Peace Energy Unleashed: Making Sense of and Revitalizing our Peace

Spectacle in the Philippines

2016-09-25T14:45:00.000-07:00

Source of picture: www.nytimes.com

Killings in the Philippines are becoming a spectacle. News, images and videos of everyday violence dominate the landscape of mainstream and social media. What is disturbing is that these killings are nowhere near plateauing.

Supposedly, only drug users, pushers and drug lords are targets of these killings. But there are a 4-year old Althea Barbon, a 5-year old Danica Garcia, a 20-year old Jefferson Bunuan and a 22-year old Rowena Tiamson, the last two are both promising college students, and nameless others whose lifeless bodies were literally disposed like garbage. They are the victims of the Philippine government's vicious and violent anti-drug campaign under President Rodrigo Duterte.

Duterte came to power with a promise to suppress drugs and crimes within six months in a bloody campaign, reminiscent of what he implemented in Davao City where he ruled for decades. True enough, barely three months in office, drug-related killings have reached 3,140 and counting. Police operations under Oplan Double Barrel, a national campaign against drugs, accounted for 1,105 deaths, while shadowy vigilante groups took 2,035 lives. Police operatives seem unable to match the "efficient" carnage and shroud of immunity of the vigilante groups.

Even more disturbing are the President's statements and actuations on these killings. Confronted by media, Duterte stressed that he does not care about human rights. On possible UN investigation on extra-judicial killings, he declared that he would quit the UN. Questioned by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court on the inclusion and involvement of judges in the drug list, he threatened to declare martial law. He said it before, it is going to be bloody because it is purgative.

What is more and more disturbing is that the whole spectacle is slowly dawning as a mass crime itself.

In his speeches, he sounded oblivious to the fact that as the leader of a democratic society who opts for and insists on violence as superior means to achieve a goal has the burden and stake to justify his decision. There is no escaping from a more forceful of the collective power of the governed on which an elected government heavily depends.

Duterte rallies his supporters that he is waging a revolution to get rid of drugs, crimes, and corruption. These are the realities and evils that ordinary Filipinos struggle with everyday, in which, in Galtungian view, are manifestations of violence.

Duterte has effectively unleashed an idea morphed into a belief to his ardent supporters that only violence can change dire realities, defeat evils, and overcome other violence. There may not be clear desired outcome from the elimination of these realities and evils. The violent means has become its own motive without humane end. It has become irresistible and now seen as imperative as if it were sole mandate.

That is why for Duterte and his millions of supporters, the murderous costs of the drug campaign are distracting toward the achievement of his promise and deliverance. More so, those who get in the way or potentially, including the Chief Justice, UN, media, innocent civilians and critics are to be ignored. Recently, he declared a State of National Emergency, calling the armed forces to respond to lawless violence he actually started.

His violence appears not to have a learning curve. It teaches primarily to Filipinos that violence begets violence. Many Filipinos are beginning to find themselves again in an eerily too familiar rule that fell to disgrace not so long time ago. Ironically, he wanted that ruler to be given a hero's burial.

For those who experienced the dictator and Martial Law, they know it will be a long struggle to end and free themselves again from this spectacle of intoxicating violence.

When several police chiefs were sacked for underperforming to meet certain targets, when the Catholic Church through Cardinal Tagle finally spoke against the killings, when the victims' sisters, mothers, fathers, brothers, families, friends and neighbors become actors and not merely spectators of this bloody spectacle, when ordinary people realize that this violence is not capable of changing their lives, and when his fanatics turn into disillusioned followers, they can all signal an eventual end to this enduring state of national emergency.

What is disturbing though is if Duterte sees no end. Six more months? It literally means more killings.

This spectacle of killings must end. We as a people could not simply watch one life after another being sacrificed for the deliverance of a promise and for an egoistic and rhetoric war. It's time to bring the curtain down. Lights off.

- END -

Draft statements of support: A survey from the Committee on the BBL of Ateneo de Naga University

2015-05-18T00:03:00.000-07:00

Below are draft statements that express support for a, 1) meaningful self-governance for and by Moros through an empowered ARMM, 2) continued dialogue between anti- and pro-BBL to arrive at a shared commitment and decision to pursue lasting peace in Mindanao, and 3) passage of a constitutional BBL. Please read the statements and express your sentiment from five (strongly agree) to one (strongly disagree). Thank you for your cooperation.

Historical background and self-governance

The people of Mindanao, especially the Moros and Lumads, have long suffered from protracted cycle of conflict and violence depriving them of peace, security and development. The Moros and Lumads were the original inhabitants of Mindanao. They consider Mindanao and its natural resources as their patrimony. However, colonial and post-colonial land policies marginalized the original inhabitants of Mindanao by instituting land distribution and resettlement programs designed for corporations and migrant settlers. This marginalization is one of the roots of Moro secessionism and conflict in Mindanao.

The conflict has affected our country as vital funds which could have been used for important
social programs alleviating poverty and addressing insecurities in our country are being funneled to
financing the government's war effort. War as a policy instrument implemented by the government is not a solution to the Moro secessionism. Not only does war destroy lives and properties, it distracts the government from tackling the core issues, such as marginalization and poverty. It also creates deep seethed wounds and distrust among the Moros towards the national government.

Moreover, lack of genuine political representation and legal institutional guarantees of the rights of the Moros (and Lumads) in the Philippine political system exacerbate their marginalization. Thus, there has been a heightened desire for Moro self-governance in Mindanao. The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is an expression and instrument towards fulfillment of this desire.

1. We support the desire and collective aspiration to have meaningful self-governance for and by Moros in Mindanao through a more empowered ARMM.

(5) Strongly agree (4) Agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (2) Disagree (1) Strongly disagree

Bangsamor Basic Law (BBL) and peace process

The BBL is a proposed law that will substantiate and grant politically the Moros’ aspiration for
meaningful and more empowered self-governance characterized by their distinct culture and historical claim. While we mourn the loss of 44 brave Special Action Force (SAF) who dutifully performed their job, we must remember that civilians and Moro fighters also died in Mamasapano incident. Since thorough and impartial investigations are key in determining the truth, and consequently meting out justice for the victims and their families and demanding accountability of erring officials, let us take the opportunity of establishing lasting peace which has eluded for so long the people of Mindanao. Let us be reminded that BBL is only a segment of the long continuum of peace process. Let us focus on the bigger picture which is peace in Mindanao. We have heard those who oppose or are tentative in supporting the BBL. Let their voices serve as an invitation to further review, discuss and scrutinize the BBL together with those who push for it. This is an essential part of the process before, if ever, we pass it into law to douse off the flame of Moro secessionism.

2. We support the continued dialogue with those who oppose BBL in the hope of converging
at an understanding and a shared decision and commitment to pursue lasting peace in
Mindanao.

(5) Strongly agree (4) Agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (2) Disagree (1) Strongly disagree

A constitutional BBL

We want a BBL that is faithful to the provisions of the 1987 Philippine Constitution and upholds
the value of diversity and democratic ideals. There is a legitimate cause for alarm since the
abrogation of the current version of the BBL, in whole or in part, may be interpreted differently by various sectors especially its most affected stakeholders, the Bangsamoro people. This is an
incalculable risk since decades-long peacebuilding efforts in Mindanao might be laid to waste if an altered version of the BBL that does not fully provide the autonomy desired by the Bangsamoro people is passed. Balance must be made between making the BBL a constitutional legislation and providing an inclusive Bangsamoro political entity that will embody the collective ideals and aspirations of the Moros (and Lumads). It is in this critical historic juncture that sobriety and discernment are called upon us who are members of an academic community. We believe that it is incumbent upon us to express and make clear our stance in this very important issue.

3. We support the passage of a constitutional BBL.

(5) Strongly agree (4) Agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (2) Disagree (1) Strongly disagree

Ethno-religious identification and intergroup contact avoidance: An empirical study on Christian-Muslim relations in the Philippines

2014-12-26T07:29:00.000-08:00

Imagine being asked: “Would you change your religious beliefs to marry the person you love? Why or why not?” It was actually the question posed to the Philippine candidate in the 2011 Miss Universe pageant in Brazil. You know what her answer: “If I have to change my religious beliefs, I will not marry the person that I love, because the first person that I love is God who created me. And if that person loves me, he should love my God too. Thank you.”

Her response did not make her win the Miss Universe title, but it won the hearts of many Filipinos. This was a clear indication of a strong religious identification and avoidance of religious out-group. In the Philippines, does this religious identification manifest in the social interaction with religious out-groups? Does it shape attitude and intention (i.e. contact avoidance) among university students who are often the most vocal sector of society? Despite increased interconnectedness through social media and global events, people are still being excluded not because of what they do, but mainly because of who they are, based on religion and ethnicity.

The Philippines is composed of diverse population groups. Several authors categorize it into Christian north and Muslim south. Behind this religious divide are ethnic groups, which are commonly identified as either Christians or Muslims. Thus, in-group and out-group can fairly be distinguished.

For decades, conflicts have been going on in southern Philippines. The conflict has conventionally been viewed “within the framework of historic ethno-religious conflict” because the groups involved are divided along ethno-religious lines.

This study looks at latent aspects of conflict through strained relations between ethno-religious groups in Metro Manila and Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and adjacent areas.

Relations between these groups are historically characterized by majority-minority positions, hierarchy, competition and rivalry. Data collection through surveys and interviews in these areas was conducted in 2011-2012.

The aim of this study is to answer the following central questions.

1. To what extent is there a relationship between ethno-religious identification and contact avoidance? The hypothesis here is that the stronger identification, the higher level of contact avoidance.

2. To what extent can we explain the relationship between ethno-religious identification and contact avoidance by intermediate determinants? The general hypothesis here is that the relationship will be diminished because of the mediating effects of the intermediate factors.

To guide the process of finding empirical answers to these questions, this study set out to build on previously developed and well-established theoretical insights on intergroup relations.

As a dimension of ethnic exclusionism, intergroup contact avoidance could be explained by the general propositions of several theories. Realistic conflict theory posits that intergroup competition in a social conflict facilitates in-group cohesion and out-group hostility. Social identity theory involves the social processes of categorization, identification and comparison which induce in-group favoritism through social identification and out-group antagonism through social contra-identification. The complementarity of these two theories is summarized in the proposition of ethnic group conflict theory which states that intergroup competition at individual and contextual levels, mediated by perceived group threat, will reinforce in-group favoritism and out-group antagonism. The eventual outcome of which is ethnic exclusionism.

There are other theories that could well provide explanations. The inclusion of an indigenous concept called pakikiramdam (heightened awareness of self, others and situation) is a recognition of the cultural context of the research setting.

To measure intergroup contact avoidance, we ask, “To what extent would you accept or avoid having a Christian/Muslim” classmate, friend, boardmate, neighbor, civil servant, police, and mayor. In the Mokken scale analysis, both Christians and Muslims have an almost similar pattern for the seven contact roles.

They have the private domain, classmate and friend, with the most acceptance, while the public domain, police and mayor have the most avoidance. The contact role, neighbor, seems to mark the boundary between private and public. Moreover, both Christians and Muslims tend to avoid placing public contact roles, bequeathed with power, in the hands of out-groups, while they are less likely to do so with the private contact roles.

To measure ethno-religious identification, we treat identity as not merely a self-affiliation and knowledge of one’s in-group, rather, it undergoes a process in which individual actions and choices are crucial elements of the process. According to Phinney and Ong (2007, pp.272-273), the process of identification has several dimensions, such as exploration,, behaviors, commitment and attachment, relationship between ethnic identity and national identity, among others.

Who are then the people who tend to avoid contact towards out-groups? In our findings, they are those Christians and Muslims who have more religious in-group friends, greater perceived group threat, social dominance orientation, out-group religiocentrism and distrust, and fundamentalist attitudes. They are also members of religious organizations and they participate in religious practices.

Using regression analyses to test our hypotheses, the study shows the effects on contact avoidance by ethno-religious identification variables such as participation in rites of passage, number of ethnic in-group friends, and number of instances where ethnic language is used. The observed effects support the first hypothesis that the stronger the ethno-religious identification, the more contact avoidance towards the out-group. Explaining further the significant relationship between ethno-religious identification and contact avoidance, the intermediate determinants which decrease the observed effects of ethno-religious identification variables on contact avoidance are perceived group threat, out-group distrust, fundamentalism, and quantity of contact. As expected, the significant effects on contact avoidance of perceived group threat, out-group distrust, and fundamentalism, are positive, whereas the significant effect of quantity of contact is negative. Inclusion of these intermediate determinants in the model reduces most significant differences between ethno-elrigious groups. This is an evidence for the mediating function of these determinants.

The interviews provide additional data and explanations on contact avoidance. Both Christians and Muslims report incidents of everyday contact avoidance as peers and barangay-mates.

Additional expressions of religious identification are from Muslim informants who find eating halal food and wearing hijab as their expressions of being Muslims in a predominantly Christian country. One dimension which is not measured by the survey is the relationship of sub-national (ethnic) identity with national identity. While Christian ethnic groups generally identify with the national identity as Filipinos, the Muslim ethnic groups voice out some issues with being Filipinos as a legacy of oppressive colonial history.

The additional explanations are found in the three contextual factors, namely education, mass media and history of conflict. For example, the school environment has considerable impact on intergroup relations. The more mixed the composition of the student population, the more possibilities for intergroup contacts and friendships there are, and less likely there will be intergroup contact avoidance.

In closing, it is confirmed, as predicted by ethnic group conflict theory, that perceived group threat is a strong and significant predictor of exclusionary attitude, i.e. contact avoidance. Also it is confirmed that out-group distrust, a by-product of social contra-identification explained in social identity theory and ethnic group conflict theory, induces ethnic exclusionism. The finding on the quantity of contacts supports the position of intergroup contact theory, which posits that contacts reduce the likelihood of exclusionary attitudes towards out-groups.

In light of the findings and data available for further research on intergroup relations, the potency of contributing not just to the understanding of conflicts, but also to peacebuilding efforts in conflict areas, specifically in Mindanao, is very encouraging.

Bicol protest: A continuing revolution from national to local

2014-06-18T07:51:00.001-07:00

The day was supposed to be a celebration of something local in the national revolution. Unfortunately, as in any mainstream history, the national took up and consumed any local incidences.

On the 116^th year of the Philippine independence, President Aquino came to Naga City in Bicol to recognize and highlight the role of Bicol in the 1898 Philippine revolution by remembering the martyrdom of 15 Bicolanos. Finally, a national event becoming a local one, I thought.

While he was at it, one student-activist interrupted and heckled him in Tagalog language. “Alis pork barrel king. Walang pagbabago sa bansa!” (Out pork barrel king! No change in the country.) Some meters away and out of sight from the president, hundreds of other activists were echoing the same sentiments.

Meanwhile, thousands of those who came to celebrate the day in Plaza Quince Martires, including me, were stunned by such boldness of one activist. I heard comments, “Ano na ‘yan pasale, dae man lang pigrespeto si ocassion asin bisita” (What kind of trick, it never considers respecting the occasion and guest). Many said in jest, “Dae man lang nagsabi, inibanan co cuta.” (He did not tell, I could have joined).

In Bikol culture, a guest is accorded habitually with over-welcoming and warm gestures. Thus disrupting an event with guests in attendance is not consistent with what is expected of Bikolano hosts.

However, the activist evidently did not act like a Bikolano host. Or probably he did not want to welcome certain guests and be a host to this event. Certainly for the police who apprehended him at that time, he was certainly not a Bicolano because he shouted in Tagalog language. It was not only the language that could be of interest to point out here. The message or content of the protest could also be examined. Essentially, the message was of national issue seeking national attention.

Had the language and message been of local, many Bicolanos and Bicolanas could have been sympathetic and supportive of the activist. Had he cried for autonomy for example, like others who said he could have joined him, I would have joined as well.

When the activist was dragged past near my location, he was still shouting, “walang pagbabago…”(no change), and obviously resisting several police officers who were dragging him away from Plaza Quince Martires heading to a another plaza called Plaza Quezon where I last saw a group of police surrounding him.

From a plaza named after local heroes to a plaza named after a national hero, it was like a local concern being brought to national attention which often suppressed any local origins. The revolution in 1898 will always be viewed as national, as if regional efforts reflected the national project. After 116 years, that project needs to be localized to embody regional aspiration for liberation. The revolution must be continued to finally free us from the hands of the guests in our homeland.

Don't forget the social aspect of the peace agreement

2014-03-21T10:07:00.001-07:00

On 27 March 2014, the Philippine government and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have set the historic and formal signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB). Hopes are high, but reality checks won't hurt if we do them right.

Conflict does not necessarily end in the signing of peace agreement. It mainly addresses the political and economic issues of the conflict which are structural in nature and perceived to be the causes of the conflict. What is often overlooked is the underlying social issues of dysfunctional and asymmetric relationships of the groups involved. In the Philippine case, the groups involved are divided along ethno-religious lines.

Here, I would like point out three things: 1) as ordinary citizens of the Philippines, we can help in this peacebuilding effort; 2) signs of times are in advanced and matured stages for peacebuilding to take root; 3) importance of intergroup trust in the consummation of the peace agreement.

As ordinary citizens, whether Christians or Muslims or non-believers, as Filipinos or peace-loving people, we have a stake in this historic moment. Peace in Mindanao means peace to the whole Philippines. As our saying goes, "Ang sakit sa kalingkingan ay ramdam ng buong katawan" (The pain of the small finger is felt by the whole body). To paraphrase, if parts of Mindanao get burnt, the whole Philippines is in pain. Thus, we must take an active stance on this peace agreement.

Signs of times related to intergroup relations are favorable to this agreement to take hold. For example, in August 2012, the first Muslim newscaster appeared on a Manila-based national television wearing a hijab and traditional ethnic dress to project her ethno-religious identity. Later that year, the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro was signed paving the way for the historic signing of CAB along with pertinent and detailed Annexes of the agreement. These incidents are indications of attempts to ease and end the conflict.

However, any attempts to end the conflict through formal peace agreement must be backed by social understanding of the situation. What is the evaluation on the integroup relations? How do Christian and Muslim ethnic groups interact and deal with each other? Are they willing to be friends or neighbors? Can they allow an out-group to hold power?

In our study, Ethno-religious groups, identification, trust and social distance in the ethno-religiously stratified Philippines (Abanes, Scheepers & Sterkens, 2014), people's unwillingness to make contact with out-groups, as measured by social distance, is low. Generally, Filipinos tend to be less socially distant from their religious out-group. We found out that what explained this low social distance between ethno-religious groups is trust. When Christians and Muslims trust each other, they are less likely to oppose religious out-groups to be their friends, neighbors, or to hold power such as police, civil servant, and mayor. With trust, they are more likely to accept their religious out-groups. Without trust, social barriers and issues may emerge to block any progress towards that elusive peace, even with the peace agreement in place.

Let this historic moment, 27 March 2014, be an opportunity for the groups involved in theconflict to build an inclusive Philippine society of which Bangsamoros and other ethno-religious groups are all part.

As non Moros, how to help advance the peace agreement between the Philippine Government and MILF

2014-01-27T11:34:00.001-08:00

Source: http://www.gmanetwork.com

When the Philippine Government and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the final annex of the Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro on 25 January 2014, national newspapers carried the news on their headlines. Why not? The agreement is hoped to end the four-decade old conflict that killed hundreds of thousands and displaced millions of Filipinos.

In social media, the buzz about the agreement is not as enthusiastic as in the mass media. Only several friends of mine in Facebook and Twitter shared the news with others.

Well understandably, most of my friends are non-Moros. To me, the news is good news not just to Moros in Mindanao but to all Filipinos anywhere in the world. This good news must be shared and advanced to achieve its goal and guide its course towards building lasting peace. As Filipinos, this is also our peace agreement.

As non-Moros, we can help advance this peace agreement. How?

I have tried to identify a number of ways:

1) The easiest way is to share the good news that the Philippine Government and MILF have signed a peace deal. Do this through Facebook, Twitter, Google plus, and other social media outlets. Below are some news related with the peace deal from local, national and international news outlets: Mindanews, Philippine Daily Inquirer, Philippine Star, Rappler, New York Times, BBC, Aljazeera.

2) Participate in any forms of discussion regarding this peace agreement. Get as much as information as possible from those who took part in this agreement. Read about the conflict and its history. Ask questions.

3) Blog, write and create something about this good news. Share your questions, your thoughts, your joys, your worries, your concerns, your optimism or skepticism. Let people know about it, discuss it, or even debate about it. The more people talk about the peace agreement, the more that the decision-makers will feel that people care about their decisions. Whether you agree or not, whether you are optimistic or not, whether you reserve your opinion or not, let your voice contribute to the discussion in the social or mass media.

4) As a citizen and voter, you can write to senators and your own Representative in Congress to support this agreement. Let them know that you have a stake and that you care about peace in the country.

5) If you have a Moro friend/s in Facebook or in person, send them a message inquiring what do they think about the peace agreement. Engage them in conversation and discussion to make them feel that this good news is also ours. Let them feel that we are interested in this agreement and we want to see it actualized in our generation.

6) If you see a Moro, smile at them. Let them feel that you are happy with this good news. Let them feel that they are part of our national community with common and shared future together. Thus, they are our partners in our pursuits of peace and development.

Before this agreement, there were two sides. With this agreement, we are all on one side. Non-Moros no more, we are all Filipinos.We want peace in Mindanao, we want peace in the whole Philippines. We want it now! [as in NOW!].

No more war, no more violence against our own peoples, no more discrimination. Let us be one to end these all. Let us start a generation of engaged citizens for peace and development.

Frack U Mexico from NarcoNewsTV

2013-12-17T12:36:00.000-08:00

This is how to popularize and inform the public about an issue! Getting the side of the government is ingenious! There is so much to learn from this video. Thank you, Greg!

Frack U. Mexico

Directed by Greg "Gringoyo" Berger

Screenplay by Al Giordano

Good news! Mexico has the fourth largest shale gas reserves in the world, and the Mexican Congress is about to change the constitution so that private companies can drill for it. That means that U.S. companies will soon be there, fracking for gas. Sure, there may be some complications from the more than 500 chemicals that will be pumped into Mexico's aquifers, but never fear: Joe T. Hodo, President of "Frack U. Mexico!" is here to show you why Mexicans should stop worrying and learn to love fracking...or else.

The Years that were ASEAN, and Indonesian: Collection of Essays

2013-09-09T16:28:00.000-07:00

The period between 2008 and 2010 was significant to Southeast Asia. During this period, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Charter came into force. The idea of one economic, political, and socio-cultural community for the 10 Member-States was ever more inching closer to reality. While this was unfolding, I was able to witness this community-building process by being at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2008 and at the ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity in 2009-2010.

This collection of essays (The years that were ASEAN, and Indonesian: Facing the odds towards regional integration and community building) revisits the significant events, burning issues, and memorable times in ASEAN and so in Indonesia in 2008-2010. They attempt to shed light on these events, issues and rekindle the times when nationalistic and regionalistic fervor was at the peak.

There are five topics that organize the essays. The first one is on regional studies. It starts with the banner year, 2008, for ASEAN when the new Secretary-General, Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, took his office and the role of the regional organization in the humanitarian operations and reconstruction projects in Myanmar in the post-Cyclone Nargis. One essay questions the inclusiveness of the regional integration process of the envisioned one ASEAN community when it comes to peoples participation in the process. The last essay on this topic is the security threat posed by North Korea and how ASEAN can address the threat.

The second topic deals with the environmental issues. Two essays focus on both the regional trends that cause problems and the regional capabilities and structures that can buck the trends.

The third topic is on the political developments in Indonesia. The Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF) report is examined and its contextual usefulness. Then, the second presidential victory by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) is put into a global political perspective by looking at the wave of victories of oppositions in various national politics.

In the fourth topic, national security issues are discussed. In 2008, the streets of Jakarta saw the violence of student protests. At the other side of the violence are the works of the government. The last essay in the national security issues describes the deadly stampede which is a symptom of social injustice and structural violence in the country.

The last topic is on the nationalistic fervor and travel insights. Celebrating Independence Day and winning an Olympic gold generate emotional attachment to the flag and nation. Being in Jakarta, masjids and gerejas are landmarks which offer not only religious symbol, but spiritual refuge as well. Writing Jakarta without any mention of traffic jams and motorcycles is prejudicial to what it really is.

Most of these essays were published in The Jakarta Post in 2008-2010. Get the book here.

Obsession for grand things in one season: Egypt's Arab Spring

2013-07-07T04:48:00.000-07:00

Source: http://www.abc.net.au

There is a growing obsession to achieve grand things in one season. The Arab Spring that swept Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya has shown that regime change is possible through popular revolt. In the three regime changes, the long-running authoritarian regimes were toppled. Then we thought that democracy would take root and blossom.

A year after in Egypt, that Spring has returned. As any season, the spring is entitled to have a spot in a year. Millions of Egyptians took hold of the season and brazenly showed its colors on the streets. They reflected on the sky as military helicopters carried red, white, and black.

And so we thought.

After ousting Mubarak from power, democratic election was held to determine who would replace him. It took two rounds of voting which were both very tight races. In the first round, Morsi of Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party topped with 24.78 percent of the total votes. The next candidate, Shafik, who was independent but closely associated with the ousted regime, got 23.66 percent. The top two candidates combined could not even muster majority of the votes cast in the first round. In fact the third placer in the first round, Sabahi, had 20.72 percent of the total votes. Thus, the run-off between Morsi and Shafik was on. It was a proxy fight between anti-Mubarak protesters and Mubarak loyalists. Morsi won the run-off with only 51.73 percent of the votes. It was clear that the country was divided, and the Morsi from the first round was not a popular choice among Egyptians.

After a year in power, Morsi was confronted with mass protests all over the country, calling for his ouster. The protesters were still enamored by the ideals of Arab Spring - one of which is regime change. However, the difference this time was that Morsi was in power because he was democratically elected with a fixed term. Nonetheless, the call for his ouster grew and grew louder until the military stepped in. That sealed Morsi's fate, but not his grip on and appeal to legitimacy of his power.

With all what the military did, it is very difficult to see the regime change and take-over of power as not a coup. First, it was the military who gave the 48-hour ultimatum to Morsi. In the effort to appease the protesters and military, Morsi offered a dialogue towards reconciliation. The offer was rejected by the protesters. Second, it was the military who drew the roadmap of the post-Morsi regime. The military through its Chief of Staff General El-Sisi acted on its ultimatum by ousting Morsi from power and detailing its roadmap to suspend the constitution, dissolve parliament, and form an interim council until a fresh election is held. Third, probably on the side, the military arrested the top leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood, including the elected president. Whatever people may call it, coup is looming on its shadow.

Now, the Muslim Brotherhood is threatening mass protests and veiled violence against those who violated the rights of their leaders and to restore and respect democratic institutions. In a democracy, regime change is through election.

Exceptions are welcome for a regime change. In turbulent times and conditions, the tempest of those in power must be tamed. Again, Egypt is under the tempest of Arab Spring. But the power is clearly at the hands of the military. Until now, the military's roadmap coincides with the protesters' will. But the details, and so the devil, reside in the post-Morsi scenario.

Seasons come in full circle, regardless of people's conditions. After spring, the summer heat may be too much. The discontent lingers, and so the obsession for grand things in life.

Terrorism? Invasion? Intrusion? What is it, then? The Sabah Standoff

2013-03-09T18:57:00.000-08:00

Source: Malaysia's Ministry of Defence
(http://www.timesunion.com)

This is not to justify the actions of the armed men who sailed to Lahad Datu. This is to understand why Malaysia reacted in such a way, or an attempt in that direction to understand Malaysia's reaction.

We learn in Physics as Newton's third law of motion; for every action, there is an equal or opposite reaction.

How could Malaysian government justify its large-scale military operations involving airstrikes and bombardments against hundreds of armed men cordoned in a village in Lahad Datu district in Sabah (North Borneo)?

What about labeling the actions of those several armed men as terrorism!

Ok, what are the actions of those armed men? What did they do?

On 11 February 2013, more than 200 people believed to be followers of the Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram III, entered Sabah (North Borneo) by motorboats. They were led by Agbimuddin Kiram (Rajah Muda), a brother of the Sultan.They set foot and assembled in a Tanduo village in Lahad Datu district. Because several of them were armed, many locals fled the area in fear of their security. However, the group of Rajah Muda declared that they were there to reclaim what they rightfully own and live on what they call their homeland. Tracing historical documents, the Sultanate of Sulu claims that North Borneo is never ceded to Malaysia. (See for detailed historical perspective of the claim here).

After 17 days in Tanduo village in Lahad Datu district, no violence committed by those armed men was reported. There is no international binding definition of terrorism, but there are generally accepted elements of terrorism, such as the use of violence and the threat of it to civilians. After 30 days, there were eight (8) casualties from the Malaysian side and 53 from the claimants. All eight (8) casualties from the Malaysian side are policemen. No Malaysian civilian is reported to have died or wounded after 30 days of stand-off. The violence happened on the 18th day when the Malaysian commandos started to move into the village where the armed claimants are holed up.

Terrorism may not be apt to describe the actions of the claimants, in this case. This is in direct contrast to the 2008 Mumbai incident when armed men shot indiscriminately and killed 164 people in the 4-day rampage. That was plain terrorism, and this? Hmmmmmm...

So let's try calling it invasion.

Well, the reported number of the claimants ranges from more than 200 to less than 300 people. Their small-scale operation enabled them to sneak into Lahad Datu without being noticed by Malaysian authorities. By no measure it can be called invasion on a territory that has tens of thousands of square kilometers in land area. Size, scale, and magnitude are essential elements of an armed action to be considered invasion.

Ok, probably it is intrusion.

You think so? Well, the armed men came uninvited. They claimed that they have the documents to prove their ownership of the property. Malaysian government must contest and refute the claim, otherwise it can not own something which is owned by another. Determining the ownership of the land is crucial in labeling the action of the armed claimants as intrusion. And the determination of ownership can be done by litigation or judicial proceeding in international court, and not by displaying one's superior military force.

Not terrorism, not invasion, not intrusion, what is it then? It is a claim, a historical claim.

For Malaysian government, the followers of the Sultan of Sulu are terrorists, invaders, and intruders. That is why a large-scale military operation is necessary. For those who know a bit better, these armed people are claimants of a land that they are going to defend against the dubious owner. They are, clearly, not against the civilians.

An Appeal to Laotian Government to Locate and Present Sombath Somphone

2012-12-26T14:37:00.001-08:00

Below is an appeal by Ng Shui Meng, wife of Sombath Somphone who won the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2005 for Community Leadership. He was last seen being escorted by police. But the government denied any involvement in the disappearance of Mr. Somphone who helped organize the 2012 Asia-Europe People's Forum, a parallel forum with the governments' ministerial-level Asia-Europe Meeting in Ventianne, Laos. The People's Forum was the platform for civil society to highlight their social and environmental concerns over governments' large-scale development projects.

(AP Photo/Bullit Marquez, File)

An Appeal to the Government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic

Ng Shui Meng

Wife of Sombath Somphone

My name is Ng Shui Meng, the wife of Mr Sombath Somphone. I last saw my husband, driving in his jeep behind my car on Saturday, 15 December 2012. We were both going home to dinner. His jeep was still behind my car at around 6:00 p.m near the police post at Thadeua Road (KM 3). Soon after I did not see him anymore. When I arrived home and still did not see him, I called his handphone and a recording said that his phone was switched off.

At around 1:30 a.m. the same evening, we went out looking for him near the area where I last saw him and also went to the hospitals around the city to no avail. On the morning of 16 December we reported his missing to the village authorities and to the police and once more went looking for him in all the hospitals.

On Monday morning 17 December, we went to the Vientiane Municipality Police Station asking to review the CCTV footages taken around 6:00 p.m. We did see my husband stopped by the police at the Thadeua police post at 6:03p.m. Then we saw him getting out of the jeep and being taken into the police post. Later we saw a motorcyclist who stopped at the police post and drove off with my husband’s jeep leaving his motorcycle by the road side. Later another truck with flashing lights came and stopped at the police post and we saw two people taking my husband into the vehicle and drove off.

On 17 December, I wrote to the Chief of the Cabinet of the Ministry of Public Security outlining what I saw from the CCTV footages and sought his help to investigate the matter. On 18 December I wrote a letter to the Minister of Public Security appealing to him to give me information about my husband’s disappearance.
It is now nearly four days since the disappearance of my husband and I have yet to hear anything of his whereabouts.

I appeal to the Government of the Lao PDR to please investigate my husband’s disappearance as soon as possible, release information of his whereabouts and ensure his safety.

Losses by Pacquaio and Pablo

2012-12-12T18:07:00.000-08:00

Devastating losses hover the Philippines. In those losses, many Filipinos tend to look up and utter, why? They still believe that the One above knows why.

The losses happened in separate locations: Mindanao and Las Vegas. The first one was about the loss of lives and properties caused by typhoon “Pablo.” The second one was about the knockout loss of Manny Pacquaio, an icon and pride of the Philippines.

Unbelievable. That’s how the media sees the losses of lives in Mindanao. Also that’s how the boxing world describe the knockout loss by Pacquiao.

Interestingly, both losses have been associated with religious beliefs. This is not surprising. In a country where more than 80 percent rate themselves as religious, according to a 1998 Survey on Religion of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), religion is deeply rooted in every aspect of daily life.

First in Mindanao, no less than a Catholic bishop had observed the association between the tragedy which killed hundreds of people and God’s message in the tragedy. In an interview by a Catholic-run Radio Veritas, Manila Auxillary Bishop Broderick Pabillo said, “I’m not sure if it may be just a coincidence, or God has a message that whenever it (Reproductive Health bill) is being decisively discussed, tragedies strike us.”

Bishop Pabillo, in the first instance, was refering to the controversial RH bill which is nearing passage in both Houses of the Philippine Congress. Vehemently opposed by the Catholic Church, the RH bill seeks to implement universal access to methods of contraception, age-appropriate sex education, maternal care, among others. In the second instance, the bishop was refering to this year’s August and September massive floodings in Metro Manila and surrounding areas which killed hundreds and displaced millions of people. During those times, the debates on RH bill were at their peak inside the halls of Congress and on the streets.

The bishop received criticisms for making the connection. Despite of that, many faithful shared the view and connection made by the bishop. The critics, however, pointed to mining, illegal logging, and ill-preparedness of local governments and residents as the real culprits of the tragedy in Mindanao.

Second in Las Vegas, the knockout loss by Manny Pacquaio was beyond comprehension by his die-hard fans, especially Filipinos. Prior to the fight, boxing analyts put Pacquiao in a 2-1 favorite to win the fourth match with his Mexican rival, Juan Manuel Marquez. It meant that a bet of 2 dollars for Pacquaio would win 1 dollar if he prevailed. He lost by knockout.

Both boxers, in their interviews, provided their own explanations why the stunning knockout came. Marquez said that it was his technique and preparation that led to it. Pacquaio, on his part, said that it was his overconfidence when he carelessly charged for his vaunted 1-2 punch that made him a perfect recipient of a solid right counter-punch.

Boxing experts and analysts somewhat agreed on the two explanations, but they also offered their own. For example, former boxing champion Roy Jones Jr. thought that the muscular built of Marquez had added to the power which surprisingly put Pacquaio twice on the canvas; the last one was for good.

However, as we often say, mothers know best. Pacquaio's mother, a.k.a Mommy Dionisia, was interviewed, and she associated the loss to his son's change of religion. As a devout Catholic, Dionisia raised her son as a Catholic. In Pacquaio's previous fights, he would be normally seen wearing a rosary laced around his neck and making a sign of cross in every start of a round. This time (and in Bradley's fight where he lost too in a controversial decision), he was not seen wearing a rosary and making signs of a cross. His newly embraced religious beliefs prevented him from doing so.

The interview of Mommy Dionisia was beamed in a national television in the Philippines. Many Filipinos, to a certain extent through social media, gave credence to her explanation of that loss. They believe that Pacquaio received a message from the One embraced by majority of Filipinos, but may be not anymore by Pacquaio.

Similarly as hinted by the bishop, the losses in Mindanao is a message to the people who attempt to bend their religious beliefs to accommodate and, at the same time, cut the excesses of the modern world (e.g. hedonism, overpopulation, sexually transmitted diseases, etc.).

With all the given explanations of these losses, many Filipinos remain unconvinced, even by looking upward. The message might have been lost in the emotions. Incidentally, it is December. Majority of Filipinos believe that the true message is in the Child who is to come. And His message is of victory, superseding the losses of His peoples.

Talking about University for Peace (UPeace)

2012-10-02T15:42:00.001-07:00

Last September 5, I was invited by UPeace-The Hague to join its team to orient students of Leiden University College (LUC)-The Hague of the opportunity to study in the UN-mandated University for Peace in Costa Rica. The other invited panels for the LUC Career Fair 2012 were government institutions, private companies, and international non-government organizations (NGOs).

As an alumnus of UPeace, my 10-minute talk would dwell much on my experiences in UPeace-Costa Rica. That was what they expected, and this is what I gave them or something like this:

"UPeace did not happen to me in an instant. It did not come to me. I sought for it.

Before I give my UPeace story, let me tell a little story from my sister and mother. One time, my elder sister told my mother, "Mama, when I grow big, I want myself to be like you." My mother of course was happy to hear that. And then, my sister added, "Mama, when you grow small, I want you to be like me."

Well, you know kids. It is logical that my sister can be like my mother. But I, as a boy, can not apply the same logic. Oh, this is the Netherlands; things are possible here.

Anyway, from that little story, I learned two things. First, young as we are, we look for our models in this world. Something that can guide us while we grow up and live our lives. Our first model is our family. My sister probably saw something in my mother that she wants to be when she grows up. My mother, as many mothers are, is hardworking, caring, loving, and present to us. So the first that I learned is having a model.
Second thing I learned from the story is about something that we believe we have that can contribute to the achievement of something good and noble. When my sister told my mom, "I want you to be like me." She probably meant, "Look Ma, I am happy and energetic; if you were like me, you could do many things and could be with us longer."

Models: we know that we do not live in the world that we want. In our minds, we have a model of the world we want. In reality, we are quite far from our world model. Poverty, violence, injustices, conflicts, discrimination, exclusion, and many other unwanted occurrences abound in our midst. In other words, this is not the world we want.

You can stop from there, and move on with your lives, accepting the dismal realities with indifference. But others opt to do something. If you read a news that some people are deprived of their human rights because they are different and then you feel something, and then you say that is not right. If you see authorities (e.g. police) abusing their position and power to disperse a peaceful demonstration, and you feel something is not right. If you watch a TV news on famine, health crisis or violent conflicts, people are dying needlessly. If you feel something, and you believe that these are not right, I tell you, you are not alone.

This is what I experienced when I arrived in Costa Rica for my MA studies. Imagine a place or a campus, where you put 160 people from 60 countries who feel and believe, the same like you but in varying degrees, that these injustices, poverty, discrimination, exclusion, conflicts, are not right, and they do not belong to this world, our world.

Remember our world model.

Imagine what would be the discussions look like. Imagine the energies and ideas pouring and flowing from these people.

I was only one, but UPeace connected me to these people who, like my sister, believe that things can be like or close to our model. Possibilities of what can be done are limitless.

And so the professors come in to ground our flying ideas. Professors who are top-notch in their fields, who have seen most of the world, who have tried what works and does not work in certain contexts. They present theoretical frameworks to explain phenomena that confound us. They also present best practices that have been done in certain areas. Aside from these, professors ask questions that animate our wills.

If my sister thought that others could be like her, she believes she has something or some things worthy to share to others. And my sister thought that she can be like her mother, her model.

Nothing is stopping us from believing that we can have our model in our lifetime. At least we can try. And UPeace is there to help us try with hope."

And this is my UPeace story, just the beginning and still continuing.

Being Indonesian from a non-Indonesian: More or less

2012-08-17T03:24:00.002-07:00

Monas 2008

August 17, 2008. It was my second month in Mampang Prapatan, Jakarta Selatan, Indonesia. I went outside to go to the market when I was invited to join parlor and children's games on the street. The street was blocked by a pole with Indonesian flag (red and white) and my neighbors appropriated the street as a playground. I joined the balap karung (sack race). We lost the race, but there was no feeling of losing since everyone was having fun and receiving prizes. I received two candies. Despite the language barrier, we laughed and enjoyed those moments. I became part of the neighborhood. I then thought freedom and independence must not be exclusive; they are meant to be shared, to be felt, to be experienced by all.

Below is what I wrote four years ago when I was in Jakarta. It was published in Jakarta Post (http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2008/08/20/never-more-indonesian-aug-17.html)

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When was the last time you felt more Indonesian than ever? As a non-Indonesian, I ask this question because I saw how Kosovo celebrated when its parliament declared their independence from Serbia earlier this year. I also read the news about the celebrations in Mongolia on their winning their first ever Olympic gold medal in Beijing. So, when was it that you felt more Indonesian than ever?

Independence Day on Aug. 17 would have to be one of those moments when you felt good to be Indonesian. Seeing red and white all over the place with Indonesian flags flying high in every corner, on streets, buildings and outside houses. This gives us a sense of identity and belonging. There was hardly any other moment in history which is comparable to Indonesia's declaration of independence.

Winning an Olympic gold would undoubtedly make every Indonesian proud of their own athletes' achievements. And this is exactly what shuttlers Kido and Setiawan did for 225 million Indonesians. They delivered a golden performance for Indonesia in the men's doubles badminton at the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games.

The feat came at the expense of the Chinese team who were playing on their home turf. Any athlete would understand the odds of playing against a home court advantage, but Kido and Setiawan rose to the challenge, winning from behind a set to take the two succeeding sets against a hostile crowd.

Both events combined to make us proud to be Indonesian and gave us a sense of nationalism.

Becoming Indonesian is easy: You could be born of Indonesian parents or be naturalized through a legal process. However, being Indonesian is about much more than this -- much more than simply a nationality or citizenship which can be acquired by fulfilling bureaucratic requirements.

Being Indonesian resides in the core of we are, internalized in history, songs, traditions, institutions, or in the all-encompassing culture. In Freudian terms, being Indonesian is imprinted in the unconscious mind which is reflected in our conscious level.

Thus, these two significant events activated internalized meanings and symbolisms attached to being Indonesian -- and this may have been triggered by any number of different scenarios; putting up a flag, singing the national anthem, seeing pictures of heroes or presidents, taking part in local activities, posting a note in friendster or facebook or simply talking with friends and family, here or abroad.

In a critical world, the nation should be grateful for these two historic events. They have reaffirmed and secured the 63-year-old aspirations and goals of the proponents of an independent Indonesia among the young Indonesians who will now see our country through the next 63 years.

However, when a decree was issued banning Ahmadiyah (a religious sect) to observe its beliefs, was the government being more Indonesian? When professionals decide to work abroad and send their remittance back home, are they being less Indonesian than those who decide to practice their professions locally?

When students and businesspeople use English to communicate their ideas and feelings, are they being less Indonesian? When people chose to spend their Independence Day at Ancol with their families, are they less Indonesian than those who went to Monas or took part in other independence related activities?

These sample questions can take us back to the core of what it means to be Indonesian. And it is through continuous questioning and reflection that we will establish what is truly great about being an Indonesian.

Indonesia has celebrated its Independence Day 63 times already.

So what is new? Not much, except that these two events can serve to hold Indonesia and its peoples together and make sense of their special place in the world. Events such as these provide Indonesians with more reasons to celebrate triumphantly.

Our Beliefs and Our Problems

2012-04-24T14:25:00.002-07:00

A certain columnist in a Philippine daily wrote about beliefs and religion, specifically Roman Catholicism in the Philippines. (Not all beliefs though are simplistically religious)

He enumerated many negative conditions (even with rankings and percentages) and attempted to connect those with the dominant religion of the country. He depicted the inconsistencies and contradictions that religion is supposed to bring about in its believers and their environment.

I would say, his attempts appeal on popular sentiments, rather than reason. A reasonable reader, especially a student of science, would be able to discern his deficiencies in establishing connections between religion and wide range of problems such as worst driving, garbage collection, air pollution, corruption, crimes, worst country to do business, poverty, etc.. There may be minute connections, but he missed the biggest (significant) connection of all - the government.

Of course, it is easy to blame Roman Catholicism for all these problems. Has the columnist given up on its government to address these problems?

Are we the most corrupt in Asia because of religion? Are we poor because of our religion? Are we one of the 10 the worst countries to do business because of religion? Are we, because of religion?

I must say, we (the readers) know better. Roman Catholicism does not teach driving without consideration of traffic rules; it does not not promote air pollution; it does not tolerate crimes; it does not condone corruption. it does not make a country worst to do business; it does not excuse economic poverty.

Catholics know better. When Filipino taxi drivers return cash and other valuables to tourists and balikbayans, they attribute their acts to their belief in God. They believe, as many Catholics do, that greater value and reward are awaiting in the future. Bicolanos believe it faithfully when they say, Dios mabalos (God rewards you) everytime they receive something good or simply to express, thank you. Can the columnist deny this belief to Bicolanos?

The columnist should know this better because he is a Bicolano. I wonder what his beliefs are, religious or non-religious, if any. Then he will know better that the problems lie not with his beliefs, but with himself.

University for Peace (UPeace) – Asia Graduation message

2012-03-10T05:03:00.004-08:00

This video has excerpts of the whole message. (Thank you Chino, my nephew who took this amateur video.)

The transcript of the whole message could be found below.

Good evening to all of you.

In Naga Pi Chaung Village in Delta region, the hardest-hit area in Myanmar by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 and believed to be an underserved area, I went there with a team from UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) for my internship. We asked a group of villagers including the village chief about the village’s pressing needs. The village chief responded quickly and identified fishing nets, boats and agricultural inputs and tools as their pressing needs. The villagers agreed to this assessment. Of course, we took note of those needs.

Then, we asked the women present in the meeting the same question. One woman, apparently a mother, replied, “education.” Teary-eyed, she continued that children in the village have stopped going to school because they have no school to go to (their solitary school was flattened by the cyclone), no teacher, and no school supplies. Afterwards, there was silence in the meeting.

Education! Why not?

Amidst the shortage or lack of basic necessities in the village such as water, shelter (most of them live in a makeshift shelter wrapped around by blue and white tarpaulins as walls and roof), food, clothes, one woman stressed the need for education in the village. (I know Ma'am Indai and Ma'am Tina, our professor in gender course and peace psychology, would be happy to hear this story.)

I believe that three institutions would agree to the woman’s answer, education. These are the institutions that invest, develop, advance and facilitate education for the global village.

Nippon Foundation has various projects in education including scholarships. One of which is this program. Thank you Nippon Foundation for believing in education as a tool for social change, development and empowerment. Arigato!

The other institution is University for Peace, particularly our Dept. of Peace and Conflict Studies. This small university in Costa Rica is a giant in the field of peace and conflict studies. We, students, are privileged to receive trainings from its topnotch professors who are experts in their own fields. Its multicultural environment adds to the joy and struggles of our learning. It is truly a global village. Gracias UPeace. Pura Vida!

One more institution worthy as the first, Ateneo de Manila University which is going to celebrate its 150th years of great service through education to Filipinos and foreigners. It has formed and produced distinguished graduates. And we are pleased to be part of the roster of graduates of this institution. Thank you Ateneo. One big fight!

Oh, we also had our 3-week course in La Salle. Yes, you hear me right. It is La Salle. But it was Universidad de la Salle in San Jose, Costa Rica for our foundation course. Well, it is a long story.

Before the drafting of this message, I have asked my classmates if they have anything that they would like to be part of this message. One classmate emailed me. She wrote, “We are trees planted by the hands that have been working for peace.” You probably know whose hands she is referring to. But these trees started from seeds. I have seen how the seeds were provided with the best soil, care, and nurturing environment. And now the trees have grown and ready to bear fruits.

Since seeds come from a source, I would like to acknowledge our sources, our mothers. Like the mother in Naga Pi Chaung Village, our mothers, I imagine, would also assert the need for education. We all learned first from our mothers – the best education in the world. Thank you, Ma.

And thank you for that woman in the village who reminded me of what I am holding now, what I’m thinking, feeling, speaking, dreaming – all products of the best education we just received.

I am confident that this education will find its way and expression in whatever career and mission we undertake to contribute to peacebuilding.

And another classmate whispered to me last night. He wanted to include this message here. As the first batch of the Dual-Campus program, we complained a lot for 19 months. (Balazs, the willing listener of our complaints, knows this). We complained about accommodation, course schedules, late information, coordination between Costa Rica and Manila, and many other things. We struggled too. We struggled with our deadlines, with English in different Asian and other accents, Spanish, the languages in our internship assignments (Bahasa Indonesia). Through these complaints and struggles, we have learned the language of friendship. We shared this friendship in MyPlace, in Bellarmine Building, in cafeterias, in Council room. We celebrated this friendship through birthdays, weekend and course break trips out of town and out of the country. And this friendship will tie us wherever we will be. We may be in the remotest village in Myanmar, conflict-torn areas in Africa or Afganistan, an air-conditioned room in Tokyo, classroom in Indonesia, South Korea or Japan; we will always be reminded that 27 others out there somewhere that peace is not always about the opposite of conflict, it is a way to live.

I remember Wolfgang who told us that whatever we do, say, think, feel, dream, literally whatever, an energy is released in the world that can make a difference. I once emailed a classmate about this, and I will say it to you again (although I usually don’t say words twice, my apology to that classmate), because of our education, of what we went through, of our unbelievable journey together, of what we believe in, we now all are a difference to this world. I can feel that overflowing energy in this room, share this. Bring this to the villages, to your home countries, to your friends, your families, to whomever we meet. Our energies together and of those we can influence can be a difference, can bring about change, can challenge and transform the structures that restrict others, can respond to human needs including those of the woman in Naga Pi Chaung Village in Myanmar. We can count on the three institutions to be with us. Besides, we have each other.

If there’s one thing I learned from this 19-month program, it is that I am responsible for my future, a shared future with you, with others. Let us believe then in the future that we can build, together, here.

Thank you, gracias, Dios mabalos!

Ceasefire, Ceasefire: Breaking the Escalation of Violence

2011-10-21T11:54:00.000-07:00

War talks is more terrible than actual war because violence exists without end.

The recent clashes between the Philippine troops and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) rebels in Basilan island and Zamboanga Sibugay province have brought back talks of an all-out war. With scores of deaths from both sides, the war talks driven by frustration, anger, blame and revenge seems to be charming the public at large.

The media is even fanning this flame of war talks by interviewing military personnel, family members of slain soldiers, ex-and current government officials who advocate the war talks.

To overcome these negative energies is the greatest show of strength. Well, easier said than done. Whatever others say, I commend the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines for showing the government's resolve for peacebuilding. President Aquino reaffirms the ceasefire agreement and orders no military operations against the MILF rebels who assaulted the soldiers.

As this time, we have yet to hear about the hundreds of civilians who fled their houses because of the clashes. We could imagine them praying the end of hostilities, violence.

Ceasefire, ceasefire!

Let the blinding smoke from the guns settle down (that we may see each other clearly). Let the harrowing sounds of gunshots be gone (that we may hear and listen to each other's plea).

With ceasefire, we break the cycle of escalation of conflict. We break the expectations of the other side of retaliation and revenge. We break the perception that we are insincere about peace talks.

This time, let us mean peace. And we mean peace.

With peace talks, we build trust of our intentions and goals to be inclusive. We bridge our differences with the other side. We connect our dreams of a shared and brighter future in one homeland under three stars and a sun.

Peace talks offers hope until the end. It is more worth dying for.

Social Distance in Facebook: Breaking or Building Barriers Among Differentiated Groups in Cyberspace

2011-10-02T07:37:00.000-07:00

Source: http://www.sgclub.com/lifestyle

Social networking sites have captured the interest and aspiration of people especially Filipinos and Filipinas to make contacts and connect with families, friends, and others. To illustrate this, imagine Facebook having over half a billion account users all over the world. Twenty-six million of those are found in the Philippines. Thus, albeit virtually, numerous contacts are made by differentiated groups through Facebook.

Research has shown that contacts among equals of differentiated groups reduce social distance. With the popularity and wide use of Facebook in the world including the Philippines, do contacts occur among differentiated groups? Or Facebook further solidifies the ingroup and marginalizes the outgroup? Does Facebook break or build social distance among differentiated groups?

It is hypothesized that Facebook facilitates ingroup formation and strengthens its cohesion. Moreover, Facebook does not intentionally marginalize the outgroup. It helps reduce social distance among groups especially those who have a sizeable number of friends from other groups.

If you have a Facebook account, please take the survey here.

The results of this survey will be presented at the 2011 Philippine Sociological Society National Conference in Ateneo de Naga University in Naga City on October 14-15, 2011.

Thank you very much.

Searching for a Hero (Happy Father's Day)

2011-06-19T05:19:00.000-07:00

“Only the leader’s own involvement in reality, within a historical situation, led them to criticize this situation and to wish to change it.” – Paulo Friere, Pedagogy of the Oppressed

As we celebrate the 150th birthday of Jose Rizal, are we still in search of a hero?

Coincidentally, on the same day, we celebrate Father’s Day.

Oftentimes we are asked, whom do you consider your hero? And usually we enumerate names we just read from history books. We are told by their exploits and heroism during the times when we could not even relive their lives except the trying words of our historians, documentary shoots, and life-imitating films. Almost, yet persistent in their larger-than-life attempt to capture history, our scholars have provided us a near-to-life panorama of our academic past. We owe it to them if we see Rizal as repository of almost supernatural talents, Bonifacio as a brave man without fear of death, Aguinaldo as a revolutionary who waged his own revolution inside the Philippine revolution. These are the most known heroes and widely read about personalities in the history of our country.

Why Rizal or Bonifacio or Aguinaldo then? What about Bicolano heroes like Jose Ma. Panganiban or Tomas Arejola? Why not our fathers?

For one, our history-book heroes exemplified a life destined to be great, and willingly faced a death by sacrificing their lives. Of course, their deaths were their heroic acts that defined their heroism. To the idealist, they have done in an extraordinary way what any ordinary man could not. To the realist, they simply fulfilled the task assigned by the call of times. To the gestaltist, they completed the missing part of our aspiration for freedom and totality as a nation. To most of us, they responded to the challenge of self-determination. To the rest, they were merely the stories of men printed in the paper, or depicted in a monument, imaged in a bill, or painted in a card.

More than the epic life and death they led, their heroism was highlighted by the classic struggle to free our country from the bondage of colonization of Spain, to liberate from the oppressive imperialism of America, and to save the nation from the inclusive expansion of Japan.

Today the war waged by our heroes continues. It is not yet won but little victories were gained. Although our country does not confront armies of the imperious foreigners, it faces enemies in various forms. The most formidable of these is the prevalent poverty of its own people. Slowly, poverty is eating up what has been gained by our heroes, including the very foundation of our nationhood – our dignity as a people. In times like this, our country needs a hero. Soon, our new hero will certainly rise. I don’t know where I get my hope for this prayer but I am sure somewhere, someone will answer the signs of times.

Our Philippines definitely is in dire search of a hero who will empower its people to perfect its being and fate. Someone who while in power and given the responsibility will yield the same to the people. Have the Ramon Magsaysay Awards helped us find our modern hero? Has the Nobel Prizes eluded us for some reasons?

Your guess is as good as the whole nation who practically begs for everyone to share a piece of this responsibility and power for her/his own people. Our heroes responded to the signs.

And there are other nameless and faceless individuals who do their own share of heroism in our struggle to regain what we had in the beginning of history.

There is certainly one with a name and face that is familiar to us. He may even come with several names (Tatay, Ama, Papa, Father) - but there is only one that endears him to us. Call him, and a hero is with us.

Youth for Peace: Young Adults Who are Changing the World

2011-03-04T11:03:00.000-08:00

The Junior Chamber International, or JCI, is a membership based, non-profit coalition of some two hundred thousand young people, aging in range from 18 to 40. Their goal is simple: to create lasting and positive change in our world, using community-based initiatives to create a global revolution of positive progress.

Once a year, the JCI honors ten up and coming youths through the Ten Outstanding Young Persons of the World award. Ranging in age from 18 to 40, the award is bestowed upon those young leaders who have shown true innovation, extraordinary service, or a new and creative way to think about an existing community issue.

Of the ten, we will focus on three who are moving us, as a collective unit, toward a much improved and more peaceful world.

Melanie Hennessy visited Nepal when she was only 18 years old. She soon found a full time position in Nepal seeking to alleviate the plight of its children. Having been recognized in the humanitarian/Voluntary Leadership role for her JCI honors, Hennessy established a school in Nepal, with an Orphanage fund set up back home at her Irish University NUI Galway. In addition to starting another charity, TEAM Nepal, she returned in 2010 to create Walking Hospitals, in which volunteers shadow local doctors from village to village to provide assistance to those in need. Melanie was also selected as one of Ireland's Outstanding Young People of the Year.

Uyapo Ndadi, of Botswana, turned down a well paying job at a law firm to pursue his passions. Founding the Botswana Network on Ethics, Law, and HIV/AIDS (BONELA), he fights against the spread of the virus, as well as for the rights of its sufferers. As an advocate of people's rights, Ndadi fights against discrimination in the workplace while providing legal aid free of charge to clients. He works with communities at all levels in an effort to bring denizens into the fight with BONELA. Uyapo is now the Director of the organization he started, bringing ethics and honesty to the role as he continues to fight for the human rights of his people in Botswana, a country which has one of the highest rates of HIV in the world.

For the Business, Economic, or Entrepreneurial accomplishment, the JCI gave the award to Emily Cummins. Known for creating the toothpaste squeezer for Arthritis sufferers and a water-carrying device designed for Third World use, Cummins bested herself with the creation of her award-winning portable refrigerator. The solar powered, sustainable device can be built from household items, making it the perfect instrument for Third World countries. In Namibia, Emily became known as the "Fridge Lady" as she toiled for five months in research and development phases. The work paid off—her invention is now saving the lives of countless Africans because medical supplies, as well as food, can now be moved in an uncontaminated fashion, regardless of local water quality. The sick can be treated like no other time in recent memory, all thanks to an invention that 21-year-old Emily thought up in her grandfather's potting shed.

To think on what these young people are accomplishing—all in their early to mid twenties—is truly mind-boggling. It gives us hope as a nation, a world, and as a community tied together in the global marketplace.

When you read about such positive and life-altering changes being made using creativity, wit, and intelligence, it belies an attitude that we can all step forward to make positive changes in our own communities.

Start with something small. You don't need to change the world with the first thing you try.

Bryce Hammons is a guest blogger for My Dog Ate My Blog.

Human Rights Against Human Wrongs

2011-01-22T15:44:00.000-08:00

“The conception, the idea of Right asserted its authority all at once, and the old framework of injustice could offer no resistance to its onslaught.” – Hegel, Philosophy of History

Why is it that humans feature and point out what is wrong rather what is right?

Whatever happened in Pangantucan, Bukidnon in 2000 that resulted to the deaths of 16 cult members of the Catholic God’s Spirit and 4 militiamen is up to the prayers to justice to both victims? While the public is painstakingly dragged to blur the truth, the authorities are digging holes to justify the unspeakable acts of their subordinates. They are trying to cheat the TV footages that bear the raw images of people being killed. The veracity of those shots of film could equal the law of gravity that all things that go up must come down. Yet they have the face to declare that what happened should be viewed in its entire context, not in a few minutes of footages. Conversely the public cannot be told to think in which way the authorities will want them to think. Those film shots sonorously unveil the only piece of truth the public can get hold of the gory incidence in Bukidnon, the Philippines.

It is defined in the Rules of Engagement of the Philippine National Police that the use of force is justified only if it becomes the last resort when all other peaceful and non-violent means have been exhausted. With guns ready for action anytime, the authorities expose themselves to the slightest provocation of using force not as the last resort but the first line of defense. The two excuses are mutually dichotomized and yet can be referred interchangeably as if each one were of the same kind. These two are being invoked by the authorities as the justification of the enraged overkill of 16 people that should have been a simple arrest of one wanted person. Any concerned citizen would like to think that this becomes an exception rather than a rule with the activation of the CAFGUs. Otherwise the authorities are implicitly inviting citizens to arm themselves if confronted by the same undisciplined and haphazardly trained units of militiamen. This implication runs counter with the current drive of Dept. Interior Local Government in getting rid of the unlicensed and loose firearms, which are normally used in illegal activities and crimes. While the authorities are trying to confiscate the loose firearms and encouraging the citizens not to arm in order to protect themselves, they should also observe the discipline and training of those who are tasked and supposedly to protect the public. Unless this is achieved, they cannot talk peace and have guns at the same time.

Anyway, what on earth has compelled man to do such ferocious act against another man? I am tempted to dismiss the notion that man is inherently evil but it brings me to light that we like to watch boxing and cockfighting, two figures scalping, hitting bloodily. It is further reinforced when Echegaray was sentenced to die and how we all waited for its consummation. Interestingly, the sight of blood and conflict excite the vulnerability of giving in easily to our temporal indulgence. However, the great Rousseau helps me to come to a personal conviction, that man is naturally good and that it is by institutions alone that he becomes evil.

2010 Nobel Peace Prize: Pursuing the Hard Peace This Time

2010-12-29T17:36:00.000-08:00

As the year 2010 is about to end, let us take a look at the controversial Nobel Peace Prize which again hugged headlines.

For 2010, the Norway-based Nobel Committee decided to award the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobao, a Chinese literary writer, professor, and human rights activist.

The west applauded the decision. And human rights groups and activists commended the awarding to one of their fellows. However, Chinese government opposed the awarding to one of its jailed dissidents. Several governments including Cuba and Venezuela joined China in criticizing the popularization of a "western" idea of peace. Later, at least sixteen countries boycotted the awarding ceremony.

Why was there strong opposition to Liu Xiaobao receiving the Peace Prize?

Normally, the government of the country of origin of the winner would share in the pride and honor of bringing the Nobel Peace Prize home. How could China celebrate with the award when it would be given to its convicted dissident? How could China and other countries that are ruled by deviants to the "western" standards of governance applaud to the awarding?

When Mother Teresa won the same award in 1979, was there a public opposition? None.

When the award went to Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1964, the world embraced the awarding to MLK because he had fought ideas and beliefs in hierarchy system. He did not directly challenge the government.

There is parallelism though of this year's award to Aung San Suu Kyi in 1991 and Nelson Mandela in 1993. Both Suu Kyi and Mandela challenged their governments, and as a consequence of their actions, they were detained for several years. But Myanmar (Burma) was no China at that time. South Africa elected Mandela as the first ever black President of the country.

In Liu Xiaobao's case, he has challenged his government to implement political reforms. And now, he is serving an 11-year imprisonment for inciting to subvert Chinese government.

China is recognized as a global power with economic, military, and cultural strength. Almost every country wants a piece of China, be it in trade, finance, military, cultural exchange, scholarship, religion, environment, etc.. In other words, China could afford to stand up with its leverage.

Notably, the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize decided to pursue a hard peace. It is a peace that deals with political institutions which are represented by a government. This year's award legitimizes the works and advocacies of Liu Xiaobao and other jailed political dissidents in other countries.

This made 2010 Nobel Peace Prize controversial because governments would definitely defend their political institutions. In contrast to soft peace epitomized by Mother Teresa dealing with humanitarian and social issues, hard peace, as the name suggests, is expected meet strong opposition from those who benefit from the political institutions that perpetuate structural violence to the peoples.

Oh My, What Happened To The Philippines?

2010-12-10T03:33:00.000-08:00

Today is Human Rights Day.

It could have been splendid for human rights advocacy if governments' representatives had intended to attend the awarding of Nobel Peace Prize to a Chinese human rights activist who is jailed because of his advocacy. Then, it would have been clear that globally human rights, as a collective set, is at the heart of governance.

It could have been.. But China was reported to have waged an intense campaign and pressure to boycott the awarding. Earlier, eighteen (18) countries have succumbed to that pressure. Now, at least only sixteen (16) countries because Serbia and Ukraine made a turnaround and announced that it would send a representative to the ceremony in Oslo. Among the sixteen countries, the Philippines is one of them.

How could one view the non-attendance of the Philippines in the awarding ceremony of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to a jailed Chinese dissident?

One way to view it is to look at the explanation of the invited party. The Philippine government justified its conspicuous absence by saying that the non-attendance is not a boycott but a conflict of schedule of the Ambassador to Norway. Anyone buying this justification? Come on, even a 5-year old kid could provide a better reason than that.

Another way to look at it is the rise of China in the global arena. With so much cash reserves, China has leverage to influence decision-making of any governments in need of necessary investments. The Philippines is a host to huge Chinese investments, making China its third largest trading partner. And it can only get bigger and bigger.

And another way to view it is to take account of the recent hostage-taking incident in Manila which killed eight Chinese tourists. The non-attendance of the Philippines could be its way of atonement and seeking reconciliation to the aggrieved and angry Chinese peoples and government.

Alongside with the Philippines, a number of countries would not be around during the awarding. I am not going to dwell on the list of countries that are alleged to have succumbed to the Chinese pressure and supported the Chinese protest against the Nobel. Although many point to the similarities of those that will boycott the awarding, I would not magnify the obvious defining characteristics of these countries - the way they treat and uphold human rights in their own jurisdictions.

Each country has its own reason for its non-attendance. I would leave the evaluation of their reasons to the reasoning public and readers.

Measuring Volunteering in a Jesuit university in the Philippines

2010-11-06T08:38:00.000-07:00

“To be men and women for others,” this Ignatian motto is ingrained in students, staff and faculty members of any Jesuit universities in the world. Volunteering is one way of being men and women for others. After three decades since Pedro Arrupe, SJ, coined this Ignatian motto, how is one Jesuit university in the Philippines living up to the motto through volunteering?

This survey-research seeks to know the extent of participation and distribution of a Jesuit university students, administrators, faculty and staff members who actively and freely took part in the community outreach and public service activities and programs initiated and implemented by the university and other organizers. Moreover, it also identifies the motivational factors that affect their spirit of volunteerism.

The Ateneo de Naga University (ADNU) as a modern university serves in four functions; instruction, research, extension and public service, and preservation and transmission of culture. The four are expected to flow from and contribute to each other (Javier 1995). Thus far in Ateneo de Naga University, various councils and committees were instituted to put premium on the first two traditional functions, instruction and research. Consequently as in other universities, among the four, the third function -extension and public service as well as the fourth one, are sparingly given the same regard as instruction and research.

Read the whole research here.

Share or Restrain Power?: Rethinking of the University Students’ Participation in Decision-making

2010-10-21T15:42:00.000-07:00

When the Costa Rica-based University for Peace (UPeace) launched the Dual Campus Master Programme on International Peace Studies in the Philippines in 2007, there were 30 students from 11 Asian countries who made it to the Programme. Being the first batch of students under the new Dual Campus Programme, the students experienced the complexity of decision-making under the set-up of dual campus. While the center of decision-making remains at Costa Rica, there are two personnel of UPeace who have delegated authority to attend and respond to some issues raised by the students. One particular issue that was strongly raised by many students was about the decision of UPeace to arrange the accommodation of all students using their stipend without the students’ participation in the decision-making process. The students felt that any decision-making that concerns them should include their participation in the process.

Like any other organizations in a free and democratic society, a university adopts a certain decision-making mechanism that governs and affects its faculty, staff, students, and other members. The students, being a significant part of a university, should play an active part in the decision-making process that affects them. There is a “generally accepted political proposition that in free societies all those affected by a social policy have an inalienable right to a voice in its formulation” (McGrath 1970, 51). However, a university operates within and is embedded in a power structure that defines mostly its decisions. Morison (1970, 25) describes the “reality of power structure in the university that implies the acceptance of an administrative diagram which shows power-flowing down from the trustees, through the president to the faculty, with nothing left for distribution to the lowly students.” He continues that “the university is perceived to be virtually beyond the reach of the influence of students. It is this perception which lies behind much of the clamor about student powerlessness and the demand to be allowed to make decisions affecting the student’s own life” (Ibid, 51).

Acceptability of an effective decision hinges on the kind of participation given by the people concerned and involved (Prescott, 1980). In a university, some students are passive recipients of decisions but many students refuse to be just on the receiving end. The more the decision excludes participation of students, the more they will likely reject the decision and clamor for inclusion in the decision-making. For the students, a decision can be more effective if they take part in the decision-making process. This proposition will expectedly face objections from university administrators and educators.

McGrath (1970) enumerates five objections to student participation in the decision-making. First, due to their large numbers, students will dominate decision-making bodies in universities. Second, due to limited life experiences, students’ immaturity will reflect in their decision-making. Third, due to limited number of years in a university, students will miss to look at the larger and longer picture. Fourth, students have yet to gain specialized abilities and professional values. And finally, being part of decision-making will interfere with the students’ studies and gainful employment. It would be pointed out that these objections do not hold ground for the following reasons. Let us take them one by one. The apprehension that the students will dominate in the decision-making bodies is very unlikely to happen since members of these bodies are representatives of various groups that are proportionately represented. Both the immaturity of students and lack of professional values will be better dealt with by the challenges and lessons to be handled and learned at the interactive discussions of these decision-making bodies in which the students participate. The students are not supposed and expected to ponder the larger and longer picture of the issues because this is the work of administrators who shall balance the present and future needs and goals. The students are expected to give opinions and concrete examples on the issues based on their experiences and perspectives. The concern that students’ participation in the decision-making will interfere in their studies and gainful employment undermines the motivation of students towards their studies and employment. These objections to the students’ participation rest on a shallow ground to merit attention on their arguments.

On the other hand, there are six justifications for students’ participation (Ibid, 1970). First, with the sophistication of students and their serious and informed interests, it will be good and instructive to listen to students’ interesting voices and ideas. Second, in preparation for the students to be good citizens, they should be educated and exposed to democratic exercises like school elections and participating in decision-making activities. Third, through their experiences, students can improve higher education in general. Fourth, by treating them as maturing adults, students can help abolish the doctrine of In Loco Parentis (in place or position of a parent) in universities. Fifth, of course in the teaching-learning environment, students can have a hand in the improvement of instruction. Sixth and finally, students are recognized voice and presence in the universities, and that they should not be ignored or excluded. These justifications underscore the significance of students’ participation in the decision-making.

There are four core values in the participatory decision-making that a university can adopt (Kaner 1996, 24). First is the encouragement of full participation of all members. Second is the mutual understanding of the legitimacy of each other. Third is the inclusive solution from which various perspectives and needs are considered. The last core value is the shared responsibility of the task. This is to highlight that the task of decision-making is not on the officers, managers, and administrators alone but is shared by everybody who has a stake on the decision to be made.

Kaner (1996, 29) also presents the benefits of participatory values in decision-making. These benefits are personal learning of those who participate in the decision-making, development of effective groups, and sustainable agreements. Of particular interest here are the sustainable agreements that are netted by participatory decision-making. If students are included in the decision-making processes in universities, there will be less restlessness and clamor among students to be transparent and accountable in the decision-making process since they are part and privy of the process.

Should universities then share their power on decision-making with their students? Or should they restrain power in themselves? The quality and effectiveness of a decision lie in the openness of the universities for participatory decision-making since they traditionally hold the key for this kind of decision-making. Obviously, the benefits of participatory decision-making are there to reap. The students are there to be tapped for their sea of potentials. The universities are there to facilitate these potentials into fruition. Thus, whatever the tasks and functions of universities, they are always seen as shared responsibility, with the community, parents, local officials, government, and especially students who care for their education, have a stake as anyone else, and want to seize the opportunity to take command of their actions and future as responsible members of society.

References:

Kaner, Sam. “Facilitator’s Guide to Participatory Decision-making.” British Columbia: New Society Publishers, 1996.

McGrath, Earl. “Should Students Share the Power?: A Study of their Role in College and University Governance.” Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1970.

Morison, Robert. “Students and Decision making.” Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1970.

Prescott, Bryan. “Effective Decision-making: A Self-development Programme.” Hampshire: Gower Publishing Company Limited, 1980.