed fashion designers, mountaineering instructors etc. Outside the country, they are Nepal's goodwill ambassadors and when they come back home, they bring unmatched expertise. Even inside Nepal, we have some world class professionals. In this way, slowly but steadily, Nepal is moving forward.

Conclusion

It would be helpful to examine the objectiveness of the above analysis by comparing the deference using some indicators. Hence, a few basic indicators below could be quoted for this purpose.

a. Nepal during 1960-1970

Life Expectancy at birth (1960): 38 years

Adult Literacy Rate (1970): 13%

Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1960): 297

b. Nepal during 1980-1990

Life Expectancy at birth (1987): 52 Years

Adult Literacy Rate (1985): 26%

Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1988): 197

Real GDP per capita (ppp in 1987): US$ 720

HDI (1990): 0.273

http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_1990_en_indicators1.pdf

3. Nepal during 2000-2010

Life Expectancy at birth (2007): 66 Years

Adult Literacy Rate (2007): 56.5%

Real GDP per capita (ppp in 2007): US$ 1049

HDI (2007): 0.553

http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html

Human Development Index (HDI) has doubled in 2007 (0.553) compare to 1990 (0.273). Similarly, Adult literacy rate too has jumped more than four fold in 2007 (56.5%) compare to 1970 (13%). Life expectancy has gone steadily up from 38 years in 1960 to 52 years in 1987 to 66 years in 2007. Per Capita real GDP (PPP) also has increased from US$ 720 in 1987 to US$ 1049 in 2007. Although, it is not that much, still the over all trend is positive. Hence, despite Nepal being under despotic regimes or 'democratic' anarchies, the progress mentioned above is not small. Moreover, during the decade starting 1996, Nepal was in unprecedented turmoil and upheavals primarily caused by the Maoist-led people's war. Nepali economy and infrastructures had been on constant pressure that included damage of common wealth created already. Overcoming such difficulties and getting some good marks is an achievement for which Nepali people could feel proud.

Nepal has three limitations in regard to its way forward. First, Nepal has the governance problem. No mainstream political party commands the respect of people. Their politics of deception and their acts, which revolve around their petty interests, have injured the nation, dangerously. Second, in both areas, in creation of wealth, Nepal is not in optimal level and in distribution of created wealth justly, Nepal fares badly. Third, in comparison to nations, which were generally in the same situation in 1960, Nepal's pace of change and its overall development have lagged far behind. Therefore, Nepal is in great need of the politics of transformation, which has a blend of progressive ethics, values, characters, hopes, visions and commitment to cause. Also, Nepal very much needs political, social, economic and organizational instruments, which could lead Nepal in creation of wealth. This wealth could be meaningful skills, physical facilities, organizational infrastructure, intellectual capacity, technological capability or simply that could be production of enough goods and services. There should be appropriate mechanisms, polities and practices that ensure basic equality, equity and justice in distributing the wealth that has been or would be created. Nepal could catch up with the nations, which reached ahead of it today, if it could create synergetic effects of these two factors. Also, identifying correctly its strength base, setting priorities right and channeling entire national energies to drive the nation forward are equally important. Certainly, in this course of all inclusive transformation, the roadblocks should be cleared. A progressive, compassionate, just, shining and ever-renewing New Nepal could and should emerge, if initiatives, endeavors and enterprises prosper.

April 07, 2010

Leadership Failure and the Syndrome of National Disintegration

2009-10-15T13:05:00.000+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

The main leaders of the major mainstream political parties have been behaving in such a fashion that the people have started to look them as the clowns of the dethroned monarch. All leaders of the THREE BIG parties have lost their credibility. The Nepali Congress leader Mr. G. P. Koirala's credibility was already too low. People have been blaming him for years that he is visionless, valueless and power hungry. Some people believed that he translates his words into actions. It was thought that what he says, that he does. It was just the appreciation of his predictability. Although, this year, there was erosion in this appreciation, still he is the one losing less. In mathematical term, for example, he had 10 positive points last year in a scale of 100 and now he might have still 7 points. Hence, he has a negative result of 3 points. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) leader Mr. J. N. Khanal has been known for both his intellectual ability and political limitations. This year, there is some change in his image as most of the time he was swinging between Maoists carrots and his own party's sticks. Incidentally, he doesn't command majority support in the UML central committee. So, eating words and changing stands made him a unique person. His credibility range also has gone down significantly. He might had 35 positive points last year and now he may have just 20 points. The war-time superhero and the most charismatic Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) leader Mr. Prachanda is the biggest loser, both in areas of credibility and charisma in the current political amphitheatre. Most of the time, there is no match between what he says and what he does. In the scale of 100, he probably had 85 positive points last year and now he will command not more than 15 points. He is between J. N. Khanal (20) and G. P. Koirala (7). If the same trend continues, he may top the list next year surpassing Mr. Koirala. Moreover, Prime Minister Mr. M. K. Nepal also belongs to this same category of leaders, who are losing credibility with a high margin. His only agenda seems sticking to the Prime Minister's chair by making any compromise. One strange thing is that Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Mr. Ram Chandra Poudel and Mr. K. P. Oli have maintained their respective places both in credibility and charisma with some minus and plus points.

The leadership primarily composed of the BIG THREE parties failed miserably in guiding the nation at a delicate time of transition. After watching all the nonsense they uttered and the shameful acts they performed; the people came to realize lately that the rosy picture what the leaders were sharing with them was the same as that once shared by Mr. K. P. Bhattarai, who had told that he was in the process of making Nepal a new Singapore.

The weaknesses of the leadership provided opportunities to external powers to influence the political course strongly in an unfavorable way. As a result, now, we could see several holy places where our leaders often visit for worship. Delhi and Beijing are among the first line temples followed by Washington, London and Oslo. There are people talking about boarder encroachment. But, no leader dares and cares to talk about this issue. Our policies are either made outside in those capitals as mentioned above or in our very own five star hotels by the experts or the manipulators coming from the same capitals and staying in small Nepali heavens, the luxury hotels. The ambassadors are another bunch of rulers and they often try to rule by issuing decrees. The external players visit bedrooms of our BIG leaders and instruct them even how to snore. These leaders pretend that they have no foreign influence on them. Sometimes, they even act well. For example, many among them chant anti-India slogans publicly and polish shoes of their Indian Masters privately

The New Nepal, now, is better known as a Nepal full of hardships, difficulties and uncertainties. These factors include lawlessness, anarchy and mass destruction of public and private properties. No one could feel safe other than the mighty leaders and their cronies. The general strikes popularly knows as BANDHAS have become most frequent as all types of people trying to fulfill any demand call for it, throw stones against pedestrians, burn tires, set vehicles on flames, destroy shops, vandalize public and private properties, terrorize entire populace by beating, hitting or chasing them and think that he or she or they accomplished wonderful acts of struggle. Survival has become number one priority for a large majority of people. Those who do not have means to live are hungry and hence are angry. Similarly, those who have means are at the verge of abduction or killing, and hence are also angry. This makes only a small minority enjoying the fruits of such hardships and anarchy. Everybody knows that this small minority is primarily composed of criminals and political bandits protected by major and minor political parties.

The exercise of the national sovereignty has already been limited. Nepal as such has become incapable to protect its sovereign rights and interests due to external and internal factors. It has been already discussed above about the external factors. The internal factors include anarchic crowd mentality, ethnic aspirations, continuation of Khas chauvinism, geographical disadvantages and local grievances, internal colonization and people's desire to get rid of it and the extreme poverty are contributing to weakening Nepal. By examining the performance of the state mechanism, it is now not a compact state unit. The selfish, visionless and worthless leadership, resentful people and irrational external powers all are adding to a process that has been crystallizing to national disintegration. It may not remain as a sovereign multicultural state if the same trend continues or gets acceleration. Psychological and social disintegration was already in process for several decades, and now there are economic and political disintegrations seen in the horizon.

The unprecedented erosion of state power is the first evidence of disintegration of the Nepalese nation. The so-called major parties make all strategic decisions collectively or individually. The state mechanisms including the courts simply legalize the non-legal decisions or pretend that nothing has happened or overlook. A murderer could come out of the police custody if an influential party is a beneficiary of his or her crime. This could be in the form of political affiliation with that party or previous arrangement of sharing the booty/benefits or simply that person could bribe either that party or its leaders. In case of convicted criminals too, they could get amnesty by utilizing the same privileges. Moreover, these parties could do anything and that is considered normal and natural on the name of 'transitional political environment'. This is nothing other than the clear evidence of political disintegration of the state system.

The oppressive Khas chauvinist chiefs have not shared any power in qualitative term. Although, we could see more women or people from oppressed nationalities standing together with the Khas chiefs and their deputies or cronies in the constituent assembly (also parliament), cabinet or in other organs of the state, but they are just the show pieces. They are there not for making decisions but to shout and offer thumb impressions when the Khas chiefs and their powerful cronies instruct them to do so. The Madheshis, MangolKirats and Dalits had no say in the old Nepal and have no say in this so-called new Nepal. But, now they have the information regarding the discriminations they are facing and they have the desire to get rid of such discriminations. Hence, the divisions have been visible and the desires for solving such phenomenon are intense. When the solutions are not coming out through positive means, the negative means have started to initiate irreversible courses. Certainly, this could lead to social disintegration of the Nepalese nation.

The southern bread basket is the major economic base of the Nepalese nation not only because it is rich in agricultural production but also it is the industrial as well as commercial hub. For centuries, Madhes was treated as a colony by the Khas rulers and the Madhesis know now exactly how they were treated for centuries. They want now economic and political power. The Karnali region has been neglected for long and now the people there know that they are surviving in sub-human conditions and the Nepalese state has done nothing significant for them. The people of MangolKirat nationality know their state of being and are asking for Libuwan, Khambuwan and so on. The same psychological phenomenon is there in other regions too. Hence, the regions and nationalities all over Nepal have expectations that they should get the right to govern themselves. Most of the time and in most of the places, their demands are going beyond duel federalism. They want the right to self determination. When the backbone of the nation, the state system, is so weak, their demands may not be addressed centrally in a comprehensive manner. This situation may lead to territorial disintegration.

There was a joke that a policeman remembered that he was operated by a surgeon 12 years ago. The surgeon had taken his entire brain out when he escaped from the operation theatre. He went back to the surgeon to get his brain back and got it fixed. The surgeon asked where he was for so many years and what he was doing without his brain. The policeman replied that he was a policeman. Now, this time it seems that several persons ran out from the operation theatre without fixing their brains. But this time they did not go for uniform. They put the caps of big leaders on their heads.

The nation and people are in an extraordinarily difficult situation. The nation is at the verge of disintegration, the people are crying for survival and the oppressed social sections, nationalities and regions are dying for justice; the big parties and their big leaders are busy in fattening themselves, their relatives and their cronies. This is utter failure of the leadership. Now, either there would be revolt of unprecedented nature against them and a positive check comes into motion to preserve the national unity of the Nepalese nation or the situation would deteriorate further and the disintegration takes its strategic course. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.

Unified Maoists: A Rapid Political Appraisal

2009-07-03T06:36:00.000+05:45

- Govinda Neupane

The former Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got united with the former Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). They gave a new name to themselves - Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Hence, knowing them who they are has become a topic of interest. Therefore, an attempt has been made here to present a brief overview reflecting on their achievements and losses after the Delhi Agreement (November, 2005) to find out their political place now.

What the Unified Maoists attained?

They got American and European acceptance as a political force in Nepal. Although, they are still in the terror related list of America, but that has not much significance as there is nothing substantial at practical level. Some Scandinavian countries are even much friendlier towards them. They got the unusual support from, both India and China in this course barring India's action regarding the last disagreement of the Unified Maoist led government's decision of sacking the army chief.
They got the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election. They played effective role in abolishing the monarchy. Irrespective of good or bad governance, they led the government of Nepal for nine months.
Their strength might have gone up in numerical sense after many independents (including former monarchists) and cadres of other parties joined them. Also, they got united with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). The process of the merger was quite interesting. The former Maoist party merged with former Unity Center-Masal, politically and ideologically; whereas former Unity Center-Masal merged with former Maoist party organizationally.
While they were running the government, they performed better in some areas, particularly in generating revenue.
They generated great hopes among people and created a sense of empowerment among the suppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and oppressed as well as exploited masses. Although it was relative and temporary, but happiness is happiness. And, also strategically, seeds of awareness and taste of accomplishments never die.

What are their losses?

Sudden and unpredictable change of tactics including the political line created a situation that contributed to derailment of the path of the Nepalese democratic revolution. There was no vertical organizational split, though a few leaders including Matrika Yadav left the party. But there were horizontal divisions of unprecedented nature in many areas including approaches, political line, tactics and relationships. Many party cadres, PLA cadres and sympathizers either started to feel betrayed or became confused and developed suspicion on the motives of the leadership. The famous or infamous Shaktikhor video works as an evidence of such situation inside the Unified Maoist's world. This was the biggest loss of the Unified Maoist. In reality, the revolutionaries, once again, have to clear roadblocks.
The Unified Maoist's another major loss was that of diminishing credibility of the frontline leadership. Their art of speaking conveniently became known to everybody. Perhaps, it was their compulsion as they were playing a game by using different rules of different games. Credibility loss is one of the most serious diseases for any political party or politician and the diagnosis is that the Unified Maoist also has been suffering from this disease.
They failed in running the government smoothly and people started to suspect their intention and ability to translating the slogan of new Nepal into reality. Insecurity, lawlessness and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities added misery to people's lives even during the time they ruled.
Ideological and political divisions within the leadership have created several platforms. Among them, three platforms have some degree of objectivity. First platform is composed of outright practitioners of people's multiparty democracy. They are talking loud to camouflage their course at least for sometime. Second group is busy remembering the glory of the past but is accommodating with both camps within the party. They are undecided regarding their choice for future course. This is a mobile platform. The third platform disagrees with the first, but lacks vision, courage and charisma. This platform has been in a situation of bewilderment. They seem quite clear on ideology, strategy and tactics, but they have no comprehensive plan of action and motivation for a new drive. Registering 'note of decent' and leaving rest to circumstances is their modality. In this way, the intra-party struggle is neither fierce nor result oriented. Hence, all the platforms within the Unified Maoist party are in the state of decreased self-confidence.
As there is split between Unified Maoists and the Maoists (new organizational mechanisms led by Matrika Yadav and Mani Thapa), now it is natural that there would be polarization of forces, may be disproportionately for sometime. This polarization may gain momentum the day when the process of assimilation within the political mainstream of the Unified Maoists would be relatively complete and clearly visible.
In international arena, they have already lost the goodwill of the forces of radical social change including the goodwill of the Indian Maoists. The letter sent to Unified Maoists by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) dated April 20, 2009 has elaborated the differences clearly.

Where they stand today?

Now, the Unified Maoist party is an amalgamation of different political and social forces and interest groups. This has become a mechanical mixture of liberal lefts, progressive nationalists and floating members of political intelligentsia. Through a long process of cooperation and cohabitation with the centrist and center-left parties, the Unified Maoists also has become a member of the conglomerate of mainstream parties. This conglomerate revolves around a large circle made out of two ingredients - status quo and evolutionary change. Now, the Unified Maoists are simply the center-left political force. Still they could lead the process of evolutionary change in the society. They are a progressive political force and could add value in bringing incremental change. But, when they say that they are the revolutionary force and they say that they are capable to lead the process of societal transformation; nobody other than they themselves and their blind followers believe in. Exactly, they traveled through the same 'conversion path' invented by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) about two decades ago. This path took UML to their desired destination and converted them to social democrats. What would happen to the Unified Maoist party now? By examining through the application of political genetics, the DNA of the Unified Maoist party has matched with the DNA of UML. Notwithstanding the bitterness, quarrel and bullfights; they are the first cousins, if not siblings. Hence, the people, Nepalese nation and progressive political, social and economic forces should level their expectations accordingly and should rediscover the transformational political process, strategies and tactics appropriately.

July 01, 2009

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