Raajje News Blog

Facts and Figures about revenue and expenditure of the 2009 budget

2009-06-19T13:26:00.007+05:00

The Total Revenue figure estimated by the government for 2009 is 9.5 billion mrf. That is the total. And this total includes what the government terms as Capital Revenue of 3.8 billion mrf. Capital revenue being an euphemism, a fancy term for the sale of those supposedly non-existent assets which Maumoon did not create in his thirty year rule. The mid-term budget 2009-2011 proposes to generate 5.7 billion rufiyaa by sale of capital assets not created in the last thirty years. As Yaameen said in one his speeches, those who do not know how to run businesses make money out of selling the capital assets created by those who did.

But we divert. If we deduct the 3.8 billion mrf. to be generated from the whole-sale liquidation of the wealth not created in the last thirty years; something that looks increasingly unlikely to be approved by the current parliament, the government’s revenue figure for 2009 is 5.6 billion mrf.

Let us at this juncture, ignore the fact that expenditure is rising faster than budgeted and revenue is falling faster, and assume that the budget figures are realistic. Let us, for the sake of argument accept that 5.6 billion mrf of revenue is going to be collected.

Now let us take a look at the expenditure side. Expenditure figures of the same budget shows that recurrent expenditure alone for the year is 8.6 billion mrf. Yes, that is 3 billion mrf more than what is going to earned domestically.

What is the 8.6 billiion made up of? That’s 4.1 billion of personal emoluments made up of salaries, wages, over times and other allowances. Another 351.9 million of pensions, retirement s and other benefits taking the expenses figure up to 4.4 billion mrf. Wait, we do not, yet have the operational budget necessary to run the government ministries. The rent, telephones, hire charges and the like. That’s 998.8 million mrf. That’s already 5.4 billion mrf. We have not yet, considered 206 million of travel expenses, 154.5 of supplies and requisitions and 328.8 million of training expenses. Knowing how prudent and cost conscious the government is, we can rightly assume that there will be, as the president and vice president are showing by personal example, no unnecessary travel related expenses. So being, the fair and balanced people we are, let’s ignore the travel expenses but bring in the 328.8 million of training expenses. Wait, that’s 5.7 billion. That’s more than the 5.6 billion that is estimated to be earned.

Still, the supplies and requisitions, and repairs and maintenance figures are to be included. In fact, the government’s own estimate of expenditure is 8.6 billion mrf. The revenue estimate of 5.6 added together with an estimated grant figure of 567 million mrf (which is yet to be granted) adds up to only 6.2 billion mrf, still 2.4 billion mrf shy of the estimated mrf.

That’s a hole of 2.4 billion mrf unless, we agree to sell off our hard earned assets to finance the daft and dim witted mdp government and keep them in power so that they can dig even a bigger hole for the next year.

Remember we are talking of estimates made in the budget assuming that anticipated revenue will be received, expenditure is controlled and unnecessary expenses curtailed. And we all know how that one is going.

When rebuked by the IMF in no uncertain terms, the President has reacted in a predictable manner. According the press secretary; the person who actually translates to common language such that the ordinary folk can get what the President actually said, (thereby giving significance to the local term ‘rasmee tharujamaanu’) the plan is to cut the ranks of the civil service.

Assuming a 15,000 mrf salary figure (an estimated average figure) per civil servant per month totaling to 180,000 mrf per year, the government will have to axe close to 13,000 staff just to fill the 2.4 billion shaped gap in the budget.

And yet that’s not all. There is still 3.9 billion mrf to be spent on capital expenditure. Yes, that’s 3.9 billion out of which 432 million mrf are allocated to development projects. That’s 432 million mrf of harbors that’s not going to be built, schools that’s not going to be teaching any time soon and mosques that’s not going to be open for prayers.

Now for some questions. Not wild conjecture. Just questions.

Will our civil service be paid towards the end of the year and if so how much money are going to be printed and what will be the effect on that on the already straining exchange rate? Secondly how is this position being further impaired by slashing another 500 million mrf from import duty? Ultimately who pays? What the hell are all those MP’s in the parliament doing? Who cares?

(All budget figures are taken from ‘Government Budget in Statistics, Financial Year 2009’ available at http://www.finance.gov.mv/Budget_in_Statistics_-_2009.pdf. All other figures from May and April report from MMA site www.mma.gov.mv)

Fooling SOME of the people ALL of the time

2009-06-16T00:19:00.000+05:00

It is still surprising how so many people can still be made to believe in something if enough people go around shouting about it.

A case in point is this piece of legislation about revisions to Law No. 31/79, Import Export Law of Maldives. Submitted purely in order to prevent and delay the passage of bills submitted by Nasheed to protect, in his words, ‘the service chiefs’ (chief of defence and commissioner of police) and the other more ominous bills due to enter the parliament floor soon.

This is a bill that was tabled, debated, argued upon and sent to the relevant committee, where members spent countless hours amending the bill. The committee version of the bill was even finalized and signed and sent to the full majlis. In keeping with the practice of the majlis, the speaker of the new 17th majlis, sent the bill, WITH the committee amendments and their report back the government. However, in its haste to totally prevent, or at least to delay the debate on the bills relating to the protection of the services chiefs and other issues that may be tabled, MDP hastened to re-submit the bill and (surprise, surprise) completely forgotten to include the amendments proposed by the majlis committee. This has confounded so many people, that even MDP’s own MP (Aslam from North Hithadhoo) was complaining about the foolishness in tabling the bill again in its original form without incorporating the revisions and amendments prepared by the majlis committee after so many hours of consultation and debate.

But that only means that some of MDP own has also been kept in the dark about the actual reason why the bill has been submitted, re-submitted, viz. to delay the debate of more contentious issues until the witch hunt commission can put some opposition members behind bars or finally succeed in intimidating them.

There can simply be no other reason. The bill simply does not make any economic sense. No first year economic student in any university would submit such a foolish, irreverent, impudent and irrelevant piece of tomfoolery in the name of economics and good governance.

The objective of the bills is supposed to be, supposed being the operational word here, the attempt to make life more affordable. If that is the case, the bill should be thrown out and the government should be reprimanded for wasting the precious time of the majlis.

Let’s take a pause. How do you make life and living more affordable? If the objective is short term, the solutions are many. Increase Salary. Reduce Prices by abolishing import duty. Prohibit price hikes. Ban Inflation. Oh Yes, increase the value of the currency by lowering the exchange rate by legislation or regulation.

Yeah. Those are the solutions. And they will work, if the objective is short term. Those solutions only work in the short term. Repeat only in the short term. In the long term they will be counter-productive. And the long term refers not to one or more years. Here the long term can be as short as 4-6 months.

The real and only way to make life more affordable is to improve the economy. Increase GDP growth. Get the economy moving. There are no other sustainable solutions. If measures to re-energize the slowing economy is not introduced, and bloody quickly too, the economy is due to come to a grinding halt. Dollars will become more scarce as the reductions in tourist arrivals will really start to bite. Negative effects will be further exacerbated as fishery industry continues its decline and the construction industry grinds to a halt.

Quick and immediate solutions to these problems are the ones that will keep the economy alive. Measures and mature steps to counter those issues are what we need to address now.

However, what is being proposed is a bill to reduce import duty as if that would reduce of the cost of living. It would not. Not even in the short term. Snake Oil and Dragons Claw would work better.

However, campaign promises have to be kept. Superficial, insincere and in the end counterproductive moves designed to show to some people that MDP government is trying to make life more affordable has to be undertaken. The drama has to go on.

Meanwhile the majlis has got caught in the drama. Two and more days of full majlis debates have already been lost- needlessly. More hours will be lost in committee time. The bill would surely pass, as no member has the courage to speak against the utter waste and futility of this bill. They all have to make the grand gesture.

The bill would pass. Government revenue that is already in decline (even while expenditure increases) would decline further. Without effort to revive the economy the currency would further loose its value. And so on and so forth.

Shakespeare or some equally brainy chap once said that, ‘all the world’s a stage, and all the men and women, merely players for the grand drama that mdp is playing’. Or maybe I got that wrong.

Citizens of the country. Bend over. You are about to have a warm and intimate feeling in a region where the sun don’t normally shine.

Maldives Independent Commissions and Independent Offices – casualties of political trading?

2009-06-14T20:46:00.000+05:00

Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed today made the much awaited nominations to Parliament for the Elections Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission and Prosecutor General. The nominees primarily comprise of members of President Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party, Opposition Leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom’s Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party and its coalition partner, People’s Alliance.

The names proposed for the Elections Commission are Sheikh Hussain Rasheed Yoosuf (MDP); Ogaru Ibrahim Waheed (formerly MDP, now posing as Independent); Mohamed Ibrahim (formerly DRP, now MDP); Fuad Thaufeeq (formerly MDP, now PA) and Mauroof Ahmed (PA).

Sheikh Rasheed is the son of Baa Thulhaadhoo MDP leader and Counselor for Baa Atoll, Yoosuf Moosa. Ogaru Waheed was previously head of the Department of Inland Revenue in the Gayoom administration. Mohamed Ibrahim headed two state companies before becoming Deputy Minister of Construction and Infrastructure in the Gayoom Administration. He then moved to the interim EC, chairing the interim EC throughout its period. Fuad Thowfeeq was a key member of MDP’s policy review committees before joining PA and moving onto the interim EC. Mauroof Ahmed headed the Labour Section for several years before becoming Deputy Minister of Home Affairs after the DRP/PA coalition agreement was signed in the pre-presidential election period.

The nominees for the Anti Corruption Commission are Hassan Luthfee (S. Hithadhoo Ranfas), Abdulla Hilmy (GDh. Thinadhoo Halaveli), Khadeeja Rasheed (S. Hulhudhoo Violet Fehi), Mohamed Shareef (G. Winter House), Mohamed Waheed (G. Iheli, Male’ Dhafthar). The names proposed for the Anti-Corruption Commission do not show much public service experience, nor the prominent party leanings shown by the nominees for the EC. However, there is a definite predominance of the southern atolls in the line-up. What is also clear is that none of these nominees demonstrate any experience as befits the important post of a member of the Anti Corruption Commission. While Luthfee and Hilmy are members of the interim Anti Corruption Commission, little can be said commending their work in an interim commission that has repeatedly shown extreme partiality towards the Nasheed Administration.

In addition, President Nasheed has proposed current Prosecutor General Ahmed Muiz to retain the post of Prosecutor General.

The nominees for the EC, ACC and PG are reported to have been selected from about 130 applicants to the President’s Office. The applications were in response to an announcement by the President’s Office in early June calling for applicants to these posts. In a country which boasts over 8% of its population as educated above Masters’ Degree level, it is surprising to see the quality of President Nasheed’s nominations. It is also noteworthy that, in addition to marginalizing the nation’s educated, President Nasheed has also totally rejected the country’s professional, civil and political experience.

While the nomination of Nasheed’s family members and cronies, his party’s financiers, and MDP demonstration leaders to his administration’s key political posts are justified by his Press Secretary Mohamed Zuhair as multi-party democracy in action, such extreme partiality as shown in the above nominations cannot be justified in relation to independent commissions and offices. The function of such constitutionally independent institutions is to represent civil society without any partiality and to act as guardian of citizen rights by balancing the powers of the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary. It is a blatant violation of the fundamental tenets of democracy when the powers of the state attempt to co-opt and hijack independent commissions and independent offices.

A case in point is Ahmed Muiz, the current Prosecutor General. Until his appointment as PG, Muiz ran a long standing law firm with partner Husnu Sood, the current Attorney General. Both are President Nasheed’s classmates and followers. Both have nominally divested themselves of shares in the firm Muiz Sood and Co. by transferring these to proxies.

The fact remains that within the short period in which they have held corresponding offices of state, collusion between Muiz and Sood have robbed the Maldivians citizens of their right to justice. This is highlighted by the recent incident where Muiz has refused to press criminal charges against Sood who willfully presented false documents to the High Court. These are crimes under Sections 62, 66 and 67 of the Maldives Penal Code. By not charging Sood, Muiz is guilty under Section 76 of the Penal Code of aiding and abetting a criminal to evade justice. Both Muiz and Sood are hence also liable under Section 80 of the Penal Code for misfeasance in public office by abetting a criminal to escape due punishment. The Parliament should by rights hold Muiz accountable for repeatedly neglecting his legal duties in order to protect his cronies. In the light of these facts, by nominating Muiz for the post of PG, President Nasheed is spitting in the face of democracy.

Another case in point is the nomination of Mohamed Ibrahim for the Elections Commission. The recent High Court decision invalidating the May 9th parliamentary vote on Thaa Thimarafushi is clear evidence that Mohamed Ibrahim, as Commissioner of Elections, is culpable of gross negligence of duty and of acting in collusion with the MDP. In the Thimarafushi High Court case, the EC had testified in court that the vote on Thimarafushi as free and fair, and held in accordance with law. Yet, in the light of compelling eveidence, on June 11th the High Court ruled that the Thimarafushi vote was held in the midst of blatant violations of elections law and other laws of the country. It ordered the EC to hold a fresh vote in 30 days of the order. With such a clear court ruling compromising the independence and integrity of the EC, Mohamed Ibrahim should have resigned on his own, in accordance with internationally accepted norms. Instead he chose to apply to retain his post. This nomination too shows President Nasheed’s total and utter disrespect for the tenets of modern democracy. Mohamed Ibrahim is a relative of President Nasheed’s best friend and cousin by marriage, Ibrahim Mohamed Solih (MP for Lhaviyani Hinnavaru).

The same can be said for the inclusion amongst the nominees of leading members of opposition parties, the DRP and PA. Both parties in coalition hold 46% of parliamentary seats. The inclusion of senior opposition members amongst today’s nominations clearly points to a political tradeoff between President Nasheed and the opposition coalition. With President Nasheed on the war path hunting for alleged corruption cases against the leaders of DRP and PA, there is indeed basis for trade-offs between the two sides. Sadly, the casualties of this political trade-off are again the Maldivian people. As shown by these nominations, Maldivians can only dream of independent commissions or independent offices to represent their interests.

Maldives Attorney General Husnu Sood culpable of willfully presenting false evidence to court

2009-06-13T20:41:00.001+05:00

On June 4th, the Maldives High Court ruled that documents submitted by Maakun Mohamed Falah (cousin of Auditor General Maakun Naeem) in his case against the Maldives Elections Commission had been doctored, and therefore dismissed the case. Maakun Falah’s attorney, Maldivian Democratic Party senior lawyer Husnu Sood, presented the falsified documents at the High Court hearing of the case. Husnu Sood is the incumbent Attorney General, appointed by President Mohamed Nasheed on June 3rd.

Maakun Falah, MDP candidate for Maafannu Dhekunu Constituency, had lodged a case against the EC, demanding that the May 9th parliamentary vote in his constituency be declared void, and a fresh vote be ordered. In the High Court hearing on the case, Falah’s attorney Husnu Sood claimed that the official report of elections officials on the day’s proceedings contained false information. Sood also deposited as evidence of this charge, a copy of what he claimed was the said official report. The High Court found that the document deposited by Sood was a fake. Judge Ali Hameed ruled that Sood’s fake document contained obvious and substantial differences from the original official report of the Elections Commission. It threw the case out of court since Sood had not presented any supporting evidence to justify the charge.

With the High Court ruling that the document submitted by Sood had been doctored, both Sood and his client Maakun Falah have committed crimes under Sections 62, 66 and 67 of the Maldives Penal Code, that is, the crime of willfully presenting false evidence. Section 62 defines the meaning of presenting false evidence under the Penal Code. Section 66 defines the submission of any false certificate or document to a court or legal venue of justice as also presenting false evidence. It prescribes a penalty for the crime as either two years in jail or exile, or a fine of not more than 1,000 Maldivian Rufiyaa. Section 67 deals with willful submission of false certification or documentation. This section defines the submission of a certificate or document to court without verifying its truth as willful presentation of false evidence. Hence, both Sood and Falah have committed crimes under each one of these three sections.

Sources report that Prosecutor General Ahmed Muiz has privately warned Husnu Sood that he stands on the brink of being sentenced for contempt of court should the courts so choose to move against him. It is disturbing that PG Muiz has limited himself to a mere private warning. The PG is in actual fact required by law to charge Sood for willfully presenting false evidence, under Sections 62, 66, and 67 of the Penal Code.

By not charging Sood, PG Muiz himself is guilty of aiding and abetting a criminal to evade justice under Section 76 of the Penal Code. Strictly speaking, in the light of their above actions in relation to this case, both Muiz and Sood are liable under Section 80 of the Penal Code for misfeasance in public office by abetting a criminal to escape due punishment. Section 79 states that aiding and abetting a perpetrator of a crime to avoid penalty for the crime is a crime in itself. The only exceptions provided under this section are aiding parents, children and or spouse. PG Muiz is Husnu Sood’s partner in their joint law firm Sood Muiz and Co. PG Muiz and Husnu Sood are both classmates and close cronies of President Mohamed Nasheed.

Last year, PG Muiz has also refrained from pursuing criminal charges against the then President-elect Mohamed Nasheed in the case where Nasheed had violated elections law by campaigning in the voting area while voting was ongoing. In that instance, PG Muiz withdrew the criminal charges against Nasheed.

Unverified sources report that the Falah case lodged by President Nasheed’s party MDP in order for it to create an excuse for public disorder and to intimidate the Judiciary. This was in anticipation of the court ruling in favor of DRP candidate Ghassan Maumoon in his case against the EC. Maakun Falah, infamous for his street gang and criminal activities, is a high profile organizer and gang leader of MDP street riots and intimidation activities targeting political opponents.

Weeks prior to Maakun Falah lodging his case, Ghassan Maumoon, the DRP candidate for Thaa Thimarafushi, had appealed to the High Court to invalidate the May 9th parliamentary vote in his constituency and order a fresh vote. It is reported that, in the even that Ghassan won his case, MDP had planned demonstrations outside the High Court to demand the same ruling for Maakun Falah. The similarity of the High Court appeal in both the Maakun Falah case and Ghassan Maumoon case lends credibility to these reports. However, in contrast to the Maakun Falah case which was pinned on the doctored document, compelling evidence was provided by Ghassan Maumoon to justify his claim that voting in his constituency had proceeded under fear and intimidation, and in violation of election laws and regulations. The High Court on June 11th ruled in his favour and ordered the EC to hold a fresh vote within 30 days of the court order. Following the dismissal of Maakun Falah’s case by the High Court, the MDP did try and organize riots outside the High Court, notably on days of court hearings in the Ghassan Maumoon case. However, these did not get much support.

Husnu Sood has also been indirectly warned of possible contempt of court charges because of his attempts to influence the Judiciary immediately after taking office as Attorney General. In Sood’s first public interview as Attorney General, he accused the Judiciary of purposefully delaying cases and thereby being negligent of its duty to deliver justice. Speaking volubly about the “long arm of the law”, Sood said in a press conference that the Herethere case had been delayed by the Judiciary without any adequate reason, resulting in the loss of rights and justice by several parties. He had promised to ensure that the Judiciary made a ruling on the case soon.

The very next day (June 4th), the Civil Court issued a public statement, warning that it would take action against any person interfering in the jurisdiction of the court. It appealed to all Maldivians to respect the Judiciary, stating that “Every individual should work to diligently discharge his/her responsibilities within his/her mandate, and should see this as the correct course of action, and should, out of respect, not willfully do anything that may diminish the standing of the Judiciary”.

This battle between the courts and Attorney General Sood continued last week, when the state television station Television Maldives broadcast a heavily biased program that repeated the Attorney General’s accusations of the Judiciary. The program “Q & A with Migdhaadh” was broadcast on June 9th. In addition to lambasting the Judiciary, it posed a Yes or No phone-in statement for viewer response. The statement, “Herethere case has been delayed because the Judiciary is drooping in its work”, was a repeat of Sood’s press statement on this issue. In reprisal, on June 10th, the Criminal Court ordered the Maldives Police Service to investigate the broadcast in order to determine whether the program had been broadcast with malicious intent to expressly create public mistrust of the Judiciary. The following day, the TVM repeated this program in defiance of the Court Order. It is not known how far the police have carried out its investigation.

Sood, a former judge, has been dogged by corruption charges since his days as a State Attorney. The most notable report is of a case in which he made a ruling in favor of Ibrahim Waheed of Medhuziyaaraiydhoshuge in return for him signing over half of his property to Sood’s wife.

With Prosecutor General Muiz continue to show his extreme partiality to his cronies and his former party the MDP, and acting in collusion with his partner Husnu Sood, the rights of Maldivians to justice and to equality before the law are likely to be just dreams under the Nasheed Administration.

Members of parliament have been called upon by the public to hold Prosecutor General accountable Muiz for neglecting his legal responsibilities by not pressing criminal charges against Sood. MPs have been requested by several members of the public to question PG Muiz on the issue while in session. The question is whether parliament will show the courage, daily demonstrated by the Judiciary now in protecting citizen rights.

Maldives High Court declares Thimarafushi parliamentary vote invalid; orders fresh vote

2009-06-12T15:52:00.000+05:00

In a landmark case, Ghassan Maumoon, the Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party candidate for Thaa Thimarafushi, has successfully won an appeal to invalidate the Thimarafushi parliamentary vote. On June 11, the Maldives High Court declared that the parliamentary elections in Thimarafushi had not taken place in a free and fair environment. It found that several conditions of voting in Thimarafushi were in direct violation of the law, and that voting in Thimarafushi had taken place in a climate of terror and intimidation. The court ordered the Maldives Elections Commission to take a fresh vote for both ballot boxes in the constituency. Ghassan Maumoon’s appeal stated that, voting on Thimarafushi island took place under intimidation, threat and violence by supporters of Maldivian Democratic Party candidate, Thimarafushi Musthafa.

The High Court ordered the EC to ensure within 20 days that the island had a peaceful environment within which free and fair elections could be held as under Article 70 of the Maldives Constitution. It further ordered the EC to take a fresh vote within 30 days from the date of the court order. It also ordered the Maldives Security Forces, the police and the army, to assist the EC should it request assistance. The High Court ordered that the fresh vote should be taken under the observation and monitoring of the Maldives Human Rights Commission and international observers.

The decision by the High Court invalidates the EC’s decision that the MDP candidate Thimarafushi Musthafa had won the Thimarafushi seat. In the provisional results announced by the Commission for Thimarafushi, MDP candidate Musthafa lead DRP candidate Ghassan Maumoon by about 100 votes. It had required a High Court stay order to bar the EC from announcing this result. Although mountains of evidence were presented to the contrary, Deputy Commissioner of the EC Hussain Siraj has continued to adamantly contest Ghassan Maumoon’s case, asserting that no irregularities had taken place on that day, and that the vote and vote results were valid. Hussain Siraj is one of the lead lawyers of President Mohamed Nasheed’s MDP.

However, in delivering the court decision the High Court Judge Ali Hameed declared that evidence from the reports and depositions of the Maldives Human Rights Comission, the review panel of the Elections Commission, independent elections monitor Transparency Maldives and the IDP clearly showed that voting on Thimarafushi did not take place in a peaceful environment, but one which the rule of law was repeatedly violated. Evidence cited by the court included elderly being forced to vote, arson attack on a vessel belonging to a Ghassan Maumoon supporter, vandalism of Ghasssan Maumoon’s campaign office on the island, and actions by the Maldives Democratic Party to influence voters.

Concrete evidence was presented that the MDP candidate Musthafa’s supporters hijacked the ballot boxes twice during the voting process by rushing the voting area and forcing elections officials and Ghassan’s observers out of the area. After a lengthy delay during which the ballot box was in the hands of Musthafa’s supporters, ballot counting proceeded under police supervision. Ghassan’s observers were also prevented from attending the ballot counting. In addition, when the ballot box was sealed after counting, some ballots had been left outside the box. Other reports also validate those elections officials responsible for the election administration in the constituency refused to accept the Thimarafushi ballot box because the seal was broken when it reached them.

The High Court decision on Thimarafushi today brings into the foreground several other cases in which candidates have challenged that voting in their constituencies took place in violation of the law. These include the case of independent candidate Ahmed Shareef in the Lhaviyani Hinnavaru parliamentary vote, and that of Marz Saleem, DRP candidate for Hulhuhenveryru. In both cases, several violations of the law such as double voting, voting by minors, fear and intimidation of citizens and campaigning on voting day by the MDP candidate have been cited.

The High Court verdict of June 11th went against Maldives President Nasheed’s top financier, Thimarafushi Musthafa. Musthafa, a close friend and ally of President Nasheed, is a well known gang lord and loan shark, who heavily funds the MDP. President Nasheed’s MDP had in fact threatened the Judiciary with violence and unrest should the court decision not be in MDP’s favour. Speaking as an MDP rally on June 4th, MDP Parliamentary Group leader Reeko Moosa Maniku warned the High Court there would be civil unrest if the court ruling went against the MDP candidate. The warning was delivered in the midst of spate of attacks on opposition leaders and Ghassan supporters in Thimarafushi. The family home of a key witness for Ghassan Maumoon was torched by the MDP on the day of her deposition in court.

The High Court decision also throws into the spotlight the issue of missing ballot papers and falsified vote results sheets. At the court hearings on Ghassan Maumoon’s case, presiding Judge Ali Hameed specifically questioned the Elections Commission on irregularities in signatures on the elections results sheet, irregularities in the handover process of the ballot box to Elections Commission officials and on the issue of 115 ballot papers that were missing from the box. Upon close questioning, Deputy Elections Commissioner Hussain Siraj admitted that the ballot results sheet was falsified and that 155 ballot papers missing from the ballot box had disappeared before the ballot box had reached the Commission. The Elections Commissions had previously in court admitted violation of regulations on several issues in the case.

The issue of falsified results sheets has dogged the EC even at the time of the 2008 presidential elections. At that time, President Nasheed’s cousin by marriage Saabe was Deputy Commissioner of the EC. Commissioner Shahid, a top official in the MDP, resigned just prior to the elections saying that his wife, President Nasheed’s cousin Eva Abdulla, was contesting the parliamentary elections as an MDP candidate. However, in the days of vote counting and preparation of final results by the EC, ex-Commisioner Shahid was known to have accessed the vote data sheets. He was removed from the EC premises by police after public protested of illegal entry and illegal access to elections data by Shahid.

The High Court verdict declared that it is the mandate of the EC to ensure that electoral voting took place in a free and fair environment, one that was free from fear, intimidation, fighting and corruption, and in which every citizen could freely exercise their constitutional right to vote. It said that that it is a right of citizens to have such an environment, a right that could not be abrogated except in accordance with Article 16 of the Constitution.

The burning question is whether the EC will even try and ensure free and fair elections in the second round of voting in Thimarafushi. It has to be noted that, even though concrete evidence has been presented in court and in the public domain, the EC has so far failed to pursue legal action against any of the people who committed illegal acts during voting on the island that day. Similarly, the Prosecutor General also has shown extreme zealousness in pursing certain cases sent by the EC, while deferring others. A case in point is the case of the PG deciding to pursue legal action against Thoddoo MP Ali Waheed, while arbitrarily deciding to drop the same charges against the then presidential candidate Mohamed Nasheed.

There also remains the question of whether the Maldives Police Service can indeed provide support to ensure peaceful and free voting conditions. In the past month, the police, led by President Nasheed’s appointee Ahmed Faseeh, have shown a remarkable willingness to be used as a tool in Nasheed’s persecution of opposition leaders.

Much also depends on the independence and vigilance of the Maldives Human Rights Commission. Sadly, to date, the HRC appears to have cowed into silence by President Nasheed even as he continues to trample upon citizen rights day in day out.

Maldives Judiciary prevents President Nasheed from arbitrarily arresting Opposition Leader Yaameen

2009-06-11T20:09:00.000+05:00

Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed tried unsuccessfully on June 7th to arbitrarily arrest Opposition Leader Abdulla Yaameen. Nasheed’s political appointee Police Commissioner Ahmed Faseeh was ordered by President Nasheed to carry out the arrest. However, the Judiciary refused to issue Commissioner Faseeh with a warrant, citing that the police had insufficient evidence to justify the warrant. Abdulla Yaameen is the Leader of opposition party People’s Alliance and MP for Meemu Mulah Constituency.

The only justification shown by Commissioner Faseeh to arrest Yaameen was printouts of hate articles from internet site Dhivehi Observer, a site solely focused on inciting hatred for former president Gayoom and opposition leaders. Sources report that the court judge threw this so-called evidence out of court as utter rubbish. Dhivehi Observer is owned and operated by President Nasheed’s Minister of State for Technology Ahmed Shafeeq (aka Kuda Sappey). Its lead contributing writers include President Nasheed’s younger brother Nazim, his younger sister Nasheeda and his cousin Nuzu (daughter of Bodu Sikka, the convicted terrorist and traitor of November 3rd).

What is evident now is that President Nasheed is using his family and cronies to manufacture false reports filled with allegations against opposition leaders; reports that he then sends to the Maldives Police Service with orders to investigate. The process was first begun with reports manufactured by his crony Auditor General Maakun Ibrahim Naeem. It has now gone to the extent that police is ordered to investigate the known hate website, Dhivehi Observer. In the days to come it is likely that this hate website will churn out more false reports of President Nasheed’s future persecution targets.

Sources report that police approached the same judge who issued a search warrant for the corporate offices of MP Ahmed Nazim’s former company, Namira. Although the judge rejected the police appeal, the police is reported to be working to try and apprehend Yaameen. Superintendent Ahmed Areef was abruptly appointed on Saturday to lead the police investigation team. Ahmed Areef is the husband of MDP Chairman Mariya Did’s sister Rugiyya. Rugiyya is President Nasheed’s secretary, with the designation of Deputy Undersecretary, Executive Services branch of The President’s Office.

The police are also reportedly pursing the arrest of 16 persons so far unnamed. Sources report that although the courts had rejected the first appeal by the police to issue arrest warrants for these hunted sixteen, police will be appealing to the courts again this week.

This latest attempt by President Nasheed to hunt down his political opponents comes at a time that he has been soundly beaten repeatedly in the political arena. Beginning with his massive defeat at the parliamentary polls on May 9th, Nasheed has been defeated both in parliament and outside by his political opponents.

During his MDP parliamentary campaign, President Nasheed in fact threatened that he would persecute the opposition if he was defeated at the polls. Speaking in his capacity as President at a public meeting at Alifushi on April 19th, Nasheed threatened that, “When a member of my party pesters me for something, I will grant that member’s request. But, if a member of another party pesters me, my evilness will be clearly seen. I can also do many things with my left hand and right hand. Never think, and none of you can even imagine, the things I would do or would not do.”

Immediately after his defeat, President Nasheed’s publicly promised his party that he would make high profile arrests in the upcoming days. “Not one of you, doubt me on this. Take what I say now seriously, not as a joke. I will arrest people. … And I will do this too in a systemic manner. I will take this action at the appropriate time. I will do as you are demanding that I do. And when I set out to arrest people, no one can stop me”, Nasheed vowed to his ecstatic followers at an MDP rally on May 20th. The rally was held immediately after a series of failed demonstrations by MDP hooligans in front of Opposition Leader Gayoom’s residence. These demonstrations were lead by Nasheed’s State Minister for Transport Aslam Shakir.

Speaking at the same rally, Nasheed told his screaming followers, “I have not even one iota of doubt about the powers I have [as president], about my political powers and about how these powers can be used and about how I intend to use these powers”.

These vows and actions are part and parcel of a large scale hate and persecution campaign mounted by Nasheed in the post election days. At the national level, Nasheed’s intimidation of independent MPs, opposition leaders, young dissidents, and civil servants was escalated with a vengeance. Nasheed’s attempt on May 27th to arrest Opposition Leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom was prevented by neighboring countries and international media interest.

In May, immediately after his party was heavily beaten in the parliamentary elections, Nasheed created his Witch Hunt Commission. The Commission is solely comprised of his closest henchmen who had been leading the attacks on Nasheed’s political opponents. It is led by his crony Ali Shiyam, son of key MDP financier Abdulla Ali. Abdulla Ali originally gained his riches by swindling his employer Abdul Hakeem. The homosexual leader of the religious fundamentalist party Adhaalath Party Hussein Rasheed is also a member of the Witch Hunt Commission. Hussain Rasheed has been vociferous in hate attacks against former president and opposition leader Gayoom. The rest of the Commission membership consists of MDP radicals publicly known for their virulent hate attacks on opposition leaders. Ali Shiyam’s younger brother, MP for Faafu Biledhdhoo constituency Ahmed Hamza is known to be the architect directing the police investigative team assigned to the Witch Hunt Commission.

Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission has been criticized by leading legal experts as being unconstitutional and having excessive powers outside the bounds of law. In this respect, legal experts slammed Nasheed for infringing on the constitutional mandates of the Anti Corruption Commission and the Prosecutor General and the mandates of the Maldives Police Service under law.

In late May, President Nasheed also attempted to arrest Parliament’s Deputy Speaker Ahmed Nazim. However, this arbitrary arrest too was foiled by the Judiciary. The Judiciary then too rejected Commissioner Faseeh’s repeated attempts to obtain court warrants for the Deputy Speaker’s arrest on the basis of insufficient evidence. Deputy Speaker Ahmed Nazim is Deputy Leader of People’s Alliance and MP for Meemu Dhiggaru Constituency. He has also served two previous consecutive terms as MP for Meemu Atoll. However, Police Commissioner Faseeh did illegally arrest Ahmed Nazim’s wife, entering into their private home and apprehending her without a court warrant. She was released after 24 hours when the Judiciary refused to issue a warrant for her detention by police.

The very next week, President Nasheed also attempted to arrest MP for Baa Eydhafushi Ahmed Saleem. In this case too, the Judiciary prevented Police Commissioner Faseeh from excessive use of police powers. It later granted a warrant for the Department of Immigration to confiscate MP Saleem’s passport. MP Ahmed Saleem is the Leader of opposition party, Party to Alleviate Poverty.

Police did not let up on their persecution of MPs Ahmed Nazim and Ahmed Saleem. On June 6th, both MPs were taken to police for questioning. MP Saleem later stated to media that he made every attempt to cooperate with police. However, the police investigative team made too many personal attacks on his reputation that he had to end the interview.

Within the last month, police have thrice brutally attacked peaceful gatherings and arrested several opposition activists. Two independent MPs have been threatened with trumped up fraud cases, while young dissidents and their families are harassed. Protected by the regime, members of President Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) commit acts of arson and vandalism against those suspected of not voting for MDP’s parliamentary candidates. Muggings of opposition party members are reported from constituencies where MDP suffered huge defeats. Two young DRP activists were knifed in Male’ last month. Opposition leader Gayoom was threatened with death by lynching by MDP mouthpiece Reeko Moosa on public TV.

In this climate of terror created by his disintegrating regime, President Nasheed has overturned all democratic institutions and gathered all powers into his own hands. He has used the police force to intimidate and harrass dissenters. His indefensible persecution of opposition leaders are clear signs that he himself knows that his days as president are numbered. It remains to be seen how long the Maldives Judiciary will stand firm and protect civilian rights from persecution by President Nasheed.

A Video of the Thimarafushi vote scam

2009-06-08T07:44:00.002+05:00

You are about to watch a video of one of the disruptions to vote counting on Thimarafushi Island.

Please observe the actions of the man with the ID tag hanging from his neck, leaning against the wall on the far side of the tent. His name is Mohamed Shareef (aka Korube’) of Athamaa-Aage’, Thimarafushi. He was MDP candidate Mohamed Mustafa's campaign manager on the prior to being appointed the Elections Commission’s Complaint Officer. He was witnessed campaigning furiously for Mustafa in several campaign rallies just before he was appointed to this post. In this video Shareef is seen acting outside his mandate (he was only supposed to receive & investigate election complaints, but instead simply took over the duties of Foshi Veriya from the 19-year old Asad Ibrahim Pink House / Th. Thimarafushi).

Just as the Elections Staff are about to pour out ballot papers from the Box for counting, Shareef limps across and takes a book on a table near the activity, and walks back to where he was standing. As pre-arranged, MDP thugs rush into the counting area, and Shareef quickly limps across to the table where the ballots papers are, and pushes the book he has in his hand into the lot, shouting, “put the ballot papers back into the box”.

You will observe the book is back in Shareef’s hand after the commotion is controlled.

According to witnesses (their names are not disclosed on their request) privy to this arrangement the book had a number (they estimate at least 50 - 75) of ballot papers in it. And in the commotion while removing the book these ballot papers were poured into the Ballot Box. The Ballots were done in the names of people who hadn’t voted on the day.

The Quality of Political Appointees in the Nasheed Administration

2009-06-07T21:08:00.005+05:00

As almost seven months pass since President Mohamed Nasheed took power in the Maldives, Maldivian citizens despair of ever seeing the much promised improvements in their livelihoods. The state treasury has been exhausted within this brief period, and the economy has declined to an extent worse than the aftermath of the 2004 Asian Tsunami. Escalating price of consumer goods, collapse of social services, increasing food insecurity and declining real income have thrown more people below the poverty line. While President Nasheed is engrossed in his hate and persecution campaign against political opponents, his government has ground to a halt.

The Nasheed administration came into power promising reduced expenditures, increased government revenue and a clamp down on corruption in top government circles. President Nasheed’s first budget (2009) has a 7 billion deficit (nearly 5 billion more than the previous administration’s last budget, and government revenue has fallen by more than 28% since he took power. As for clamping down on corruption in top government circles, one need only look at the quality of political appointees in the Nasheed administration.

Indeed, there is no recognized metric for measuring the quality of political appointees. Nonetheless, a look at the backgrounds and previous activities of political appointees is clear evidence of an alarming decline in qualifications of political appointees in the country.

Numerous political appointees serving in President Nasheed’s Administration have criminal backgrounds. This can be demonstrated by a short review of some shining examples such as:

Mohamed Rasheed Hussain, Minister of State for Human Resources, Youth and Sports:

President Nasheed’s class mate and crony Mohamed Rasheed (aka Bigey), was convicted in 1992 under the terrorism act for his active involvement in planning and executing terror attacks against the general public. Terror attacks masterminded and executed by Bigey include arson attacks on two private cars and launches in Male’. Bigey’s terror campaign was aimed at bringing his brother-in-law, incumbent Vice-President Dr. Mohamed Waheed Hassan Maniku to power. Bigey’s second life in Government began when Nasheed appointed him as a President’s member to the interim Parliament. Following his failure in the recent Parliamentary Election, Rasheed (aka Bigey) was elevated to the post of Minister of State at the Ministry of Sports Employment and Human Resources. In his pre-terrorist days, Bigey worked as a technical assistant in the Marine Rsearch Centre. He later survived on small businesses such as mechanical workshops and small scale civil contracting.

Abdulla Shahid, Minister of State for Housing, Transport and Environment.

Shahid (alias DB – Double Bass) is a convicted terrorist and traitor to the country. He was an accomplice of President Nasheed’s uncle-in-law Bodu Sikka’s attempted coup on November 3rd , 1988 to overthrow the government and take power. Sikka’s coup was undertaken with the LTTE. Shahid was also homosexual Sikka’s drinking buddy and ‘close personal friend’. Shahid was found guilty of terrorism and sentenced to life imprisonment. Pardoned by President Gayoom, Shahid went to work in his family owned business. President Nasheed first appointed him Minister of State for Defence. However, when a public outcry broke and hundreds of people marched in demonstration against Nasheed’s appointment of convicted terrorist and traitor as Defence State Minister, Nasheed transferred DB to his current position as Minister of State for Housing, Transport and Environment. According to the ministry staff, Shahid has absolutely no clue of the work in his Ministry.

Ahmed Shafeeq, Minister of State for Home Affairs:

Shafeeq’s (aka Goathi Vagu) civil service carrier started at the Selected Islands Development Unit which was entrusted with the responsibility of developing Viligili Island as a township of Male’. Shafeeq obtained property (Housing land) on the island through fraudulence using his office. He was charged with the crime and found guilty. He was exiled for this crime. He got an opportunity to mount his vendetta on Gayoom when he was elected to the Constitution Assembly in 2004. It is widely believed in Meemu Atoll, the constituency from which he got his Constitutional Assembly seat, that Goathi Vagu got his votes in a confusion amongst voters as to who-is-who between his competitor and name-sake Ahmed Shafeed (alias, Kokko Shafeeq).

Umar Jamal, Minister of State for Home Affairs:

Umar Jamal is also a convicted terrorist and traitor, convicted for his participation in the 3rd November Coup attempt. Convicted and later pardoned after serving apart of his prison sentence. Jamal had worked as a refrigeration instructor at the Vocational Training Center. Umar Jamal is the ex-husband of Rugiyya Ahmed Didi (MDP Chairperon Mariya Didi’s sister). Rugiyya is presently a Deputy Under Secretary at the Executive Services branch of The President’s Office.

The above is just a sample of the top political appointees by President Nasheed. As is well known by all Maldivians, his government’s top political posts are filled with persons of similar caliber – that is, known ex-cons, fraud artists, racketeers, gang lords, terrorists who have attacked the Maldives with armed personnel, porn stars and swindlers. Amongst the above examples and numerous others, these include Special Envoy Ibrahim Hussain Zaki (infamous for his swindling of seven resorts while Tourism Minister), Nasheed’s close cousin State Minister for Foreign Affairs Kerafa Ahmed Naseem (infamous for his unabashed soliciting of bribes from potential foreign investors when he was head of the Foreign Investment Board), Personal Secretary Ziyad (known drug lord and gangster), Defence Minister Amin Faisal (a leader of the attempted military coup to support Nasheed’s uncle Bodu Sikka’s joint attempt with the LTTE to overthrow the then government), State Minister for Trade Adil Saleem (lead actor of an infamous porn movie), and Thimarafushi Musthafa (well known gangster and loan shark). President Nasheed himself comes from a background of corruption and embezzlement of state funds, typified by the well known and proven case of his father Kerafa Abdul Sattar’s embezzlement from the government company, MITE and later his attempt (again co-lead by Sattar’s brother-in-law, Bodu Sikka) to assainate President Ibrahim Nasir.

The title Minister of State is a title borne by politicians or officials in certain countries governed under a parliamentary system. In some countries a minister of state is a junior minister who is assigned to assist a specific cabinet minister (probably it is so in the Maldives too). In others countries a minister of state is a holder of a more senior position, such as a cabinet minister or even a head of government. Usually, a minister of state is assigned a specific area of work for which the appointee is qualified (experience considered as a qualification). However, in the case of the Maldives now, it appears that President Nasheed plans to spend from the national budget to pay his party Maldivian Democratic Party’s lead militants for their past services to himself and his family.

With such quality in charge of the affairs of the state, it is no small wonder that the Maldivian economy has collapsed, the state treasury has been ransacked and the Maldivian people beggared.

Corruption, fraud and forgery charges against Auditor General Maakun Naeem

2009-06-07T09:01:00.003+05:00

In the ongoing saga of the corruption charges against Auditor General Maakun Ibrahim Naeem, more evidence came to light last week of Maakun Naeem’s wiful misuse of Audit Office funds. Last week Haveeru Daily published scanned copies of Audit Office documents that had been later modified to try and cover up Maakun Naeem’s criminal activities.

Maakun Naeem

The scanned copies published by Haveeru showed that documents had been forged to try and show that the Auditor General had repaid in a very short time Audit Office funds he had used for a private launch trip in Baa Atoll. However, as was pointed out by Haveeru, the date of the forged document was even prior to the date of the bill for the service. Further, the repayment made by the Auditor General was put into the Audit Office Bank of Maldives account in January 2009, three months after the date of the forged document.

The documents clearly show that, in addition to using Audit Office funds for private use, Maakun Naeem had ordered his staff to cover up his crime by forging Audit Office documents. The staff in question declined to comment, saying that they could only respond if permitted by Maakun Naeem. Maakun Naeem himself declined to comment to Haveeru, saying that he did not give press interviews.

Auditor General Maakun Naeem, President Nasheed’s chum long term ally hails from the infamous Maakun family of MDP activists. Street gangs run by Maakun Naeem’s cousin Falah are notorious for their attacks against dissenters to MDP. Maakun Naeem is also reported to have been involved in his cousin Maakun Sattar’s siphoning off of millions from the Fisheries project Implementation Department (STO) in the early 1990s. Maakun Naeem was one of the key administrative staff of the official commission investigating his cousin’s criminal activities and had access to all evidence of the crimes.

This evidence of forgery and fraud follows hard on the heels of the news that the evidence of personal use of Audit Office funds by Auditor General Maakun Ibrahim Naeem had been stolen from the offices of the Maldives Anti-Corruption Commission. The stolen documents included receipts of monies Auditor General Maakun Naeem had used illegally from the Audit Office. They also included receipts of monies by the Audit Office when Maakun Naeem had tried to cover up the whole issue by paying back the illegal money. The incriminating documents were in relation to a private trip that Maakun Naeem had taken to Baa Atoll. The theft was carried out by thieves who broke into the offices of the Anti Corruption Commission on May 6th and ransacked the place, turning shelves, filing cabinets and desk drawers upside down.

This theft was on the same day that the ACC Chief had summoned Maakun Naeem in to question him about the illegal use of Audit Office funds. The questioning was carried out by the ACC Chief and two of his administrative assistants. No other ACC member was told of the investigation. All the documentary proof was taken out of files by the ACC Chief and shown to the Auditor General Maakun Naeem.

With the evidence in front of him, Maakun Naeem had given a statement that he was indeed culpable of the crime, and had requested the ACC Chief to overlook the crime since he had paid back the monies. The ACC Chief had reportedly agreed that since the Auditor general had paid back the monies he used illegally, the investigation could be shelved. However, other Commission members had intervened to stop this illegal cover-up of Maakun Naeem’s fraud and insisted upon a full investigation as in all such cases.

In addition to Maakun Naeem’s use of Audit Office funds to pay his bills for private trips, there also remains the case of Maakun Naeem using the Audit Office credit card for private expenses overseas. It is not known how far ACC has carried out this latter investigation.

Maakun Naeem is most widely known amongst the Maldivian population for his misuse of his office to support President Nasheed’s hate and persecution campaign against key opposition leaders. Although head of an office which is constitutionally required to be independent, from the time that Maakun Naeem took office, he has actively worked to create reports that could be used by President Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission. However, in the light of the above evidence of forgery, fraud and personal use of public funds by Maakun Naeem, speculation in the public is that it’s highly unlikely that all the evidence purported to support his audit reports are actually true.

The AGO is supposed to be an independent state organization responsible for carrying out audits of government organizations, public companies and other bodies entrusted with government revenues and assets. This is to make the Government arms accountable for its financial management and ensures public money is spent beneficially for the nation. However, very few Maldivians believe the truthfulness of Maakun Naeem’s reports. The main reason is the extreme partiality towards MDP shown in these reports.

A further reason is the lack of clear evidence in the reports. In addition, a close look at the so-called evidence in some of these reports that were orchestrated with much hype and hate shows that most of the reported issues are actually within the law. A very good example would be the much publicized audit of Presidential Palace Theemuge expenses under former President Gayoom.

In addition to the Theemuge report, Maakun Naeem’s reports on The President’s Office and the Bank of Maldives have been shown to be factually incorrect.

In the Theemuge report, Maakun Naeem very neatly gives President Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission its excuse for hunting Gayoom by strongly recommending that the former president be prosecuted for crimes alleged in his report. However, even though Theemuge expenses can certainly be said to be excessive, the fact of the matter is that these expenses were within an annual budget approved by the parliament. Maakun Naeem could not find any extra-budgetary expenses. That makes these expenses within the legal framework of the time. In addition, the current law still allows the President or the Minister to decide who is eligible for Government aid. While there is a short guideline, the final decision can be made by the President. Therefore, even on this issue, the Gayoom expenditures are strictly within the bounds of the law.

The critical point to note is that there were no unaccounted funds. Maakun Naeem would not point out even one single instance where funds had been ‘lost’. That is, the Theemuge budgetary documents had been so well kept that they accounted for each and every laari spent. The money may have been spent excessively, but it was accounted for. And these documents showed that the expenditures were in accordance with the approved budget of the time.

A point to further note is that Maakun Naeem ends each chapter of each report with a recommendation to enact laws governing such expenses. This means that there are no such laws at the time, and hence no laws were violated.

Auditor General Maakun Naeem has shown an irrational keenness to audit past years, even as far back as the early 1990. However, again, his legal purview is from the date of the Audit Law (April 2007) and the day of his appointment, that is 16th January 2008. Maakun Naeem has no jurisdiction over government expenditures prior to 2007, yet almost all his time is spent hunting for victims in pre-2007 years. On the last note, it is interesting to note that while Maakun Naeem hunts in the past for victims in government offices and public companies, he has neatly avoided an audit of State Trading Organization (STO) past. Perhaps this is because he is protecting his cousin Abdul Sattar (Sato)’s crimes of making direct monetary gains by fraudulent means at STO and his misappropriate funds of STO.

The issued audit reports, while full of innuendoes, repeated calls for prosecution of individuals and dissolution of public companies, in actual fact contain very little hard evidence to support his allegations.

It is a matter of grave concern to the country that the independent office of the Auditor General are being used by an established fraud artist to assist in the persecution of political opponents of the current regime. Each report is written in such a manner to create the window of opportunity for President Nasheed and his police service to intimidate and persecute opposition members.

President Nasheed delivers hate speech in his first state radio address to the nation

2009-06-05T11:54:00.006+05:00

In an address broadcast on the state radio Voice of Maldives at 7:15 today, Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed again accused the Maldives Police Services of unjustified delays in their investigations into Auditor General Maakun Naeem’s reports on corruption issues of the previous administration.

Last May, speaking to his ardent loyalists, President Nasheed had accused the police of deliberately delaying their investigations. In the following days, Police Commissioner Ahmed Faseeh undertook a series of illegal raids on opposition MP private offices and homes. The raids were made without required court warrants. The Judiciary had rejected police requests for such warrants on the grounds that police had insufficient evidence to justify their proposed searches.

In his radio address, President Nasheed also stated that he is categorically opposed to two bills submitted to the Parliament by members that would undermine his powers to appoint State Ministers, Deputy Ministers and other appointees to certain political posts.

One of the two bills President Nasheed referred to is the Bill submitted by Mohamed Nasheed (Independent MP for the Kulhudhufushi North Constituency) stating that the powers to appoint and remove the Police Commissioner should not be vested solely with the President. The proposed amendment is to require parliamentary approval for the appointment and removal of the Police Commissioner. The justification given by the MP for his proposed amendment is to ensure that the police remains a civilian force that is not subject to the political whims of the President. The current Police Commissioner Ahmed Faseeh is Nasheed’s political appointee, whose family is well connected to Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP).

The other Bill opposed by President Nasheed is a bill submitted by Riyaz Rasheed (Qaumee Party MP for the Thaa Constutuency) stating that appointment of State Ministers & Deputy Ministers must be approved by the Parliament prior to their appointment. The justification given by MP Riyaz for this amendment is the rapid proliferation of State Ministers and Deputy Ministers in President Nasheed’s government. Yesterday, again President Nasheed appointed 2 State Ministers and a Deputy Minister. All of yesterday’s appointees were candidates from his Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) who had lost in the recent parliamentary elections.

President Nasheed in his address today attempted to justify his creation of a Presidential Commission (widely referred to as Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission) allegedly to investigate corruption of the previous regime. The Commission has been slammed by top legal experts in the country as unconstitutional, and with extra legal powers that infringe on the powers of constitutionally mandated independent commissions and offices. President Nasheed said today that his purpose was to assist the police and the constitutional independent commissions in their investigations related to the Auditor General’s reports.

Nasheed said his Commission would assist the country’s political parties in the identification and strengthening of their future leadership and would also act as a watch-dog over activities of his government’s officials. He did not elaborate on how the Commission was assisting political parties.

President Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission is led by his crony Ali Shiyam, son of key MDP financier Abdulla Ali. The Commission consists of MDP radicals publicly known for their virulent hate attacks on opposition leaders. The homosexual leader of the religious fundamentalist party Adhaalath Party Hussein Rasheed is also a member and Additional-Chairman of the Witch Hunt Commission. Hussain Rasheed has been vociferous in hate attacks against former president and opposition leader Gayoom.

The audit reports which President Nasheed has ordered the police to investigate are targeted at leading members of the opposition. Auditor General Maakun Naeem, President Nasheed’s close crony and a member of one of MDP’s leading families the Maakun Family, has been slammed by top legal and financial experts for rampant unprofessionalism in his audit practices and for corruption. The Anti Corruption Commission is presently investigating two cases of corruption against Auditor General Maakun Naeem. Concrete evidence has been presented of cases where Maakun Naeem used Audit Office funds for his private use, and Audit Office credit card for personal expenses.

President Nasheed’s radio address today continues his hate and persecution campaign against opposition leaders. He has publicly threatened that he would arrest opposition leaders in the upcoming days even if for a few minutes. However, the Judiciary has remained firm in refusing to issue warrants for the arrest of Nasheed’s targets such as Deputy Speaker of parliament Ahmed Nazim. MP Nazim is Deputy leader of the opposition People’s Alliance Party and MP for Meemu Dhiggaru constituency.

In contrast to the Judiciary, the Maldives Human Rights Commission has so far not taken any action to protect the individual human rights of the opposition leaders. The HRC has been requested by Opposition Leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom for action to uphold his human rights in the face of his sustained persecution by President Nasheed, top political leaders in his government and his party MDP. Rights of individuals embodied in the Bill of Rights such as the right to non-discrimination, equality before the law, the right to privacy, right to protect reputation and name, right to fair administrative action, right to fair and transparent hearings, and freedom from unlawful arrest or detention are being violated ad nauseaum by President Nasheed. The HRC has so far been silent on the issue.

State of the Maldivian economy: Who’s lying? President Nasheed or Maldives Monetary Authority?

2009-06-04T18:14:00.006+05:00

The state of the Maldivian economy has declined sharply since November 2008. The Maldives Monetary Authority reported in May 2009 that the real economy has decelerated in 2009. The MMA’s April 2009 Quarterly Economic Review projects that GDP growth rate will be -0.3% in 2009, as compared to 5.8% in 2008. It projects that real output will contract by 1.3% in 2009. The MMA forecasts tourism to decline by 11% in 2009 while the construction sector is projected to decline by 24%.

This tale of economic collapse continues, as the MMA reports that consumer price inflation in March 2009 was 11.2%, much higher than the 8.2% inflation in March 2008. However, President Nasheed speaking to press on May 20th, just days after this MMA report, stated that his government had brought national inflation down from 12.06% to 10.38% since last year. Inflation is mostly contributed by the price of food, transport, health and housing. The MMA report used data up to May 5.

President Nasheed also told press on May 20th that the number of upmarket tourists had not declined much. He noted that the number of midmarket arrivals had fallen. The President’s Press Release of the day notes that President Nasheed “did not find this decline alarming”. However, just days before President Nasheed declared his lack of concern the MMA reported that tourist arrivals fell by 11% in the first quarter of 2009, as compared to the corresponding period in 2008. Similarly, bed nights also decreased by 9% during the period, and the capacity utilization of the industry dropped to 85%, as compared to 94% in Jan-Mar 2008 (MMA, May 2009).

Nasheed (left) with Finance Minister Ali Hashim

Speaking on fisheries, President Nasheed failed to mention that, although the country had relatively good catch during the first quarter of this year, fishers had to throw away their valuable catch. According to the MMA, cumulatively, during the first three months of 2009, fish catch increased by 8 percent from 25.5 thousand metric tonnes to 27.5 thousand metric tones. However, fish purchasers such as the government company Maldives Industrial Fisheries Company were ill prepared to purchase this catch. MMA reports that fish purchases by commercial buyers plunged by 45% from 15.1 thousand metric tonnes in Jan-Mar 2008 to 8.3 thousand metric tonnes in Jan-Mar 2009. This means that, where in 2008, fishermen were able to sell 59% of their catch, in 2009 only 30% of their catch was bought. This would thereby halve their income for the period, as compared to 2008.

The volume of fish exports also sharply declined by 54% compared to the corresponding period of last year. Similarly, earnings on fish exports also took a nose dive, falling by 54% from US$40.6 million in the first three months of 2008 to US$18.6 million in the same period of 2009 (MMA, May 2009). This is a $22 million reduction in export earnings to the country in just the first three months of 2009.

In his briefing on the state of the Maldivian economy, President Nasheed didn’t mention the collapse of the construction sector, a key driver of growth over the last 5 years. The MMA attributes this collapse (a 24% drop) to the government’s financing difficulties with its capital projects, and due to slow down in tourist resort development projects.

To cap it all, the overall deficit of the 2009 government budget (minus the recent supplementary budget) is projected to be Rf. 4.8 billion (28% of GDP). Total revenue is projected to decline by 9%, while total expenditure and net lending is projected to increase by Rf 1.9 billion (71% of GDP). The decline in revenue comes mainly from the decline in import duty and tourism bed tax. This is in contrast to an increase in revenue in 2008 by 5%, with a budget deficit of Rf. 2.2 billion (14% of GDP). Total expenditure and net lending in 2008 was equivalent to 63 percent of GDP. The MMA reports that the government expects to finance the 2009 budget deficit from external (70%) and domestic sources (through adoption of the proposed new revenue measures).

On top of this, in mid May, President Nasheed’s government passed through parliament a supplementary budget of Rf. 12.5 billion. Although this was 8% less than what the government initially proposed at the beginning of the year, the supplementary budget itself has a Rf. 2.23 billion deficit. This takes President Nasheed’s cumulative budget deficit for 2009 up to Rf. 7.03 billion. This brings the 2009 budgetary deficit to an alarming 41% of GDP.

President Nasheed came into power with continuous criticisms of what he called the Gayoom government’s “high” budget. These criticisms were most severe in mid 2009, primarily aimed at the then Finance Minister Gasim Ibrahim. Nasheed’s crony MP Ibrahim Mohamed Solih of Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), MDP MP (Jesus) Hassan Afeef and MDP MP (Reeko) Moosa Maniku were the most vocal in calling for Gasim Ibrahim’s resignation citing mismanagement of the budget. It is to be recalled too that even then, Auditor General Maakun Naeem stepped in with his staunch support to MDP.

President Nasheed with Auditor General Maakun Naeem (left)

Maakun Naeem quickly released a hastily done audit of the 2008 budget up to the time that the MDP launched its attack in parliament. This two pronged attack largely triggered Gasim Ibrahim’s resignation as Finance Minister last year.

President Nasheed’s core election promises included slashing government spending and increasing government revenue. As can be seen above, under President Nasheed, government spending has not been slashed, but on the contrary, increased by more than 30%. Revenue generation is projected by the MMA to decrease by 9%.

Foreign investment and grant aid were promised by Nasheed as his sources of revenue. Speaking at Dhaalu Kudahuvadhoo on March 16, President Nasheed told the public that a lot of foreign investors were interested in investing in the country (President’s Office Press Release #2009-240). Speaking at Alifushi on April 19, President Nasheed also stated that “the foreign company bringing the harbor would be coming the very next day”.

However, as with the 25,000 social housing units he announced in November 2008 as donated by the Chinese Government, these foreign investors too have yet to show up. Within a few days of Nasheed becoming president, the 25,000 free public housing units metamorphed into 10,000 commercial flats. The promised donation by the Chinese Government is no longer mentioned by the Nasheed government. The promised flats are now reportedly on offer for any foreign investor wanting to invest into housing in the country.

Speaking at the parliament opening on March 2, President Nasheed said he did not believe that it is viable to provide basic utilities from the government budget. He said that this money would come from public private partnerships. “Our aim is to secure investments at least 500 million U.S. dollar to achieve these objectives”, President Nasheed stated (President’s Office Press Release #2009-195). This appears to be in addition to the US 300 million dollars in free aid promised by President Nasheed in his first budget. The promised 300 million dollars of free aid turned out to be a Rf 203 million loan taken by the Nasheed government from the MMA in November 2008. This was quickly followed by a Rf 208 million loan last December, and a Rf 176 million loan in January this year, all from the MMA.

In the same speech on March 2, President Nasheed remarked that expenditure was higher than revenue for most of previous government’s tenure, a statement that is shown to be untrue according to MMA long term statistics. Nasheed reiterated his government would execute solutions to what he saw as the country’s economic and fiscal situation (President’s Office Press Release #2009-195). As can be seen, President Nasheed’s solutions include a first budget with a deficit of Rf 7.03 billion, which is Rf. 4.83 billion more than Gayoom’s last budget deficit.

The Nasheed government will be taking the country into deficit by a further Rf. 7.03 billion although it will be earning 9% less revenue than 2008. Further, with GDP growth now projected to fall to -0.3% compared to the 5.8% growth in 2008, the Nasheed government will be taking budget deficit up to 41% of GDP. This is a dangerously high level. It is a 34% jump from Gayoom’s 2008 budget deficit of 14% of GDP. Perhaps President Nasheed’s promised revenue solutions are the currently increased fines levied on the general public, and his recent whole sale pardoning of millions in over due tax payments by the tourism sector which financed MDP’s war on Mr. Qayyoom.

Nasheed being congratulated while industry kingpin Koli Mohamed Maniku looks on.

The question to the public is whom they will believe on the state of the Maldivian economy, President Nasheed or the Maldives Monetary Authority?

Maldivians’ hopes for liberal democracy dying a rapid death

2009-06-03T20:48:00.004+05:00

It was to much consternation that the public watched yesterday as Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed’s three new nominees to cabinet were approved by parliament. All three nominees were close friends and cronies of Pressident Nasheed. President Nasheed’s long time friend Finance Minister Ali Hashim’s business partner Mahmood Raazee was approved as Civil Aviation Minister. Nasheed’s class mate and crony Ismail Shihab’s elder brother Mohamed Shihab was approved as Home Minister. And Nasheed’s classmate and crony Husnu Suood just scraped through as Attorney General.

From Left to Right: President Nasheed, Ismail Shihab, Mohamed Shihab.

The appointment of Mohamed Shihab as Home Minister is of the gravest concern to the public. In the 1990s, Shihab was removed by then President Gayoom from his post as head of External Relations Department due to his repeated offences of bribery and corruption. Japanese Grant aid projects, Taisei company, Kuwait Fund Aid and Colombo Plan aid are just a few examples of bribery and corruption issues against Shihab. The government at the time chose not press charges against Mohamed Shihab, primarily out of respect for his father Ibrahim Shihab, a senior statesman. A few years back, Mohamed Shihab was removed from his post as Chairman of the government owned company Maldives Post, again dogged by corruption and bribery charges. He is also known to have used his offices at Maldives Post to run his Male’ parliamentary campaign.

The fact that he takes charge of the powerful Home Ministry in charge of all land issues on Male’ and the islands, and as head of all municipal administration is indeed a cause for concern. This is especially so in the light of the fact that all Ministers of State for Home Affairs so far appointed by President Nasheed have well known criminal backgrounds. A few examples are Ministers of State for Home Affairs Ahmed Shafeeq (commonly known as Goathi Vagu or Land (property) Thief for his criminal activities in relation to housing plots), Ahmed Mujuthaba, younger brother of well known gang lord and loan shark Thimarafushi Musthafa (MDP financier) and Monaza Naeem, reputed for bribery and corruption in government construction contracts and tourism operations.

Leaving aside Mohamed Shihab’s corrupt background, it is disappointing to see such as close crony of President Nasheed become the political head of the Maldives Police Service. The police since becoming a civil force a few years back had made great strides in its development as a community police force before Nasheed’s political appointee Ahmed Faseeh took over as Commissioner. Since then, the police has been controlled directly by President Nasheed much to the detriment of public peace and human rights. Police have repeatedly attacked peaceful public gatherings inflicting bodily harm on several members of the public, it has made unlawful arrests of peaceful individuals and is presently participating fully in President Nasheed’s unlawful persecution of opposition leaders. Repeated violations of the human rights of police detainees have been reported to the Human Rights Commission.

The public much anticipated that an honest and upright citizen would be given the important post of Home Minister, one who would not be Nasheed’s stooge. However, Mohamed Shihab, former parliamentary whip of President Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party, is unlikely to be an independent authority who would uphold the rule of law.

This situation is exacerbated by the appointment of President Nasheed’s class mate and crony Husnu Suood as Attorney General.

Attorney General Suood (right) photographed intimidating a member of the public near the Parliament House.

Husnu Suood has been lead lawyer for MDP in several court cases. Suood takes on this portfolio at a time that the public require the Nasheed government to be brought back into the confines of the constitution and the law. President’s Nasheed has begun several initiatives that violate the Maldives constitution, and has personally violated the constitution and laws with many of his actions. The fact that the former Attorney General tried to stop these violations is the key reason that she was arbitrarily sacked. It is unlikely that such a close crony of President Nasheed’s will provide independent advice. To the contrary, the Attorney General’s job is likely to be to find legal loopholes for President Nasheed’s major undertaking at the present, the systemic persecution of opposition leaders.

By endorsing these appointees, the new parliament has indeed failed miserably in its mandate to function as a check to the government. As this clearly demonstrates, the common citizen is the loser in the ongoing political backroom deals. Only time will tell if President Nasheed will honor his side of the deal to let up on his persecution of individual opposition leaders on the other side of these deals. It is well known that President Nasheed has DRP Deputy Leader Ahmed Thasmeen Ali and colleagues Abdulla Shahid and Deputy Speaker Ahmed Nazim in an iron-grip on trumped-up charges of corruption. They in turn have Nasheed in a stranglehold with their control over the parliament.

MDP sends warning signals to the Maldivian High Court

2009-06-03T12:17:00.009+05:00

Photo: President Nasheed (Right) with his close friend and MDP financier Musthafa (left – wearing yellow tie)

Addressing an MDP rally at the Artificial Beach on Tuesday night, MDP Parliamentary Group leader and Party voice Reeko Moosa Maniku called on the High Court to expedite a ruling on the case involving the Thimarafushi Constituency vote. Moosa repeatedly claimed that the TC seat belonged to the MDP, and warned of civil unrest if a court ruling went against the MDP candidate.

MDP pg group leader Moosa’s warning of civil unrest follows an arson assault on the family home of one of the key witnesses who gave testimony against MDP activities during the voting in Thimarafushi .

The case against the Elections Commission was lodged with the High Court by DRP candidate Mohamed Ghassan Maumoon, requesting an overturn of the election results of both ballot boxes and an order for a re-vote. The appeal also requested that a stay order be issued to the EC to withhold announcement of preliminary results of these boxes until the Supreme Court took a decision on the matter. Ghassan Maumoon’s appeal stated that, voting on Thimarafushi island took place under intimidation, threat and violence by supporters of MDP candidate Musthafa. Also unpopular for his management of the infamous local mafia addaa Mercufy Café, Musthafa is also a financier of MDP activities and close friend and ally of President Mohamed Nasheed.

Local media reports that the MDP candidate Musthafa’s supporters hijacked the ballot boxes twice during the voting process by rushing the voting area and forcing elections officials and Ghassan’s observers out of the area. After a lengthy delay during which the ballot box was in the hands of Musthafa’s supporters, ballot counting proceeded under police supervision. Ghassan’s observers were also prevented from attending the ballot counting. In addition, when the ballot box was sealed after counting, some ballots had been left outside the box. Other reports also validate those elections officials responsible for the election administration in the constituency refused to accept the Thimarafushi ballot box because the seal was broken when it reached them.

At the Court Hearing on Sunday, presiding Judge Ali Hameed specifically questioned the Elections Commission on irregularities in signatures on the elections results sheet, irregularities in the handover process of the ballot box to Elections Commission officials and on the issue of 115 ballot papers that were missing from the box.

Upon close questioning, Deputy Elections Commissioner Hussain Siraj admitted that the 155 ballot papers missing from the ballot box had disappeared before the ballot box had reached the Commission. Hussain Siraj is one of the lead lawyers of President Mohamed Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party. The Elections Commissions also admitted violation of regulations on all three issues at the court hearing last Sunday.

Maldives Elections Commission admits Thimarafushi ballot box results sheet illegal

2009-06-02T11:11:00.005+05:00

Elections Commissioner - Mohamed Ibrahim

Maldives Elections Commission today admitted in High Court that the elections results sheet of the Thimarafushi ballot box was not in accordance with the Elections Regulation. A court hearing was held today for judges to obtain clarifications of issues in the ongoing High Court case of the Thimarafushi parliamentary vote. Today’s hearing, called for by the High Court, dealt with only matters relating to statements by the Elections Commission.

High Court Judge Ali Hameed specifically questioned the Elections Commission on irregularities in signatures on the elections results sheet, irregularities in the handover process of the ballot box to Elections Commission officials and on the issue of 115 ballot papers that were missing from the box. On all three issues, the Elections Commission admitted that violations of the regulations had occured.

On the first issue, the Elections Commission admitted that the elections results sheet was in contravention of the Elections Regulation, as it only contained signatures of only two officials. According to the regulations, it must be signed by three officials.

On the second issue too, the Commission admitted that the ballot box had not been sealed when it was handed over to Elections Commission officials in charge of delivering it to the Commission. The law and regulations requires that the ballot box must be sealed in the presence of officials and observers at the ballot counting station after ballot counting had finishes. Today, the Commission admitted that a) the box had been open when it was handed over its officials for transport, b) it had not been at the ballot counting station but at the Thimarafushi Island Office; and 3) that when its transport officials went to collect it, only one individual had been with the open ballot box.

When questioned by the court judge as to whether these were against the law, Deputy Elections Commissioner Hussain Siraj replied that the regulations did not state that more than one individual should look after the ballot box. However, when questioned further, Siraj was forced to concede that indeed the issues raised by the court were indeed against the law.

Upon close questioning, Hussain Siraj was also forced to admit that the 155 ballot papers missing from the ballot box had disappeared before the ballot box had reached the Commission. Hussain Siraj is one of the lead lawyers of President Mohamed Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party. Siraj has represented the MDP in several court cases. He was recently appointed to the Elections Commission, in place of Commissioner Shahid. Commissioner Shahid, a top official in the MDP, resigned recently saying that his wife, President Nasheed’s cousin Eva Abdulla, was contesting the parliamentary elections as an MDP candidate.

The court questioned whether the Elections Commission had made any effort to find out what had happened to the 115 ballots that were missing. The Commission lawyer replied that the Maldives Police Service was investigating the matter and that the investigation had not yet finished. Previously, Commisioner Siraj had testified in the High Court that the missing ballots would not change the elections results. However, another Commissioner, Mahir, had given a statement to press that since the ballots were missing it was clear that there needed to be a fresh vote in Thimarafushi. A third Commissioner, Fuad Thowfeeq, had given a statement to press that the missing ballots were empty ballots but could not clarify how the Commission knew this. Fuad Thowfeeq too is a leading MDP member who previously headed a MDP technical committee.

In the provisional results announced by the Commission for Thimarafushi, the MDP candidate Thimarafushi Musthafa lead DRP candidate Ghassan Maumoon by about 100 votes. Submitting evidence such as above, Ghassan Maumoon has requested the High Court to declare the Thimarafushi result invalid and to order the Elections Commission to hold a fresh vote in his constituency. Witnesses who testified in favor of Ghassan Maumoon have been victimized with arson attacks and personal attacks. One witnesses house was burned down immediately after she gave testimony in Ghassam Maumoon’s favour. The MDP candidate Thimarafushi Musthafa is the well known gang lord and loan shark who ran the notorious Mercury Light Café the hideout of MDP thugs in Male’.

Auditor General Maakun Naeem’s fraud case evidence stolen from Maldives Anti-Corruption Commission

2009-06-01T16:28:00.004+05:00

Auditor General Maakun Ibrahim Naeem (Standing)

Evidence of fraud by Auditor General Maakun Ibrahim Naeem has been stolen from the offices of the Maldives Anti-Corruption Commission. A top official from the Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) told Haveeru Daily yesterday that the stolen documents included receipts of monies Auditor General Maakun Naeem had used illegally from the Audit Office. They also included receipts of monies by the Audit Office when Maakun Naeem had tried to cover up the whole issue by paying back the illegal money. The incriminating documents were in relation to a private trip that Maakun Naeem had taken to Baa Atoll.

Thieves broke into the offices of the Anti Corruption Commission on May 6th and ransacked the place, turning shelves, filing cabinets and desk drawers upside down. The ACC official told Haveeru that earlier that day ACC Chief Ali Rasheed had summoned Maakun Naeem in to question him about the illegal use of Audit Office funds. The questioning was carried out by the ACC Chief and two of his administrative assistants. No other ACC member was told of the investigation. According to the source, all the documentary proof was taken out of files by the ACC Chief and shown to the Auditor General Maakun Naeem. With the evidence in front of him, Maakun Naeem had given a statement that he was indeed culpable of the crime, and had requested the ACC Chief to overlook the crime since he had paid back the monies. The ACC Chief had reportedly agreed that since the Auditor general had paid back the monies he used illegally, the investigation could be shelved.

However, according to the informant, the two administrative personnel at the meeting had later met with ACC Chief and disagreed that Maakun Naeem’s crime could be shelved by the ACC according to law. They also reported the matter to other members of the Anti Corruption Commission. Subsequently, that very day, the full Anti Corruption Commission had met to deliberate on the clear evidence of fraud by Auditor General Maakun Naeem. After deliberating on the matter, the Commission had decided that the fraud case by Auditor General was too strong to be ignored, and that the matter should be pursued by ACC to its full legal conclusion. The break-in into the ACC Offices had occurred that very night. According to the ACC Official speaking to Haveeru, the only documents taken by the thieves were the documentary proof of Maakun Naeem’s case.

ACC Chief Ali Rasheed yesterday strongly denied these reports by his staff. He stated to media that no documents relating to any ongoing investigation had been stolen. Police also told media that the ACC had reported that no documents had been stolen in the robbery.

It is clear though that the ACC had an ongoing investigation into misuse of Audit Office funds by Auditor General Maakun Naeem. In addition to Maakun Naeem’s use of Audit Office funds to pay his bills for private trips, there also remains the case of Maakun Naeem using the Audit Office credit card for private expenses overseas. It is not known how far ACC has carried out this latter investigation.

Auditor General Maakun Naeem, President Nasheed’s crony and long term ally hails from the Maakun family of MDP activists. Street gangs run by Maakun Naeem’s cousin Falah are notorious for their attacks against dissenters to MDP. Maakun Naeem is also reported to have been involved in his cousin Maakun Sattar’s siphoning off of millions from the Fisheries project Implementation Department (STO) in the early 1990s. Maakun Naeem was one of the key administrative staff of the official commission investigating his cousin’s criminal activities and had access to all evidence of the crimes.

During the time of his nomination as Auditor general, there also surfaced reports of Maakun Naeem’s misuse of Maldives Monetary Authority funds for private trips overseas. Reportedly, the tactic employed by Maakun Naeem was to make first class bookings involving long routes and long transits for which the ticketing agency (Galaxy Enterprises) would be paid by the MMA. In addition Maakun Naeem took cash from MMA for expenses and allowances for the trip duration. He would then privately cancel the booking, personally take back the repayment in cash from Galaxy Enterprises, and then make economy class direct bookings to the destination in question. In this way, Maakun Naeem pocketed about US $ 4000 to US $ 5000 per MMA trip. Maakun Naeem was at the time working part time as a private consultant to Galaxy Enterprises.

Other reported cases of Maakun Naeem’s misuse of public funds and his powers include bribes taken when negotiating the Hulhumale’ reclamation loan. Maakun Naeem is also reputed to have taken bribes and favoured family and friends in giving housing loans when he was the Chairman of the Maldives Housing Finance Company. It would indeed be interesting to see an audit report of both MMA and the HFC.

Nepotism rampant in Maldives President Nasheed’s Government

2009-05-31T12:39:00.003+05:00

The 6 month old government of Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed is at present struggling with economic, social and political woes mainly of its own making. Insiders blame President Nasheed’s heavy handed control of his top heavy political administration for the mismanagement of the budget, impractical whole sale changes to the administrative structure, collapse of social and welfare services and the failing economy.

The high profile faces of Nasheed’s top political appointees show a dominance of close relatives, interspersed with failed politicians and front line radicals from his party Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP). MDP sources report that this dominance of close relatives of President Nasheed, Vice President Dr Waheed and party Chairman Mariya Didi is at the root of emerging deep cracks in the MDP’s general membership. In addition to its inexperience, another factor contributing to Nasheed’s government’s continual mistakes and failures is apparently the lack of cohesion and cooperation in its front ranks. Most political appointees reportedly answer only to President Nasheed and do not undertake any action unless directly ordered by him.

Following are some examples of the rampant nepotism and cronyism in President Nasheed’s struggling government.

Housing, Infrastructure and Transport Minister Aslam is married to President Nasheed's 2nd cousin Naseema’s daughter Aishath Rameeza. (Aishath Rameeza is daughter of Naseema & Beru Ramzee ).
Health Minister Aminath Jameel is married to Sikka Mohamed Ismail Maniku (kuda Sikka), whose elder brother is Sikka Ahmed Ismail Maniku (Bodu Sikka - the convicted November 3rd terrorist leader) who is married to President Nasheed’s aunt (father’s own sister).
President Nasheed’s close friend DIK Ali Hashim is Finance Minister, and Acting Attorney General.
President Nasheed's father is second cousin to Kerafa Ahmed Naseem, State Minister for Foreign Affairs.
President Nasheed’s classmate and close friend Dr Hussain Rasheed Hassan is State Minister of Fisheries and Agriculture.
Finance Minister Ali Hashim’s business partner Mahmood Raazee is State Minister for Civil Aviation. Razee is the nominee to take the Civil Aviation Minister’s portofolio.
Transport Minister Aslam’s younger brother Assad is State Minister for Finance.
President Nasheed’s classmate and close friend, Ahmed Muizzu, is Prosecutor General.
President Nasheed’s classmate and close friend Husnu Suood is President Nasheed’s nominee for Chief Justice. Suood is also Prosecutor General Muizzu’s long time business partner in their joint law firm. Soood’s brother-in-law, Dr. Abdul Majeed is the Minister for Islamic Affairs.
President Nasheed’s nominee for Speaker of Parliament, his cousin Fazna Ahmed’s husband Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, is MDP MP for Lhaviyani Hinnavaru. Ibrahim Mohamed Solih is also brother of President Nasheed’s long-time lover Fathmath Solih. Ibrahim Solih is also President Nasheed’s class mate and best friend. His wife Fazna Ahmed’s mother is President Nasheed’s aunt. Fazna’s father is Bodu Sikka, the convicted November 3rd terrorist.
President Nasheed’s cousin by marriage Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s younger brother Niyaz Solih is Deputy State Minister for Medhu Uthuru Province.
President Nasheed’s cousin by marriage Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s elections’ campaign manager Mohamed Mahir is Counselor for Lhaviyani Atoll.
President Nasheed's cousin, Eva Abdulla (his aunt Zuheyra's daughter), is MDP MP for Galolhu constituency.
Eva Abdulla’s husband Saabe was, until last month, Deputy Chair of the Elections Commission. Saabe and Housing Minister Aslam are business partners.
Saabe’s father Ogaru Mohamed Fulhu (loan shark & businessman) is Deputy Mayor for Male’.
President Nasheed’s uncle by marriage and Eva Abdulla’s father Deyliya Abdulla Mohamed’s younger sister Rugiyya (also Ibrahim Solih’s cousin) is MDP MP for Vaavu Atoll. Deyliya is also President Nasheed’s best friend Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s cousin.
Rugiyya’s husband Thoyyib is State Minister for Information and Arts. Thoyyib grew up in President Nasheed’s aunt’s household, Dheeframaage.
President Nasheed’s uncle by marriage (Eva Abdulla’s father) Deyliya’s second wife Maizan Khadeeja’s brother Maizan Adam Maniku is State Minister for Housing, Infrastructure and Transport.
President Nasheed’s classmate and close friend Ali Shiyam is Economic Advisor to the President. Ali Shiyam is also the head of President Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission.
Ali Shiyam’s brother Ahmed Hamza was President Nasheed’s nominee for Deputy Speaker of Parliament.
Ali Shiyam’s borther Jihad was MDP candidate for Faafu Nilandhoo constituency.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's sister Ashiya Ahmed Didi’s ex-husband Dr. Ahmed Shaheed is Foreign Minister.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's sister, Haula Ahmed Didi, is Deputy Foreign Minister.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's sister Rugiya Ahmed Didi is President Nasheed's private secretary.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's sister Rugiyya’s ex-husband Umaru Jamaal is State Minister for Gaafu Dhaalu Province.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's brother-in-law Ahmed Latheef (married to Fazeena Ahmed Didi) is the Maldivian High Commissioner in Beijing.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's nephew (Latheef’s and Fazeena’s son) Mifzal Ahmed is Advisor on Investments.
MDP Chairperson Mariya’s sister Fazeena’s brother-in-Law Hassan Latheef is the Minster of Youth & Sports.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's sister-in-law Farahanaz Faisal is the Maldivian High Commissioner in UK.
Farahanaz Faisal's brother Ameen Faisal is the Defence Minister as well as Acting Home Minister.
Farahanaz Faisal’s sister Shuweykaar’s husband Ahmed Rasheed is the Chief of Protocol.
MDP Chairperson Mariya's brother-in-law Falaah (ex husband Abdul Sattar Ali’s brother) was MDP candidate for Maafannu Dhekunu constituency, but lost that seat.
Auditor General Maakun Ibrahim Naeem is Falah’s cousin.
Vice President Dr. Mohamed Waheed's brother-in-law Bigey was MDP candidate for Raa Alifushi constitutency, but lost that seat. Bigey was a Nasheed’s appointee as President’s Member in the last Parliament.
Vice President Dr Waheed's brother-in-law Ilyaas Hussein is the Controller of Immigration.
Vice President Dr Waheed's brother-in-law Naushaad Waheed is the Councilor at the Maldivian High Commission in UK.
Vice President Dr Waheed's brother-in-law Hussein Shihaab is the Maldivian High Commissioner in Saudi Arabia.
Vice President Dr Waheed's brother-in-law Hussein Shihaab’s brother Mohamed Shihab was Speaker of Parliament in the recently dispersed interim Parliament. He is now nominated for the post of Minister of Home Affairs.

The above list is just a sampler, quite a remarkable achievement for a President who campaigned against cronyism, nepotism and corruption.

President Nasheed removed Civil Aviation Minister, proposes 3 new Ministers

2009-05-31T12:36:00.002+05:00

Maldives President Nasheed yesterday removed his Communications and Civil Aviation Minister Mohamed Jameel Ahmed. No explanation was given by the President for his arbitrary action. However, when questioned by press, Presidential Press Secretary said that Jameel had been sacked in order to make room for another Minister. Current Minister of State for Civil Aviation Mahmood Raazee has been nominated by President Nasheed for parliamentary approval in lieu of Jameel.

President Nasheed yesterday also nominated Mohamed Shihab as Home Minister. Mohamed Shihab was the previous MP for Male’ and Speaker of Parliament in the interim parliament. The Home Minister’s portfolio has been vacant since Gasim Ibrahim resigned from the post 21 days after taking oath of office. Gasim Ibrahim, leader of Jumhooree Party (JP), resigned citing differences of opinions with President Nasheed, and Nasheed’s executive decisions as against national interest. Shihab’s nomination as Home Minister keeps this portfolio within JP. In the deal struck between President Nasheed and JP, Nasheed promised them the key portfolios of Home Minister, Tourism Minister, Attorney General and Religious Affairs Minister. In return, JP funded Nasheed’s bid for the second round of presidential elections 2008. Gasim Ibrahim is also reported to have demanded the Finance Minister’s portfolio for JP, but been rejected. It should be noted however that Shihab was a leading member of President Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party, in fact he was MDP whip in parliament till he joined JP.

However, yesterday’s cabinet nominations took away the Attorney General’s portfolio from JP. President Nasheed yesterday nominated former MDP lead lawyer and activist Husnu Suood as Attorney General. Husnu Suood, President Nasheed’s classmate and crony, had distanced himself from MDP last year, when the MDP’s eye turned to the Chief Justice’s seat. He has however been representing MDP in court throughout this time. Husnu Suood is also Prosecutor General Ahmed Muizzu’s long time business partner in their joint legal firm, Muizzu Suood and Co. Muizzu himself is President Nasheed’s classmate and close friend. The Attorney General’s portfolio was vacated this month went President Nasheed sent JP’s Diyana Saeed packing from the post.

Civil Aviation Minister Jameel’s removal from office is seen as part of the new deal struck between President Nasheed, JP and another of his coalition partner’s in government, Qaumee Party. Qaumee Party (QP) is headed by Dr. Hassan Saeed, failed presidential candidate in round one of the 2008 presidential elections. In return for its important two votes in the new parliament, QP is speculated to have been promised the key post of Chief Justice. Their candidate, Mohamed Jameel Ahmed, ex-Civil Aviation Minister. Under the 2008 constitution, the Chief Justice is head of the third power in the democracy, the Judiciary. QP still holds one ministerial portfolio in the Nasheed government, that of Foreign Minister Ahmed Shaheed. Ahmed Shaheed in MDP Chairman Mariya Didi’s brother in law.

The rapid changes to President Nasheed’s cabinet, symptomatic of an unstable government, a matter of great concern to the citizens. The coalition between Nasheed’s MDP, JP, QP, Social Liberal Party (SLP) and the religious fundamental Adhaalath Party has shown signs of instability since day 1. The political fight between MDP, JP and QP for dominance in cabinet, has been exacerbated by Adhaalath Party’s independent religious control over the 100% muslim country. The SLP too has had a falling out with MDP, as shown by the fact that SLP leader Ibrahim Ismail and MDP Chairperson Mariya Didi contested the same parliamentary seat in the recent elections. Both candidates hammered at each other with heated words during their parliamentary campaigns.

The bid by President Nasheed and his coalition partners to hijack the Judiciary violates the tenets of democracy. The separation of the three powers, the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary are democratic principles embodied in the new constitution. It is alarming to see this being violated without being given a chance to be practiced in action. However, it is also not surprising, given that the President Nasheed’s coalition has lost control of the parliament. The first defeat was when MDP was thrashed at the polls as the opposition coalition led by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom took 35 seats in the 77 member parliament. Its second defeat was when the same coalition bagged the posts of Speaker and deputy Speaker of Parliament earlier this week. The opposition coalition consists of Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party (DRP) led by former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom and People’s Alliance Party (PA) lead by Abdulla Yameen.

The DRP/PA coalition is also reported to be negotiating amongst itself for nominees to key posts in the Judiciary and independent commissions and independent offices. Including that of Chief Justice, there remain the rest of the Supreme Court. Appointments to the posts of the interim Chief Justice and the Supreme Court show some element of cooperation between the two warring coalitions, both in nomination and in voting patterns on the floor. However, with President Nasheed aggressively on the warpath with his systemic persecution of opposition leaders, this same spirit of cooperation is unlikely to be there.

The greater democracy promised by the new constitution will die a quick death if the Judiciary is hijacked by any of the warring coalitions. The consequences of such an outcome are far and many. It is to be hoped that saner heads will prevail, and the Chief Justice post will be given to an experienced legal scholar such as Dr. Mohamed Munawwar. Other candidates include current Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed and leading lawyers such as Shaheen Hameed and even Prosecutor General Ahmed Muizzu. However, none boast the international caliber of Dr. Munawwar. Dr. Munawwar, Gayoom’s former Attorney General and later MDP President, is a scholar of international repute capable of steering the Judiciary through the country’s teething pains of liberal democracy. As to his political leanings, much can be said on both sides.

Who holds the balance of power in the Other Maldives?

2009-05-30T04:27:00.005+05:00

(Photo: People's Majlis, Department of Judicial Administration, Presidents Office)

The power balance between ruling party Maldivian Democratic Party and the opposition entered into a new phase yesterday with the parliament’s top posts being taken by leading opposition party Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party and its coalition partner People’s Alliance.

The new Constitution of the Maldives, ratified in 2008 by former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, embodies major changes in the distribution of powers between the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary. In addition, a far reaching Bill of Rights, constitutionally mandated independent commissions and major enabling provisions for economic and property rights codifies liberal democratic principles as the country graduates from its least developed country status.

In the Other Maldives birthed on 11th November 2008, the country has been turned upside down by President Mohamed Nasheed as he embarked on ambitious changes to the country’s long term administrative structure, its civil service and its national development path. Hasty introduction of regional provincial administrations, stoppage of ongoing public infrastructure projects, whole sale divesting of public utilities and restructuring of education and health services have failed miserably. Core reasons for the failure of these wide ranging experimental changes include mismatch between the government’s hasty executive actions and its budget; failure to generate projected revenues; and a glaring inability to bring in much publicized bilateral aid and multinational foreign investment. Behind these lies inexperience in revenue and budget management, and in public policy and administration. President Nasheed’s top heavy political machinery is presently grappling with these self made disasters as Maldives, which boasted over 8% annual GDP growth over the past three decades, nosedives into a foreign exchange crisis, rising inflation, sharp downturn in its economic pillar tourism, and breakdown in administration and collapse of social services.

In the context of these governance crises, the dominance of the opposition in the new parliament will be a major concern to the Executive. The 2008 constitution gives the parliament unparalleled powers to make the executive answerable for its every action. From approval of cabinet nominees, accountability of president and his cabinet, determination of matters relating to Independent Commissions and Independent Offices, holding of public referendums on issues of public importance; to tight budgetary control, to taxation and expenditures, to almost every action by the Executive can be interpreted as under the purview of the parliament.

Under Article 70 (b) (3), the law making powers of the parliament includes “the supervision of the exercise of executive authority and ensuring the executive authority is accountable for the exercise of its powers, and taking the steps required for ensuring the same”.

Under Article 116, although the President has the discretion to establish all ministries required within the Government, and determine their areas of jurisdiction, he/she requires the approval of parliament. The parliament may give to the President such opinions and views it has on the ministries and their areas of jurisdiction established in accordance with the article.

Under Article 129 (c), except for the Vice President, the President must receive the approval of the parliament for all appointments to the Cabinet. The Cabinet shall consist of the Vice President, the Ministers given responsibility for the different Ministries, and the Attorney General (Article 129 (d)). Under Article 134, in addition to be responsible individually and collectively to the President, members of the Cabinet are individually and collectively also responsible to the parliament in the manner specified by the Constitution for the proper exercise of the responsibilities and duties assigned to them.

Article 98 gives the parliament broad powers to question not just Cabinet Ministers but any member of the Government. Under Article 98 (a), parliament may demand the presence of any member of the Cabinet or member of the Government to attend its proceedings and “to respond under oath truthfully to questions put to them and to produce documents, required by the People’s Majlis relating to the due performance of the obligations and responsibilities of such person”. Further, under Article 98 (b), “Every member of the People’s Majlis has the right to question, in the manner specified by the People’s Majlis and either orally or in writing, a member of the Cabinet or head of a Government office, concerning the performance of his duties”.

Under Article 99 (a) and (b), the parliament or any of its committees has the power to “summon any person to appear before it to give evidence under oath, or to produce documents” and to “require any person or institution to report to it”. The parliament may also “receive petitions, representations or submissions from interested persons or institutions” (Article 99 (c)).

Under Article 88, the parliament shall determine and control its administrative arrangements, make regulations concerning these matters; and “make regulations and principles concerning its business, with due regard to representative and participatory democracy, accountability, transparency and public involvement”.

These articles, and other supporting articles, give the parliament powers to interpret its constitutional mandates and to establish administrative procedures to implement this mandate. The Executive will have to bow down to the Legislature in these matters. Thus, the constitutional arm of the parliament is far reaching in the 2008 Constitution.

This imbalance of constitutional powers in favor of the Legislature, with the Executive liable to be held in a stranglehold should the Legislature choose to exert its full powers, was purposefully designed by the then opposition, the MDP, to hijack the then Executive led by President Gayoom. In the drawn out fight between the then ruling party DRP and opposition MDP in the last Constitutional Assembly, the disarrayed ranks of Gayoom’s DRP were unable to withstand the strong arm tactics of Speaker Gasim Ibrahim and Chair of the Drafting Committee Ibrahim Ismail. The public fallout between PA and the DRP helped to seal the nail in the Executive coffin as the final chapters of the Executive, the Legislature and Transitional Matters were passed by the Assembly. The fact that both the MDP and the PA, and influential factions in the DRP, were philosophically inclined towards a parliamentary system of governance is also only too clearly reflected far reaching powers of the legislature in the new constitution.

However, the current Executive can take heart from the fact that the opposition does not have the numbers to force the parliament to flex its powers under Article 100 to remove the President or Vice President from office. Under Article 100 (e), a resolution to remove the President or Vice President from office in the procedure duly specified shall only be passed if it receives a two-thirds majority of the total membership of the parliament. Of the current 76 membership of parliament, this means that any such resolution will require 51 votes in favor for it to be passed. Yesterday’s voting on election of Speaker and Deputy Speaker, shows that the DRP/PA coalition still clearly falls 9 votes short of this requirement. In reality, the opposition must obtain all non MDP votes in order to pass such a motion. This is would be a near impossible task since President Nasheed’s coalition partners Jumhooree Party and Qaumee Party hold 1 and 2 seats respectively, while Jumhooree Party leader Gasim Ibrahim is reported to now hold 5 independent MP votes under his control. MDP presently hold 25 seats.

However, Cabinet Ministers are not as secure as the President and Vice President. Under Article 101 (c), a motion of want of confidence concerning a member of the Cabinet shall be passed by a majority of the total membership of the parliament. Of the current 76 membership, this means that any Cabinet member can be removed from office by a no confidence motion with 38 votes in favor. Again, looking at the short history of voting in the new parliament, this looks like to be a very easy task for the opposition. It successfully controlled 42 votes in the election of Speaker of Parliament.

However, the Executive may be able to avoid this situation at the present time, as under the constitution, the current Cabinet (or a new Cabinet should President Nasheed decide on a reshuffle) must be affirmed by the new parliament. Since this requires a simple majority of those members present and voting, the ruling party MDP need only engineer such a majority in the relevant session. Holding 33 votes in its vote bank according to yesterday’s voting, this does not look like a difficult task for MDP.

The Judiciary too is not as independent as the stated liberal democratic principles would enjoin. It too is subject to parliamentary oversight in several ways, as is evident from a close reading of the constitution.

Under Article 141 (a), judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court, the High Court, and such Trial Courts as established by law. The Supreme Court is the highest authority for administration of justice in the country (Article 141 (b)). The Chief Justice, the highest authority on the Supreme Court (Article 141 (b)), shall be appointed by the head of state, the President, after consulting the Judicial Service Commission and confirmation of the appointee by a majority of the members of the parliament present and voting (Article 147).

Similarly, under Article 148, the President as the Head of State shall appoint the Judges of the Supreme Court, after consulting the Judicial Service Commission and confirmation of the appointees by a majority of the members of the parliament present and voting.

Article 149 (Qualification of judges) enjoins the parliament to pass a statute relating to judges. Their salaries and allowances are determined by the parliament “in keeping with the stature of their office” (Article 152).

Parliament holds the ultimate power to remove judges. Under Article 152 (b), “a Judge may be removed from office only if the Judicial Service Commission finds that the person is grossly incompetent, or that the Judge is guilty of gross misconduct, and submits to the People’s Majlis a resolution supporting the removal of the Judge, which is passed by a two thirds majority of the members of the People’s Majlis present and voting.

Under Article 281, the interim Judicial Service Commission appointed in accordance with transitional matters in the constitution ends its term when a new commission is constituted by the new parliament.

The influence of the parliament over the judiciary does not end there. Under Article 158, the membership of the Judicial Services Commission includes the Speaker of parliament, a member of the parliament appointed by it, and a member of the general public appointed by the Parliament. Salaries and allowances of members of the Judicial Service Commission who is not a member of the Executive, the Judiciary, or the parliament are determined by parliament (Article 164).

With these powers and those over independent commissions and independent offices, it is clear that the legislature holds the balance of power in the Other Maldives. However, the powers of the President in nomination of candidates to each of these positions and the powers of the Executive to fulfill the demands of various constituencies will give him negotiating power with the opposition and with individual MPs. The manner in which these constitutional powers affect the country’s administration and the rights and liberties of its populace depends on the collaboration and cooperation between the ruling party and the leading opposition. What is certainly clear is that President Nasheed’s current campaign fear and persecution of opposition leaders will certainly not lead to a conducive negotiating environment.

Gayoom’s coalition takes command of new parliament by bagging Speaker and Deputy Speaker posts

2009-05-28T19:20:00.005+05:00

Maldives new parliament sworn in this morning has just elected People’s Alliance Deputy Leader and MP for Meemu Dhiggaru Ahmed Nazim as its Deputy Speaker. The opposition coalition led by Maldives former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom secured the Deputy Speaker seat with 41 votes for Ahmed Nazim, soundly defeating Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed’s candidate, its long time financier AAA company’s Ahmed Hamza, MP for Faafu Bileidhoo Constituency. Ahmed Hamza received 33 votes, with the remaining vote being deemed invalid.

Earlier this afternoon, the coalition of Gayoom’s Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party and People’s Alliance defeated President Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party by electing Abdulla Shahid, MP for Vaavu Felidhoo constituency, with 42 votes. President Nasheed’s candidate for Speaker, his cousin by marriage Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, the MP for Lhaviyani Hinnavaru constituency, received 33 votes.

Deputy Speaker Ahmed Nazim, who has served two previous consecutive terms as MP for Meemu Atoll, is currently one of the high profile victims of President Nasheed witch hunt of opposition leaders. Upon Nasheed’s executive orders, his appointee Police Commissioner Ahmed Faseeh has made repeated attempts to obtain court warrants for the Deputy Speaker’s arrest. However, the judiciary has rejected these police requests on the basis of insufficient evidence. Last week President Nasheed publicly promised his party loyalists that he would make high profile arrests, even if for a few minutes, in the upcoming days. However, as with President Nasheed’s election promises of national development initiatives to the general public, this promise too has come to nought. His only victim to date has been Deputy Speaker Ahmed Nazim’s wife, arrested illegally by police without a legal warrant, and released after 24 hours by court order.

With Gayoom’s coalition securely in the command seat of the parliamentary agenda, it remains to be seen how the administrative powers and control of parliament are divided up between DRP and PA. Sources report that the coalition between the two parties is not as amicable as seen on the surface, with Abdulla Yameen’s PA taking a more dominant role over the larger partner in the coalition, DRP. Some say this is with DRP leader Gayoom’s blessing.

Negotiations are reportedly ongoing within the coalition on how the chairing of key parliamentary committees will be allocated between the two parties. The coalition also needs to reach agreement on their nominees for key posts in independent institutions.

In accordance with Article 290 of the new constitution, parliament must appoint the Elections Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission and the Prosecutor General within 60 days of its first sitting. This decision comes on the heels of two elections manipulated by President Nasheed’s stooges in the Elections Commission and in the midst of President Nasheed’s witch hunt for Gayoom and opposition leaders’ blood. An active participant in the Witch Hunt, the head of the Anti-Corruption Commission has made repeated public attacks on former president Gayoom and other opposition leaders but has not shown any concrete evidence to support his allegations.

With the public trust and confidence on the Elections Commission lost due to the blatant vote rigging and fraud in both recent elections, it is calling for the Elections Commission to be sacked immediately, and new members appointed, in order to ensure that the upcoming municipal elections are at least free and fair.

Gayoom’s coalition secures the key role of Speaker of parliament

2009-05-28T16:09:00.002+05:00

The opposition coalition led by Maldives former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom has just secured the key role of Speaker of the newly sworn in parliament. Abdulla Shahid, MP for Vaavu Felidhoo constituency, secured the seat with 42 votes, soundly defeating Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed’s candidate MP for Lhaviyani Hinnavaru constituency Ibrahim Mohamed Solih who got 33 votes.

The Parliament is even at this moment proceeding with the next item on its agenda, the election of the Deputy Speaker. MP for Alifu Dhaalu Maamigili constituency and leader of Jumhooree Party Gasim Ibrahim has proposed independent MP for Haa Dhaalu Kulhudhuffushi Mohamed Nasheed for the post of Deputy Speaker. MP for Meemu Dhiggaru Ahmed Nazim and deputy leader of People’s Alliance is the opposition coalitions’s candidate for the post, while President’s Nasheed’s ruling party Maldivian Democratic Party is supporting its long time financier AAA company’s Ahmed Hamza, MP for Faafu Bileidhoo Constituency.

One important point to note in the ongoing proceedings is that the President Nasheed’s cousin by marriage Ibrahim Mohamed Solih received 8 votes more than the registered MDP MPs in the new parliament. In contrast, the opposition coalition managed to rustle up 7 additional votes. Sources report that MDP’s additional votes have been contributed by Gasim Ibrahim whose Jumhooree Party is one of MDP’s coalition partners in the struggling Nasheed Government. Gasim Ibrahim has reportedly struck a deal with President Nasheed to be re-appointed to the important post of Home Minister, the portfolio he vacated in a huff only 21 days after taking oath of office. Although Jumhooree Party has had a falling out with President Nasheed on several issues, both sides have engaged in intense negotiations at the President’s Office over the past few days. Gasim has also been the go-between for negotiations between President Nasheed and Dr. Hassan Saeed’s Qaumee Party which holds two seats in the new parliament. The deal that was committed by President Nasheed as the price for the Qaumee Party’s two votes for Ibrahim Mohamed Solih is not yet clear.

For the past six months, President Nasheed has been controlling the Home Ministry and the Maldives Police Force with pimp Defence Minister Ameen Faisal nominally placed as Acting Home Minister. Gasim had told press last week that Nasheed had refused to re-appoint him as Home Minister despite repeated demands by his party. In the deal struck between Nasheed and Gasim in the second round of last year’s presidential elections, Gasim’s Jumhooree party had funded Nasheed’ campaign in return for the promised portfolios of Home Minister, Attorney General, Tourism Minister and Religious Minister. In the fight between the two parties after the election, Nasheed recently sent Jumhooree Party’s Diyana Saeed packing from her post as Attorney General. It too is now looked after by a Nasheed stooge, DIK Ali Hashim, current Finance Minister. The deal hammered out between President Nasheed and Gasim in return for the key votes in parliament also includes Jumhooree Party hanging on to the important post of Attorney General.

In the run up to the elections, Gasim Ibrahim is reputed to have struck a deal with the opposition coalition Gayoom’s Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party and People’s Alliance. However, this deal went sour when the opposition coalition refused to support Gasim Ibrahim’s bid for the post of Speaker of Parliament. Sources report that opposition leaders refused Gasim repeated requests, citing Gasim’s reneging of deals struck when DRP voted him in as Speaker of the Constitutional Assembly two years back. In the latter months of the Constitutional Assembly, Gasim Ibrahim worked actively against DRP and coordination with MDP using his powers as Speaker to bring in illegal amendments to the text of the constitution at the very last minute that were not formally passed by the Assembly.

The newly elected Speaker of Parliament Abdulla Shahid hails from the family of Jameels, a family which has remained close to the rulership of the country from days of the monarchy. Reputed to be as wily as a fox, Shahid climbed to the powerful post of President’s Executive Secretary in the Gayoom regime in which post he has been alleged to have abused his powers to his private benefit. He is reputed to have extended many favours to big business in return for financial benefit. Although cases have not been brought to court, the most notorious allegations of corruption leveled by opposition against Shahid include illegal permits given for the redevelopment of Reethi Rah Resort by DRP Deputy Leader and its current controlling power Ahmed Thasmeen Ali; and of various resort deals struck in partnership with current Special Envoy Ibrahim Hussain Zaki and former leader of MDP Dr. Mohamed Munawwar.

Abdullah Shahid is reputed to be a shrewd businessman himself, financed by the Chaandhanee family and Athama Ibrahim Didi. Although removed form his post as Executive Secretary due to pressure form warring factions in Gayoom’s cabinet, Shahid remained Gayoom’s confidante and made his political comeback with a vengeance as Gayoom’s Foreign Minister in 2007. In last year’s presidential elections Shahid closely allied himself with the then upcoming power in DRP Ahmed Thasmeen Ali, Gayoom’s running mate. The deal struck between the two was a DRP seat in Vaavu Atoll for Shahid in return for Shahid not engaging in a power struggle with Thasmeen within the DRP.

With Thasmeen as the DRP’s whip in parliament and Shahid as Speaker, it will be interesting to see whether Gayoom and PA Leader Yameen are able to move their agendas smoothly. Shahid and Yameen did not see eye to eye in their last days as colleagues on Gayoom’s cabinet, and Yameen’s increasing influence on DRP is being watched with trepidation by Thasmeen and his followers. The common belief as Yameen was brought in by Gayoom in order to handover DRP to him, something that would go against Thasmeen’s interests.

Seventy six members of the 77 member parliament took their oath of office today in front of Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed. The 77th parliamentary seat, the seat for the Thaa Thimarafushi constituency, remains empty, as its ballot pends a decision by the Maldives High Court as to the legality of the election there. The session being chaired by Shaviyani MP Mohamed Hussain is being marred by an epidemic of points of order being taken by MPs, a hallmark of the outgoing parliament. As Gayoom’s opposition coalition takes charge of the parliament, this demonstration of lack of cooperation between the different factions in parliament does not bode well for the Maldivian people as it heads deeper into a recession sunk by the Nasheed government’s continued mismanagement of the economy. Food shortages, rising commodity prices and decreasing standard of life have dogged Maldivians since Nasheed took power in November 2008.

BREAKING NEWS

2009-05-28T16:07:00.003+05:00

Nominee from the DRP for the Majlis Speaker's post, Abdullah Shahid beat his contender MDP candidate Ibrahim MOhamed Solih 42 to 33.

MDP candidate for Speaker Ibrahim Mohamed Solih not a legitimate candidate for the post

2009-05-28T03:23:00.001+05:00

Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed’s candidate for the post of Speaker of Parliament, his cousin by marriage and childhood crony Ibrahim Mohamed Solih is not a legitimate candidate for the post as his parliamentary seat is not confirmed yet. Although the Maldives Elections Commission hastened to declare Ibrahim Mohamed Solih the winner in the Hinnavaru Constituency, it did so while the Maldives High Court was deliberating a case to nullify the EC provisional result and hold a fresh vote in that constituency. If the High Court declares in favour of the prosecution, Solih will be out of parliament, and have to contest a fresh vote.

The Hinnavaru case was filed in the High Court earlier this month by independent candidate for the constituency Ahmed Shareed Abdul Rahman Yousuf. The EC results show Solih leading Shareef by a marginal 95 votes. Shareef has submitted evidence to court of several incidents that took place in the Hinnavaru Constituency during voting that was against the law. These include incidents of under age people who were allowed to vote, a person who voted twice and a vote cast into the Hinnavaru ballot box in the name of a person who was abroad on the day of the elections. Shareef told press that all these violations had been filed timely with the Elections Complaints Bureau on voting day, but that zero action had been taken by them.

Given that Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s Hinnavaru seat is not legitimately confirmed yet, ruling party Maldivian Democratic Party may be going through a wasted exercise today in trying to elect him as Speaker. However, President Nasheed’s support for Solih is not in question as he is Nasheed’s childhood best friend who married his cousin Fazna. Fazna is the daughter November 3rd convicted terrorist Bodu Sikka, Anni’s uncle and top advisor. Solih was also one of the first inductees into MDP by Nasheed and relied upon heavily by Nasheed to keep him informed of MDP top leadership’s activities.

MDP informants also report that Solih is a ‘very close personal friend’ of MDP Chairperson Mariya Didi. Solih, who headed Nasheed’s interim team during the handover of the presidency, has an established office within the President’s Office and continues to work there in contravention of the law which states that MPs cannot hold any other post of the state.

It is glaringly obvious that Nasheed, highly insecure within his own party following proven cases of vote fraud and rigging in his win over opponent Dr. Mohamed Munavvar in MDP’s internal elections, has elected for Solih because he does not trust any other MDP MP to run the parliament according to his orders. Other potential candidates amongst the MDP MP cohort include MP for Hulhuhenveryru constituency and previous MDP Whip Reeko Moosa Maniku, MDP Chairperson MP Maria Didi, MP for Faafu Bilehdhdhoo Ahmed Hamza (now proposed as Deputy Speaker), and Addu MP Mohamed Aslam.

The decision to propose as Speaker President Nasheed’s cousin by marriage Solin, an MP whose parliamentary seat is not legitimate, also demonstrates the iron control President Nasheed still holds over his party. This iron control has unfortunately not been used to control his party’s continued harassment and intimidation of the general populace following its resounding rejection of Nasheed and the MDP on May 9th at the parliamentary polls.

Public relying on Maldives first parliament to make President Nasheed accountable

2009-05-27T20:13:00.003+05:00

As the Maldives first parliament elected under its newly ratified constitution swears in tomorrow, the general public impatiently looks to their representatives to make President Nasheed accountable and to uphold their democratic rights and liberties. The continuing public outcry for President Nasheed to deliver on his election promises and for his slack government to get down to real business dogged Nasheed throughout his state funded campaign for his party in the recent parliamentary elections. The people now look to their representatives to make the struggling regime accountable to them.

With state media muzzled by the Nasheed regime, and the ongoing extra legal activities of MDP and police force, and independent media unable to pin down the Nasheed and his top officials to any consistent dialogue, the new parliament has a vital role in shaping the immediate future of the country. The country is in a deep recession, the government budget and supplementary budget is a public joke, inflation is on the rise, tourist arrivals have dropped drastically, fishing has stopped and the islands face food and water shortages. Under the new constitution, the powers of the Parliament include the core power of supervising the exercise of Executive Authority. Under Article 70, Parliament must ensure that executive authority is accountable for the exercise of its powers and take steps required for ensuring the same.

During his campaign race across the length and breadth of the country, island communities clamored for Nasheed’s promised 10,000 units of social housing, the 3000 volunteer teachers for their schools, improved health services and the fancy transport network promised to “liberate” them from island prison. President Nasheed (now publicly referred to as Flat Dhombe, in honor of his promised 10,000 flats) was greeted on many an island by citizens carrying paper cutouts of public housing flats.

The whole nation watches with bated breath as events unfold in the chess match between President Nasheed and his political opponents. Although heavily defeated at the public referendum in 2007 to decide on the system of governance, Nasheed and his party Maldivian Democratic Party have steadfastly maintained their belief in a parliamentary system of government. Nasheed sought to implement this in principle at the parliamentary elections, campaigning with the theme that he required a parliamentary majority in order to deliver on his presidential election promises. Continuing his tradition of suffering major defeats at the polls, Nasheed again crashed in the parliamentary elections on May 9th. Former President Gayoom’s Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party and his coalition partner People’s Alliance walked off with 35 of the 77 member parliament. Nasheed’s MDP won 25 seats.

In the aftermath of the elections during the three week wait for the new parliament to sworn in, both Nasheed and opposition parties are working feverishly to sign up allies from amongst the 13 independent MPs. As the new session unfolds, it will be interesting to watch if MPs obey Article 75 of the constitution which enjoins MPs to keep national interest and public welfare foremost. Further, under Article 75, MPS “should not exploit their official positions in any way for their own benefit or for the benefit of those with whom they have special relations. They shall represent not only their constituencies but the country as a whole”.

Seventy six members of the 77 member parliament are scheduled to take their oath of office tomorrow. The 77th parliamentary seat, the seat for the Thaa Thimarafushi constituency, remains empty, as its ballot pends a decision by the Maldives High Court as to the legality of the election there. Although voting in at least two other constituencies have been challenged in High Court, the Elections Commission has declared finals results for these seats. They include the very critical seat for President Nasheed, that of his cousin by marriage and top advisor, Hinnavaru MP elect Ibrahim Mohamed Solih. Solih, is Nasheed’s candidate for the key post of Speaker of parliament.

Nasheed’s persecution and intimidations campaign against opposition leaders has not surprisingly picked on opposition leader Gayoom and two MPs, MP for Meemu Dhiggaru and Deputy Leader of People’s Alliance Ahmed Nazim, and MP for Baa Eydhafushi and Leader of Party for the Alleviation of Poverty Ahmed Saleem. Ahmed Nazim is the opposition coalition’s candidate for the post of Deputy Speaker, while Ahmed Saleem holds an important deciding vote in tomorrow’s session as one 13 independent MPs. Maldives Police Service, under executive orders from President Nasheed has tried unsuccessfully to obtain arrest warrants for both MPs. The Judiciary has steadfastly rejected police appeals for these warrants, citing insufficient evidence to issue arrest warrants.

While allegations of corruption are being leveled by the Nasheed government against many DRP and PA MPs, concrete evidence has not been submitted to the public, media or judiciary. Ruling party MDP’s immediate strategy appears to be removal of opposition MPs and independent MPs, and to hold by-elections. Under Article 74, any question concerning the qualifications or removal, or vacating of seats, of a member of the parliament shall be determined by the Supreme Court

In addition to making the Executive accountable to the people, the powers of the parliament include amendment of the Constitution in accordance with the terms provided therein, enactment of legislation with regard to any matter, or amendment or repeal of any law, which is not inconsistent with any tenet of Islam; approval of the annual budget and any supplementary budget; determination of matters relating to Independent Commissions and Independent Offices in accordance with law.

In this respect too, the new parliament faces a heavy workload of existing bills, harmonization of existing laws with the new constitution and formulation of new laws to implement the new constitution, including new laws to enable citizens to realize their rights under the Bill of Rights (Chapter 2) of the new constitution.

Article 70 (e) gives the parliament the power to accept or reject the appointment or dismissal of any appointment or dismissal submitted to it for approval. Opposition MPs are united in their view that membership of independent commissions and independent offices such as the Maldives Human Rights Commission, the Civil Service Commission, the Anti-corruption Commission and the Auditor General’s Office need to be cleaned up and President Nasheed’s stooges ousted in order to ensure that these institutions are indeed independent, as required under a liberal democracy.

Under Article 84, the incumbent President is required to address the parliament at the beginning of its first session of each year at the first sitting on the state of the country. In such address, the president may present proposals for improving the state of the country to the parliament. Current practice is for the parliament to debate the President’s address and proposals if any on the floor, elect a committee to evaluate the address and make recommendations to the whole. It is anticipated that opposition MPs will take President Nasheed to task for his appalling lack of delivery on election promises to the country.

Other critical issues with respect to the accountability of the Executive likely to be taken up immediately by the new parliament are the issue of the Nasheed government accepting bribes to accept Kosovo independence, the issue of the missing Home Minister and now the missing Attorney General, the issue of budget mismanagement and most importantly the outstanding issues that were being investigated by the Parliamentary committees on national security, on finance, and on national development.

In the light of these important upcoming decisions, the key question is what will be the deciding factor. In reality, the much touted 35 seat majority held by the opposition may not account for anything if opposition members do not attend important sittings, a very common occurrence in the outgoing parliament. Under Article 86, the presence of at least twenty five percent of the members, shall constitute a quorum of the parliament. With the present 76 membership, a parliamentary session can be held with just 19 MPs in attendance. The crux of the matter lies in Article 87 (a) which provides that unless otherwise provided in the constitution, all decisions by the parliament shall be decided by a majority of votes of the members present and voting. This means that unless otherwise provided in the constitution a motion may be passed by the parliament with just 11 MPs voting in favor.

Fortunately, citizens can take heart from the provision in Article 86 (b) providing that voting on any matter requiring compliance by citizens shall only be undertaken when more than half of the total membership of the parliament are present at the sitting at which the matter is voted upon.

The real life implication of just 11 votes to pass a motion is that both MDP and opposition MPs have to be very coordinated in their attendance at crucial votes in parliament. Even more critical then is to control the job of Speaker and Deputy Speaker of parliament, as they will control the agenda of the parliament. The Speaker can therefore schedule a vote for when he/she is assured of required majority attendance by his party’s MPs and their allies on the parliamentary floor.

This power of the Speaker to thus manipulate the decisions of the parliament were very clearly demonstrated by the outgoing Speaker Mohamed Shihab, whose record as Speaker shows how he scheduled important votes for times at which MDP was assured of a winning majority.

Under Article 82 (a), until such time as a Speaker and a Deputy Speaker is elected the parliament shall be presided over by the consecutively longest serving member from among those present. From amongst the newly elected parliament the honor goes to Shaviyani MP Mohamed Hussain. With the important election of Speaker and Deputy Speaker scheduled for tomorrow’s first sitting of parliament, and President Nasheed and his party on the warpath to elect their nominee Solih as Speaker, the going promises to be rough both within and outside parliament.

Opposition Leader Gayoom applauds judiciary for refusing to bow down to strongman President Nasheed

2009-05-27T12:04:00.006+05:00

Police Commissioner Ahmed Faseeh

In a statement issued today, Opposition Leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom condemned in the strongest possible words, the continued harassment and persecution of political opponents by Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed’s regime. Alluding to repeated unsuccessful attempts by Police Commissioner Faseeh to obtain court warrants for President Nasheed’s political hit list, Opposition Leader Gayoom welcomed the courage shown by the judiciary to protect the civil liberties of citizens.

“At this time of grave darkness and infringement of the civil and political rights of the peace loving members of this country we applaud and welcome the courageous decision by the judiciary in general and the Criminal Court in particular to uphold the Constitution and protect the civil liberties of citizens in the face of strong-arm tactics by the Executive” Gayoom stated.

In a week of fear and persecution of political opponents by Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed, the public wait with trepidation about whom he will arrest today. Sources report that several arrests of opposition leaders are scheduled for this morning. Last night international pressure from well meaning countries and the watchful eye of international media forced President Nasheed to back down from arresting former President and opposition leader Gayoom. Police and army had been ordered to arrest the former leader before midnight last night.

Gayoom’s scheduled arrest was publicized earlier yesterday when Nasheed’s party Maldivian Democratic Party jumped the gun by circulating short text messages assuring their members that “President Gayoom would be arrested this evening” and “brought before the commission”. The MDP further called upon its street gangs to come and witness the “show”.

Military sources confirmed late yesterday that the Police and the army were “ordered” to arrest the Former President. Top officers were reportedly threatened with dismissal should they fail to follow Nasheed’s orders. These reports were proven when Nasheed arbitrarily dismissed dozens of senior MNDF and Police officers yesterday, on ‘suspicion of sympathising with the opposition’.

While the Maldives Police Service headed by Nasheed appointee Ahmed Faseeh has been zealous in attacking the Nasheed regime’s political opponents by carrying out extra-judicial arrests and searches, the army has so far stayed silent. The armed forces, headed by career officer and national hero Major General Moosa Ali Jaleel is widely believed to be largely loyal to the former leader.

From the early hours of yesterday evening, thousands of democracy loving members of the public and Gayoom supporters continued to gather at his Male’ residence calling upon President Nasheed to stop his persecution. The Gayoom family informed media sources close to them that international condemnation of President Nasheed’s actions, and messages and phone calls of support have been pouring in throughout the day from local and international friends and well-wishers.

In his statement today, Gayoom called upon President Nasheed to accept defeat gratefully. “President Nasheed will be ill-advised to pursue this policy of revenge, against the will of the vast majority of the Maldivian people and the aspirations of the international community. He must focus on healing the rifts that the MDP had created during the presidential election and, thereafter, further widened during the parliamentary election. He should learn to accept defeat graciously” he said.

In his statement Gayoom was alluding to the escalation of President Nasheed’s ongoing and systematic persecution of its political opponents, immediately after having lost more than two-thirds of the parliament to the opposition coalition led by Gayoom. The hallmarks of Nasheed’s intimidation campaign include repeated unconstitutional acts, blatant disregard of the rule of law and subversion of constitutionally-mandated independent institutions.

Daily threats have been leveled by President Nasheed and his party leaders against the Opposition Leader threatening his imminent arrest. Nasheed and top members of his government continue to incessantly level unfounded corruption charges against Gayoom and senior members of his former government. Despite repeated requests, the media and public has not been shown of any concrete proof to back these allegations. While Nasheed has avoided answering questions by media as to concrete proof, Maldives Police has issued a statement saying that investigations have not reached a stage where it can be made public. The Maldives Judiciary has steadfastly refused to sanction Nasheed stooge Commissioner Faseeh’s blanket fishing trips to gather evidence by refusing search and arrest warrants based on insufficient justification by police.

This persistent campaign of vilification of top opposition leaders has seen a senior MDP parliamentarian call, on state television, for Gayoom’s public lynching, supported by violent mobs of MDP hooligans congregating outside the residence of the former President more than once.

In a much publicized interview to international media upon Gayoom’s conceding the presidential elections to him, the then President-elect Nasheed assured local and international media that he would honor his constitutional duty of extending due respect, security and privileges to the former President. Also, he stated in the presence of local and international media, that he would not harass the former President.

However, over the past six months, Nasheed and his MDP government have intimidated, bullied and harassed the former President as an ‘attention diversion tactic’, whenever there is a public outcry over controversial government policies. Whenever the public gather peacefully to protest against various government actions, the MDP have sent their thugs led by Nasheed’s State Ministers and Deputy Ministers to President Gayoom’s residence in Male’ to create unrest and disruption. Rumors are floated, almost every week that the Nasheed government was pressing legal charges against Gayoom on various fictitious allegations.

The oft-repeated threats to arrest President Gayoom reportedly came to a head last night in a standoff between elements within both the MNDF and Maldives Police Service, who fervently disagree with the current policies of politicization of the security services, and others within their respective command structures unquestioningly obeying politically-motivated unlawful orders. The regime has not provided Gayoom with adequate security and protection, thereby limiting the Opposition Leader’s daily activities and his participation in public events.

President Nasheed continues to deny that he has any interest in bullying President Gayoom and blames ‘hardliners in his party’ for such actions. However, no steps have been taken to date to put an end to such incidents. On the contrary, Nasheed has codified his hate politics into the governance arena by establishing a Presidential Commission to investigate embezzlement of state funds. Top legal experts in the country have slammed this commission for having extra legal powers, for encroaching upon the mandates constitutionally created independent commissions and for being comprised of hard line MDP stooges known for public hate campaigns against President Gayoom and his government officials. Its remit is also unclear.

President Nasheed systemic persecution campaign is clearly aimed at overturning the current majority for the opposition by imprisoning various DRP/PA MPs, and, thereby, holding by-elections to elect MDP candidates. Nasheed’s Witch Hunt Commission fired its opening salvo last Sunday night (24th May) with the police ransacking without a court order the corporate offices of opposition MP Ahmed Nazim. While Hon. Nazim, who is also the Deputy Leader of Gayoom’s coalition partner the People’s Alliance, was abroad, the Police also barged into his residence and arrested his wife! Mrs. Zeenath Abdulla was arrested arbitrarily, handcuffed and kept in prison overnight amid male convicts. She was not provided clean drinking water, appropriate toilet facilities or proper food. Hon. Nazim is slated by the opposition coalition to be fielded as their candidate for the post of Deputy Speaker of parliament, to be elected at its first sitting on 28th May.

Failing to deliver on any of his campaign manifesto pledges, President Nasheed continues to employ attention diversion tactics and boosts the morale of his party militia by promising them a ‘piece of Former President Gayoom’. Other opposition leaders on President Nasheed’s hit list are PA Leader Abdulla Yameen, the DRP’s candidate for Speaker of the Parliament and former Foreign Minister Hon. Abdulla Shahid and DRP-sympathetic independent MP Hon. Ahmed Saleem. Should President Nasheed succeed with his planned arrests today, it will reduce the numbers of opposition MPs in session for the crucial opening of the parliament, during which the new Speaker and Deputy Speaker are elected by secret ballot. Nasheed has reportedly promised the Speaker’s post to his cousin by marriage Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, MP for the Hinnavaru constituency. The parliamentary ballot for the Hinnavaru constituency has been challenged in the High Court by independent candidate Ahmed Shareef, charging illegal acts by Solih and his supporters.

In his statement today, Opposition Leader Gayoom called upon President Nasheed “to govern responsibly and in accordance with the Constitution and to give up its policy of unconstitutional acts, malicious prosecutions and to look instead to heal rifts, unite the nation and work to deliver on their [election] promises”.

President Nasheed’s failure to deliver on his promises of upholding democratic principles and the widening gulf between his actions domestically and words overseas has resulted in an overall loss in public faith in the democratic reform agenda. His opposition has little avenue to voice its concerns, as the MDP government continues to muzzle state and private media.

The opposition DRP is currently dispatching envoys to meet with key diplomatic stakeholders to seek assistance in exerting pressure on President Nasheed to put an end to these Soviet-style ‘show trials’. It believes that the international community, who worked hand-in-hand with us in implementing the democratic reform agenda, has a moral obligation to ensure that the opposition movement can continue to fulfill its parliamentary and institutional duties to the people, without intimidation, harassment and bullying.

NEWS ALERT

2009-05-27T02:07:00.001+05:00

Maldivian Defence Ministry just now issued a statement to media stating that they do not have any intention of arresting former President and opposition leader Qayoom. However, the media statement did not clarify whether President Nasheed has issued executive orders to the MNDF for Qayoom's immediate arrest. Military sources report that international pressure has forced Nasheed to recind his previous order. Defence Minister Amin Faisal denied all knowledge of any imminent arrest. However, this raises the question of who is in command of the police force as acting Home Minister Amin Faisal is explicitly denying any knowledge of arrests.