Parivartan Nepal

Adivasi and Janajati: Indigenous People and Nationalities in Nepal

2012-01-04T07:03:00.002+05:30

Govinda Neupane

There are two words that are used in Nepali more frequently recently. These words are Adivasi and Janajati.

Let's first discuss about Adivasi. They are the original inhabitants of a land mass. They are not immigrants, and if they are, they are the very first settlers of that area. They did everything to make the area inhabitable. Hence, they cleared forests, arranged protection from wild animals and initiated economic activities that included but not limited to hunting and gathering as well as agriculture. They put their energy, skills and resources whatever insignificant it was to develop the very first settlements.

In this way, the Adi Kirats, Magars, Tamangs, Gurungs, Sherpas, Tharus and many other branches of Mongol race are the Adivasis of central and eastern hills of modern Nepal covering the area between Limbuvan in the east and Magarat in the west.

The Aidi Khasas are the Adivasis of Khasan region. The Aidi Khas included present day Matawali Chhetri, Thakuri and Hill Dalits residing in Khasan region till today. The Khasan region covered the hill areas of present day Karnali, Seti and Mahakali zones.

The Tharus moved to several areas in the Tarai as first settlers together with other Madhesis including Yadavs, Rajbanshis, Satars etc. All of them are the Adivasis of southern plains of Nepal.

The Nepar Kirats (originally a branch of Kirats with whom many immigrant groups assimilated afterwards), who were later called Newars, were the first inhabitants of Kathmandu valley. Hence, The Newars are the Adivasis of the valley.

The Sherpas were the first to reside in the Himali region (mountain region) from East to west, and they are the Adivasis of the Himali region.

In brief, Nepal had nine Adivasi regions in ancient times. They were Kirat, Nepal Mandal or Nepaa, Tambasaling or Tamsaling or Tamangsaling, Tamuvan, Magarat, Khasan, Tharuhat (Kapilavastu), Madhes (Mithila) and Himali region. The names of the regions might have not been used during that time as they are mentioned here. Here, the regions are mentioned by these names to know the areas, which were the clusters of certain indigenous people. Hence, Kirat, Newar, Tamang, Magar, Gurung, Tharu, Sherpa/Lama, Aidi Khas, Yadav, Rajbanshi, Satar, etc are the ADIVASIS of Nepal. The list mentioned here is not inclusive of all Adivasis.

In the ancient time neither there was a unified Nepal, nor a single branch of people had a spread that covered the land mass, we call Nepal now. Hence, all inhabitants who had settled or had been roaming around within a certain area of today's Nepal are the Adivasis of Nepal. And, they have every reason to ask for the rights and privileges of indigenous people.

It is interesting to note that the Bahuns, Chhetris and Sanyasis were the immigrants, who came to the Hills from Aryavarta, the Gangetic plains or from Kumao-Gadhwal region. The process started in the 2nd century. They became part of Khas nationality after assimilation of Aidi Khas and these new immigrants. Some, earlier immigrants in the valley like Lichchhivis submerged within the culture of civilized Newars of that time residing in the valley. The assimilation of Lichchhivis into Newar is a good example of this process. Hence, they became part of Newar nationality. The Madhesi sub-nationalities such as Bahuns, Rajputs, Kayasthas were also the immigrants in Madhes and they assimilated within the Madhesi nationality. The immigrant groups such as Bahuns, Chhertis, Rajputs, Kayasthas etc do not belong to indigenous people.

The new immigrants particularly Bahuns, Chhetris and Sanyasis from the Gangetic plains or from Kumao-Gadhwal adopted Khasakura as their language and also converted many Aidi Khasas into Hinduism. Thus, a hybrid nationality originated. This nationality primarily adopted the customs and language of the Aidi Khas, but also included many branches of Bahun, Chhetris and Sanyasis into its fold. Hence, a Khasakura (afterward called Gorkha Bhasa and finally called Nepali) speaking nationality called Khas came into existence.

Some of the branches of Khas who were socially outcaste from the Khas separated from them and developed gradually as a different nationality. Their socio-cultural and psychological state that originated from extreme humiliation, inhuman exploitation and extreme marginalization made them developing as an independent nationality called Dalit.

Regarding Madhesis, there is still debate going on about Tharus. In my opinion, they are part of the larger Madhesi nationality who have a spread from east to west of Tarai. They are the very spinal cord of the Madhesi land mass and they are very much the driving force of the Madhesi nationality. And, if they think that their Tharu identity has nothing to do with Madhesi identity, they could claim as an independent nationality. They should decide on this issue. It is their internal matter to be settled by themselves.

The Tharus emigrated from the hills to Tarai, the Yadavs and many other sub-nationalities of Madhesis emigrated from the Gangetic plains. Neither the Tharus originated in Tarai nor many other Madhesi sub-nationalities. However, they were the very first settlers of Tarai-Madhes and they have every right to claim it.

The Muslims also sometimes consider themselves separate. However, they are religious minorities and not another nationality. They are part of the larger Madhesi family there. However, the Churautes could be classified as "others" as neither they are Madhesi nor Khasa nor Janajati (MangolKirat). They are Muslim by religion but not Madhesi as nationality.

There is lot of debate about the fifth nationality. Many sub-nationalities within this nationality have a long history of inhabitation in the hills. Their spread is between Limbuvan in the east and Magarat in the west. They are several branches of Mongol race. Part of them is Adi Kirats. These two together formed a distinct nationality. Naming them was difficult. Janaklal Sharma was the first to use a common term called MangolKirat to address them. Some scholars named them simply as Kirats and many categorized them as independent nationalities and grouped them as Janajatis together with Newars and some indigenous sub-nationalities of Madhesi including Tharus.

The term Janajati was invented by scholars including Harka Gurung and Krishna Bhattachan when they were in need of finding some common name for people outside of Hindu caste hierarchy. Their interpretation was, "Generally the words Janajati (nationality) and Adivasi (the indigenous people) are used as synonyms. Of course, Janajati is related to social composition and Adivasi has its relation with time period. The word Janajati or Jati refers to the group of people outside of caste system and Adivasis are the ancient inhabitants or the indigenous people." (Gurung et al, Janajati, Janajati Vikash Samanwaya Kendra 1999: 1). Their attempt was for connecting oppressed nationalities and groups together who had been suffering at the hands of caste-Hindu ruling elites. However, now this term Janajati has become interchangeable with Adivasi. Both reflect the characteristics of indigenous people.

I followed Janaklal Sharma and accepted them collectively as MangolKirat nationality. Now, the word Janajati has become irrelevant in the sense that the term Adivasi is being used exclusively for indigenous people. However, the term Janajati is quite popular and is being used by people of MangolKirat nationality affectionately. Therefore, I have been thinking to propose to use the term Janajati that replaces MangolKirat. Hence, there would be two distinct terms - Janajati as nationality (replacing MangolKirat) and Adivasi continuing as usual as the Nepali equivalent for indigenous people.

In summary, Adivasi meaning indigenous people is well accepted. Hence, that is already a settled issue. Regarding nationalities, we have to continue discussions. In my opinion, they are five – Madhesi, Khas, Janajati, Dalit and Newar.

In this case, Janajati would replace the term MangolKirat that I had used in the past. The Newars and some sub-nationalities among Madhesi could be together with Janajati as Adivasi but they will no longer be part of the Janajati nationality.

It also should be noted that the term Dalit is used for a nationality and a community too. When it is used for nationality, in Nepali it is used as Dalit Jati, whereas for community, it is used as Dalit Samudaya. Within Dalit Samudaya (community), there are some sub-nationalities of Madhesi and Newar nationalities too.

Now, it is high time to understand our social composition, dynamics and processes that are continuously creating new reality, establishing new relationships and rejoining the disjointed parts and sections. We should continue endeavors that could dig out our social realities so as to bring harmony in the society and create social infrastructures that support unity in diversity. Being different is our reality, coming together is our strength. Hence, we should understand multiculturalism not only as a social process but also as an important value adding political ingredient that brings transformative actions into play and generates synergy.

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Posted on 05/01/2012

P. S. I got some queries regarding the status of reservation as I have proposed something that would bring new scenario to deal with. I reviewed the lists of Janajatis and Dalits. I propose the following changes.

1. The list of Dalit community is fine. They deserve special rights.

2. The list of Janajati needs three changes. a) Newar is a highly developed nationality. Hence, they have to say "Good Bye" to the reservation provision. b) Matwali Chhetris and a few other similar groups of Khas nationality in Khasan region should be included in the reservation list as they are extremely marginalized. c) The name of the list of the groups that is for reservation should be changed to "List of nationalities and groups qualified for Reservation". In Nepali, it could be calld as "Arakshan Paune Jatigat Samudayaharuko Suchi."

Moreover, In this situation the term Janajati would be completely free to be used exclussively for a nationality. It would replace the term MangolKirat, which I also had used in my previous writings.

Federalism in Nepal: Why and What Type?

2011-12-18T13:17:00.001+05:30

Govinda Neupane

When I was finally editing my first book, "Samajik Bikashko Vivechana" (Social Development in Nepal), I realized that there is a great need and urgency to know the composition and characteristics of colorful nationalities in Nepal and the way they could build better social harmony. It was 1999.

I started to prepare notes on nationalities, social compositions, conflicting values and behaviors, and ways and means to address existing discriminations so as to make Nepal a harmonious place to live in.

Once, I even thought of leaving the task of studying, analyzing and determining the nature, number and historical context of different nationalities as it was too complex and too controversial. However, I finally stick to it as I had done some foundation building exercises already. After months of review of literatures available during that time, I prepared three working papers – a) nationalities in Nepal: their composition and standing, b) relationships among them, and, c) superstructure that provides platform for mutually beneficial and harmonious partnership.

I encountered hostile circumstances as many experts, leaders, activists and professionals had highly diverse views on nationalities and many among them were hostile to any superstructure that challenges the one existing that time. A large majority among this crowd was too critical of federalism as they consider that that structure of governance would disintegrate Nepal. They discouraged me saying that that exercise would harm Nepal. I continued my field work for another six months and arrived at a conclusion that the hostile crowd was that of Khasa, the ruling nationality. Many among the leaders of Khasa origin of all major parties were against multiculturalism and federalism.

After a year, I concluded that there were five nationalities in Nepal – Khasa, Madhesi, MangolKirat, Dalit and Newar. I was in two minds about using the term MangolKirat. Many intellectuals among indigenous groups were using the term JANAJATI that included but not limited to MangolKirat. Janak Lal Sharma had first used the term MangolKirat. Harsha Bahadur Budha had used simply the term Kirat that included Magars. In my first draft, I had used Kirat only. However, after consultations with some of the authorities on indigenous people in Nepal including but not limited to Parshuram Tamang, I was convinced that the term MangolKirat better represents that nationality. Although, several advances have been made in researching the nationalities' composition in Nepal, still there is no consensus. It may take some more years or decades, and that is only natural. However, after a decade of that research, I am more convinced that the findings of that research stand correct.

In the past decade, my book, "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Composition and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" has been widely used as reference material for evidences to highlight socio-political discriminations in Nepal. It has got wide recognition in area of study on discrimination of nationalities.

The decade-long Civil War created upheavals in the society. The values, belief systems and practices had to pass through scrutiny. Several old values were discarded, belief systems were challenged and the society had gone through the painful process of initial restructuring. However, the process got stuck when the Maoists entered into a new path that included negotiations, give and take and compromises. When the Maoists changed their strategies, they needed different political traits that had similar value ingredients as that of their new brethren, the Congress and CPN (UML). Hence, the process of societal transformation faced new road blocks as the lead actor disappeared from the scene. Thus, the Maoists became friendlier to status quo and gradually sidelined themselves from exercises that needed confrontation against the creamy layer of the society including the most influential Khasa politico-intellectual fraternity.

Many popular agencies formed and led by oppressed nationalities and their activists either were trapped by the Khasa-led politico-governance mechanism or by the western donors as their projects. Now, on the horizon, there are not many agencies or individuals available who truly represent the dreams of oppressed nationalities. Krishna Bhattachan and a few scholars and activists like him could be seen in the wilderness still defending the cause, still putting their intellectual richness, energy and time to champion the dreams of an egalitarian Nepali society that is free from prejudices and discriminations.

In this context, new breeds of champions of federalism have emerged. They are the yesteryear's die-hard opponents of federalism including the Congress and UML leaders. Many anti-federalism professors and professionals are raising voices in favor of federalism. However, their model of federalism is the second edition of Panchayati geographical set ups of zones or regions. Adding a few cosmetics, they want to reintroduce the same politico-administrative mechanism in the name of federalism.

Why federalism was considered a need in Nepal? The oppressed nationalities had concerns in three primary areas – cultural identity, end of discriminatory practices related to nationalities and equitable access to power, opportunities and resources. To address these concerns, they raised the voice for multiculturalism and federalism. Putting together these two attributes with geography, economic viability and governance, the appropriate federal model could be evolved. However, the new Mullahs of federalism are advocating for splitting the federal units from north to south to suit their interests. Mahendralism or Birendralism with some cosmetics added by Congress-UML-Maoists will not be federalism, if it would not address the core issue of multiculturalism that too with autonomy and the right to self-determination. Moreover, the federalism that has its functional base on co-operation or if it is a cooperative federalism, only that model could absorb the shocks and could provide sound platform for dialogue so as to sustain development, cooperation and harmony.

Now, there is a commission that is tasked with recommending the model. Before any meaningful discussion inside the commission, the coordinator of the commission has started to advocate for Mahendralism or Birendralism. This is another futile exercise that would simply legalize the thoughts, plans and designs of the Khasa leaders. Without addressing the core issue of multiculturalism, any state restructuring exercise would not address the aspirations of oppressed nationalities and thus, could not solve the problem.

Now, the transformational socio-political and economic course has been put in the back burner. It is quite unfortunate. The interests of working classes, oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections should get proper attention and priority. If that will not happen, the radical transformational course would get accelaration, once again, sooner or later. The wise men and women could see it, the average type could sense and the fools have no idea. Irrespective of having any idea or no idea, the radical course correction is inevitable.

Nepal: Disparately Waiting for the End of Darkness

2011-12-01T14:25:00.004+05:30

Govinda Neupane

The ‘last’ extension of the term of six months of the constituent assembly has many interpretations. Some of the cartoonists have already sensed that the leaders, who have no credibility and moral obligations to abide by laws, rules and norms would again propose for another ‘final’ term extension after six months as the Supreme Court has used the term ‘last’ and not ‘final’ in its verdict. Some parties have even rejected the jurisdiction of the court in the ‘extension business’, which they consider is their fiefdom. Moreover, some party cadres present in the parliament have asked to impeach the judges for ‘encroaching’ into their politico-legislative territory.

Similarly, the verbal barbs have regularly been exchanged between Prachanda-Baburam Faction (PBF) and Baidya-Badal Faction (BBF) within the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The two line struggle of the present essence and form that had originated from the Chunbang meeting has been polarizing them and has established two de facto Headquarters. The management of the Maoist fighters or rather, in essence, the demobilization, disarmament and rehabilitation of the organized Maoist’s military force could be the last axe that would split the party into two.

The non-Maoist parliamentary forces have downsized their roles as cautious observers. The issues they were championing in the past that included disarmament of Maoist fighters, return of seized property, end of barrack-system of Youth Communist League (YCL) and acceptance of pluralism by the Maoists have been taken over by PBF. When PBF replaced them as the lead parliamentary force, the leaders of the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) have plenty of time to shine their cheeks, dresses and shoes. Hence, now they look as the products of high quality manufacturers. Really, they are the new brand of Nepali leaders - wealthy, healthy and elegant. The Madhesi leaders are neither far away from them nor could they be so. The parliamentary Panchas, organized under a democratic banner called Rastriya Prajatantra Party, could be seen ruminating at one corner of the luxurious balcony. Hence, the fire-fight between PBF and BBF has provided opportunities to relax to the conventional parliamentary forces.

The social forces with several organizations, natures, colours and agenda are making their presence felt through their acts, actions and movements. Among them, the prominent forces include the indigenous people, different nationalities and marginalized sections. Two issues – federalism and rights of their respective constituencies are being debated vigorously.
Some forces including the Kirat Janabadi Workers party, different factions of Tarai Janatantrik Mukti Morcha, Samyukta Jatiya Mukti Morcha, etc are carrying out their social-political activities by being involved in violent means. The Matrika-led Maoists also are in the picture, though with limited visibility.

The foreign forces, particularly India and the United States are busy in pampering PBF so as to complete disarmament of the Maoists fighters. Dismantling the organized formation is what India and the westerners are after. For them everything including human rights, stability, progress and development etc. are non-issues. When the nonperforming constituent assembly got extension, the Secretary General of the United Nations pours flowers on them. Non-performance is being rewarded. What nonsense!
In such background as briefly discussed as above, the fundamental challenges that include societal transformation and structural rearrangement have been out of sight and they are no longer considered as priority issues.

The gains, which the people had made during the transformative period of civil war, are in question in regard to their sustainability. Poverty, illiteracy, social inequalities and marginalization have been continuing, as if they are part and parcel of Nepali life.

When the PBF came to power with some mysterious arrangement with Madhesi forces, there was some sort of euphoria. Baburam had an untarnished image, further shined by his academic brilliance. He was one of the last available leaders of high stature. When he became Prime minister, during that time people had high hopes and expectations from him. In the course of reaching to power and staying there for a longer period of time, he sacrificed most part of his political and intellectual assets. This phenomenon thickened the darkness. And, the frustration among ordinary people contributed to further hopelessness. Now, the political process has lost its way and nobody knows where it reaches to.

Lawlessness and anarchy are the twins that govern everything in Nepal. Criminals have a field day. Criminalization of politics or rather politicization of crime is a course that has been accepted as normal as sun coming out from the east every morning. For two grams of gold, women are being murdered. Small children are continuously being abducted in want of ransom and several of them have been murdered. Nepal has been witnessing hundreds of events that make commoners very sad.

The complex and fluid situation, which is full of anarchy, lawlessness, corruption, and many more negative phenomenon has been called ‘transition’. It is full of darkness. Nobody knows how and when this darkness ends. There are not many alternatives or alternative forces that could generate hope among people. The BBF together with social forces such as indigenous nationalities has the potential to develop as an alternative. However, they too are behaving like a talking club. In strategic sense, yes, the darkness will end; but right now it is too gloomy to see the end of the tunnel. One most probable course could be an unpredictable one – spontaneous uprising of people, the Nepal Spring.

Nepal in Transition: Short Euphoria, Long Journey

2011-09-12T17:53:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

Formation of the new Unified Maoist-led government has created hype among intelligentsia in Kathmandu. A large majority of them dislikes Unified Maoist but likes Prime Minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. It is strange but true. Dr. Bhattarai has been considered a genius for a long time. The support available for him is primarily based on his background, particularly his academic records and his tax collection ability during his tenure as Finance Minister. After being the Prime Minister, he has taken some steps, though cosmetic in nature but quite popular among the intelligentsia. These steps include the Mustang Jeep, lunch at Sigh Durbar cafeteria, announcement of a few relief measures etc. Individuals could play important roles. However, an individual could not transform a society. The politics they represent makes the difference. Hence, leaving him alone here, I like to explore probable course of Nepali politics.

The Unified Maoist got the opportunity to lead the government, second time. The first Unified Maoist-led government is known for selling dreams of all-round transformation and buying political compost to nurture parliamentary sapling inside the party. Prachanda's government never seriously concentrated in any real issues, rather he was spreading everywhere. He sounded a man in hurry.. During that time, his control over the party was intact as he was still the superhero of the revolution. Gradually, he demystified himself. His party also contributed to demystify him. The Unified Maoist party tried to look communist to its base and democratic to its new found galaxy. The new galaxy of parliamentary fame incorporated it with some serious pre-conditions. The pre-conditions included that the Unified Maoist had to renounce violence, disband their fighting force, which they call PLA, revert to old societal structure in economic relationships by surrendering the land they seized during insurgency, and finally accept pluralism in all sphere of socio-political values, systems and practices. Gradually, the party opened its doors to individuals, groups and smaller parties to get a majority to meet the conditions put forward by the great galaxy of parliamentary fame. The leadership used two types of fodders to feed its cadres and supporting grassroots on one side of the divide and to convince its new national and international friends on the other side. The first was a basket of anti-India rhetoric and strikes, including the suicidal 'indefinite general strike' and several industrial closures. It helped the party to maintain the revolutionary posture. The second was accepting "made in India" political course more indirectly and attending to meet the pre-conditions as mentioned above. The first course helped to soften, deform and disband the hard core revolutionaries gradually and the second course broadened the acceptance among new national and international friends like Nepali Congress, Unified Marxist-Leninist, India, Europe and America.

Now, inside the Unified Maoist party, the line struggle has centered on demobilization of the PLA either through integration with Nepal army or by rehabilitating them in the society. The leaders are fighting, the cadres are joining them and the public at large are watching the fight with bewilderment and skepticism. The side the Unified Maoist camel will sit is already clear. The majority will go for demobilization as this is a major condition put forward by the parliamentary forces together with India, America and Europe to fully submerge itself into the democratic world. The course of minority led by Kiran-Badal combine is not clear. The minority leadership has not made public any specific tactical or strategic line till date. Anyway, the new government formed over a sandy foundation may continue till it implements "made in India" political course.

The old parliamentary political parties will sit in opposition and utilize any available opportunity to create more pressure on their new Unified Maoist friends to meet the conditions as soon as possible. They also will continue to harvest financial benefits and other opportunities as far as possible. Happy India could use its new found financial muscle to accomplish the task of PLA demobilization by supporting to offer an attractive package or also may provide finances to fund infrastructure projects, though in a cosmetic way. We could even see the development that followed the merger of Sikkim with India. The western countries may throw their hats on the ring. Scandinavian countries, particularly Norway may provide finances as it could project Nepal as its success story in its peace initiatives. It may compensate its failure in Sri Lanka. The Americans, though they are in difficulty in managing bread for themselves, may throw a few million dollars by printing money as they always do as one of the most undisciplined nation in the world. Hence, we could have a euphoric environment exactly similar to the post-1990 days. During that time, we were waiting for a giant Russian cargo plane that could bring Singapore to Nepal. The Prime Minister of that time had promised to make Nepal Singapore in no time. That did not happen that time, nor will this happen this time.

More than 1400 people sacrificed their lives either in establishing a new order or protecting the existing socio-political order. However, what we achieved?

The grassroots is more aware of their conditions, prospects and the hostilities that surround them. The social hierarchy has started to crumble down. The social power structure in the society has got changed drastically. The mouths are open. The spirit has been reinvented. The sense of power has empowered the previously marginalized and economically oppressed. The women are not only dreaming equality but also demanding to bring it into practice. The oppressed nationalities have come forward and are asking for greater access to opportunities and are striving hard for establishing their shining identities in a federal Nepal. The monarchy is gone. These are remarkable achievements. However, when we compare our achievements with that of other nations, sadness governs our thought processes. Poverty, illiteracy, ill health, oppression, marginalization etc continue to challenge our conscience.

A large percentage of people are still surviving under extreme poverty. The progress what we have attained has been grabbed by a tiny minority mostly composed of the upper middle class and urban elites. Inequalities exist in their extreme. Hence, the society has changed in incremental term, but is the same in structural term. The structures of the old society have started to crumble. However, they are very much dominant even today. Hence, there is the need of transformational ideals, actions and arrangements.

But, how the process moves ahead that addresses the need after such a major setback? The Maoist (not Unified Maoist) left the course at the middle of the journey. Yes, there is scarcity but it is still not a situation of disastrous famine. Be they minority inside the Unified Maoist or some new entities to take the lead; the endeavors that once the Maoist initiated, championed and developed would continue.

The euphoria originated due to the formation of new Unified Maoist-led government will be over sooner than later. The new endeavors will take shape and different organized forces would emerge. The new heroes will appear. And, the class confrontation will continue till a fundamentally different society comes into existence and a new progressive state power is established. The oppressed nationalities will continue their struggle to meeting their aspirations that will help them getting greater access and shinning identity. The Dalits will never sit idle till their emancipation is attained. The people have no option other than to continue their forward march. We took rest for about five years; it is time to start a long journey, once again.

A Cursory Look on Political Developments in Nepal

2011-08-22T15:55:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

Even after a long and painful waiting period of more than four years, the Nepali people could not see rays of hope and the mile stone where the transition ends. Frustration has become the talking agenda for a large majority. The leaders are busy building the personal empire and ensuring luxury and comfort for them. The people are seeing the leaders and their notorious acts and have become speechless. They, particularly the disciplined cadres, who still cherish the dream of a new Nepal, have been slowly recovering from their own disbeliefs. The most revered leaders and most loved party headquarters have moved 360 degree in all areas encompassing ideology, politics, tactic, strategy and practice. This phenomenon is more true to the cadres and supporters of Unified Communist party of Nepal (Maoist). The change, there, is phenomenal.

Now, it is important to have a cursory look of the political developments, particularly reviewing the developments of recent past so as to have some glimpses of the future.

The 12-point agreement between the Maoist and the parliamentary parties had created new expectations. The Nepalese people were waiting to get rid of many difficulties. Although, the people’s movement of April 2006 succeeded in electing the constituent assembly and abolishing the monarchy, but the new ruling elites utterly failed in generating hope among the people. They talked loudly about the birth of a New Nepal, but that Nepal was neither moving towards peace nor stability nor prosperity.

The Maoist people’s war was naturally violent. During the war, they not only practised armed transformational course of the society, but also imparted skills on the use of weapons, build strong attitudes towards organized attempts to attain goals and generated hope among people that a shiny new day is closer to their lives. So, the expectations had been created aggressively. The failure in materializing the expectation resulted to the emergence of several armed groups.

The parliamentary parties were accustomed to lethargy, cynicism, brinkmanship and greed. They were in a state of rotten potatoes. Simply, they were involved in certain regular rituals, which could be constructed as ‘peaceful struggle’ at times of need. They lined up at the opportune moment together with the Maoists and with India and are continuously harvesting benefits.

The king was an outdated autocrat, who was not only extremely unpopular but also was a useless brat who did not know even the basics of governance. Naturally, the monarchy accumulated all negatives at one point of time and initiated its own downfall.

The anti-monarchy role India played at that particular moment was critically important. India was unhappy with the monarchy as the monarchy was considered as anti-India, historically.

Hence, the Maoists with the strength of people’s power moved ahead in collaboration with the parliamentary political parties as these parties had certain degree of legitimacy on their side. Both of them together joined hands with India to overthrow the autocratic monarchy. India also represented the western power centres. Finally, they formed a coalition to overthrow the monarchy and they succeeded to accomplish that goal.

The days after the success of the movement, brought some honeymoon between the changing Maoists and the parliamentary political parties. They formed an interim government, drafted an interim constitution, organized election for the constituent assembly, abolished monarchy legally, formed government under the Maoists’ leadership and gave some impression that things will move to right direction and a New Nepal could be there sooner. But, that did not happen. The Unified Maoists failed miserably in all fronts, which could initiate radical change in the society. Hence, the Unified Maoist-led government collapsed. The UML-led spineless governments were no different.

After a few years of the success of the mass movement, the scenario got drastically changed. There is all-round frustration. There are tensions in the society. There are clashes of interests. The contradictions between and among nationalities is one particular feature of serious concern. The constitution drafting is facing serious roadblocks and the nature of federalism is one among them.

In political front, there are three forces in full play.

The first camp is that of regressive forces. The former monarch is the de facto leader of this camp. The regressive forces are not that well organized in form but have tremendous power in substance. They are thinly spread within political parties, bureaucracy, army, police, intelligence networks, so-called civil society groups and so on. They sometimes cover themselves as nationalists, in some other occasion as anti-federalists and in some other times present them as Hindu zealots. They sound sometimes as peace preachers and sometimes as human rights defenders. So, they are omnipresent. They work on the basis of issues and try everything to create obstacles in the advancement of the society in all its attributes – values, ethics, beliefs, attitudes, progress etc. These dark forces play skilfully and create platforms where the forces of reform and the forces of transformation clash among and between themselves. These regressive forces have played vital role in maintaining the.

The second camp is composed of reformists. They are in a difficult situation as their cadre base is composed of idealist change activists and their leadership represent the interests of semi- reactionary or reactionary classes. Many among leaders who are at the helm of the political organizations in this camp are overtly foreigner’s darlings. They talk loud to pacify their cadres, to blindfold common people and to camouflage themselves. Hence, this force, which is at the centre stage of the state power, is a coalition of progressive bottom and part-regressive top. The Nepali Congress, UML and Unified Maoist Establishment Platform (UMEP) belong to this reformist camp.

The third camp is that of transformational forces. The Mohan Baidya-led Maoist platform, Matrika Yadav-led Maoists, Mani Thapa-led Maoists etc belong to this camp. There are others also such as Kirat Janabadi Workers Party in this camp. They are in a state of setback and are again rearranging raw jute threads to make a rope. Hence, they are, at this point of time, creeping babies in the sense of their organizational strength. Still, they could turn into a formidable force anytime soon as there are plenty of raw materials available for them to process.

The regressive forces were the regressive forces in the past too (prior to 2006). The transformational forces were the transformational forces in the past too. Among the reformist forces, the Nepali Congress and the UML were the reformist forces in the past too. Hence, there is only one entity that got changed is the Unified Maoist’s establishment platform (UMEP). All other forces except the UMEP have been travelling following their stated roadmaps. They are predictable. However, the political behaviours of the UMEP are most unpredictable. This platform swings to all directions and climbs up and down in no time without any understandable reasons. Hence, the UMEP has been instrumental in making and breaking promises, structures and functions. It is primarily responsible for what has been happening today in Nepal. Understanding this reality is no less than attaining half of the solutions of the problems the country and the people are facing.

The sudden change of the politics of the UMEP made the process of societal change gloomy and messy. The state and society have every right to ask UMEP to behave according to their newly acquired political philosophy. The transformational forces also should recognize the fact that they are fundamentally different and should take their course accordingly. When, the roles would be clear, the mess will start getting cleared. The clarification of their roles automatically clears the ways for political alliances based on their ideological affinity and class base. Gradually, the thick fog would disappear and the road ahead will be visible to drive to.

Tenure of the Constituent Assembly: Extension, Extension ......

2011-05-14T06:30:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

Why the Constituent Assembly (CA) again failed to complete the constitution writing process? Many people believe that due to fighting among political parties and infighting within them are the major reasons. Some others say that it is due to Unified Maoist's reluctance to detach itself from its combatants. Some fertile minds cultivate reason and tell us that there is foreign hand. Some leaders say there is conspiracy to dissolve the CA and they are creating hurdles to stall the constitution drafting process. Hence, it would be absolutely necessary to look deep why the constitution is not ready.

The major issues that had contributed to the starting of the decade long "people's war" and the people's movement of 2006 included but not limited to political freedom, economic development and social justice through inclusion and participation. To institutionalize these strategic objectives, it was agreed that a new constitutional mechanism should be designed and for that purpose the election of a CA would be the best course. Hence, the election was organized and a grand CA came into existence. The tenure of this assembly was of two years, and when the assembly failed to produce the desired result the life of the assembly was extend for another year.

After sidelining the king, the CA declared Nepal a republic. Also, it concluded that Nepal will be a federal state. However, it failed to state on what basis the federal structure will stand on - geography, economic viability, nationality/ethnicity clusters, and combination of all or something else.

Hence, inability in agreeing on the restructuring of the state by designing a system that insures social inclusion and no interest in creating an operational framework that brings into full play the rights of indigenous and/or oppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and working class people are some of the major factors that have been contributing for the failure to finalize the constitution. In such background, federalism becomes one of the issues of prime importance.

The people, particularly the indigenous people and Madhesis have been facing discrimination in areas of language, ownership, opportunities, representation and governance. They want their rights back. To ensure that their grievances are addressed appropriately and positively, they should get the opportunity to govern themselves in a very autonomous way with the right to self-determination. Unfortunately, nearly all top leaders of major political parties are high caste hill Hindu Khasa males, who have failed to feel the discriminations against and sufferings of the oppressed sections of the people. Moreover, their control over power may erode, and thus, they are most reluctant to design a federal system where power is highly decentralized. Now, they need time to dilute the aspirations of oppressed people with frustrations so as to design a system of their likings that could be a nominally federated mechanism more in line with Mahendra's zonal system or Birendra's regional system.

The other unresolved issue was the reservation or special rights for marginalized sections of the society including Dalits, indigenous peoples and Madhesis, and women. Inclusion of marginalized sections into the mainstream needs bold steps to incorporate in the constitution. The reservation for women and Dalits and reparation for the Dalits are some of the critical issues. The Khasa male mindset of the troika prevents them moving forward. At the same time, they cannot deny the needs of such provisions, and they simply prolong the life of the Constituent Assembly to buy time.

Similarly, the large working class majority has been expecting change in their conditions. This needs a constitution that overtly favors working class majority, excluded sections and oppressed nationalities/ethnicities. However, the leaders either have come from higher class back ground or have amassed wealth and have elevated to higher class. They are not in need of the change which is transformative and creates environment for radically new power relationships. If there is no new constitution, the leaders could pretend that they are with the people whilst enjoying lives of aristocrats.

Democracy is one of the most misunderstood political terms in Nepal. Nepal, as a country, was never democratic, neither it is today. The Shahas had the dictatorial rule that followed by similar rule of Ranas. When such rule finally was over in 2006, the people got a dictatorial rule of a new troika (sometimes a gang of two or sometimes only an individual lord). This troika collectively and/or an individual behind the curtain or openly have been ruling Nepal for more than four years. The brigade of 601 at Baneshwor is functioning just as the participants of a public gathering. They are there to listen and to clap. Due to the troika or the individual lord taking all decisions, the CA has been functioning as a rubber stamp. May be a large majority of the CA members feels powerless, sees their role ornamental and experiences humiliation when the people throw stones on them. Designing democratic constitution by the most undemocratic troika is an uphill task, if not impossible.

Every big leader has turned to be a liability for him. This has created fear factor within them. In the same degree, their parties also are not confident that they will be able to grab better opportunities next time as their credibility factor is too low. In any case, there will be much less number in the legislative assembly, if a constitution is finally ready. Hence, slaughtering the constitution writing process and prolonging their stay in power is in the interest of the parties of the troika.

Also, the Unified Maoists are being composted and they need time to go through the decomposition process. They have taken the familiar UML route with much better speed. However, the compost needs time to be ready to be used to make the parliamentary system greener. The westerners know this better and as experts of time, space and processes, they are advising to extend the tenure of the CA and are funding too.

Due to the reasons as mentioned above, the government has proposed to extend the tenure of the CA for one year now, and the future extensions are open.

Is there any chance that the people or parties or parliamentarians could snatch power from the troika and complete the constitution writing process?

The people are very much frustrated. Hopelessness, generally expressed as "Jun Jogi Aaye Pani Kanai Chireko" (everybody is the same), has been encrypted in their mind. May be, not because of no constitution, as it is too abstract for them, but because of anarchy, lawlessness, scarcity of essential commodities and sky rocketing prices, the people will come out boiling with rage. When the lion is out of a cage, it is really out. Similarly, when parties start becoming parties and not the fiefdoms of the patriarchs, they may revolt against. And, when the parliamentarians start feeling really as a humiliated lot - powerless and frustrated, they may start ventilating their anger that could progress to some sort of revolt. These three are the positive factors that could help bringing out a federal, inclusive, democratic and progressive constitution. The alternative is foreign instigated or locally staged coup. This will add even more darkness; however, the troika rule is heading towards that direction. Let's try to bring synergy and build collaboration among people, parties and parliamentarians to prevent further darkness and to take our country to peace, progress and prosperity.
May 13, 2010

New Political Masters Enthroned: Hopelessness and Upheavals Continue

2011-02-07T07:09:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

The election of the prime minister has significantly polarized the political situation. The Congress has felt betrayed. A large majority of the Madhesi parties saw the play, a process that further marginalizes them. The so-called small parties have splinted vertically between left and center. The Unified Maoist party has faced near revolt as their 51 legislators expressed their disagreement on the standing committee decision that supported the CPN (UML) candidate. The UML is one in its look but when somebody goes beyond their physical being, it is the loose network of two entities clubbed together. They are in constant fight against each other. The center-right faction saw the biggest surprise of their political journey, when the Unified Maoist supported the UML candidate, who represents center-left faction of the party. The exercise conducted to elect the prime minister sounded a conspiratorial drama designed to checkmate the other side of the divide. It had everything - conspiracies, cover-ups, excitements, frustrations and many lows of political characters.

The new government will have several push and pull factors together. The most critical factors include but not limited to integration and rehabilitation of Maoist fighters, constitution writing and concluding the peace process logically. The Unified Maoists will not agree to break the chain of command of their fighting force. They will try to keep it as it is now under one or the other cover. The day when they agree to demobilize and disintegrate their armed force, they will be toothless. Hence, neither they will lose control of their PLA, nor will they change the status and modus operandi of operation of the Young Communist League nor will they return the property seized during the time of war. They consider that, now, they are free from these obligations as they are not leading the government. Therefore, at best, the new government could preserve the status quo. "Integration", "rehabilitation", "concluding peace process" and "constitution writing" are simply the phrases to use repeatedly without any operational obligations. Therefore, expecting any outcome, which could be termed substantially progressive, is just a mirage.

One of the major qualities of the new prime minister is that he is considered a weak and vulnerable leader. A government where the Unified Maoists are in majority in the cabinet, certainly they will promote their party's interests. The PM will have no other option than to abide by the Unified Maoist's decisions. The UML, minority in the cabinet, will be utilized to further the Unified Maoist plans. In outer appearance it sounds all great for the Unified Maoist leadership. The critical question is for what the Unified Maoist will utilize such opportunity? The Maoist agenda of societal transformation has been kept in the back-burner, since they became Unified Maoist. Hence, naturally, this opportunity will be utilized for some handsome gains for a galaxy of their core leaders.

The Unified Maoist leadership has clear objectives now. First, sideline or even crush the internal opposition. Second, maximize benefits of the barter they have done in the form of offering the prime minister's chair to a UML faction. Third, implement already devised strategy of getting the prime minister's chair for their chairman. And, finally get a constitution that has presidential form of government and ensure its chairman could get that position. In that day, they will integrate or rehabilitate their PLA, finish barrack system of the Young Communist League and may even return the seized property, if that would help them.

Many people have already started to speculate how long the government will survive? It depends on two critical issues - first, what will happen to constitution writing? Second, how far the prime minister could bear the load of ever increasing pressure? The sources of the pressure include the Unified Maoists, arch-opponents within and outside his party, the southern and northern neighbors and the western world.

There is no two-third majority with the governing coalition. To have the constitution finally approved, they need two-third majority. Therefore, there is a great need of give and take. However, in this environment, where the trust factor has been vanished, it is too difficult to finalize the constitution by the deadline. In that situation either the Constituent Assembly will be dissolved and election for a new assembly will be ordered or again the parties will extended the life of the existing assembly for another year. In such phenomenon, the never ending period of transition will frustrate the people more and there is most likely situation of people revolting against the ruling coalition. This will not only effectively seal the fortune of the government but also it will end the position of the Unified Maoist as powerful party. This way, the government will go by people's revolt. This is not the revolt the Unified Maoist talk often. This would be a revolt against them too. In a distant scenario, the constitution will be drafted, new election will be held and the new government will take over from this government. This is most unlikely to happen.

Now, let's see the second factors. The Unified Maoist chair is just ready to jump on the chair of the government. He will do everything to 'cordially' and 'comradely' oust the PM. Even there are people who say that the new prime minister is a stop gap official as their 'secret' seven point agreement hints that the PM's chair will revolve. In such case, the PM will simply warm the chair for the Unified Maoist chairman. Hence, the pressure from the partner could be unbearable. Equally important is the crucial role that could be played by Baburam Bhattarai camp to bring down the government. Once again, he is cheated as his political line has been implemented excluding him. The Congress and Madhesis are just restless to revenge the 'betrayal' of the UML leaders. The arch-opponents inside the prime minister's party will leave no stone unturned to dethrone him. When the Unified Maoists start prevailing over all government decisions, they will get fodder to feed their own comrades. Frustrated without getting any position of power, many UML MPs may turn against the prime minister. This could lead to the downfall of the government. The Unified Maoist at the center of power, that too, checkmating it, the famous South Block together with the mighty westerners will do everything at its disposal to dislodge the government. This "everything" includes designing splits within the governing parties, particularly within Unified Maoist and UML, convincing the President to stage a soft coup or provoking the army to militarily dethrone the government.

The new government, thus, is simply a change of guards. The guards are that of the same species but with different motivations regarding their self-interests. Their tilt is different. The previous one was tilted towards center- right and this new government has its tilt towards center-left. However, Nepal is a unique case for years. The society remains the same irrespective of the change of governing parties, ideologies or polities. This has been applicable this time too, which simply contributed to continue the existing crisis. There is just the change of custodians but hopelessness and upheavals continue. No medication has been working. Probably, our society and the governance have to go through surgical processes that include rapid transformation through genuine revolution. When the revolution with all its colors and vibrancies starts descending rapidly, the gamblers of the political casinos will be washed away and the people, individually and collectively, will celebrate the dawn of a new age.

Nepal: Hopelessness to Vibrancy

2010-09-23T14:14:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

(The following text is part of my reply to a friend's email. The personal references are taken out. I had sent the reply on 12 September 2010.)

More recently, collectively the Nepalese people have started feeling hopeless. The leaders, as individuals and collectives, failed to generate hope among the people. This all happened, I think, not as an accident. This sounds designed by someone skilled, interested and powerful. In our case, they are the external powers - easterners and westerners. I believe that the design was conceived around their need of disarming the Nepali Maoists so as to prevent the resurgence and spread of communism. The immidiate objective was to effectively prevent the Maoists taking over power in Nepal until they become same as the Communist Party of Nepal- UML (the center-left liberal parliamentary party that still carries the word "Communist" in its name). Aware or unaware of such design, the leaders (including the "overtly anti-India but covertly nobody knows type" Unified Maoists) sound just a part of the external powers' support mechanism in implementing their design.

In the distant past, the Ranas had resisted external designs somehow and to some extent. The Panchas followed the Rana's line. However, the parliamentary system of government, particularly, the one after 1990 movement followed pro-external power line, aggressively. Moreover, the mid-wife of the new political course, which started in 2006, as people believe and some external powers claim or agree with, is Delhi. Therefore, the external powers (not only India) remained most important, influential and dominating in today's political scenario. What we are seeing is just the dance of our leaders under the conductor's gestures. These conductors are in Washington, New York, Delhi, Beijing, London and Oslo. The roles of the ambassadors and their diktats reveal a ton.

Our socio-economic foundation is very weak and politico-educational attainment is in its infancy in regard to the formation of a critical mass. If the common men and women as the human products of such foundation behave in the same way as that of their base, it is understandable. But, when the leaders, who claim as the vanguards, behave in such fashion, it makes no sense. Hence, there is something seriously wrong in them. They may not be that bad as individuals but the environment made them subservient to its objective whole, and many among these leaders demean themselves to the lowest extent possible. As a result, even the infamous former king has started dreaming that he could revive his throne. This is a day-dream, but the new messy environment provided ground for him. I agree with you that the major parties and their leaders are responsible for this mess.

I agree that we are passing through the most difficult phase in our nation's history. The independent decision making power as a sovereign state has been compromised. The Nepali state is in crisis. The hope generating side of the Maoist movement has been evaporating. And, frustration among a large majority of people has been running high. However, as a diehard optimist, I believe that there is light on the other side of the tunnel. These leaders could be thrown out. The parties of today may disappear. There could be the need of another difficult journey. New sets of leaders may emerge. New (or radically reoriented existing) political parties may come up. This is quite certain that there would be a day full of sun-shine. You and I may or may not see that shiny day. However, the energetic, enterprising and visionary youths of today or even small children of today will bring that day, will see that day and will celebrate the birth of a shinning Nepal. As Anton Chekhov (1860–-1904) has narrated in his famous short story, "Ward No 6", we should enjoy the imagination of that pleasant day though it may arrive in distant future. After that historic break, there would be the creation of tranquility, peace and prosperity. Our motherland will be pervaded by the lovely yellowish light of the baby sun. I salute in advance to those politically, economically, socially, intellectually and culturally emancipated, enlightened and empowered citizens of that vibrant Nepal!

Nepal in Crisis: Long Live Nepal!

2010-09-06T10:11:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

The political parties are repeating the same wrongful acts and activities as they did in 1950s and 1990s. They were after power and now they are again after power. They ignored people's problems and prospects completely in the past when they were at the helm of affairs; they are doing the same today. Being a participant of the parliamentary political system, the Unified Maoist party has been claiming itself as a revolutionary force. This role was played by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) in 1990s. Lack of alignment between the form and content is what the Unified Maoist party is sick of. Similarly, the CPN (UML) is a party that represents the interests of middle class people. Still, it declares that it is the party of proletariats. The Nepali Congress, at best, is a centre-right party, but it proudly declares that it is socialist. Hence, all three parties have been suffering from ideological illusion. Their philosophical lenses are no more working. However, they pretend that their lenses are all right. Hence, the major Nepali political parties are in crisis in regard to their approaches as their practices are totally detached from the ideology they love to talk about. The other smaller parties are in the same condition or if some of them are okay, still their roles may not have much impact in the larger political amphitheater of the nation.

All the main leaders want to grab the high office of the Prime Minister. There is total irresponsibility on their part. Two of the leaders representing two major parties are contesting an election which has failed to produce result for six times in a row. The third largest party knows nothing other than hatching political conspiracies to get the highest seat of the state power. This time 'consensus' is their mantra to cover their ill intensions. They want to sit at the driver's seat whatever way it is available. The Madhesi parties, notorious for their splits and doubtful practices, are at the bidding place and the bidders are bidding for their votes. Therefore, the political circus, which is one of the worst in the history of Nepal, has been continuing. The end result of the collective political behavior of the political actors has been confined to petty interests of the political lead-actors/villains or their parties. Similar to their ideological chit-chats, the nation and the people are simply means to attain power and prosperity for them.

The social forces also are overly reactive. They are just reacting to both issues and non issues. Coming to street has become the order of the day. There are several "forced closures" of market, transport, industries and educational institutions as and when a small section wishes so. Stone throwing crowd could be seen all over Nepal. Bewildered with all sets of chaos and anarchies, the indigenous people in some areas have started to demand greater role including a nominally federated state system. The demand of Limbuvan autonomous state is an example.

The law and order situation has been deteriorating continuously. People are feeling insecure as anytime criminals could strike. Their lives and properties are in danger of all sorts of harm. The criminals have a field day. The crime graphs including the daring cases of rubbery, abduction and killings are increasing many folds. Particularly, the central Madhes is seeing such events most regularly. The people in Madhes are the worst affected lot. A Tim, Dick or Harry comes with a gun, loots a few, kills a few and disappears. They are living in a disparate situation where the forces of the state have become onlookers. The parties and the leaders, who claim to represent Madhes and Madhesi people, are busy making their fortune in Kathmandu. Moreover, the people all over Nepal have become virtually powerless and they have become pessimists. There is the other side of the coin. Therefore, there are high chances that the patience of people disappears and a situation of total anarchy pervades the country.

The youths all over Nepal got an escape route in the form of foreign employment. Skilled or unskilled, rural or urban, male or female and healthy or not so much aspire for going out, particularly in Gulf countries, Malaysia, South Korea , Japan, USA, UK and Australia. This large scale migration of labor has been helping the national economy breathing as remittance income is 22% of annual GDP of Nepal. However, in the absence of youths and their vigor, vision and spirit, the societal as well as political changes have suffered.

The gap between the rich and poor has been widening. The recent Oxford report says that there is a large majority of people under poverty line (Multidimensional Poverty Index Poor 64.7%). The national wealth is mostly under the control of a few super rich families. The economic contradiction has been fierce. The strikes in industries, though ignited by political aspirants have reflected the workers' desire for a better life.

At macroeconomic level, the situation is fast approaching to full-fledged characteristics of a failed state. The legislature is unable to pass the annual budget as there is constant fight among the major political parties in the parliament. The Balance of Payment is quite negative. The foreign currency reserve has been decreasing. Trade deficit is alarmingly high. The growth rate of economy is nominal. Nobody knows exactly what the rate of unemployment/underemployment is. No new macro development projects, which could add wealth to national economy and provide infrastructural foundation, were implemented during the last several years. Prices of essential commodities are skyrocketing. Corruption, nepotism, favoritism, malpractices and black-marketing have become regular features.

On the nationalism front, Nepal has been in the weakest position after the war against the British colonizer (1814-1816). This fact also has been rightly pointed out by Pashupati Sumsher Rana and Baburam Bhattarai in their television appearances. They were unanimous comparing today's situation with that of aforementioned period. When Nepalese are so much divided, it is only natural that the foreign powers start meddling. Not only big countries like USA or big neighbors like India or China, but also small European countries like Norway try to diktat. The resources they provide and their nationals who are international professionals and hold high offices in Nepal are the instruments of their meddling. Together, India, European Union, USA and United Nations are over stepping on Nepali sovereign rights in an unprecedented manner. These over stepping, meddling and interferences have contributed immensely to make Nepal a strong candidate for failed state. Now, survival as a nation and as a people has become the first and foremost concern for us.

The situation is too gloomy. The nation is too fragile. The people are too weak. This mess is what the 'big' political leaders and their party apparatus have created. Their lust for power, money and luxury is the main cause of this sorry state. The problem is that we do not have any strong and organized progressive political force to snatch the initiative and start doing something to generate synergy for a rapid political change. Hence, Nepal is virtually at the stage of either power take-over by the regressive forces or fragmentation of its territory to deferent nationality/ethnic units or losing its sovereign national status. Alternatively, the process could be reversed if nationalists (do not equate to royalist), leftists and democrats within all major parties rebel against their Headquarters. If the rebels could take control of their parties or form separate parties and create a united front with other like minded parties, they could keep Nepal united. This endeavor offers hope to people, creates positive environment to reverse the fate of being failed state and opens up new horizon to move forward.

Now in Nepal, there is possibility of two types of coup d'états. The first is regressive coup d'état, which could be staged by the army. The other is progressive coup d'état, which could be staged by nationalist progressive democrats, who are functioning as second layer leaders or cadres within the major parties. They could stage the political and organizational coup d'état against their own party Headquarters. If this happens, people could see the ray of hope. The third option is disintegration of Nepal into several smaller nationality/ethnic units. If this option gets acceleration, there would be bloodshed of unprecedented nature and scale. The solution is not several smaller nationality/ethnic units, but a nationality/ethnicity based cooperative federal system. The fourth option is Nepal being a protectorate either ruled by western powers through a United Nations mechanism or directly by India. Hence, the situation is grave.

We have not many choices available. Therefore, all who love Nepal should be alert, active and organized to challenge the Bhasmashurs (the notorious destroyers). Defeating or sidelining them, at least, makes space available to initiate the process of societal transformation and national renewal. Therefore, all patriotic, progressive and democratic Nepali political and social activists should contribute most meaningfully to make sure that our beloved motherland overcomes weaknesses, acquires strengths and starts shining. Strategically, only "people power" movements could realize this goal. The "People power" movements could include but not limited to mass information initiatives, political awareness campaigns, cultural programs, diplomatic lobbying, literary works, pro-Nepal internet information endeavors/campaign/networking, dissemination of well-researched facts/truths and direct actions including demonstrations. Let us create the sound of thousands of Vuvuzela aiming to energize the grassroots and encourage the pro-people, pro-Nepal activists. A person or a group or a mass of large number of people, individually or collectively, could contribute in these "People Power" movements. Hence, wherever we are, this is our duty to organize or participate in these movements and contribute positively whichever way we could. Long Live Nepal!

September 05, 2010

Hindsight on the Unified Maoists' "Indefinite" General Strike

2010-05-11T11:21:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

1. Kathmandu was over flooded with red flags on May Day. The procession was one of the largest processions that Nepal ever had seen. The busses, trucks, vans, etc ferried people from neighboring districts. The number of people coming from outside valley was estimated around 150,000. The lowest estimate of the number of participants in the mass meeting, as usual, was that of the Valley Police and the highest was that of the organizers, the Unified Maoists. The police estimated their number around 200,000 and the Unified Maoists said their number was more than 600,000. Anyway, their number was quite large. The crowd was jubilant. They were adding energy by singing and dancing. Among the participants, the Young Communist League (YCL) volunteers were the most visible lot. The participants included a large number of women and teenagers. In brief, the participants of the procession were joyous, enthusiastic and energetic and the procession was colorful and exciting. The same scenes were replicated in several urban centers all over Nepal. The Unified Maoist leaders made politico-sentimental speeches that enhanced jubilation, inserted heroism and replanted 'do or die' attitude. In the same venue, they declared nationwide indefinite general strike from 2nd May. The key demands included overthrowing the incumbent coalition government and establishing a new national consensus government so as to ensure stable peace and constitution writing. The party quite frankly said, "You must come to Kathmandu with shroud cloth wrapped around your heads and flour in your bags. It will be our last battle. If we succeed, we survive; else it will be the end of our party." (Unified Maoist General Secretary Badal in www.southasiarev.wordpress.com.) Thus, a "third people's movement" was unfolded.

2. The "third people's movement" was not spontaneous, it was planned meticulously. The Unified Maoist leaders were busy preparing the foundation publicly by communicating massages about "people's revolt", "overthrowing puppet government", "salvaging the peace process", "ensuring pro-people constitution writing" and "formation of the national consensus government under the Unified Maoist leadership", etc. Internally, the party and its sister organizations assessed their strengths and prepared plans to enroll their cadres and sympathizers to take them to urban centers. Similarly, to adopt Gandhian protest technology, which centers on nonviolence, they motivated the prospective volunteers and participants in 'peaceful' protest techniques and behaviors. Prior to the agitation, they also provided refresher trainings on martial arts and armed self-defense techniques to volunteers. The open demonstrations of such exercises in several parts of the cities and towns indirectly created fear among the neutral city dwellers. This made them subdued in expressing their opposition during the initial days of protest. Probably, the open demonstrations were organized keeping this as one of the objectives. The timing of the protest was quite appropriately chosen as it was dry season, the Constituent Assembly was in a stage of coma, the government was highly unpopular, frustration was at its climax among the people, the Nepali Congress was nearly headless, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) was at the verge of division due to bitter internal quarrels and the United Nations Mission in Nepal(UNMIN) and the Nepal office of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) were overtly favoring the Unified Maoists. Hence, the timing was excellent. The occasion of the May Day to declare the protest movement and implementation of the same, from the very next day was quite appropriate.

3. The Unified Maoist leaders are skilled in unfurling surprises. They have a large store of several types of surprises, and this time it was their love to nonviolence. They proudly declared the borderline of ethics for the protesters and that was no act of violence. During the initial three days, the protestors adhered to this behavioral arrangement, though it was new to the Maoist cadres and sympathizers. The leaders were busy selling this surprise. They were repeatedly mentioning that their protest remained peaceful - no tire burning, no stone throwing, no fight etc. They did not break any iron bars erected for partitioning footpath and road, nor did they smash the window glasses of the government and private buildings except a few. They did burn or destroy a few two-wheelers and four-wheelers. They also did not vandalize that many shops. The agitation of this size could have devastating effects, if judged by previous events and experiences. Interestingly, the participants were singing and dancing as if the protest was a festival and they were happily celebrating it.

4. The people from the rural areas were taken to unfamiliar places. They had to stay in strange arrangements, something like staying in a barrack system. They had to survive in an unhygienic street/city environment. Moreover, they did not see anything that is directly relevant to their lives. The strike was neither a general popular movement nor any extraordinary initiative that could be called revolt. Hence, bewilderment among the participants was quite normal. They did not get meaningful support from the local people. Most probably, the Unified Maoist leadership overestimated their strength in the urban areas particularly in the Kathmandu valley. Contrary to their expectation, the neutral local people, by and large, see the protest movement as another invasion after what Prithvinarayan Shah did two hundred forty two years ago. Already, the donation drive had antagonized many middle class people. Many among the neutral people in Kathmandu were suspicious in the beginning, started to feel fear after two-three days and perceived as some sort of threat to their very survival after fourth day. The same happened to others cities. When the forced closure prolonged, it affected the working class people. They became the primary victims. In this opportune moment, the Hindu ultras attacked and vandalized agitators' base in Birgunj. Also, local people clashed against them in Satungal in Kathmandu and other places including Budhanilakantha, Kapan, Jorpati, Patan, etc. There were serious confrontations in Dhankuta, Parbat, Pokhara, Rajbiraj and other places. The militant YCL cadres saw several acts of disobedience from many sections including from their own supporters. The situation got worse after the beating of construction wage workers in Pokhara and beating of a woman at Ratnapark in suspicion of adding pesticide in drinking water. These beatings revealed intolerance on the part of YCL. Intolerance gave opportunity to their opponents to demonize them and it clicked to some extent. The neutral mass started to polarize against them, particularly after the YCL cadres confronted against the prospective participants of the Basantapur mass meeting and their peace rally. Moreover, the Unified Maoist leadership underestimated the ability of the government to resist. It sounded that the leadership had an agitation wish, "We will put a few hundred thousands people on the street. The people will sing and dance. Under the pressure of singing and dancing, the puppet government will run to Delhi vacating the seat of power in Kathmandu. Chairman Prachanda or some other comrade will jump to the prime ministerial chair. The movement will succeed and the people will go home back thrilled with joy".

Moreover, during the initial days of the strike, there was absence of consistent position in regard to talks and protest. This inconsistency created lots of confusion. Similarly, the leadership did not foresee the possibility of infiltration by vigilantes and could not stop them from infiltration. Baring a few beatings, the vigilantes succeeded in carrying out their tasks. Also, the leadership failed to mobilize support of independent progressive individuals and groups.

Finally the leadership woke up and called the strike off. As the direct result of this tactical defeat, the political brand value of the Unified Maoist decreased, substantially. They are seen now not as a roaring lion that had been in its natural habitat, but as one domesticated. Their writ may not run as in the past as their strength got exposed. The Unified Maoist leadership has been seen visibly tired. The cadres, particularly the youth are angry. The party lost a large sympathizer base, particularly in urban centers. The talk of the town is that the Unified Maoist is not invincible. This perception has challenged the psyche of the previously unchallengeable Unified Maoist youth cadres. Now, there is a danger that the Maoist youth cadres will go back to their home bases in the rural areas and may act against local Congress and UML cadres. It should not be surprising if several Congress and UML cadres will run out of their villages or they will retaliate. Hence, the after-effects may give rise to more acts of violent confrontation.

5. Even after its tactical defeat, the Unified Maoist is still the largest cadre based party that could mobilize largest number of masses. They are down but not out. They have tested bitter pills. May be, that would cure some of their illnesses - over nurturing of personal ambitions, tall talking, fantasies and romanticism. Who knows, they may fight back as a wounded lion. In any case, this tactical defeat may not take them to oblivion. But, this defeat may crystallize the differences inside the Unified Maoists. There are already two platforms. The socialist platform could overtly UMLise itself and the Maoist revolutionary platform could reemerge as a vanguard, once again. Alternatively, the socialists' and Maoists' cohabitation within the Unified Maoist party will continue but with intensified two-line struggle in ideological and political fronts.

May 10, 2010

Nepal: moving forward, slowly but surely

2010-04-09T11:46:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

The New Nepal has become a different Nepal. This different Nepal is a republic. This republic pardoned former monarchs and their cronies, corrupt political leaders, wrong-doing bureaucrats and dreaded criminals. So, all of them are having a field day. The former monarch is roaming around dreaming that one fine morning he could reclaim over his previous throne. The shady leaders have been projecting themselves as the Messiah of New Nepal. They occupy all high positions existed legally. Even, they have arranged strange entities such as High Level Political Mechanism and have been parading everywhere showing luxurious political clout. The criminals have been pardoned as many of them all of the sudden converted themselves as cadres of ruling political parties. Many among them purchased their political affiliation by paying good price to the leaderships. So, day-dreaming, corruption and crimes have become the ruling ideology of the superstructure of New Nepal. Hence, full blown anarchy, ailing national economy, confrontational social relationships and all pervading black marketing and profit-pocketing by several layers and types of politico-business tycoons and their stooges have been hitting hard at the backbone of New Nepal. Similarly, the commoners in the new republican order are also experiencing the heat. Acknowledging this nonsense as the sad side of the story, in this essay, I will share my exploration on fundamental positive change that has been taking place at the grassroots and at national level in many areas.

The series of movements and strategic initiatives including the Arya Samaj movement, pro-democracy movements, Jhapa movement and decade-long Maoist people's war contributed significantly in the process of grassroots awakening. The same movements and initiatives also contributed to break several chains of exploitations and injustices, which had been preserving unjust socio-economic and political structures, order and hierarchies. A different grassroots of New Nepal has emerged as a result of many socio-political factors including the initiatives that created common community wealth and greater facilities. Similarly, at national level, the people and the nation have erected some important milestones. Hence, it would be relevant to talk about the contributing factors and their impact on the larger society, though briefly.

Silent social revolution

Without any hue and cry, people at local levels tried to insert new values, which, on the long run, replaced the value system that existed for centuries. A Brahmin boy got married to a Dalit girl and he was thrown away from the village. It was difficult to adjust with but they survived. This event was a clear break with the past. Slowly, such events were replicated all over Nepal. This new trend had major contribution in breaking the untouchability myth. Hundreds of undocumented events including the struggle of Dalits to get rid of untouchability and to get justice and equality created the platform. And, the state was forced to declare untouchability as crime. But, the forceful implementations of such arrangements were only possible when education offered new information and the paradigm of the people particularly that of youths shifted. Now, they have generally (though not fully yet) regained respect in the society after several centuries. Similarly, the oppressed nationalities have individually and collectively tried for several years to get recognition of their rights and equal place in the society. Now, they have attained a level from where realization of their goals is not far away. Several women including Yogmaya and Dibya Koirala either through religious reform movements or by spreading facilities to educate women took part in the emancipation process of women. These acts of silent revolutions contributed most meaningfully to provide the foundation to change the society. During the ten years of the Maoist people's war, the process was shortened as they revolutionized the thought processes and the behaviors of the masses. So, the village Nepal is quite different than the village Nepal of ten years back. The same is applicable at grassroots level in urban Nepal. Although, the grassroots is not egalitarian as such, neither it is free of social prejudices against Dalits, women and oppressed nationalities, but it is uniquely different. Now, no power could prevent it from saying "good bye" to untouchability, gender stereotypes and socio-political exclusion of oppressed nationalities. The forces of change have been proceeding forward and their march is fast and irreversible. This is really a New Nepal in making at the grassroots.

Chains of mass movements

The new political journey initiated by the idealist youths of Prachanda Gorkha (the very first political party in Nepal that survived just for some months) has created several milestones to reach the level that of today. Among the movements, the anti-Rana movement, pro-democracy movements (1947 onward), Jhapa movement and Maoist movement contributed more in the process of mass awakening, but the major role have been played by several small local level mass uprisings. Some of these uprisings had a class nature such as the very first industrial workers strike in Biratnagar Jute Mills (1947) and Gaur peasants struggle (1950). The same could be seen in social arena like oppressed nationalities' movement such as the Kirat rebellion in Majhkirat (1908) or that of Dalits such as the struggle launched to establish their right to enter inside Pashupatinath temple (1954) or that of student's Jayatu Sanskritam struggle (1947). These struggles erected several milestones in the process that played significant role in detaching the future from its past. They developed and disseminated a strong message that a new Nepal is in making. May be, several small local level uprisings did not last long, but they deeply impacted on the socio-political landscape of the area. The synergy generated through their impacts accelerated the process of substantial change in the larger society.

Emergence of the critical mass

Expansion of formal educational facilities, non-formal education activities, cooperative movements, community level project implementation mechanisms, user groups and several small scale participatory grassroots mechanisms had created the environment, where people started to question, tried to search for probable answers and more importantly moved away from subordinate frame of mind and became a part of valuable critical mass. The recognition of plurality of values, belief systems, social norms, community behaviors and social relationships opened the horizon for interactions, quantitative reformation and qualitative change. Hence, the society has been passing through several acts and activities of continuous renewal. Thus, it has provided opportunities to expand the critical mass and helping it to be more informed, reasonable, logical, confrontational and resolute.

New information highway and ever-expanding communication networks

Newspapers, radios including FM stations and television channels played one of the most important roles not only in disseminating information and building knowledge base in several areas but also they helped people to move out of the mindset primarily confined to feudal attitudinal frame. Gradually, they have been moving towards open attitudinal space. Now, they know how the affluent sections of their society live. Hence, they have the opportunity to compare between two types of livelihoods and lifestyles. This has exposed them to different type of reality. This exposure enabled them to set new life goals on one side and also it empowered them with information to direct their efforts to attain those goals by mixing confrontational and capability building approaches, simultaneously. The telephone network and other communication facilities are integrating societies more closely and hence, more united actions could be seen in several fronts that include but not limited to new initiatives, common interest actions, joint acts, issues/events based struggles etc. The means of information dissemination, knowledge building and attainment of relaxation/entertainment have offered more comfortable space and livable environment.

Expansion of facilities

Whether be it formal education institutions or health facility service centers or business enterprises or community level service delivery mechanisms; the number, size and capacity of such facilities have increased many folds. The airports, highways and road networks have connected places and people and provided infrastructural base for the feeling of oneness among people of several different regions. These transportation infrastructures have also expanded the market for products and services. Although, there is power cut for more than 12 hours daily during dry season, the fact is that Nepal produces more than 600 megawatts of electricity (2009). This is not enough, but the foundation is ready to move fast to generate more.

Emergence of new social contract at the grassroots

The annual labor contract system between the peasants and agriculture workers in the rural areas has gone through a sea change. The system of an agricultural worker attached to a certain peasant or a landlord is no more in practice in eastern and central Nepal and in western Nepal too such systems like Kamaiyas, Haliyas and Kahmlaris are disappearing fast. It may not continue for long. This is one major contribution of the left movement in Nepal. Similarly, the changes in tenancy system and providing rights to the tenants have freed them from evicting whenever the landowner wished so. Though, exploitation and unjust relationships are still prevalent in the society, the new system of social contract has been emerging very fast with a clear goal of establishing a just and egalitarian society. It may not radically transform the society just through evolutionary change, but it has been building foundation to realize the goal through revolutionary means.

Labor migration and remittance economy

Many youths from rural areas even from remote parts are daring to travel to the places they have not heard about. Neither they know the language nor they are familiar with the culture there nor do they be sure what type of job they will get and how much money they could earn. Even, they do not know to complete the embarkation/disembarkation forms. Still, they ventured particularly to Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea. Some of them have gone to Israel and Cyprus. A few could be found in Japan. And, many travel to several parts of India. Their number is not exactly known but that could be more than 2.5 million. They are sending money home and that is estimated around a trillion in Rupees every year. They did not only go out and send money, but also helped to take out excess workforce from agriculture creating fairly reduced supply of labor in that sector of economy. The demand and supply mechanism created some positive change in rural wage system. Now, the labor gets more. Though, it has increased the price of agricultural produces but it is only fair if the agriculture workers get more wages. This way, the rural folks are getting inward remittance regularly and their living standards are improving. The children of migrant workers are enrolled in schools, in some cases in better schools. Hence, rural livelihood mechanism has been changing and the national economy is getting breather in times of senseless anarchy.

Professionals and experts

The experts in certain fields and professionals in many areas could be found working in several parts of the globe. They are with United Nations and its system agencies, multilateral organization, international business enterprises, universities and research centers, aid agencies including international non-government organizations and expert services caterers such as famed fashion designers, mountaineering instructors etc. Outside the country, they are Nepal's goodwill ambassadors and when they come back home, they bring unmatched expertise. Even inside Nepal, we have some world class professionals. In this way, slowly but steadily, Nepal is moving forward.

Conclusion

It would be helpful to examine the objectiveness of the above analysis by comparing the deference using some indicators. Hence, a few basic indicators below could be quoted for this purpose.

a. Nepal during 1960-1970

Life Expectancy at birth (1960): 38 years

Adult Literacy Rate (1970): 13%

Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1960): 297

b. Nepal during 1980-1990

Life Expectancy at birth (1987): 52 Years

Adult Literacy Rate (1985): 26%

Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1988): 197

Real GDP per capita (ppp in 1987): US$ 720

HDI (1990): 0.273

http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_1990_en_indicators1.pdf

3. Nepal during 2000-2010

Life Expectancy at birth (2007): 66 Years

Adult Literacy Rate (2007): 56.5%

Real GDP per capita (ppp in 2007): US$ 1049

HDI (2007): 0.553

http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html

Human Development Index (HDI) has doubled in 2007 (0.553) compare to 1990 (0.273). Similarly, Adult literacy rate too has jumped more than four fold in 2007 (56.5%) compare to 1970 (13%). Life expectancy has gone steadily up from 38 years in 1960 to 52 years in 1987 to 66 years in 2007. Per Capita real GDP (PPP) also has increased from US$ 720 in 1987 to US$ 1049 in 2007. Although, it is not that much, still the over all trend is positive. Hence, despite Nepal being under despotic regimes or 'democratic' anarchies, the progress mentioned above is not small. Moreover, during the decade starting 1996, Nepal was in unprecedented turmoil and upheavals primarily caused by the Maoist-led people's war. Nepali economy and infrastructures had been on constant pressure that included damage of common wealth created already. Overcoming such difficulties and getting some good marks is an achievement for which Nepali people could feel proud.

Nepal has three limitations in regard to its way forward. First, Nepal has the governance problem. No mainstream political party commands the respect of people. Their politics of deception and their acts, which revolve around their petty interests, have injured the nation, dangerously. Second, in both areas, in creation of wealth, Nepal is not in optimal level and in distribution of created wealth justly, Nepal fares badly. Third, in comparison to nations, which were generally in the same situation in 1960, Nepal's pace of change and its overall development have lagged far behind. Therefore, Nepal is in great need of the politics of transformation, which has a blend of progressive ethics, values, characters, hopes, visions and commitment to cause. Also, Nepal very much needs political, social, economic and organizational instruments, which could lead Nepal in creation of wealth. This wealth could be meaningful skills, physical facilities, organizational infrastructure, intellectual capacity, technological capability or simply that could be production of enough goods and services. There should be appropriate mechanisms, polities and practices that ensure basic equality, equity and justice in distributing the wealth that has been or would be created. Nepal could catch up with the nations, which reached ahead of it today, if it could create synergetic effects of these two factors. Also, identifying correctly its strength base, setting priorities right and channeling entire national energies to drive the nation forward are equally important. Certainly, in this course of all inclusive transformation, the roadblocks should be cleared. A progressive, compassionate, just, shining and ever-renewing New Nepal could and should emerge, if initiatives, endeavors and enterprises prosper.

April 07, 2010

Leadership Failure and the Syndrome of National Disintegration

2009-10-15T12:50:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

The main leaders of the major mainstream political parties have been behaving in such a fashion that the people have started to look them as the clowns of the dethroned monarch. All leaders of the THREE BIG parties have lost their credibility. The Nepali Congress leader Mr. G. P. Koirala's credibility was already too low. People have been blaming him for years that he is visionless, valueless and power hungry. Some people believed that he translates his words into actions. It was thought that what he says, that he does. It was just the appreciation of his predictability. Although, this year, there was erosion in this appreciation, still he is the one losing less. In mathematical term, for example, he had 10 positive points last year in a scale of 100 and now he might have still 7 points. Hence, he has a negative result of 3 points. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) leader Mr. J. N. Khanal has been known for both his intellectual ability and political limitations. This year, there is some change in his image as most of the time he was swinging between Maoists carrots and his own party's sticks. Incidentally, he doesn't command majority support in the UML central committee. So, eating words and changing stands made him a unique person. His credibility range also has gone down significantly. He might had 35 positive points last year and now he may have just 20 points. The war-time superhero and the most charismatic Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) leader Mr. Prachanda is the biggest loser, both in areas of credibility and charisma in the current political amphitheatre. Most of the time, there is no match between what he says and what he does. In the scale of 100, he probably had 85 positive points last year and now he will command not more than 15 points. He is between J. N. Khanal (20) and G. P. Koirala (7). If the same trend continues, he may top the list next year surpassing Mr. Koirala. Moreover, Prime Minister Mr. M. K. Nepal also belongs to this same category of leaders, who are losing credibility with a high margin. His only agenda seems sticking to the Prime Minister's chair by making any compromise. One strange thing is that Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Mr. Ram Chandra Poudel and Mr. K. P. Oli have maintained their respective places both in credibility and charisma with some minus and plus points.

The leadership primarily composed of the BIG THREE parties failed miserably in guiding the nation at a delicate time of transition. After watching all the nonsense they uttered and the shameful acts they performed; the people came to realize lately that the rosy picture what the leaders were sharing with them was the same as that once shared by Mr. K. P. Bhattarai, who had told that he was in the process of making Nepal a new Singapore.

The weaknesses of the leadership provided opportunities to external powers to influence the political course strongly in an unfavorable way. As a result, now, we could see several holy places where our leaders often visit for worship. Delhi and Beijing are among the first line temples followed by Washington, London and Oslo. There are people talking about boarder encroachment. But, no leader dares and cares to talk about this issue. Our policies are either made outside in those capitals as mentioned above or in our very own five star hotels by the experts or the manipulators coming from the same capitals and staying in small Nepali heavens, the luxury hotels. The ambassadors are another bunch of rulers and they often try to rule by issuing decrees. The external players visit bedrooms of our BIG leaders and instruct them even how to snore. These leaders pretend that they have no foreign influence on them. Sometimes, they even act well. For example, many among them chant anti-India slogans publicly and polish shoes of their Indian Masters privately

The New Nepal, now, is better known as a Nepal full of hardships, difficulties and uncertainties. These factors include lawlessness, anarchy and mass destruction of public and private properties. No one could feel safe other than the mighty leaders and their cronies. The general strikes popularly knows as BANDHAS have become most frequent as all types of people trying to fulfill any demand call for it, throw stones against pedestrians, burn tires, set vehicles on flames, destroy shops, vandalize public and private properties, terrorize entire populace by beating, hitting or chasing them and think that he or she or they accomplished wonderful acts of struggle. Survival has become number one priority for a large majority of people. Those who do not have means to live are hungry and hence are angry. Similarly, those who have means are at the verge of abduction or killing, and hence are also angry. This makes only a small minority enjoying the fruits of such hardships and anarchy. Everybody knows that this small minority is primarily composed of criminals and political bandits protected by major and minor political parties.

The exercise of the national sovereignty has already been limited. Nepal as such has become incapable to protect its sovereign rights and interests due to external and internal factors. It has been already discussed above about the external factors. The internal factors include anarchic crowd mentality, ethnic aspirations, continuation of Khas chauvinism, geographical disadvantages and local grievances, internal colonization and people's desire to get rid of it and the extreme poverty are contributing to weakening Nepal. By examining the performance of the state mechanism, it is now not a compact state unit. The selfish, visionless and worthless leadership, resentful people and irrational external powers all are adding to a process that has been crystallizing to national disintegration. It may not remain as a sovereign multicultural state if the same trend continues or gets acceleration. Psychological and social disintegration was already in process for several decades, and now there are economic and political disintegrations seen in the horizon.

The unprecedented erosion of state power is the first evidence of disintegration of the Nepalese nation. The so-called major parties make all strategic decisions collectively or individually. The state mechanisms including the courts simply legalize the non-legal decisions or pretend that nothing has happened or overlook. A murderer could come out of the police custody if an influential party is a beneficiary of his or her crime. This could be in the form of political affiliation with that party or previous arrangement of sharing the booty/benefits or simply that person could bribe either that party or its leaders. In case of convicted criminals too, they could get amnesty by utilizing the same privileges. Moreover, these parties could do anything and that is considered normal and natural on the name of 'transitional political environment'. This is nothing other than the clear evidence of political disintegration of the state system.

The oppressive Khas chauvinist chiefs have not shared any power in qualitative term. Although, we could see more women or people from oppressed nationalities standing together with the Khas chiefs and their deputies or cronies in the constituent assembly (also parliament), cabinet or in other organs of the state, but they are just the show pieces. They are there not for making decisions but to shout and offer thumb impressions when the Khas chiefs and their powerful cronies instruct them to do so. The Madheshis, MangolKirats and Dalits had no say in the old Nepal and have no say in this so-called new Nepal. But, now they have the information regarding the discriminations they are facing and they have the desire to get rid of such discriminations. Hence, the divisions have been visible and the desires for solving such phenomenon are intense. When the solutions are not coming out through positive means, the negative means have started to initiate irreversible courses. Certainly, this could lead to social disintegration of the Nepalese nation.

The southern bread basket is the major economic base of the Nepalese nation not only because it is rich in agricultural production but also it is the industrial as well as commercial hub. For centuries, Madhes was treated as a colony by the Khas rulers and the Madhesis know now exactly how they were treated for centuries. They want now economic and political power. The Karnali region has been neglected for long and now the people there know that they are surviving in sub-human conditions and the Nepalese state has done nothing significant for them. The people of MangolKirat nationality know their state of being and are asking for Libuwan, Khambuwan and so on. The same psychological phenomenon is there in other regions too. Hence, the regions and nationalities all over Nepal have expectations that they should get the right to govern themselves. Most of the time and in most of the places, their demands are going beyond duel federalism. They want the right to self determination. When the backbone of the nation, the state system, is so weak, their demands may not be addressed centrally in a comprehensive manner. This situation may lead to territorial disintegration.

There was a joke that a policeman remembered that he was operated by a surgeon 12 years ago. The surgeon had taken his entire brain out when he escaped from the operation theatre. He went back to the surgeon to get his brain back and got it fixed. The surgeon asked where he was for so many years and what he was doing without his brain. The policeman replied that he was a policeman. Now, this time it seems that several persons ran out from the operation theatre without fixing their brains. But this time they did not go for uniform. They put the caps of big leaders on their heads.

The nation and people are in an extraordinarily difficult situation. The nation is at the verge of disintegration, the people are crying for survival and the oppressed social sections, nationalities and regions are dying for justice; the big parties and their big leaders are busy in fattening themselves, their relatives and their cronies. This is utter failure of the leadership. Now, either there would be revolt of unprecedented nature against them and a positive check comes into motion to preserve the national unity of the Nepalese nation or the situation would deteriorate further and the disintegration takes its strategic course. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.

Unified Maoists: A Rapid Political Appraisal

2009-07-03T06:21:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

The former Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got united with the former Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). They gave a new name to themselves - Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Hence, knowing them who they are has become a topic of interest. Therefore, an attempt has been made here to present a brief overview reflecting on their achievements and losses after the Delhi Agreement (November, 2005) to find out their political place now.

What the Unified Maoists attained?

They got American and European acceptance as a political force in Nepal. Although, they are still in the terror related list of America, but that has not much significance as there is nothing substantial at practical level. Some Scandinavian countries are even much friendlier towards them. They got the unusual support from, both India and China in this course barring India's action regarding the last disagreement of the Unified Maoist led government's decision of sacking the army chief.
They got the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election. They played effective role in abolishing the monarchy. Irrespective of good or bad governance, they led the government of Nepal for nine months.
Their strength might have gone up in numerical sense after many independents (including former monarchists) and cadres of other parties joined them. Also, they got united with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). The process of the merger was quite interesting. The former Maoist party merged with former Unity Center-Masal, politically and ideologically; whereas former Unity Center-Masal merged with former Maoist party organizationally.
While they were running the government, they performed better in some areas, particularly in generating revenue.
They generated great hopes among people and created a sense of empowerment among the suppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and oppressed as well as exploited masses. Although it was relative and temporary, but happiness is happiness. And, also strategically, seeds of awareness and taste of accomplishments never die.

What are their losses?

Sudden and unpredictable change of tactics including the political line created a situation that contributed to derailment of the path of the Nepalese democratic revolution. There was no vertical organizational split, though a few leaders including Matrika Yadav left the party. But there were horizontal divisions of unprecedented nature in many areas including approaches, political line, tactics and relationships. Many party cadres, PLA cadres and sympathizers either started to feel betrayed or became confused and developed suspicion on the motives of the leadership. The famous or infamous Shaktikhor video works as an evidence of such situation inside the Unified Maoist's world. This was the biggest loss of the Unified Maoist. In reality, the revolutionaries, once again, have to clear roadblocks.
The Unified Maoist's another major loss was that of diminishing credibility of the frontline leadership. Their art of speaking conveniently became known to everybody. Perhaps, it was their compulsion as they were playing a game by using different rules of different games. Credibility loss is one of the most serious diseases for any political party or politician and the diagnosis is that the Unified Maoist also has been suffering from this disease.
They failed in running the government smoothly and people started to suspect their intention and ability to translating the slogan of new Nepal into reality. Insecurity, lawlessness and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities added misery to people's lives even during the time they ruled.
Ideological and political divisions within the leadership have created several platforms. Among them, three platforms have some degree of objectivity. First platform is composed of outright practitioners of people's multiparty democracy. They are talking loud to camouflage their course at least for sometime. Second group is busy remembering the glory of the past but is accommodating with both camps within the party. They are undecided regarding their choice for future course. This is a mobile platform. The third platform disagrees with the first, but lacks vision, courage and charisma. This platform has been in a situation of bewilderment. They seem quite clear on ideology, strategy and tactics, but they have no comprehensive plan of action and motivation for a new drive. Registering 'note of decent' and leaving rest to circumstances is their modality. In this way, the intra-party struggle is neither fierce nor result oriented. Hence, all the platforms within the Unified Maoist party are in the state of decreased self-confidence.
As there is split between Unified Maoists and the Maoists (new organizational mechanisms led by Matrika Yadav and Mani Thapa), now it is natural that there would be polarization of forces, may be disproportionately for sometime. This polarization may gain momentum the day when the process of assimilation within the political mainstream of the Unified Maoists would be relatively complete and clearly visible.
In international arena, they have already lost the goodwill of the forces of radical social change including the goodwill of the Indian Maoists. The letter sent to Unified Maoists by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) dated April 20, 2009 has elaborated the differences clearly.

Where they stand today?

Now, the Unified Maoist party is an amalgamation of different political and social forces and interest groups. This has become a mechanical mixture of liberal lefts, progressive nationalists and floating members of political intelligentsia. Through a long process of cooperation and cohabitation with the centrist and center-left parties, the Unified Maoists also has become a member of the conglomerate of mainstream parties. This conglomerate revolves around a large circle made out of two ingredients - status quo and evolutionary change. Now, the Unified Maoists are simply the center-left political force. Still they could lead the process of evolutionary change in the society. They are a progressive political force and could add value in bringing incremental change. But, when they say that they are the revolutionary force and they say that they are capable to lead the process of societal transformation; nobody other than they themselves and their blind followers believe in. Exactly, they traveled through the same 'conversion path' invented by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) about two decades ago. This path took UML to their desired destination and converted them to social democrats. What would happen to the Unified Maoist party now? By examining through the application of political genetics, the DNA of the Unified Maoist party has matched with the DNA of UML. Notwithstanding the bitterness, quarrel and bullfights; they are the first cousins, if not siblings. Hence, the people, Nepalese nation and progressive political, social and economic forces should level their expectations accordingly and should rediscover the transformational political process, strategies and tactics appropriately.

July 01, 2009

Red Nepal Turns White Ephemerally

2009-07-03T06:11:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

(Previously, the article was posted on http://www.ujyalonepal.blogspot.com/ under an assumed name Ratna Prabhat. First time published in August 29, 2008)

The hopes and aspirations created by the decade long people's war between the holder of the old regressive regime and the aspirants of the new progressive state power had generated tremendous energy that heralded the beginning of a new era. The consciously designed course of socio-political change was vivid. The people not only could see it but also could sense, hear and touch. That was seen in human relationships, class relationships and community relationships. The production processes also had been influenced including the roles of the productive forces. The process of political empowerment had initiated all powerful attempts that could lead to human emancipation. The tempest of forward march was seen all over Nepal, particularly in its rural areas. Every next day, it was uniquely different than the previous day. There was all pervading anticipation that tomorrow would be markedly different than today. After the People's Movement II, the momentum some how got obstructed. The tempest of change started to pass through the process of "go slow" and ultimately it was surpassed by the arrangements of real politicking such as power sharing, coalition formations and adjustments between the forces of change and the forces of status quo.In the rapidly changing political scenario, many people feel bewildered as they were not able to sense the course of events. The braves turned to be something different, the ones in political hibernation started to bargain and the well-known political crooks and their organizations started to shine. Strange but true! Nepal slowly but steadily started to turn white.The people in uniform called People's Liberation Army (PLA) all of the sudden discovered that they have to take care of their families themselves. The children of these PLA soldiers born as the sons or daughters of full time PLA parents became pariah with an uncertain future. Many of these PLA soldiers have no resource base to support the survival and development of these children. Not only the children but they themselves would face difficulties in managing their livelihood. Now, the easy option is to integrate them with the regular government army. This could solve their personal problems but they will have to sacrifice their dreams of human emancipation. They would be the part of the same armed bureaucracy that has been there for about two and a half centuries. In any case, the integration would effectively finish the PLA together with their dream, a dream of emancipated humanity.The landless and poor peasants, who were at the forefront of the movement, also had developed a dream, a dream of justice, prosperity and advancement. Even, they had got land to cultivate as part of the agrarian reform process, a land reform of limited scale and magnitude. They had started to develop some sorts of the sense of ownership over the land they got. Now, they are going to loose that temporary ownership/tilling right. Their dream has been shattered.The industrial, construction, service delivery and other off-farm workers, both organized and unorganized, had developed a dream, a dream of better working conditions, better wages and respectful owner-worker relationship. Most of them have been connected to one or the other labor unions. Their bargaining capacity had greatly increased. But, now, when the process of negotiated settlement of the class conflict started, gradually they have been loosing the ground. The priority on industrial peace would effectively overshadow their rights and aspirations. There is high possibility that from now on, they would loose their bargaining power even more. Their dream also has confronted with the rough political weather and is at the verge of vanishing.The people's governance mechanisms at local levels called "Jana Sarkars" (people's governments) have lost their relevance. The functionaries of such mechanisms became unemployed. Till two years ago, their writ was running as effectively as that of any functional government. Now, not only their opponents are against them but their own creators also have disowned them. This has effectively ended the power exercising organizational mechanism created by the decade-long war.The youths organized as militia in the past and converted to Young Communist League (YCL) afterward played significant role in curbing crimes, taming the untamable and delivering justice instantly. It is also equally true that in many cases, they committed excesses. Particularly, it happened due to the need of short cuts to win the election. They were the most powerful instruments during that time. Now, they are considered a spent force. Their role has been in question by their opponents and media, both. The youths organized through the process of popular mobilizations and social actions are at the verge of disappearance as organized force. Alternatively, they could be surviving as vegetable/paddy growing community as some of their leaders are advocating such a role for them.The "people's courts" are now going to be replaced with the old state's courts. The verdict delivered by the "people's courts" and reversal of such decisions would create a mess in the lives of many people, particularly in the rural areas. It is not the question of integrating two systems in one, but in all practical sense, it is deactivating one and accepting the functional as well as legal jurisdiction of the other. In such situation, "people's courts" will be deactivated and the old state's court system will have the sole judicial authority.A large majority of the sympathizers, who had started believing that the new era of illumination and abundance would be not that far, have started now to question their own expectations. Moreover, many among them have been expressing bewilderment. They had distant past that was full of difficulties; they had yesterday that was full of hopes and dreams; they have today that is full of uncertainties and bewilderments and they have no clear cut picture of tomorrow. They are feeling speechless; as if the whole euphoria of emancipation got multiple accidents at one go.The most affected lot is none other than the party cadres. They offered everything that belongs to them - time, energy, personal property, physical strength, intellectual capacities and emotional treasures. They had an ideal and they sacrificed everything to attain goals that help to realize that ideal. The ideal was the complete and sustainable emancipation of human being - a state of human civilization where oppression, suppression, injustices, poverty, ignorance and unjustifiably unequal human relations, wealth accumulations and opportunity allocations would be the stories of past. The society would be thriving because of the civility, enterprise, technological advances and enlightened behavior of its owners/creators/sustainers - the people. Now, that ideal has been questioned and the path reaching there has been going through twists and turns. The common party cadres are divided between the followers of today's statesmen and yesterday's guides. The average party cadres are at loss of a guide, philosopher and mentor - the party that commands their respect. The party is still there, but that is some how different than the party they built. Many among the common cadres neither could cry nor could celebrate. They are in a state of bemusement, as if they have lost their sense of judgment.A large number of people made sacrifices. More than 13000 people sacrificed their lives. Many people sacrificed their organs or body parts as a result of the massive injuries they suffered. Many of them sacrificed their freedom for years as they were languished behind the bars. Many people sacrificed their tears as their beloved ones were taken away from them permanently. The sacrifice made in the form of emotional treasures, perhaps, is one of the most important sacrifices made by the surviving relatives and comrades. Now, they are looking at developments that are not in conformity with the dreams they had during the time they were or are making these contributions.According to the law of contradictions; the new fight is imminent to begin from a new height. The forces tilting towards the forces of status quo and the forces desirous to march to attain the goal of establishing a new progressive regime in Nepal have no option other than to fight against each other. Hence, there would be a new realignment. That realignment would break relationships, which have the foundation in the previous form of political arrangements. Such realignment would give birth to a new environment for the political as well as armed forces and mass organizations to go through a process of critical assessment of the objective situation. This realignment will also influence the behaviors of the social and economic forces and will encourage them to reassess their respective roles. Certainly, in the near future, that realignment would take place. Furthermore, that realignment would open up the flood gate of political turmoil of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. And, a new path would appear for a new journey to begin. This is nothing other than an integral process of continuous revolution.

Political Quagmire and Glimmer of Hope

2009-06-06T13:09:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

During 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, the Nepali Congress contributed to create political awareness among the people, though it had several limitations. During 1970s and 1980s, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) was at the forefront of the movement that tried to rally people around the core agenda of societal transformation. During 1990s and 2000s (except the last few years), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) not only continued the process of transformation at the grassroots, but also it provided alternative mechanism for people's governance and established de-facto state power in a large part of the country. Suddenly, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decided to chart a new course and signed 12-points agreement in Delhi. After traveling through bumpy roads, it has reached somewhere now, though many people including a large number of Unified Maoist cadres do not know where they are and which road they have to go through to reach their vague goal of establishing a people's republic. When the Maoists became the largest party in the constituent assembly and formed the coalition government under their leadership; there was hope, excitement and thrill all over the country. They had launched and continued people's war for more than a decade and their image was that of a revolutionary force free of corruption, nepotism, inaction, lethargy and submission to any kind of unjust pressures and pressure tactics. They ruled Nepal for about nine months. But, the day Unified Maoists vacated the seat of state power, their shining image had already been faded. They lost their revolutionary aroma and unmatched level of credibility. Moreover, people's trust on their ability, sincerity and rationality has also been questioned.

In a country like ours where a large gap exists between the rich and poor, highly educated and illiterates, urban and rural areas, city centers and peripheries, ruling nationality and oppressed nationalities and governing elites and the masses; democracy is just a phrase that refers to some sorts of rituals in certain intervals. These rituals include organizing 'elections', changing ruling elites in some situations and providing space to a few influential elites to bark. Moreover, the rituals also include sub-contracting or out-sourcing of state authority and functions either to crooks and cronies at various level of governance or to political as well as non-political apparatus or to powerful foreign countries. And, the slogan of democracy remains just an elitist rhetoric. Hence, E. N. Muller (1988, Democracy, Economic Development, and Income Inequality, American Sociological Review, 53, 50-68) rightly suggests that for a certain period of time, such countries need to be governed by a party which has radical change agenda to bring down the gaps to a manageable level. This tactical phase may help to build socio-political and economic infrastructure for full fledged democracy. In this context, the Maoists with their radical change agenda could have been the best political force to lead the country to narrow down the large gaps. But the Unified Maoists failed in implementing their agenda and created a situation that forced them to see the exit.

Now, the political process has proceeded to an unknown destination. The general perception is that this is nothing other than status quo ante. The new coalition has no comprehensive program (forget about the ritualistic 'common minimum program'), no cohesive functional mechanism and no credibility. They command no hope as every major party is divided into two groups involved in a fight-to-finish battle. Although, there is no commonality in regard to ideological affinity or programmatic responses, in each and every large party there are Unified Maoists' proxies and their diehard opponents. These groups are no less effective in pulling rugs under the feet of the government. The Unified Maoist-led government failed due to its over-talk and no action (except revenue generation); this government may fail due to less talk and more actions. These actions may include but not limited to daily in-house wrestling, cut-throat competition at the fertile ground of corruption and appeasement in the front of law and order so as to prolong their days in power. The angry Unified Maoists will try to bring down the government by any means at their disposal. Hence, the serenity of villages may end soon and political parties may enter into gang wars giving sleepless nights to ordinary villagers. The cities and towns are already tumultuous and chaotic, anyway.

We need radical transformation of the society. To lead the process of momentous transformation, we need strong and popular political and social forces, which have radical change agenda that addresses inequality, injustice and serious socio-economic and political gaps. Here, it would be desirable to examine the existence and roles of such forces.

The 'famous' 'Civil Society Leaders' have been busy in projecting themselves as the savior of the Nepalese nation and are busy being overly visible. This coalition of former bureaucrats, technocrats, NGO professionals and sidelined political personalities as well as unsuccessful political leaders has been making noises and is creating certain imagery that there is still space for hope from them. In essence, they could bring neither change in the fundamental base of the society nor they could influence in designing the political superstructure of a nation. At best, they can influence to this or that insignificant events or decisions of the government or a political party. Unfortunately, they are projected as supper politico-social functionaries who could influence the future course of a nation. They themselves are in such illusion. Hence, it would be a rational conclusion to see them neither as saviors nor as instrument of substantial change.

Many NGOs behave less like national socio-organizational mechanisms and function more as sub-contractors of the multilateral, bilateral and private (including northern voluntary agencies) donors. They are after green grass; and conflicts, disharmony, inequalities and injustices in Nepal are their pastures. Hence, it is only logical that they never wish to cut down the size of their pastures.

The professional organizations including lawyers association, medical association, engineers' association, university as well as school teacher associations, nurses' association etc, are among the most positive contributors in the process of change. They have contributed in the past, they are contributing most meaningfully today and we could expect they will continue to make wonderful contributions in future. The more they remain apolitical, the better. Only when a national political calamity is imminent or a dawn is at the doorstep, they are welcome to intervene in the political process directly, that too for a brief period. By and large, they did the same in the past and they are doing the same today.

The nationalities' question in Nepal is one among the unresolved issues. The activists and organizations of oppressed nationalities are involved in a tireless struggle to emancipate themselves from oppressive Khasa (Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sannesi) rule. Therefore, they are launching movements to establish autonomous regions of different nationalities. Many intellectuals and politicians, particularly of Khasa origin, are busy propagating that these movements could lead to Nepal's disintegration. Disintegration has its seeds in Khasa chauvinism and not in the oppressed nationalities' liberation endeavors. If Nepal stays stronger, it would stay stronger as the wonderful rainbow federation of different nationalities' autonomous regions/provinces/states. Hence, the forces that are spearheading these movements are contributing to the transformational process that builds a shinning Nepal. Multiculturalism and federalism are the two basic ingredients that are necessary to translate the slogan of a new Nepal into reality. The organizations leading the movements for Limbuvan, Khambuvan (or united Kirat), Madhesh, Tharuhat, Tambasaling, Tamuvan, Magarat (or united Tamumagarat), Khasan, Newa (or Nepah) are the torch bearers of multiculturalism and federalism. These endeavors deserve appreciation, support and salute.

There are political forces, which commanded strong popular support in the past, but now they are just like any other forces of status quo. The lead force in this category is none other than the "Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum" (Madhesi People's Rights Forum). Now, Madhesi Jan Adhikar (Rights of the Madhesi people) is just a begging pot for them. But they are not small-time beggars; they ask for ministerial berths. Eventually, these forces may not lead the process of transformation as people have already seen their greed, opportunist character and betrayal of their commitment. The Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (Tarai Madhes Democratic Party) is, somehow, an exception. Until now, they have successfully maintained their image of a force, which is committed to emancipation of Madhesi people.

A taxi driver from Butwal shared his frustrations and difficulties in managing daily survival and also shed light on some hopes. After a bit long conversation, he shared a secret that they had collected some money and wanted to donate that money to Matrika Yadav. Answering my question of selecting Matrika Yadav, he told that he (Matrika Yadav) sounds the only leader today who has no personal ambition and greed. So, the taxi driver's small community of transport workers collected some money and were trying to get touch with Matrika Yadav or his comrades to hand over that money. This sounds as a petty story. But the story states that the people at grassroots know the value of integrity, sincerity, trust and courage. Now in Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the reactivated party led by Matrika Yadav is one such party with radical change agenda and also it commands credible image. The reactivated Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) could be very small at this moment, but its support base is quite large. They could grow very fast. They are rich with invaluable experiences. They need refinement, correction and realignment. Moreover, they need to develop collective leadership in place of personality cult that over emphasizes on one-man's charisma. They could be one among the major instruments of change. And, together with other progressive political as well as social forces, they may lead the course of historic transformation of the Nepalese society. Thus, the rays of hope are not vanished. The forces that are playing pivotal roles for societal transformation are not absent. Certainly, the road is rough and tough and the weather is foggy, but the caravan has been marching forward energetically.

June, 2009

Posted on www.nepalipost.com (english section/news) on June 08, 2009

New Nepal Not Yet: Mission Continues

2009-01-24T08:28:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

The declaration of Nepal as a republic had communicated the historic positive message that Nepal would enter into a new era of reconstruction that could give birth to a new beginning towards justice, equity and prosperity. It is true that within a few months nothing could be changed miraculously, but that time could be enough to consolidate hope, accelerate enthusiasm and formulate basic course to drive the nation to the right direction.

The Prime Minister sounds sensitive towards people's feelings but has shown inefficiency in addressing their needs and aspirations, pragmatically. Just nice speeches, strong threats and public posturing of statesmanship do no good if there are no actions that offer policy responses and operational arrangements. Loud talking, being emotional and doing nothing substantial could erode credibility, trust and reliability of any person including leaders. The same has happened to the Prime Minister. His image of a strong, visionary and revolutionary leader has been eroding every day. The same is true for his deputy, the scholar-politician Finance Minister. Opposite to his public image, he is busy in micro-management of economy and has degenerated himself as a tax administrator. The leadership of the government, primarily composed of these two leaders, thus, failed in generating hope and showing the seeds of a new beginning - the journey to societal transformation.

The Maoist party that has been providing leadership to the executive branch of the government has been busy in the process of self-deconstruction. Mixing sand in its fertile soil is the business what the Maoist party is busy with. The much hyped unity with the "Unity Center" is the evidence of this business. If the 'revolutionary leaders' of the CPN (UML), fringe left parties and even those of Congress would assimilate within the Maoist party, people may not be astonished, now.

The second largest party in the government, the CPN (UML) has been playing all roles, as usual. It is government. It is opposition. It is the alternative state. It is protector of the existing army. It is a bridge between opposition and government. It is everything. Hence, neither they carry credible image nor do they have courage to present themselves exactly what they are. The Maoist leadership knows this better than anybody else. Hence, neither they spend sleepless nights due to the vocal diarrhea of the UML leaders nor they are in the mood of celebration by hearing their rosy speeches.

The Congress party has never been proactive in its entire history. It is a reactive party by nature. Representing the interests of upper sections of the society, pursuing the capitalist ideology camouflaged as socialist and peddling through soft nationalism in regard to dealing with India are some of its core characteristics. Whether it is in the government or in opposition; the party doesn't change its operational modalities. It is just absent in actions related to mass awakening, people's empowerment and their wellbeing. Making its own cadres (particularly those who are around its leaders and their relatives) fat is the core business of the Congress bureaucracy. Therefore, it becomes no news when it makes no sound today.

The Madhesi parties are busy averting divisions within their own parties and among parties with the same agenda of "One Madhesh, One Pradesh (province)". They too are largely united around certain rhetoric and are happy being the champion of that rhetoric.

The parties of former royalists have nothing much to contribute to the reconstruction process and are just happy making their presence felt by attending one or the other gatherings.

The above analysis presents a gloomy picture in regard to the acts of the political actors. The loud talks of "New Nepal" and "Societal Transformation" sound just lifeless phrases.

Why all this looks like very negative phenomenon? This is not a negative interpretation of the reality. The reality itself is not illuminating. A few evidences might help to realize such phenomenon. We are having historic power-cut of 16 hours daily. The rate of inflation is above 14%. The share market has gone down by 48% in 4 months. Undisciplined ministers have finished the whole annual budget for foreign travel (allocated for the cabinet members) in less than 5 months. There is a crowd of 601 persons sitting in the International Conference Building without entering into their core business of drafting a new constitution. The drastic reduction of state presence, particularly in the countryside has resulted to near break-down of law and order. Moreover, the stated or unstated out sourcing of the state functions to vigilante groups have created multiple de-facto state actors making people most vulnerable to coercion, threats and intimidation. Hence, the central governance mechanism has been gradually loosing its control. These are just a few examples.

Why all this has been happening?

The superstructure is the reflection of the base. The fundamentals of the Nepalese society are still quite weak. A large section of the society is surviving in a situation of dire poverty. They do not have enough to eat. They have no time and resources to think about their development. The illiteracy is quite high. In such situation of illiteracy, talking about their level of critical awareness is just luxury. The child mortality, maternal mortality and average life expectancy are on the negative side. The social fabric of the society has been discriminatory in several areas, which includes but not limited to nationalities, gender, geographical region, social hierarchy including the infamous caste system. Organized social behavior is at its infancy at local level. The service delivery mechanism is either absent or non-functional in large part of the country. Therefore, the philosophically hi-tech, intellectually scholarly, attitudinally value driven and practically non-functional socio-political superstructure has failed to address the real issues not only at micro-level but also at macro-level. In such background, the political leadership is rich in distribution of dreams and strangely incompetent as well as unwilling to deliver anything substantial including policy formulations, programmatic responses, service delivery and even expressing genuinely sympathetic concerns. The Maoists during the time of "people's war" very much mobilized the people and ignited the course of societal transformation, which generated hope among the masses. But, their final journey to Singhadurbar (seat of political power in Kathmandu) under a power-sharing arrangement compelled them to abandon the course. Now, there is leadership vacuum at grassroots level. Hence, there are several splinter groups under different organizational banners competing against each other and also against the weak central government authority to rule over the territory of their influence.

Is there no hope at all?

There is hopelessness on one side, but also there is silver lining in the dark cloud. In 1951, Nepal had just one degree college. Now, within 60 years the number has jumped many folds. The same is applicable in areas of other infrastructures. Nepal is going through the process of tumultuous renewal. The governments of different times, including the one that of today, irresponsibly delayed the process of transformation. But, never have they succeeded in completely obstructing the process of change. Although, it was slow, the under-current of change never subsided. The anti-Rana rebellion of 1950s, anti-feudal Jhapa movement of 1970s, anti-Shah/Panchayat movement of 1980s, Maoists People's War of 1990s and 2000s and anti-monarchy people's movement of 2006 all added fuel in the lamp, which has been illuminating the Nepalese nation for a long time. Moreover, the lamp has been providing the light to all, who are marching forward with a desire of participating in the glorious campaign of human emancipation. Although, it is still not well organized and still lacks critical awareness, the Nepalese society is moving ahead through the processes of continuous renewal and mass awakening. The people at grassroots would continue the democratization process of their respective societies. Redistribution of power and resources has already been at the core of the grassroots agenda. Reorganization of the Nepalese society (that is free from Khasa chauvinism, male domination, internal colonization as well as regional neglect and Hindu caste hierarchy including the cruelty of untouchability) has been gaining momentum. All these factors together will contribute to build solid foundations to the new socio-political superstructures, which will ensure the success of the final leap of the reconstruction process that would crystallize democracy, social justice, basic equality and prosperity. This new leap may take several years to succeed, but certainly there would be that shinning Nepal, the new Nepal of our dream.

January 22, 2009

Nepal: Nationalism/Patriotism Revisited

2008-08-14T15:13:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

The Nepali state had the base of 'nationalism' in the attributes as defined by the Shah rulers. These 'national' attributes included Shah-Khasa monarchy and their crown, Hindu religion and Khasa language and culture including the dress code. Their core nationality as Nepali was none other than the Khasa. Moreover, feeling of super bravery was also emotionally blended with the attributes mentioned above. Sometimes, Khukri (super knife), Mount Everest, cow, rhododendron and a few 'national' heroes were also used to boost the feeling of 'nationalism'. The theme of 'nationalism' during the Panchayat era (1960-1990) was "Our king and our country are dearer than our lives! Our language and our culture also are dearer than our lives!" This whole foundation of Khasa nationalism collapsed together with the collapse of the monarchy. The nationalism defined, nurtured and defended by the Khasa rulers also crumbled down.

Now, there is a new Nepal or a less known Nepal in regard to the collective identity of its people. What is the distinctiveness that keeps us together? Hence, an intellectually enriching debate is necessary to dig out practically relevant attributes, which provide a differently defined identity to us. These attributes are nothing other than the elements, which connect people in Nepal together and provide the collective Nepali identity. Is it nationalism or something else?

Nationalism is the collective feeling of love and loyalty of the citizens of a nation-state to their nation-state. But, Nepal was not a nation-state and it is not a nation-state even today. Nepal is a state of many nationalities. This state is multicultural and is different than the nation-states of post Second World War Europe. Therefore, in today's Nepal, not nationalism but patriotism will provide the common bond of unity in diversity. Mark, a blogger-commentator says, "Patriotism, in practice, is standing up for a shared way of life" (www. BryanAppleyard.com).

Patriotism in the context of Nepali state and its people is neither the love of a particular language nor compassion for a definite culture. Similarly, it could not revolve around a particular nationality. The same is applicable in regard to religion and customs. We are diverse. Therefore, diversity is the principle spout from where our patriotism sprinkles out.

Certainly, Nepali flag is one esteemed vehicle to show our respect to Nepal, love to Nepal and loyalty to Nepal. This is the most important symbol of Nepali identity. Similarly, the national anthem could be the other major binding factor. There are natural, historical or heritage sites, which make us proud. This is the third attribute that makes Nepali identity glittering. These sites include Mt. Everest, Lumbini, Mithila and the art as well as culture-rich Kathmandu valley. The fourth is the Nepali land mass that puts together the southern food basket, panoramic and horticulture friendly hill areas and the majestic mountains from where rivers flow and Nepali lifeline begins. The fifth is the galaxy of our heroes and heroines. The most prominent among them are Gautam Buddha, Balabahu (Arniko), Bhimsen Thapa, Lakhan Thapa Magar, Laxmi Prasad Devkota, Durgananda Jha, Ram Prasad Rai, Parijat and Pasang Lhamu Sherpa. The sixth is our multicultural social fabric - the rainbow of cultures of the smiling people of Nepal.

With the fusion of all the attributes mentioned above; we could sense the greatness of love and compassion that encompasses us as individuals, nationalities and regions. This profound feeling of oneness pervades entire Nepal. It captures the images of land, forest, rivers, snow-covered peaks and people of several distinct cultures and customs as one wonderful object. This is all inclusive, bright and eternal. This is patriotism of serene nature. And, this is the patriotism of enlightened people. Everybody, particularly our giant neighbors should understand that that serenity and enlightenment are neither the symptoms of inaction nor tolerance to injustice and subjugation. With this gentle reminder, we, the proud and enterprising Nepali people wish to live in harmony with nature and with neighbors.

August 13, 2008

Stormy Political Course and Hibernating Constituent Assembly

2008-07-28T15:10:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

Although, many historical events have happened in the recent past, the political storm in Nepal is still blowing in high speed. The election of the first president provided the opportunity to test their energy, skill and maneuverability to all political players. New to the number game and its visible rules and invisible mechanisms, the Maoists tasted the defeat. As that happens everywhere, the quality and characteristics of the Maoist leadership had to face criticism from within and outside the party rank. The critical outside world has been candid and transparent, whereas the inner Maoist world sounds semi leak-proof. May be, time will unearth the inside stories. Waiting is one of the best options available for now.

There are people highly disappointed. They have jumped to the conclusion that everything has turned to dark. There is much emotion involved in this conclusion. Nothing could be recreated in the dynamic historical process of change. History could be repeated but only in a higher spiral. Hence, neither the monarchy will resurface as a result of the division within political forces during the election of the president, nor the Maoist will head straight to the jungle.

There are the 'left' conservatives who are, once again, raising the banner of 'left unity'. They claim that there are more than 60% members from the 'left' parties and regret that they failed to elect the president from their own rank. These 'left' are highly mobile bunch of individuals and parties and shout time to time for 'left unity' when something is seen on the horizon for them to grab. In all practical sense, there is no left as such in Nepal. There are communists (e.g. Maoists, Unity-center-Mashal, Mashal), social democrats (e.g. Nepali Congress, UML, Forum), nationalists (e.g. Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Janashakti Party), and conservatives (e.g. Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal). Therefore, disunity of the 'left' is neither new nor fundamental. This phrase has just ornamental meaning in Nepali political glossary.

The third group of people is frustrated as in the land of indigenous people (Adibasi); two Madhesis became the president and vice president. This is simple. What you sow that you reap. The Madhesis created political movement and made sacrifices of unprecedented nature. They not only established themselves as a formidable political force, but also made their presence felt in the Kathmandu power corridors. The indigenous people with exception of "Limbus" and "Khambus" have been driven towards non-political entities including the Nepal Federation of the Indigenous Nationalities. They got prominence as NGOs, the darlings of the western donors. This act alone limited their role as agents of bargaining. Moreover, it took them out from the strategic role of the agents of structural change. Therefore, if the indigenous people want to play decisive role in the political process, they have to come out of the comfort zone of NGOs. Sowing the seeds of NGOs and expecting the bumper harvest of political empowerment is nearly impossible. There are good signs that the indigenous people have realized this lately and are rectifying their past mistakes. But certainly that will take time in bringing the results. The election of the chairman of the constituent assembly might have provided them some consolation.

The so-called civil society has been making noise as it failed to grab the posts of the president or vice president. The Maoist known as the party of high political substance had proposed that the post of the president should go to a civil society personality. This is not only strange but also makes no sense. In Nepal, civil society is a high-breed entity made out of people with diverse ideologies, interests and political inclinations. They sometimes try to derail the political course in the name of peace, democracy, human rights and so on. They present themselves as holier than Thou, whereas many among them are making wonderful fortunes by grabbing goodwill, grants and gifts from the rich west. A large number of such personalities are performing the roles of spokespersons of the western values, visions and missions. Their noise is just the reflection of their desire to position themselves in a strategic place so as to influence the political course once again.

The uncertainty about the formation of the government will end soon. The Maoists could play decisive role in the true meaning of contributing to the process of societal transformation, if they will stay out of the government. As a result of the intermingling and cohabitation with the parliamentary political parties; they too have been infected with the same character as that of these parties. Hence, the Maoist leadership was in a great need of shock therapy and that is there now. This shock have provided opportunity to the high flying Maoist leadership to ponder over their agenda, objectives, political line, strategies and class role. Once again, they have to knock the door of the already forgotten cadres, who in turn will ask the leadership to provide justifications for many decisions they made in the last two and a half years.

The Maoist leadership seems divided. Some of them have tasted the luxury of Kathmandu power corridors. Therefore, it would be hard to predict the immediate course the leadership will choose to proceed ahead. There are two different paths available. The first could be the path of staying in the opposition, contributing most meaningfully to the constitution making process, championing the cause of people and organizing and leading mass movements for societal transformation. This could be done through the revival of their different organizational mechanisms, particularly in the rural areas. Alternatively, they could take the path of exercising the power of the state through a formal mechanism by joining or leading the government.

The cooperation between two socialist parties, Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (UML) and their understanding with the Madhesi Jana Adhikar Form is not unnatural as claimed by the Maoists. All these three parties represent the same class interest and by and large are governed by the same political values. They also share the core principles that include pluralism, soft-nationalism and open economic environment (free and privatized). They may differ in words and formulation of sentences but agree in essence. Only one area where many people discover differences is that of 'one Madhes Pradesh'. That too is not that fundamental, which could not be reconciled. Whether that is one Madhes or there are four Madhesi provinces that would not make any fundamental difference as long as all of them enjoy full fledged autonomy. Therefore, the Maoist assessment is either flawed or that is a tactical cover to justify their demand of dissolution of such arrangement. If the Maoists join hands with one or all these three parties, in that case too the nature of the alliance will not be different. In that case, the Maoists will have to change their political line and core class nature and not the other way round.

There are two probable courses. This is primarily dependant on the content and color of the Maoists. If the Maoists will change just their color keeping their class line intact, the politics of confrontation between them and other main political parties would continue in an antagonistic way. And, if the Maoists will change their content and color, the politics of cooperation between them and other main parties will turn to be non-hostile and non-confrontational. As a result, the Maoists also will venture into the same class base as that of the Congress, UML and Forum and their transformational politico-economic and social program will end there. From that very day, they will start participating in the process of incremental change playing similar role as that of other main parties. They will take the familiar UML route. The new political contradictions originated on the basis of such course will affect the Maoists internally and may influence the course of national politics heavily. Moreover, the unpredictable political behaviors of the UML also will add fuel to fire.

Unavailability of essential commodities may give birth to mass-scale social unrest. Similarly, unprecedented price rise particularly that of the fuel and food items will add difficulties to people's livelihood. Absence of governance and near break down of law and order mechanism will further aggravate the situation. As there is anarchy everywhere and every segment of society has started to ventilate their grievances through violence, violent means and regular general strikes, the governance mechanism may be in a spiral of diminishing authority and accountability. In such situation, either a general revolt by the popular forces of that time or intervention by the army with the support from some influential foreign powers could not be ruled out.

In this context, the constitution making process may face difficulties, uncertainties and accidents. Even today, the constituent assembly is in hibernation. Hence, the political forces should play their respective natural roles to avoid full fledged political crisis. Similarly, the political forces should not fail to address the aspirations of the people. They must help them in overcoming their difficulties. They should enter into a mechanism by which they could cooperate in the constitution making process inside the constituent assembly. Giving shape and size to new autonomous regions/provinces, determining the level of shared authority between the federal government and regions, designing the operational framework of the new state system, inserting multi-cultural vision and values in the new constitution and ensuring that every citizen could enjoy fundamental rights are the core areas that the constituent assembly has to concentrate on. Therefore, rather than staging a dog-fight to grab positions in the government, it would be better to combine all efforts and energy to craft strategies that enables us to have a progressive, empowering, inclusive, democratic and libertarian republican constitution. Hence, it would be the most rewarding exercise to bring constituent assembly back in action from hibernation.

July 28, 2008

Note: The article has been posted on www.nepalipost.com.

Post-Election Nepal: Some Roses, Some Thorns

2008-05-03T05:46:00.000+05:30

(This is the main text of my email. The email was sent to a friend on 26 April 2008.)

Govinda Neupane

The election has been over and the situation has changed quantitatively. But, by and large, that is the same. The political situation is still fluid. The Maoists have emerged as the largest party, but they are far less in number (220) than that the majority (302 seats). Their friendly parties have not more than 15 seats altogether. Therefore, political instability will continue or even worsen. The Maoists have no other option than to continue talking loudly and the NC-UML combine will remain busy ambushing them or vice versa. The market price, particularly, the price of petroleum products will add fuel to fire. The market turmoil particularly unavailability of essential commodities shall continue and the new government (whoever forms) will have to fight for their own survival rather than concentrating on constitution writing business. The people are already restive and they have been told that the constituent assembly will illuminate new Nepal. They are expecting that miracle to happen. The economic fundamentals are the same, the service delivery mechanism particularly, the bureaucracy is the same and the process of change is incremental and not radical (even if the Maoists form the government, they may not be at liberty to proceed with radical reform agenda, forget about the transformational one!). Therefore, the dreams of the people may not come true. Sooner than later, frustration and hopelessness may replace romanticism and beautiful dreams.

There are some good things too. Among them, the corrupt, incompetent, unimaginative and outdated leaders have been knocked out (people should be aware as they may come to the ring once again by one or another tricks. Sushil Koirala has already been chairing the CC meeting of the Congress party shamelessly, even after declaring his resignation from the position of acting party president!) Second, the assembly is far better inclusive. The new energy generated through the presence of women, Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits and youths comparatively in large numbers will challenge vigorously the old Khasa-controlled, male-dominated, unproductive-outdated leaders-led and kathmandu-centric political order. Third, the monarchy has no other option than to pack up and start its journey from Narayanhiti palace to Nirmal Nivas or to a foreign country. Four, the Kathmandu elites (the so-called intellectuals including the political analysts) are far more marginalized. Five, federalism and autonomy may open up the new phenomenon where people could participate more meaningfully in the decision making process of the state.

This is what I have to share with you today.

Constituent Assembly Election: Erecting Milestone in a Rainy Day

2008-04-01T06:14:00.000+05:30

Govinda Neupane

1. In the decade-long conflict in Nepal, three parties were involved - the monarchy, parliamentary political parties and Maoists. The popular uprising of April 2006 was effectively launched as a result of an understanding between the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists to get rid of the regressive monarchy.

The movement created some compulsions and some hype that led to a powering sharing arrangement among all three players - the king, the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists. The king agreed to go in hibernation, the parliamentary political parties agreed to share power with the Maoists and the Maoists agreed to halt their armed rebellion popularly known as people's war.

Gradually, all the political players modified their political positions and agreed to the new agenda of organizing the election of the constituent assembly to resolve the conflict and to address issues needing to build a progressive, democratic and prosperous Nepal. The core agenda of the constituent assembly opened floodgates of ideas, aspirations, demands and proposals. The agenda alone played significant role in giving birth to new movements. The issues of ethnicities/nationalities, regions, gender, class and sections got prominence. The entire society experienced upheavals of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity.

The political leadership in this historic juncture failed to lead the people proactively. As a result, there was bloodshed in several districts in Madhes and also in some places in hill areas. Also, the coalition government failed in crafting understandable strategies to govern the nation during the transitional phase.
Sometimes, the parties within the ruling coalition fought vigorously on petty issues including getting a few positions of ambassadors. Their war of words created pessimism among the people and overwhelmed them with frustrations. The behavior of the leaders of the ruling coalition was compatible to that of the king's cronies. But, the brave people fought vigorously in the building process of a new Nepal. As a result, some of the major issues were settled, at least in principle.

These issues included but not limited to the foundation of the new state as a federal democratic republic with regional autonomy. Furthermore, there is consensus on inclusiveness, gender equity, social justice and fundamental rights of the citizens.

2. Nowadays, the political atmosphere in Nepal is full of colors. The closer the day of election, the thicker are the violent behaviors of the political parties. In a single day, there are thousands of rosy speeches, hundreds of acts of threats and violence and a few deaths too.

At least, for the time being, democracy has been limited to 'winning' in the election by any means - clean or dirty. The parties and their leaders are not ready attitudinally or otherwise to participate in a process of fair competition, where people could choose their representatives. They are simply interested in imposing themselves by intimidation, false hopes and bizarre techniques. Organization of the election of the constituent assembly in a free and fair way is central to institutionalize the broadly agreed upon issues, to restructure the state by addressing practical as well as operational aspects of federalism, to formally declare Nepal a republic and to develop vision and values of the new multicultural federal state. The country at this moment has been passing through the critical phase of transition.

In a situation when creating fear, intimidating people and widespread acts of violence are the order of the day, it sounds that the election where people could exercise their right to elect the representatives of their choice is simply a mirage. Collectively as a mass, as a party, as an army; Nepali people are brave, but individually they most often become powerless, particularly when an organized force throws stone on them. Although, the percentage of people participating in the election may increase manifold in comparison to the local election organized by the king's coterie in 2005, the voters may have to face the same fate - voting to a person or party that controls their households, village or community; be it Young Communist League and its parent organization the Maoists, or the Congress and the law enforcing state machinery controlled by it or the CPN (UML) and its youth brigade.

3. Many observers are observing the election process. A few hundreds among them are the foreigners, who could play the role of covering agents to their local counterparts. Broadly speaking, they are ornaments and cosmetics. Thousands of local observers, funded by the resource-rich western charities or governments, have come from nongovernmental organizations, human right organizations, legal fraternity and temporary mechanisms created around some former judges or bureaucrats.

But, what the outside world doesn't know, or pretends ignorance is that in Nepal a cardholder of a political party has several hats and among them, the most sought after are the labels of a human right defender or an NGO activist. They are the active political cadres in disguise. The retired bureaucrats are also equally interested in getting lucrative assignments in future. There are a few exceptions, but that is too small in terms of number. Therefore, independent observation of the election is nearly impossible. Furthermore, the physical infrastructure doesn't support high mobility.

There are other factors too. Coercion takes place at household level, village level or at small towns, where no superficial mechanisms such as election observation could function in practical terms. Therefore, full scale rigging of the election through a mix of several tricks is what Nepal will experience once again. An unfortunate but good thing is that there are multiple riggers this time. The greater the rigger is, the larger the size of his/her party members in the assembly.
This phenomenon is not unique to Nepal as the same could be seen in most of the developing countries. In countries like Nepal, the social as well as political infrastructure that includes political awareness among voters is in its infancy; political culture among the political parties is in its childhood and state machineries behave as teenage hooligans. All these acts inhibit democratic practices. The same is true for Nepal. Hence, limiting expectations to the lowest level would be quite wise.

4. The above analysis presents a mixed picture. On the brighter side, the people to a large extent participated in defining the agenda and offered solutions through writings, plays, public debates, representations and popular movements. This was the most wonderful process to observe. As a result, the country will have federalism with regional autonomy.

It would be a democratic republic. First time in the history of Nepal, multiculturalism, gender equity and proportional representation system got state endorsement. This happened primarily due to the great debate centered on the agenda of the constituent assembly.

Although, there is plenty to clarify, design, develop and institutionalize; any party or parties getting any number of seats may not be at liberty to alter these basically settled issues. On the darker side, the violence has been continuing, though in different form and intensity. The resolution of the armed confrontation is still a distant dream. No one can predict that the election will end the Maoist people's war effectively. There is no probability of being the election free and fair. The election is going to be just a technical act of assembling a battalion of 601 'representatives'.

The national economy will have to bear additional burden to satisfy the needs and wants of these 'representatives'. Seeing the level of confidence among political parties, it sounds certain that no party is in a position of 'winning' a majority in the constituent assembly. All these acts of threats, intimidation and violence are nothing other than the manifestations of their weaker positions. In a way, this is good as the constitution making process will have to pass through more dialogue, debate and accommodations.

Although, composed through unfair and rigged electoral course, at least there would an assembly. That assembly could be a bit better than the existing nominated House of Representatives.

Neither Nepali people could import Nelson Mandela nor could they recreate Thomas Jefferson. Therefore, whatever they could get, they have to bring out from this battalion of 601. This is just a compulsion imposed on the Nepali people by the historical development process. Nothing is surprising as the hungry peasants eat extremely sour fruits or rotten potatoes to survive. Knowing this reality well, the people, collectively, should exert pressure on these 'representatives' to add flesh and blood on the skeleton of evenhandedness, multiculturalism and federalism by a) giving shape to provinces and determining the degree of autonomy, b) developing power sharing arrangements between the federation and the provinces, c) eradicating monarchy and settling the issue of the Presidential or Prime Ministerial form of government, d) inserting vision and values as instruments of governing culture of the new Nepali federation, e) ensuring inclusiveness by incorporating social justice issues, f) establishing rule of law and creating enough space for the judiciary where it could function independently, g) addressing issues of grassroots transformation through structural realignment, and, h) incorporating fundamental rights including right to employment, secondary level education and basic health care.

There is still some possibility of postponing the election again. If the ruling political parties will postpone the election, they will loose their credibility whatever they have now. On the other side, if the constituent assembly comes into existence, still there is no certainty that a new, prosperous, progressive and democratic Nepal will emerge through this exercise alone. But, certainly this will be a major milestone. The Nepali people should be extra careful as they are erecting the milestone in a rainy day.

Note: For more information and analysis on Constituent Assembly, interested readers are welcome to visit my website: www.neupaneg.com, blog: www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com and to read my article "Maobadi Andolan ra Sambidhan Sabhako Prastab: Mahabadvibadko Khancho" published in Himal Khabar Patrika, www.nepalihimal.com/2057/falgun1-15-2057

Posted on: www.nepalipost.com on March 29,2008

Nepal Reality Check - IV: Failure of the Poltical Leadership and Available Options

2007-12-29T11:53:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

The events in Nepal are heralding to a very different scenario than what the people had expected from the “Spring Thunder, 2006”. The historic people’s movement succeeded in snatching power from the tyrant-king and handed it over to a new ruling coalition of all the major political parties. The beginning was messy, but that could be so due to factors influencing the transition. The then seven-party alliance government got new partner when the Maoists joined the interim government. The expectations of the people were that the government would provide immediate relief to their difficulties and ensure brighter future by designing a system that could open up the flood-gate of peace, democracy, civil liberty, social equity, economic prosperity and all round development. Instead of delivering seeds to address these expectations, the governing parties started their bull-fights publicly to get a few more positions in the government and a few more positions here and there such as vice chancellors of the universities. Nepalese people started to show frustrations and that further gave way to either hopelessness or rebellion. The Madhesi revolt is the most prominent among all. Finally, the Maoists came out of the government fearing that they also will loose all their credibility and popular base. In the course of reaching to this decision, the Maoist cadres had pressurized the leadership tremendously. To give the disassociation some political color, the Maoists put forward the demand for immediate declaration of the republic and acceptance of the proportional representation system. Also, they called for the special session of the parliament. Although, these demands were meritorious, genuine and progressive, the Nepali way of barter system in politics resulted to some bizarre arrangements, such as increasing the number of seats in the Constituent Assembly to 601.

The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) is gender neutral, politically. Therefore, it entered into an understanding with the Maoists and got the Maoist’s proposals endorsed by the parliament camouflaging one of the proposals as its own amendment to the original one. Of course, this is surprising, but more surprising is that the UML has been interpreting its move as part of the reconciliation effort. The Nepali Congress hurt and bewildered was under tremendous moral pressure but as a seasoned player of the Nepali power politics; it managed to get a way out through new power-sharing arrangements. The Maoists are happy as the UML leadership has been chewing tastefully the green grass offered to it in the form of the position of the Prime Minister. On the other side, the UML deeply divided over the issue had to face the serious challenge of vertical split in regard to tactical political line. The left-leaning group together with one faction of the opportunists inside the UML was moving closer to the Maoists whereas the right-leaning group together with another set of the opportunists was creeping towards the Nepali Congress. As lions sitting comfortably under the branches of a large tree, the Congress and the Maoists were waiting patiently the fall of the monkeys on their respective laps. But, the new political seize-fire gave the breathing space to the UML too.

All the unpredictable behaviors of the ruling parties are part of the larger political anarchy seen in Kathmandu. For several months, people are hearing about several leaders sneaking inside Baluwatar Durbar and coming out many times in a day or in a week. These types of circuses have been continuing in Singh Durbar too whether it is parliament or the cabinet or the central secretariat. The individuals have become larger than events and the events are seen as larger than any ideas and ideologies. This is unfortunate but true. Therefore, the people have not only been feeling allergic, but have developed hatred towards such acts and actions.

The political plays as mentioned above are being continuously performed in the amphitheatre of comatose Kathmandu, whereas in Madhes, the people of oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections have been launching their movements for several months to establish a just and equitable socio-political order. And, also secessionist forces together with many more groups and gangs are orchestrating the blood bath for realizing different objectives including but not limited to federalism, autonomy and independent statehood. Weak and demoralized, the major players of the Kathmandu political fraternity could be seen most occasionally in this part, particularly in the central and eastern Madhes. In the western Madhes, the Maoist writ still runs effectively. The exceptions are District Headquarters and major highways. The northern hills and mountains, indifferent to the political events in Kathmandu and full blown revolt in the southern plains, have been continuing to fly the Maoist red flag all over there baring a few District Headquarters. Sometimes, it is confusing that the Maoists at the villages and the districts are the disconnected lots from the central leadership or they are the units of the centrally connected single Maoist entity. If they are one, then they are working with two pronged strategy – entertain upper class friends in Kathmandu and do the business of governance with the working masses elsewhere, particularly in the hills and mountains. Hence, there are three Nepals now if seen from the perspective of de facto governance. 1) The six-party alliance plus rule in Kathmandu valley and District Headquarters outside. 2) The Maoist rule in the hills, mountains and western Madhes. 3) Dominance of secessionist forces in the central and eastern part of Madhes.

More recently, the mainstream political big-wigs from Madhes have resigned from the Khas dominated central government, parliament and political parties and have declared to form a Madhesi Democratic Party. This new development may bring synergy to a more powerful Madhesi movement with a goal to establish an autonomous federal Madhes region. If they will fail together with another major political player the "Madhesi Jana Adhikar Forum" as in the case of Sri Lankan Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), certainly the Liberation Elam of Tamil Tigers (LTTE)type secessionist forces in Madhes will emerge as the major forces, which may dominate the Madhes region for decades. Unaware of these developments or dictated by their narrow partisan objectives, the major political parties in Kathmandu are just pretending that the unrest in the Madhes region and dissatisfaction among Janajatis and Dalits are nothing more than bubbles. In reality, the national disintegration in the form of de-facto governance has already taken place and if the same trend continues for some time, the political and geographical disintegration of Nepal may become the unfortunate reality.

The ‘big cats’ of the Nepalese politics are not only ignorant of this emerging reality but also they are arrogant. Rather than utilizing the precious time to address the fundamentally important issues of restructuring the state, institutionalizing democracy and building foundation for socio-economic prosperity, these Kathmandu actors invested all their time and energy to keep their unnatural alliance intact and share the fruits of power among themselves. Now, there are three options that could give some hope. 1) If the political activists of the ruling alliance and many other parties could start bombarding their respective Headquarters, snatch leadership power and initiate the process of state building and democratization through incorporation of social and economic justice, federalism and multiculturalism, there could be a ray of hope. 2) If the oppressed nationalities, particularly the Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits, Khas of Khasan region and Newars could snatch state power from the Khas barons in Kathmandu and share power with all nationalities including the Khas people, particularly the neglected Khas of the Karnali region (Khasan) and start building a genuinely unified Nepal, there could be another ray of hope. And, 3) if the village and district level Maoist cadres could exert tremendous pressure on their leadership and succeed to change their comrades at higher levels and start practicing political pluralism, socio-economic justice and rule of law at the grassroots, there could be another ray of hope. Now, the paradigm has shifted. All hopes are centered around the grassroots activism and not on the acts and actions of the ‘big cats’ in Kathmandu. It may take time but certainly that would ensure building a new society and a new common homeland; the inclusive, prosperous and democratic Nepal.

December, 2007

Some Reflections on Societal Transformation

2007-10-09T16:36:00.000+05:30

Some Reflections on Societal Transformation

- Govinda Neupane

(This is my reply to a friend of mine emailed in October 09, 2007)

I read your thought provoking, candid and emotionally stimulating email. I have the following to share with you.

The contemporary cultural values and social norms limit the sense of reasoning and logic system. The creamy layer of our society simply inherited the feudal values and norms and blended them with the greedy attitudes and behaviors, which they imported from the capitalist world. These hybrid crooks became insensitive towards others' needs and lost empathy and developed greed of infinite nature. Hence, many political leaders, high level bureaucrats, business tycoons, 'civil society' barons (actually, with a few exceptions they are political crooks outsourced by their political parties) and criminal gangsters individually as well as collectively are ruling over a large number of innocent people. It is good that the people know now the reality and have developed deep sense of hatred towards these elements. The seen and unseen fights are going on as the contradictions are deepening between these elements and the people at large. The events that are taking place everywhere in Nepal today are creating foundation for the structural change. The radical workers at the grassroots though have no face are contributing immensely in this process of grassroots transformation. Hence, the culture of subjugation, lethargy, oppression and exploitation has been in constant challenge and will be defeated sooner than later.

You have strongly pleaded for going to villages, learning from the people and respecting their labor: There are many ways of learning and going to villages and learning from them is one. You are right that most of the people in the urban areas have no idea how hard is the life of the peasantry in the villages. But it is equally true that those upper class people in the villages also have no sensitivity towards the have-not sections of their own society there. Therefore, direct observations may provide the environment to learn but that not necessarily makes the observer empathetic and sensible. In the traditional class society, the economic and political contradictions on one side and being too much accustomed to existing social as well as cultural practices on the other prevent the scope of further learning. Moreover, being directly influenced by their own class interests discourages the crooks mentioned above in rectifying their behaviors. Similarly, respecting labor is what we do not see here. That could come either through the cultural inheritance as in the case of western society or through enlightenment as in the case of Buddha. But, here the social norms promote disrespect towards labor and enlightenment does not come through educational degrees, particularly through the curriculum designed to glorify Bahun culture and strengthen Khas chauvinism. Of course, I do agree with you that going to Bhaktapur and seeing a 70-years old peasant working down to dusk in the field (as you have mentioned) helps some one who is ignorant but that would not make any difference to an arrogant. The key phrases here, I believe, are ignorance, arrogance and class interest. Most of the leaders you are critical of are arrogant and not simply ignorant. People and politics are their cosmetics and corruption is their religion. But, I think, in a given stage of a transitional society, it is an unavoidable course. The good part is that the radical cadres at the grassroots are informed now, the common men and women in the streets have been seeing the visuals and a critical mass is being created, which is expanding rapidly. You and I and many more are the products of this glorious process. Therefore, the doomsday is not our future; we certainly will have a society far better than what we have today.

I appreciate that you have ventilated your concerns, feelings and suggestions in such a way that it stimulates thinking and leads to venturing into the critical appraisal of the situation. Please continue your marvelous search process by sustaining enthusiasm,generating intellectual energy and enriching through sharing and feedback.

Nepal Reality Check III: Cloudy Political Environment and CA Election

2007-09-01T12:52:00.000+05:30

Nepal Reality Check III: Cloudy Political Environment and CA Election

- Govinda Neupane

1. After the "Spring Thunder 2006", Nepal has entered into a new political amphitheatre called democracy. To institutionalize democracy, every political party and almost all of the sensible individuals talk about the election of the constituent assembly. The term "democracy" has become extremely popular. Even common men and women in the street are familiar with this word, though they may not know its operational definition and practical relevance.

In this environment, the political parties are busy in expanding the size of their entity. The Nepali Congress, as usual, has been busy bullying other parties. The party has all ingredients of the qualities of a feudal lord. The Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist or UML) has been playing its evergreen role of being both - the government and opposition, at the same time. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been ferrying its politico-military boat in an environment of heavy turbulence. Their unpredictable landing in Kathmandu surprised many people including their own cadres, supporters and sympathizers. The transition from a leader of the grassroots revolutionary transformation process to a political entity championing the sober evolutionary agenda, perhaps, has become too difficult to manage. The other small parties are anyway smaller and their impact is also quite limited on national politics.

2. The nationalities and regions have been forwarding their list of demands. The most prominent among them are the Madhesis and Janajatis. Among the Madhesis, all factions of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (Democratic Tarai Liberation Front) have been busy in fire fights. They have been pursuing the separatist agenda. The Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (Forum for the Madhesi People's Rights) has no strong cadre base or organizational strength. Therefore, the recent agreement between the Forum and the government may not solve the problem and the movement will continue a bit differently. The Sadbhavana Party is busy in its in-house business of splits and unifications. May be, it will also come out of its cocoon and will participate in the struggle to realize the Madhisis' dream. Now, if the Madhesi people and organizations sit together to give a decisive push in regard to political awareness and common demands, they are in a position of strength. The Janajatis also are quite organized and have formulated their demands and could create tremendous pressure. But, the NGO-like Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities may not have the charisma, vigor, vision and strategies to mobilize its constituencies to launch a decisive struggle. Their recent agreement with the government shows their limitations. The Madhesis and the janajatis have rightly raised the issues of proportional representation, federalism and national autonomy. Until the Khasa rulers in Kathmandu ignore these demands, the reconciliation among different nationalities could not be attained. Are the Khasa rulers listening? Are they ready to relinquish their superior political position? Are they ready to come out of their Khasa chauvinist mind set?

The Dalits too are more organized than they were in the past. Still they have no nationwide Dalit organization (except Dalit NGOs) and also have not crystallized their demands like that of Madhesis. They could organize themselves nationally around four issues - reparation, reservation, national minority rights and preferential treatment to mainstream.

3. There is a big gap between distribution of slogans and capacity to deliver. The government in Kathmandu is just a de'jure government in the broader sense of governance covering entire Nepal. The parliament and the cabinet are nothing more than the rubber stamps of the council of Superior Political Generals (SPGs) of the eight-party political coalition, which makes decision outside the parliament and the cabinet. The parliament and the cabinet just endorse, if and when the political bigwigs (particularly the Big Three SPGs representing Congress, UML and Maoist) want them to do so. The parliament is not a real legislative house today. It has its ornamental value in clapping 'to pass' some of the bills tabled and has provided chairs, prestige and perks for several politicians and their friends. Some parties in government also run separate government of their own. Particularly, the Maoists are running the parallel government in the large part of Nepal. Even in Kathmandu, their writ runs effectively. They have their own tax collection systems to justice delivery mechanisms in place. The other important development is that the Maoist cadres at the grassroots have not abandoned their ideals, zeal and practices. This has been seen in the 'much criticized acts and activities' of the Young Communist League (YCL) and many more local units of the party and its other sister organizations.

4. Now, Nepal is passing through the situation of uncertainties, upheavals, turmoil and turbulences. The lead actors, who confront within and outside themselves include the parliamentary political forces represented by the Congress and the UML, the radical reformist forces represented by the mainstream Maoists, the forces for socio-political justice and equity represented by several Madhesi, Janajati, Dalit and women groups and the transformational forces represented by the grassroots radical cadres and groups spread all over the country. All these four groups are trying to maximizing their influences through legitimate or illegitimate means.
The common people are imagining that the election of the constituent assembly will solve all their problems. For them, he or she who casts a shadow over it is a villain. Naturally, no main stream political force likes to show as playing the role of a villain. For this reason, all the main stream political forces are collectively talking about the constituent assembly with or without any personal or organizational sense of responsibility. One among the main political actors has already started to talk privately about converting the present parliament into the constituent assembly and get the constitution ratified through the referendum. The second actor has been suggesting postponing the election for another half year. And, the third actor has an internal assessment that the election could not be organized in time anyway (?); so harvest all benefits pretending that it is the only force fully committed for the election. They should abandon such thinking, if they say that they value the importance of people's mandate.

In reality, the socio-political and economic base of our society has its limitation in producing a large critical mass. The critical political awareness among the masses is in its infancy. The organizational infrastructure at the grassroots is in its initial phase. The fast changing reality of a Village Nepal, particularly in area of literacy, certainly, has been speeding up the process; but still lacks the minimum ingredients to cook a tasty as well as healthy socio-political meal. Until and unless the foundation for democracy has been build through education, socio-political awareness and wealth creation, there may not be any sustainable arrangement for vibrant democracy. To build and sustain functional democracy, we have to go through several rehearsals, exercises and experimental acts and activities. The same is happening today. The election of the constituent assembly could be one such exercise. Therefore, irrespective of what the other actors wish, whatever small the critical mass is, the critically aware and socially responsible citizens should continue to press for the election making the objectives clear that this could be a great opportunity for educating the masses, bringing out the specifics of their aspirations and designing a system that would be at least better than what we have today. So, individually as well as collectively, we should recollect, chant and follow the famous Vedic hymn - Charaibeti, Charaibeti (Move Forward, Move Forward!).

September 01, 2007

Khas Chauvinism and Madhesi Revolt

2007-02-06T15:08:00.000+05:30

Khas Chauvinism and Madhesi Revolt

- Govinda Neupane

(This is my reply to a friend of mine emailed on February 06, 2007. I have just taken out some personal references.)

I fully agree with you that Nepal should not disintegrate. But, I do not see the ongoing movement in Madhesh as a separatist rebellion either in its motive or design. The movement has justice and equity at its core. Not only the Madhesis, but also the MagolKirats (Janajati), Dalits and Newars have been subjected to unimaginable humiliations and sufferings by the Khas rulers in Kathmandu. These rulers include Gorkha kings, Rana rulers and the 'elected' Khas political lords. The Khas leaders of different political parties and their regime in Kathmandu are trying to justify the Khas chauvinist massacre against a suffering Madhesi nationality by defaming the movement as orchestrated or heavily infiltrated by the regressive monarchist's forces. Sure, there could be infiltration. But, in the name of infiltration nobody could justify the barbaric actions against the demonstrators. Khas leaders are the champions of double speak. They are talking about republic on one side, and are maintaining the royal guardianship on the other, to take refuse if and when there is a need. Therefore, when Madhesis rise today, the Khas political lords in Kathmandu brought their beloved guardian - the king to use him as a villain. At the same time, they are ensuring his continuity and comfort in Narayanhiti. By making him either a hero or a villain, probably in both ways, the Khas political lords need his blessings. Otherwise, why the crowd assembled in the legislature could not clap standing for five minutes to declare that "Nepal is a republic effective 1700 hours, February 07, 2007"?

I agree with you that the home minister is a person of sound temperament. He looks so. Therefore, he is a notorious criminal. The person with a sound temperament if orders for such killings that person should be tried for his crime against humanity. Hence, my proposal is that all guilty Khas leaders and their cronies including the home minister should be tried in a court of justice.

Your concern regarding foreign interference also has its merit to talk about. When there is opportunity, everybody tries to grab it. Therefore, if India comes to fish as you have mentioned, I think it is nothing surprising. Now, not the Madhesi people, but the ruling Khas-led parties are pro-Indian. Therefore, if you could not refrain from blaming India, blame India through the route of Khas regime and their political parties in Kathmandu, not through the Madhesis, the suffering humanity.

I like your pleading of the 'free press in democracy'. But, how ethical and professional are the journalists in Nepal? Are they embedded with the repressive Khas administration? One has to examine first. Is it that a Fox news reporter from an American military bunker reporting from Iraq is their idol? If so, ask the presspersons first to be liberated from the Khas chauvinist mindset and to resist the pressure tactics of the Khas administration. Not only that they need to behave as professional journalists, but also they should not function as cardholders of any political party. You could see the studied silence among a large part of the so-called civil society in Kathmandu. Some of the big names have jumped for the protection of the chauvinist Khas regime by bringing the lofty banner of 'press freedom'. They have no sympathy towards the bleeding Madhesis. Perhaps, they consider them as 'inferior' and believe that their killing is natural by the 'superior' regime. Dr. Devendra Raj Pandey is the only exception among the big names of the civil society personalities of Khas origin. I salute him for his patriotism, human sensitivity and solidarity with the oppressed masses.

In the past also, I have argued with you that the nationalities' question in Nepal is really complex. When the Khas brutality expanded the Madhesh agitation to the scale of revolt participated in by hundreds of thousands of people, the Khas regime in Kathmandu started to feel its heat. The cunning Khas leaders began to wash their hands publicly and are busy, now, talking about solidarity with the Madhesis. The blunt types are in a situation of isolation. But, they are together to maintain their control. They are readying themselves for the brutal suppression. As a result, the revolt could be crushed through brutality, but the rebellion will continue in several forms - guerrilla actions, armed insurrection, protracted war, communal upsurge, peaceful protest and so on. It could pass through two different processes - first, the movement could take the path of nationality war as that in Sri Lanka. There could be the communal divide, ethnic segregation and conflict. And, the result would be disintegration of Nepal as Yugoslavia. Second, oppressed nationalities and the progressive political as well as social elements among the Khasas will join the movement. Their unified mass movement or a mass movement launched by an oppressed nationality including the Madhesis will gain unprecedented momentum. And, the Khas regime will collapse under its pressure. In both situations, the Khas ruling clique has no future. But, in the second course, Nepal has its future. Therefore, I believe, you and I should stand together for the second course. Let's stand for multiculturalism. Let's stand for federalism. Let's stand for autonomous governance mechanisms of the nationalities including the right to self-determination. And, let's denounce the brutality of the Khas regime including the killing of more than 24 people already, injuring thousands and adding fuel to fire that hurt the collectively glorious Nepali identity.

February 06, 2007

Burning Madhesh, Bleeding Madhesis

2007-01-27T13:58:00.000+05:30

- Govinda Neupane

What happened to Madhesis? Why they are bleeding? Why they are on the streets, particularly on the central and eastern part of Madhesh? Is this a new phenomenon or is it the continuation of something that has its roots in the past? Historically, Madhesh had been suffering from the oppression and suppression as an internal colony of the Khas rulers. The Gorkha Khas kings and their entire Khas brethren treated Madhesh as their private property. By extension, the feudal lords among the MongolKirats and Newars also sided with the Khas ruling clique. Hence, the Madheshis had been suffering for centuries under the brutal rule of the Khas kings.

Many politicians from non-Madhesi nationalities have been busy projecting the present movement called by Madhesi Janadhikar Forum as part of the exercise orchestrated by the regressive forces to create disturbances to block the election of the constituent assembly. There could be infiltration. Therefore, this could be true as a small part of the truth. But, the greater part of the truth is that the movement is for politico-economic equality, social justice and durable peace. Unfortunately, most of the politicians from the mainstream are queuing up to defame the Madhesi movement. Either they don't understand the social composition, or they are politically blind. They are ready to go any far to quell 'the destruction and anarchy'. It sounds that even they are ready to travel to the extent of breaking the country into pieces. The new leaders of the regime in Kathmandu have started to behave as new Khas feudal lords and are issuing similar decrees as once the infamous king was busy issuing. This all reveals the prejudiced views of the Khas leaders, Khas-dominated organizations, and their administration in Kathmandu.

The primary thrust of the Madhesi movement is simple to understand. They want to get rid of the past political arrangements based on the principles and practices of internal colonization. Now, they want Madhesi autonomous governance mechanism, federal system and proportional representation including in the election of the constituent assembly. Simply, they are asking for equitable power sharing. The Khas political masters and their so-called civil society brethren argue that these problems should be addressed by the constituent assembly. The simple logic here is that "we will get elected first through the election of non-proportional system based on existing constituencies. Submit your demands to us afterward." This is one of the most non-inclusive logic. This is nothing other than a ploy to continue the dominance of the Khas masters. Not only for the Madhesis, but also this logic could deny representation for other non-Khas nationalities including MangolKirat (Janajati), Dalit and Newar. Therefore, the Kirats in the east have started their agitation against the Khas arrangements. The other nationalities and regions could follow the paths shown by them.

The king is gone, but the king is breathing. This is the mystery of the Khas arrangement. The election of the constituent assembly will be held to design an inclusive system, but the Khas supremacy will be maintained. This is another mystery of the Khas arrangement. But, after the impact of the mass awakening through out the period of the Maoist movement, the oppressed nationalities have developed critical understanding of the socio-political and economic realities. It is too difficult to deceive them, now.

As a person of Khas origin myself, I argue that the Khas leaders, the parties and organizations dominated by Khas personalities and the Khas administration should start to understand the reality. The days of Khas domination, subjugation and oppression are over. Now, let's not be the part of problem; let's not be the party to disintegrate the country and let's not pretend that we and only we are Nepal. Let's contribute to build a new multicultural Nepal. The building process is not so complex. Let's agree to have a federal structure with autonomy to nationalities. Let's agree to have proportional representation and for this purpose let's have new demarcation of constituencies based upon the sole criteria of the size of the population. Let's repent for all the injustices we Khas have committed and our ancestors had committed. Let's offer our profound apology to all oppressed nationalities – be they Madhesi, Mangolkirat (janajati), Dalit or Newar and begin a healing process so as to build a new Nepal. If we will not accept the power sharing arrangement through the introduction of multiculturalism and federalism now, then the future political as well as social courses may create new arrangements that certainly would finish Khas supremacy through a communal and/or nationalities' upsurge. In that case, we the most stupid and stubborn Khasas should have to pay a heavy price. According to a Chinese saying "Hundred years ago it was the best time to begin and today is the next best time to start". Now, let's start the healing process. Simply but definitely the new rulers in Kathmandu should stop to bleed the Madheshis; the Madhesis certainly would stop to burn Madhesh, their own beloved homeland.