Cumulative PTSD in Police Officers: The Hidden Toll

PTSD isn’t just a military issue; police officers face it too. Unlike soldiers, whose PTSD often comes from a single traumatic event, officers develop cumulative PTSD over years of repeated stress. This quiet buildup can affect their mental health, family life, and even public safety if left unaddressed.

What is Cumulative PTSD?

Cumulative PTSD develops gradually from multiple stressful experiences. While major incidents like officer-involved shootings often trigger support, day-to-day stressors usually go unrecognized, leaving officers vulnerable to untreated trauma.

Common Causes of PTSD in Policing

High-stress and dangerous situations contribute, but even routine work can accumulate stress:

• Fatal accidents and violent incidents

• Hostage or dangerous drug raids

• Long, unpredictable hours

• Difficult interactions with the public

• Department politics or internal conflict

• Public criticism and scrutiny

Even “smaller” stressors, repeated over time, can have profound effects.

Signs to Watch For

Early recognition is crucial. Signs appear across physical, behavioral, and emotional domains:

Physical: fatigue, nausea, chest pain, insomnia, nightmares, rapid heartbeat, headaches, teeth grinding, gastrointestinal issues.
Behavioral: withdrawal from family/friends, restlessness, emotional outbursts, paranoia, antisocial behaviors, increased substance use.
Emotional: anxiety, depression, irritability, anger, guilt, fear, denial, agitation.

Why Training Isn’t Enough

Recruits often receive situational and tactical training but are underprepared for the emotional toll of real-world policing. Many lack the coping tools needed to manage cumulative stress over time.

Support and Resources

Awareness of officer trauma is growing. Programs like the Station House Retreat offer:

• Inpatient and outpatient trauma therapy

• Peer-support networks

• Addiction treatment

• Family support services

These resources are essential to help officers manage the unique pressures of their profession.

Moving Forward

Cumulative PTSD is a hidden but serious challenge in law enforcement. Addressing it requires:

• Early recognition and intervention

• Accessible mental health resources

• Departmental support for long-term officer wellbeing

By acknowledging and treating cumulative PTSD, law enforcement can protect both officers and the communities they serve, building a healthier, more resilient workforce.

About the Author
Dr. Michelle L. Beshears holds degrees in social psychology, criminal justice, human resource development, and criminology, and earned her Ph.D. in Business Administration with a focus on Criminal Justice. She served 11 years in the U.S. Army, rising to the rank of Staff Sergeant before being commissioned as an officer. Dr. Beshears has led criminal investigations and collaborated with local, state, and federal agencies. She is an assistant professor of criminal justice at American Military University and a full-time faculty member in the School of Security and Global Studies.

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By Dr. Michelle Beshears

The landmark ruling in Miranda v. Arizona (1966) forever changed the way police conduct custodial interrogations. Although often thought of as a Fifth Amendment case, Miranda bridges both the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination and the Sixth Amendment right to counsel (Miranda v. Arizona, 1966). The decision ensures that suspects in custody are aware of their rights and protects them from coercive interrogation.

Historical Foundations

Before Miranda, the Court in Malloy v. Hogan (1964) applied the Fifth Amendment’s privilege against self-incrimination to state prosecutions. Around the same time in Escobedo v. Illinois (1964), the Court affirmed that a suspect has the right to consult an attorney during questioning. Together, these precedents set the stage for Miranda by recognizing that silence and the right to counsel are essential safeguards for a suspect’s constitutional rights.

Miranda’s Bright Line and Purpose

Miranda is considered a “bright line” rule that prohibits coercive police conduct while still allowing officers to ask questions (Miranda v. Arizona, 1966). It was not designed to reform policing broadly but instead to prevent compelled confessions by recognizing the psychological disadvantage suspects face during custodial questioning.

Prior to Miranda, courts admitted confessions under a voluntariness test that examined the totality of the circumstances. After Miranda, officers must also demonstrate that suspects were warned of their rights and knowingly waived them before their statements may be admitted (Miranda v. Arizona, 1966).

Required Warnings and Intelligent Waiver

Miranda requires that suspects in custody be told:

1. They have the right to remain silent.

2. Anything they say may be used against them in a court of law.

3. They have the right to an attorney during questioning.

4. If they cannot afford an attorney, one will be appointed (Miranda v. Arizona, 1966).

Officers must then obtain an informed waiver by confirming that the suspect understands these rights and voluntarily chooses to speak.

The Custody and Interrogation Requirement

Miranda protections are triggered only when custody and interrogation coincide.

• Custody means that a reasonable person would believe they are not free to leave the premises. This includes formal arrest but may also apply in other situations, such as being locked in the back of a patrol car. Routine traffic stops or brief field interviews typically do not qualify as custodial interrogations (Miranda v. Arizona, 1966).

• Interrogation includes both direct questions and their functional equivalents—words or actions by officers that are reasonably likely to elicit an incriminating response (Rhode Island v. Innis, 1980). Even casual comments designed to provoke a reaction can be considered interrogation.

Doctrinal Exceptions and Appellate Doctrines

Over time, the Court has recognized several exceptions and doctrines that limit Miranda’s scope:

• Public Safety Exception: Officers may ask about immediate threats, such as the location of a weapon, without warnings (New York v. Quarles, 1984).

• Booking Questions: Routine questions during booking, such as name or address, do not trigger Miranda (Pennsylvania v. Muniz, 1990).

• Undercover Interrogation: When suspects speak with undercover officers or informants, Miranda does not apply (Illinois v. Perkins, 1990).

• Delayed Warnings: If a suspect makes an unwarned statement but later receives warnings and repeats the confession, the second statement may be admissible (Oregon v. Elstad, 1985).

• Harmless Error and Automatic Reversal: If an improperly admitted confession did not affect the outcome, the conviction may stand (Chapman v. California, 1967). However, when fundamental rights are violated, courts may automatically reverse the sentence.

• Civil Liability under § 1983: In Vega v. Tekoh (2022), the Court ruled that a failure to provide Miranda warnings does not, by itself, create grounds for a civil rights lawsuit.

Erosion, Adaptation, and Critique

Although Miranda initially demanded precise wording of warnings, later rulings allowed more flexible language as long as the essential rights are conveyed (Duckworth v. Eagan, 1989). Deliberate omissions, however, remain unacceptable.

Scholars continue to debate the effectiveness of Miranda. Some argue exceptions have eroded the decision, while others stress its importance in balancing state power and individual rights. Law review commentary has emphasized that the doctrine remains contested, particularly in light of Vega v. Tekoh and its impact on vulnerable populations such as youth (Langston & Donald, 2017; Eger, 2024).

Conclusion

Miranda rights remain a cornerstone of American criminal procedure, designed to guard against coerced confessions and protect the constitutional rights of suspects. Although narrowed by later rulings, the doctrine continues to symbolize fairness and accountability in the justice system. As courts and law enforcement adapt to new challenges, the balance between interrogation and individual liberty will continue to be a defining issue in U.S. criminal law.

References

• Chapman v. California, 386 U.S. 18 (1967).

• Duckworth v. Eagan, 492 U.S. 195 (1989).

• Escobedo v. Illinois, 378 U.S. 478 (1964).

• Eger, J. (2024). The right to remain protected: Upholding youths’ Fifth Amendment rights after Vega v. Tekoh. Virginia Law Review, 110(2), 301–345. https://virginialawreview.org/articles/the-right-to-remain-protected-upholding-youths-fifth-amendment-rights-after-vega-v-tekoh/

• Illinois v. Perkins, 496 U.S. 292 (1990).

• Langston, N., & Donald, B. (2017). Fifty years later and Miranda still leaves us with questions. Texas Tech Law Review, 50(1), 1–29. https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/faculty-publications/1430/

• Malloy v. Hogan, 378 U.S. 1 (1964).

• Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966). https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/384/436/

• New York v. Quarles, 467 U.S. 649 (1984).

• Oregon v. Elstad, 470 U.S. 298 (1985).

• Pennsylvania v. Muniz, 496 U.S. 582 (1990).

• Rhode Island v. Innis, 454 U.S. 182 (1980).

About the Author
Dr. Michelle L. Beshears holds undergraduate degrees in social psychology and criminal justice, and graduate degrees in human resource development and criminology from Indiana State University. She served 11 years in the U.S. Army, achieving the rank of Staff Sergeant before commissioning as an officer. Dr. Beshears has led multiple criminal investigations and collaborated with federal and local agencies, including the FBI. She is pursuing a Doctorate in Criminal Justice and serves as an associate professor at American Military University & American Public University. She lives in Clarkridge, Arkansas, with her husband and two children.

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By Dr. Michelle Beshears

When we think of policing, we often focus too narrowly on daily tasks such as patrols, arrests, and traffic stops. Policing is deeply tied to how society defines authority, order, and public trust. To fully understand the police role, we must examine not only what officers do, but also how public legitimacy, reform pressure, and community expectations shape their mission.

Traditional Foundations: Roles and Functions

Scholars have long identified broad responsibilities for police. These include preventing threats to life and property, protecting individuals from harm, facilitating the safe movement of vehicles and pedestrians, assisting vulnerable groups, resolving conflicts, identifying emerging problems before escalation, and maintaining community security. These functions demonstrate that policing is not limited to crime suppression, but also encompasses service, prevention, and problem-solving (Tyler, 2025).

In sociological terms:

• A role is what society expects from police, such as using force or gathering information.

• A function describes what police do to maintain social stability, whether intended or unintended.

• A mandate merges legal duties with a vision for future policing.

• Style, image, ideology, and socialization influence how officers behave under stress, how they present themselves, how narratives are constructed, and how they absorb police culture over time (Cassino & Demir, 2024).

Contemporary Pressures: Legitimacy, Reform, and Trust

High-profile incidents have intensified debates about how policing is conducted and whether communities perceive it as fair and just.

Legitimacy and Procedural Justice

Legitimacy is central to effective policing. Research shows that compliance with police directives is tied to perceptions of fairness, neutrality, and respect during interactions (Tyler, 2025). Similarly, studies indicate that officers’ sense of self-legitimacy, their belief in their own authority and fairness, is associated with more substantial support for community-oriented practices (Meško, 2025). This suggests legitimacy operates on both sides of the badge, shaping how officers and communities engage with each other.

Reform and Misconduct Reduction

Efforts to reform policing are widespread, but their effectiveness is a topic of debate. For example, one study of reform legislation found that misconduct, including use-of-force incidents, decreased after implementation; however, challenges in culture and accountability persisted (Cassino & Demir, 2024). This reinforces the idea that reform must extend beyond policy change to address organizational culture and accountability systems.

Technology, Bias, and Policing

Modern policing also faces challenges brought by technology. Body-worn cameras, predictive algorithms, and machine learning tools now influence how encounters are recorded and analyzed. A recent study showed how different stakeholders frame algorithmic bias in predictive policing differently, reflecting competing ideas of fairness and risk (Ziosi & Pruss, 2024). While these tools can promote transparency, they also introduce ethical dilemmas about surveillance and equity.

Conclusion

Policing in America is not a static institution, but a complex one shaped by history, roles, community expectations, and ongoing reform. Its traditional functions, including order maintenance, safety, service, and enforcement, provide the foundation. Yet legitimacy, reform, and technology are reshaping what policing must become in the 21st century.

The future of policing depends not only on what officers do but also on whether communities believe they act reasonably and with accountability. The balance between authority and service, enforcement and legitimacy, will continue to define the path of American policing.

References

Cassino, P. P., & Demir, M. (2024). The effect of police reform on overall police misconduct and misconduct that involves the use of force. Journal of Criminal Justice, 91, 102263. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2024.102263

Meško, G. (2025). Police officers’ self-legitimacy and support for community policing. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15614263.2025.2507119

Tyler, T. R. (2025). Legitimacy-based policing. Policing and Society. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1745-9133.12695

Ziosi, M., & Pruss, D. (2024). Evidence of what, for whom? The socially contested role of algorithmic bias in a predictive policing tool. arXiv. https://arxiv.org/abs/2405.07715

About the Author
Dr. Michelle L. Beshears holds undergraduate degrees in social psychology and criminal justice, as well as graduate degrees in human resource development and criminology, from Indiana State University. She served 11 years in the U.S. Army, achieving the rank of Staff Sergeant before commissioning as an officer. Dr. Beshears has led multiple criminal investigations and collaborated with federal and local agencies, including the FBI. She is pursuing a Doctorate in Criminal Justice and serves as an associate professor at American Military University & American Public University. She lives in Clarkridge, Arkansas, with her husband and two children.

The post The Role of Police in American Society: Foundations, Functions, and Contemporary Reforms appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.

Social Capital in the 21st Century: Implications for Community and Policing

In their landmark 1982 article, “Broken Windows: The Police and Neighborhood Safety,” James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling proposed that visible signs of disorder, such as broken windows or graffiti, signal neglect and invite further disorder and more serious crime. This concept, known as the broken windows theory, was further explored by Wesley Skogan, who examined over 40 cities and described disorder as the first step in “the downward spiral of urban decay” (Harcourt, 2001).

Building on this idea, community policing strategies incorporated principles from the broken windows hypothesis. Police departments began emphasizing the enforcement of misdemeanor laws and adopted zero-tolerance approaches to minor offenses. At the same time, residents engaged in civic activities and community collaboration, sometimes referred to as social capitalism, helped reinforce public safety efforts. While no peer-reviewed studies definitively link these social initiatives to the nationwide decline in violent crime since 1990, correlations suggest that cooperative community engagement may have contributed to the decrease alongside policing efforts (Gramlich, 2019).

However, critics such as Harcourt (2001) caution that the broken windows theory alone does not explain reductions in crime. He argues that aggressive surveillance, stop-and-frisk policies, and misdemeanor arrests likely played a more central role. Yet, the involvement of community members remains an essential complement to law enforcement strategies.

Recent decades have seen a decline in civic engagement and social capital, a phenomenon famously described by Robert Putnam as Bowling Alone (as cited in Smith, 2007). Changes in family structures, suburban sprawl, and the rise of electronic entertainment have led to a decline in face-to-face interactions and a loss of neighborhood cohesion. Generational shifts have exacerbated this trend, with younger populations, namely, baby boomers and Generation X, participating less in traditional forms of community life (Smith, 2007).

Looking ahead, there are concerns that future generations may experience even weaker social bonds. Whereas past communities gathered for holidays, children played outside, and neighbors knew one another, technology has created barriers to direct interaction. Phone calls, video chats, and indoor entertainment have largely replaced in-person connections. Observing contemporary social patterns, it is clear that many people remain unaware of their surroundings, instead being absorbed by digital devices. Scholars suggest that declining interpersonal skills may undermine community policing efforts, which rely on active participation from residents. Without a socially engaged public, the strategies that once contributed to safer neighborhoods may lose their effectiveness.

In summary, while policing strategies remain critical, fostering social connections and civic engagement is equally important. Strengthening community ties may not only complement law enforcement but also sustain safer, more resilient neighborhoods in the future.

References

Gramlich, J. (2019, January). 5 facts about crime in the U.S. Fact Tank. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/01/03/5-facts-about-crime-in-the-u-s/

Harcourt, B. E. (2001). Illusion of order: The false promise of broken windows policing. Harvard University Press.

Smith, M. K. (2007). Robert Putnam, social capital and civic community. The Encyclopedia of Informal Education. Republished website, Infed. http://infed.org/mobi/robert-putnam-social-capital-and-civic-community/

About the Author: 

Dr. Beshears holds an associate degree in general studies, dual bachelor’s degrees in criminal justice and psychology from Drury University, a master’s in criminology from Indiana State University, a master’s in health services management from Webster University, and 18 additional graduate hours in public administration. He earned his Ph.D. in Business with a specialization in Criminal Justice from Northcentral University. A retired U.S. Army Master Sergeant with 22 years of honorable service, he was named Non-Commissioned Officer of the Year at two commands and is a graduate of the Army Leadership Academy. As a civilian, he has worked with local sheriff’s departments, a state drug task force, and the FBI. Dr. Beshears brings over 30 years of teaching experience, both online and in traditional classrooms, having instructed more than 50,000 students in criminal justice, corrections, and management. He has also mentored colleagues in online instruction and strategies for student success.

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The Global Organ Crisis: Human Trafficking and the Illicit Organ Trade

The Global Organ Shortage: A 2024–2025 Snapshot

The global organ shortage remains a critical issue, with demand far outstripping supply. As of May 2025, the United States has over 103,000 individuals on the national transplant waiting list (OrganDonor.gov, 2025). Despite a record-breaking 48,149 transplants performed in 2024 (United Network for Organ Sharing [UNOS], 2025), the gap between supply and demand continues to grow.

Internationally, the situation is equally dire. In the United Kingdom, nearly 12,000 individuals are awaiting organ transplants (The Guardian, 2025). In India, over 500,000 patients require organs annually, yet fewer than 1,100 deceased donors contributed in 2024 (Times of India, 2024). These disparities are exacerbated in regions with limited transplant infrastructure.

The Illicit Organ Trade: Scale and Scope

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 5–10% of all transplants worldwide involve organs from the black market (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2024). This illicit trade is valued between $840 million and $1.7 billion annually (Library of Parliament [LOP], 2024). Organ trafficking networks often exploit vulnerable populations, including impoverished individuals and marginalized communities, who are coerced or deceived into selling their organs.

A notable case is that of Martha Alicia Mendez Aguilar, known as “La Diabla,” a member of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, arrested in September 2025 for allegedly operating a trafficking ring involving the illegal harvesting of organs and the sale of babies (New York Post, 2025).

Legislative Responses and Enforcement Challenges

In response to the growing crisis, the World Health Assembly adopted a resolution in May 2024 to increase the availability, ethical access, and oversight of transplantation of human cells, tissues, and organs (World Health Organization [WHO], 2024). However, enforcement remains a significant challenge due to the clandestine nature of organ trafficking networks and the need for international cooperation.

Protecting Vulnerable Populations

Vulnerable populations, including children and marginalized communities, are at heightened risk of exploitation for organ trafficking. Reports indicate that criminal organizations have targeted these groups for illegal organ harvesting, often under the guise of medical treatment. Protective measures, including legal safeguards and awareness campaigns, are crucial in combating this exploitation.

Addressing the Crisis: A Multifaceted Approach

To mitigate the global organ shortage and combat the illicit trade, a comprehensive strategy is required:

• Increase Public Organ Donation: Implementing policies to encourage organ donation, such as presumed consent systems, and launching public awareness campaigns can help close the supply-demand gap.

• Strengthen International Legal Frameworks: Explicitly criminalizing organ trafficking and enhancing cross-border enforcement are critical to dismantling illicit networks.

• Protect Vulnerable Populations: Implementing poverty alleviation programs, strengthening social safety nets, and increasing access to healthcare can reduce the vulnerability of at-risk populations.

• Enhance Global Monitoring: Establishing international databases and increasing transparency in transplant systems can help detect and prevent illegal activities.

Without comprehensive interventions, the illicit organ market will continue to thrive, exploiting the poor while patients in need face life-or-death decisions.

References

Library of Parliament. (2024). Human trafficking for organ removal in Canada and globally. https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/202083E

New York Post. (2025, September 25). Female cartel member ‘La Diabla’ busted for running horrific baby-trafficking, organ-harvesting rings. https://nypost.com/2025/09/25/world-news/la-diabla-martha-aguilar-arrested-for-alleged-baby-trafficking-organ-harvesting-rings/

OrganDonor.gov. (2025). Learn about organ donation statistics. U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. https://www.organdonor.gov/learn/organ-donation-statistics

The Guardian. (2025, July 9). Number of patients in UK waiting for lifesaving organ transplant at record high. https://www.theguardian.com/society/2025/jul/09/number-of-patients-in-uk-waiting-for-lifesaving-organ-transplant-at-record-high

Times of India. (2024, December 12). Online organ donation portal to bridge demand-supply gap. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/online-organ-donation-portal-to-bridge-demand-supply-gap/articleshow/124129657.cms

United Network for Organ Sharing. (2025). U.S. surpassed 48,000 organ transplants in 2024. https://unos.org/media-resources/releases/u-s-surpassed-48000-organ-transplants-in-2024/

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. (2024). Explainer: Understanding human trafficking for organ removal. https://www.unodc.org/unodc/frontpage/2024/June/explainer_-understanding-human-trafficking-for-organ-removal.html

World Health Organization. (2024, May 30). Seventy-seventh World Health Assembly – Daily update. https://www.who.int/news/item/30-05-2024-seventy-seventh-world-health-assembly—daily-update–30-may-2024

About the Author
Dr. Michelle L. Beshears holds undergraduate degrees in social psychology and criminal justice, as well as graduate degrees in human resource development and criminology, from Indiana State University. She served 11 years in the U.S. Army, achieving the rank of Staff Sergeant before commissioning as an officer. Dr. Beshears has led multiple criminal investigations and collaborated with federal and local agencies, including the FBI. She is pursuing a Doctorate in Criminal Justice and serves as an associate professor at American Military University & American Public University. She lives in Clarkridge, Arkansas, with her husband and two children.

The post The Global Organ Crisis: Human Trafficking and the Illicit Organ Trade appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.

Cumulative PTSD in Police Officers: The Hidden Toll

PTSD isn’t just a military issue—police officers face it too. Unlike soldiers, whose PTSD often comes from a single traumatic event, officers develop cumulative PTSD over years of repeated stress. This quiet buildup can affect their mental health, family life, and even public safety if left unaddressed.

What is Cumulative PTSD?

Cumulative PTSD develops gradually from multiple stressful experiences. While major incidents like officer-involved shootings often trigger support, day-to-day stressors usually go unrecognized, leaving officers vulnerable to untreated trauma.

Common Causes of PTSD in Policing

High-stress and dangerous situations contribute, but even routine work can accumulate stress:

• Fatal accidents and violent incidents

• Hostage or dangerous drug raids

• Long, unpredictable hours

• Difficult interactions with the public

• Department politics or internal conflict

• Public criticism and scrutiny

Even “smaller” stressors, repeated over time, can have serious effects.

Signs to Watch For

Early recognition is crucial. Signs appear across physical, behavioral, and emotional domains:

Physical: fatigue, nausea, chest pain, insomnia, nightmares, rapid heartbeat, headaches, teeth grinding, gastrointestinal issues.
Behavioral: withdrawal from family/friends, restlessness, emotional outbursts, paranoia, antisocial behaviors, increased substance use.
Emotional: anxiety, depression, irritability, anger, guilt, fear, denial, agitation.

Why Training Isn’t Enough

Recruits often receive situational and tactical training but are underprepared for the emotional toll of real-world policing. Many lack the coping tools needed to manage cumulative stress over time.

Support and Resources

Awareness of officer trauma is growing. Programs like the Station House Retreat offer:

• Inpatient and outpatient trauma therapy

• Peer-support networks

• Addiction treatment

• Family support services

These resources are essential to help officers manage the unique pressures of their profession.

Moving Forward

Cumulative PTSD is a hidden but serious challenge in law enforcement. Addressing it requires:

• Early recognition and intervention

• Accessible mental health resources

• Departmental support for long-term officer wellbeing

By acknowledging and treating cumulative PTSD, law enforcement can protect both officers and the communities they serve, building a healthier, more resilient workforce.

About the Author
Dr. Michelle L. Beshears holds degrees in social psychology, criminal justice, human resource development, and criminology, and earned her Ph.D. in Business Administration with a focus on Criminal Justice. She served 11 years in the U.S. Army, rising to the rank of Staff Sergeant before being commissioned as an officer. Dr. Beshears has led criminal investigations and collaborated with local, state, and federal agencies. She is an associate professor of criminal justice at American Military University and a full-time faculty member in the School of Security and Global Studies.

The post Cumulative PTSD in Police Officers: The Hidden Toll appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.

Policing, Counterterrorism, and the Balance of Civil Liberties

By Dr. Michael L. Beshears

Introduction

Law enforcement in the United States faces a complex challenge: preventing terrorism while upholding the constitutional rights of citizens. Since the September 11 attacks, this dual responsibility has grown more critical, as terrorism continues to pose both domestic and international threats. High-profile attacks globally underscore the need for strategies that balance public safety with respect for civil liberties (Alblooshi & Kassim, 2022; Alexander & Al-Harbi, 2022; Montasari, 2023).

Counterterrorism Policing Models

Scholars and practitioners identify two primary approaches to counterterrorism policing: centralized, security-focused models, and intelligence-driven, community-oriented models. Centralized models emphasize a unified, highly coordinated police or security force capable of rapid response and proactive intervention. Intelligence-driven approaches prioritize data collection, analysis, and collaboration with local communities and other agencies to detect and prevent terrorist activities before they occur (Alblooshi & Kassim, 2022; Montasari, 2023).

Lessons from Centralized Policing

Countries such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE) utilize centralized policing structures to manage terrorism risks. Police and security forces actively gather intelligence, monitor potential threats, and maintain high visibility in public spaces (Alexander & Al-Harbi, 2022). Citizens are encouraged to remain vigilant, report any suspicious behavior, and adhere to security protocols. Such proactive engagement has proven effective in reducing the success of terrorist operations.

However, centralized and highly militarized approaches carry challenges. Concentrated authority and visible security measures can create tension between law enforcement and the public if citizens perceive that their freedoms are being restricted. While centralization facilitates rapid counterterrorism action, it requires careful management to maintain public trust and prevent perceptions of overreach (Alblooshi & Kassim, 2022).

Intelligence-Led Policing in the United States

In the United States, intelligence-led policing (ILP) aligns with existing community-oriented practices. ILP relies on the collection and analysis of data, interagency collaboration, and information sharing with the public to identify and mitigate potential threats (Montasari, 2023). By analyzing patterns and pre-incident indicators, ILP enables law enforcement to deploy resources where threats are most likely to emerge, allowing for proactive deployment.

Community trust is a cornerstone of ILP. Citizens are more likely to report suspicious activity if they feel confident that police will act responsibly and respect civil liberties. Without public cooperation, actionable intelligence may remain undiscovered, limiting law enforcement’s ability to prevent attacks (Alblooshi & Kassim, 2022). Transparency, accountability, and ethical use of data are therefore essential components of an effective intelligence-led strategy.

Balancing Security and Civil Liberties

Counterterrorism requires that law enforcement not only act effectively but also uphold democratic principles. Excessive reliance on militarized tactics, surveillance, or centralized authority risks eroding public trust and undermining the legitimacy of policing efforts (Alexander & Al-Harbi, 2022). In contrast, intelligence-led approaches foster collaboration, enable preventive interventions, and respect constitutional protections, creating a framework suitable for the American context.

Conclusion

Since 2001, law enforcement has been tasked with integrating counterterrorism into its daily operations. Lessons from centralized models abroad, such as in the UAE, demonstrate the benefits of vigilance and proactive intervention, while also highlighting the importance of maintaining public trust. Intelligence-led policing, with its emphasis on data, interagency collaboration, and community engagement, offers a balanced approach that enables U.S. law enforcement to address terrorism threats effectively while preserving civil liberties.

Figure 1
Comparison of Centralized (UAE) and Intelligence-Led (U.S.) Counterterrorism Policing Models

Note. Adapted from Alblooshi & Kassim (2022), Alexander & Al-Harbi (2022), and Montasari (2023). This table highlights key differences between centralized/militarized counterterrorism policing and intelligence-led policing approaches, illustrating their respective strengths and limitations.

References

Alblooshi, F., & Kassim, N. (2022). An analysis of counter-terrorism strategies in the United States and the United Arab Emirates. International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, 70, 100531. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2022.100531

Alexander, K., & Al-Harbi, E. (2022). Terrorism and counterterrorism in the UAE. In Facets of security in the United Arab Emirates (pp. 63–75). Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003025566-9/terrorism-counterterrorism-uae-kristian-alexander-ebrahim-al-harbi

Montasari, R. (2023). Countering cyberterrorism: The confluence of artificial intelligence, cyber forensics, and digital policing in US and UK national cybersecurity (Vol. 101). Springer Nature. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/366777395_Countering_Cyberterrorism_The_Confluence_of_Artificial_Intelligence_Cyber_Forensics_and_Digital_Policing_in_US_and_UK_National_Cybersecurity

About the Author: 

Dr. Beshears holds an associate degree in general studies, dual bachelor’s degrees in criminal justice and psychology from Drury University, a master’s in criminology from Indiana State University, a master’s in health services management from Webster University, and 18 additional graduate hours in public administration. He earned his Ph.D. in Business with a specialization in Criminal Justice from Northcentral University. A retired U.S. Army Master Sergeant with 22 years of honorable service, he was named Non-Commissioned Officer of the Year at two commands and is a graduate of the Army Leadership Academy. As a civilian, he has worked with local sheriff’s departments, a state drug task force, and the FBI. Dr. Beshears brings over 30 years of teaching experience, both online and in traditional classrooms, having instructed more than 50,000 students in criminal justice, corrections, and management. He has also mentored colleagues in online instruction and strategies for student success.

The post Policing, Counterterrorism, and the Balance of Civil Liberties appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.

Dr. Michelle Beshears

Even with all we know about its effects and ways to treat it, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is common among police officers and continues to take its toll on their lives and those of their families.

Most of what people think of as PTSD relates to trauma suffered by soldiers and those in the military. However, police officers’ PTSD is different. Soldiers often get PTSD from a single or brief exposure to stress. However, for police officers PTSD tends to manifest over time, resulting from multiple stress-related experiences. This is better known as cumulative PTSD.

Understanding Cumulative PTSD?

Cumulative PTSD can be even more dangerous than PTSD caused by a single traumatic event, largely because cumulative PTSD is more likely to go unnoticed and untreated. When a catastrophic event occurs, such as an officer-involved shooting, most departments have policies and professionals to help an officer address and deal with the aftermath of an event.

However, the build-up of events that arise throughout an officer’s career generally do not warrant such specialized attention. As a result, an officer with cumulative PTSD is less likely to receive treatment. Unlike a physical injury, a mental traumatic injury can happen almost daily. When the demon of PTSD surfaces it often goes ignored. If untreated, officers can become a risk to themselves and others.

Causes of PTSD

Numerous events can cause PTSD in police officers, such as hostage situations, dangerous drug busts, responding to fatal accidents, and working in other cases that include serious injury or death. But there are many less traumatic situations that can still be extremely stressful for an officer. Other stressful situations include, but are not limited to: long hours; handling people’s attitudes; waiting for the next call and not knowing what the situation will be; and even politics within the department. Then, on top of it all, officers are frequently criticized, scrutinized, and investigated for decisions they make.

Signs of PTSD

If recognized early and treated properly, officers and their families can overcome the debilitating effects of cumulative PTSD. The key to early intervention and treatment is recognizing the signs of PTSD and seeking help sooner rather than later.

Some of the physical signs officers should look for in themselves include:

• Fatigue
• Vomiting or nausea
• Chest pain
• Twitches
• Thirst
• Insomnia or nightmares
• Breathing difficulty
• Grinding of teeth
• Profuse sweating
• Pounding heart
• Diarrhea or intestinal upsets
• Headaches

Behavioral signs family members of officers and officers should look for in themselves and in others include:

• Withdrawal from family and friends
• Pacing and restlessness
• Emotional outbursts
• Anti-social acts
• Suspicion and paranoia
• Increased alcohol consumption and other substance abuse

Emotional signs include:

• Anxiety or panic
• Guilt
• Fear
• Denial
• Irritability
• Depression
• Intense anger
• Agitation
• Apprehension

The situational training new recruits receive is simply not enough to prepare them for the reality of the experiences they will face throughout their careers. Most young officers do not understand the stressful events they are likely to experience during their years on the job. Many officers are also not adequately equipped with the emotional tools necessary to deal with the emotions they will feel when things happen.

However, awareness continues to grow about the stress and trauma that officers’ experience. Organizations like the Station House Retreat offer both inpatient and outpatient treatment trauma therapy and peer-support services for police officers as well as all first responders. They also offer addiction treatment for first responders and support for their family members.

About the Author: Dr. Michelle L. Beshears earned her baccalaureate degrees in social psychology and criminal justice and graduate degrees in human resource development and criminology from Indiana State University. She most recently completed her Ph.D. in Business Administration with a specialization in Criminal Justice. Michelle served in the U.S. Army for 11 years. She obtained the rank of Staff Sergeant prior to attending Officer Candidate School at Fort Benning, Georgia where she earned her commission. As a commissioned officer she led numerous criminal investigations and worked with several external agencies as well. As a civilian, she has worked with the local sheriff’s department, state drug task force and FBI. Michelle is currently an assistant professor of criminal justice at American Military University and is a full-time faculty in the School of Security and Global Studies.

The post The Impact of Cumulative PTSD on Police Officer Behavior appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.

• The congregate system ultimately became the model for the American penitentiary, due to financial factors; the short supply of affordable factory labor workers in nineteenth-century America. However, in Europe where factory labor was in great supply during the nineteenth-century; the separate or “solitary” system became the dominant mode for their penitentiaries.

 Similarities and Differences

 Similarities

Differences

Described life in the Big House

    The so-called, Big House is a colloquial term originating in twentieth-century America referring to maximum-security prisons; large centralized prisons constructed during the period of  1900 – 1950).  In these facilities, neither penance nor profit was sought after.  The prisoner’s living conditions were generally extremely poor. Here a prisoner could expect to receive harsh punishments for minor disciplinary infractions. Nevertheless, there were still significant disparities between the so-called, Big Houses of the northern states as compared to the southern states. The northern state Big House resembled a gutted penitentiary and the southern states Big Houses e.g., Texas, resembled a southern plantation (with its numerous black inmates) or labor-farm, utilizing chain-gang labor and horse-mounted prison guards.

    Although the so-called, Big House prison was considered by many to be more comfortable than penitentiaries, cells were cramped and barren. It’s been stated, “If the dominant theme of the penitentiary is terror, the dominant theme of the Big House was boredom”.  Whereas, each day a prisoner knew the day would be the same as the day, which preceded it with little or no expectation that any day would ever be different.

    Prison populations were racially segregated to the point that minority American prisoners were forced to make their own separate minority inmate society, as a means to their survival.  In that minority, prisoners were seemingly invisible to social scientist, as well as to white inmates and prison officials during this period of American history.  Female inmates during this period were not as plentiful still segments of male prisons were reserved for women. A female prisoner’s life would most likely be one of extreme abuse and sexual exploitation, as well as rape.  Later, as the female prisoner population grew females were moved out of the Big House to other facilities ran utilizing the custodial model. The custodial model was constructed of a regime for men. Therefore, women custodial institutions treated female inmates like men and were for a substantial period of time, ran by men.

How the Big House Differed from the Penitentiaries and Reformatories that Preceded It

    Unlike the Big House Era, the penitentiary movement excluded women and minorities. This was because women inmates were too infrequent in the prison population. This, therefore, made it difficult to adequately configure women into the mass programming used for the so-called, penitentiary experiment. Racial minorities, on the other hand, were excluded as they were considered unacceptable for the penitentiary experiment.

    The penitentiary experiment more than the Big House Era, in fact closely compared to the reformatory era, especially as compared to the Elmira Reformatory (1870), with the exception of the reformatory’s traditional vocational programming. The congregate system just as Elmira utilized a paramilitary approach; the only difference is that Elmira targeted wayward young men. This approach rendered inappropriately such as was the case with Elmira, proved that such a facility to be a harsh, brutal, punitive penal institution much like; a penitentiary and dissimilar to the Big House in this regard. 

    The Women’s Reformatories, which lasted roughly between 1860-1935, seemed to at least provide a better model towards useful reform. Its approach was centered towards instruction in the genteel woman’s role. However, unlike the Big House ideology, it did not accept men and minorities were generally excluded, due to their alleged lack of moral development, as well as the belief that black women were too masculine. 

    Unlike, the Big House the women reformatory buildings were designed more like cottages, each housing approximately 20 inmates where they would reside together with a motherly matron in a familial setting.  This is a significant distinction from the use of housing inmates in a cell, as with the Penitentiary or Big House era.

Dr. Michael Beshears

Dr. Beshears has an associate degree in general studies and a dual baccalaureate degree in criminal justice and psychology from Drury University. In addition, he has three graduate degrees, one in criminology from Indiana State University and another in health services management from Webster University. Plus, an additional 18 graduate hours in public administration. His Ph.D. is in business with a specialization in criminal justice from Northcentral University. Dr. Beshears after 22 years of honorable service retired from the United States Army in 1998, at the rank of Master Sergeant. While on active duty he was the Non-commissioned Officer of the Year at 2 different commands and an Army Leadership Academy Honor Graduate. As a civilian, he has worked with the local sheriff’s department, state drug task force and FBI. Dr. Beshears has acquired over 20 years of teaching experience in the traditional and online teaching environment. He has an extensive background and first-hand experience in online andragogy instruction, as one of the first Internet (online) course developers and instructors. Since 1994, he has instructed 10,000+ online and traditional students in criminal justice, corrections, and management. He has mentored numerous colleagues in the skills required to instruct online while promoting student success. Dr. Beshears resides with his wife Dr. Michelle Beshears, their son Hunter, and daughter Malia near Norfork and Bull Shoals Lakes, in Clarkridge, Arkansas. He also has three beautiful grown daughters Michele, Cora, and Mollye.

Dr. Michelle Beshears

Dr. Beshears has earned two baccalaureate degrees one in social psychology and another in criminal justice. She also has two graduate degrees one in human resource development and another in criminology from Indiana State University. She has also earned her Ph.D. in Business Administration with a specialization in Criminal Justice from Northcentral University. Dr. Beshears served in the U.S. Army for 11 years. She obtained the rank of Staff Sergeant prior to attending Officer Candidate School at Fort Benning, Georgia where she earned her commission. As a commissioned officer. Dr. Beshears has led numerous criminal investigations and worked with several external agencies as well. As a civilian, she has worked with the local sheriff’s department, state drug task force and FBI. Dr. Beshears resides with her husband Dr. Michael Beshears, their son Hunter, and daughter Malia near Norfork and Bull Shoals Lakes, in Clarkridge, Arkansas. She also has three beautiful grown stepdaughters, Michele, Cora, and Mollye.

Dr. Mark Bond

Dr. Bond has worked in law enforcement and has been a firearms instructor for more than 33 years. His law enforcement experience includes the military, local, state and federal levels as a police officer and criminal investigator. Mark obtained a BS and MS in criminal justice and M.Ed in educational leadership with Summa Cum Laude honors. As a lifelong learner, he earned his doctoral degree in education (EdD) with a concentration in college teaching and learning. Mark is currently an assistant professor of criminal justice at a university and adjunct professor of administration of justice studies at a community college.

The post Evolution of Corrections: From the Congregate System to the Big House Era and Beyond appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.

The need far outweighs the current supply of legally obtained organs. In fact, it is estimated that approximately 18 people die each day while waiting for an organ transplant in the United States alone. However, the issue of supply and demand for organs is not limited to the U.S. This is an international problem that stems from the fact that there are just not enough donors to supply people in dire need of a life-saving organ transplant.

The laws in the United States (as well as many countries around the globe) prohibit the sale of organs. However, these laws seem to only fuel profiteers in the black market organ trade. Many patients are willing to turn to the black market and pay big money for a life-saving organ. Why not?

In reality, the law provides very little deterrent to a patient who will likely die without the organ. And, for those impoverished people around the world who are in desperate need of money, they see the selling of their organs as the answer to their prayers. According to the Department of Health and Human Service (DHHS), more than 2,000 names are added to the national waiting list for organ donations every month, which already has a waiting list of over 100,000 patients.

However, in reality, the real profiteers in these situations are the brokers. In many cases, the organ donor is paid very little for their organ compared to what the broker makes. In addition, the facility and the professional and para-professional personnel who are involved in the harvesting of the organs make a lot of money as well.

In the United States, the National Organ Transplant Act of 1984, Pub. L. 98-507 forbids any sale of organs that affects interstate commerce with a penalty of five years imprisonment and/or a $50,000 fine. In 2000, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, Pub. L. 106-386, was first passed and was reauthorized in 2008. However, organ trafficking is not specifically included because the Act’s primary focus is the illicit trade in sex and in illegal immigration.

The truth is that even though the U.S. Code characterizes trafficking as ‘‘a transnational crime with national implications,’’ (22 U.S.C. § 7101(b)(24) (2010)), it is rare that trafficking is prosecuted in domestic courts. This is largely due to the fact that in most cases prosecutors do not desire to prosecute the recipients or the sellers. The belief is that in most cases people selling their organs are coerced and forced to do so. However, in reality, they are often compelled to do so by their destitute circumstances. Many of the sellers are so poor that they see this as their only way to earn much needed financial resources to survive.

However, the current supply shortage of organs may extend beyond an issue of the wealthy taking advantage of the poor and impoverished. There have been recent reports of human trafficking and possible organ harvesting from unwilling victims in Mexico, the United Kingdom, and China:

Bharti Patel, the chief executive of ECPAT UK, the child protection charity organization, indicated that these are not isolated incidents. Also, there is an increasing number of children being captured in groups for the purpose of organ harvesting.

This leads to the question of what can be done to help stop incidents of human trafficking for the purpose of illegal organ trade and/or the exploitation of impoverished people around the world?

The truth is unless something is done the issue of a shortage of organs around the world is not going to disappear and so the market for the illegal trading of organs will continue to thrive.

Should international law enforcement agencies take a tougher stance on current standing laws? Should laws be repealed to allow for the legalization of organ trade? Is there anything more that could be done to encourage the willingness of the public to donate freely, thus eliminating the large disparity currently seen in supply and demand?

About the Author: Dr. Michelle L. Beshears earned her baccalaureate degrees in social psychology and criminal justice and graduate degrees in human resource development and criminology from Indiana State University. Dr. Beshears served in the U.S. Army for 11 years. She obtained the rank of Staff Sergeant prior to attending Officer Candidate School at Fort Benning, Georgia where she earned her commission. As a commissioned officer Dr. Beshears has led numerous criminal investigations and worked with several external agencies as well. As a civilian, she has worked with the local sheriff’s department, state drug task force and FBI. Michelle is currently pursuing her Doctorate degree in Criminal Justice. Dr. Beshears resides with her husband Michael, their son Hunter, and daughter Malia near Norfork and Bull Shoals Lakes, in Clarkridge, Arkansas. Michelle is currently an assistant professor of criminal justice at American Military University & American Public University and is full-time faculty in the School of Public Service & Health.

The post Organ Trafficking: Bridging the Gap Between Supply and Demand appeared first on Public Safety Magazine.