MacGillivray argues that the patron-client model developed for the study of ancient Mediterranean cultures has been too broadly applied without proper regard for the specifics of certain regions in that geographical scope.  I strongly agree with that overall point, but not with the specifics of how MacGillvray goes about his critique.  In this article, he offers two cultural cases which, he feels, demonstrate the inadequacy of assuming that patron-client relationships were standard across cultures in the Mediterraean.

His first example of practices that are not readily understood using a social scientifically informed patron-client model is Greek cultural reciprocity.  MacGillivray properly points out the differences between ROMAN patron-client relations and GREEK euergetism or benefaction.  The most important point is that Greek benefaction has to do mainly with groups or communities rather than individuals, and the acts of benefaction may be a one-time deal rather than part of an ongoing relationship.  MacGillivray does seem to underestimate cases where there are ongoing exchanges between a given benefactor and a particular group or community.  Euergetism is less short-term than he implies.  Also, he seems to draw too sharp a line between Roman and Greek practices, underestimating cultural exchanges or acculturation which took place in complicated ways.

But I think he is on track with regard to some of the differences between Roman and Greek cultural practices when it comes to exchanges.  I myself have consistently spoken of benefaction and honour in dealing with the Greek East and have avoided using the patron-client model which I feel fits most with Roman cultural contexts.

His second example of a cultural context where the patron-client model does not apply involves Jewish culture, as he calls it.  Here MacGillivray attempts to use certain passages in Philo and Josephus as representative of a general Jewish dislike for both Roman patron-client relations and Greek benefaction practices.  Here MacGillivray starts to sound like he’s making classic (read problematic) claims regarding the distinctiveness or uniqueness of Jewish (and he infers Christian) cultural practices when it comes to exchanges and giving / receiving.

The problems here are on several levels, which I cannot fully address right now.  For one, MacGillivray selects passages where Philo and Josephus sound like they are critiquing Roman and Greek practices of exchange.  Although not fully dealt with by MacGillivray, these passages are also passages in which Philo and Josephus are attempting, in part, to convince upper class Greek or Roman readers of the superiority (or at least the non-inferiority) of Judean ways within broader cultural contexts.  In light of Philo and Josephus’ own aims in these passages, no wonder an uncritical reading of them would suggest that Jews were unique, superior, and totally apart from these “foreign” practices.  MacGillivray seems to fall for the rhetoric, and too easily takes Philo and Josephus as widely representative of Judean views in many contexts, in my reading of his article.  Also, we need to remember that Greek and Roman moralistic authors likewise critiqued elements of the give and take system that dominated interactions (which MacGillivray acknowledges but does not fully engage), and yet we would not go on to argue that these views are representative of normal cultural practice in day-to-day life.

The main problem is, there are many other passages in both Philo and Josephus (not discussed by MacGillivray) where it becomes clear that Judeans and especially diaspora Judeans engaged in the give and take of benefaction.  There are also passages where both Philo and Josephus take such activities as standard and do not offer critique (see the extensive evidence presented in my books, for instance, to save me sounding like a broken record).

Although I was glad to see a New Testament scholar engaging with epigraphical evidence, I was a bit dismayed at how this was done.  Quite often, I was familiar with the inscriptions and found them being used out of context and to support positions that did not flow from the evidence, in my view.  Overall, the article did not come across as being written by someone who was fully conversant with epigraphy.  Deeper study of inscriptions is needed before moving to claims of cultural uniqueness, Jewish or otherwise.

That’s all for now, and I know I haven’t fully supported my own critiques of MacGillivray here, but that will have to wait for another time.  Generally, I feel like much of what I have already written in some articles and books offers a substantiated critique as well, and I hope that MacGillivray takes a look at that evidence before he continues along these lines.

Podcast 5.5: Scholarly Portraits of the Historical Jesus, part 2 (Sanders) (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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Podcast 5.4: Scholarly Portraits of the Historical Jesus, part 1 (Crossan) (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 5.3: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 3 (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 5.2: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 2 (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

The “worldwide” organization of Dionysiac Performers (or Artists), which had branches throughout the empire, was formed from various local associations into a broader organization at least by the reign of Claudius and is especially well-attested from the second century. In this inscription from Nysa (dating about 142 CE) we encounter the Ephesian branch honouring a benefactor who had also had contacts with the Roman branch of the “Worldwide Dionysiac Performers”.  This monument also illustrates well the sort of honours that could be granted to prominent benefactors who provided for an association such as this one.

On the proposal of Publius Aelius Pompeianus Paion of Side, Tarsus and Rhodes, winner of many poetry contests, composer of songs and rhapsodist of god Hadrian, theologian of the temples which are in Pergamon, appointed director of contests of the Augustan Pythian games, and by the vote of P. Aelius . . . of Cyzicus, harpist, unexpected winner of the Capitolian games and Olympian games:

Since Aelius Alcibiades is an educated and generous man, excelling in other virtues, providing for a long time continuously — even for twelve years, doing good for the musicians, receiving honor and magnificence together with the association (synodos), and displaying love of honor in many matters both for us and for the common good.  Furthermore, since he honored the sacred precinct of the Worldwide Performers at the temple of Rome by donating excellent books, and he granted magnificent gifts of properties, including stabling facilities, from which we reap the continuous, everlasting rent, distributing the rents among ourselves annually on the birthday of god Hadrian.  In response, the Performers at Rome reciprocated with favour, voted on other honors for him, appointed him highpriest through all eternity, and thought him worthy to be honored along with the company of the other highpriests by having his name inscribed first on the tablets, because, on the one hand, he adorned the imperishable memory of Hadrian and, on the other, he has made known the highly regarded association through his gifts, with the result that the association participates in magnificent parades and carries out costly religious services during holidays.

Because of these things and for good fortune, the Game-conquering and Crown-winning World Performers associated with Dionysos and emperor Caesar T. Aelius Hadrian Antoninus Augustus Pius and the fellow-contestants whom they met during the quinquennial contests of the great Ephesia games in the greatest and first metropolis of Asia — the city of the Ephesians, twice temple-warden of the Augusti (imperial family as gods) — have passed a resolution that, in addition to the honors decreed to the man, they will vote for a well-balanced favour of exchange by setting up golden images and statues in the holy temples of the emperors in Asia and in Nysa, the emperor-loving homeland of Alcibiades; by inscribing the voted decrees on a stele in the temple of Apollo, as well as in the rest of his public works and throughout all the cities, in order that it may be a good memorial of both Alcibiades’ generosity and his well-received favours; by publicly honoring him with a gold crown in the religious services and libations during the contest; and, by making a public announcement and honoring him during each gathering.  It was also resolved that a copy of the decrees will be sent out to his brilliant fatherland, the city of Nysa — by way of the elders Po. Aelius Pompenianus Paion of Side and Tarsus and Rhodes, winner of many poetic contests, composer of songs and rhapsodist of god Hadrian, theologian of the temples which are in Pergamon, appointed director of contests of the Pythian Augustan games, and Aristides son of Aristides Pergaion of Pergamon, incredible poet, and it was resolved that copies of the inscription be sent by an embassy of elders to the greatest emperors and to the association in Rome for the sake of agreement with respect to what the benefactor Alcibiades has done.

Podcast 5.1: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 1 (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

To the Ephesian Artemis, to the emperor Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus, Caesar Augustus Pius, to the first and greatest metropolis of Asia, twice temple-warden of the Augusti (Sebastoi), the city of the Ephesians, and to those who are engaged in the toll-booth for the fish market. Cominia Junia dedicated this statue of Isis and an altar at her own expense when Tiberius Claudius Demostratos was civic president (prytanis) (IEph 1503; 138-61 CE).

A particularly interesting case in the mid-late second century involves the amalgamation of two groups to become the  “Demetriasts and initiates of Dionysos Phleos before the city” (177-92 CE; IEph 1595).  Here is an earlier inscription set up in honour of the emperor Hadrian by a group that is likely to be identified with the one that later joined with the Demetriasts:

Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son of god Trajan Parthicus and grandson of god Nero, greatest high-priest, with tribunician power, three times consul.  The initiates before the city, enthroned with Dionysos, (honoured the emperor) when Cl. Romulus was priest, Cl. Eubios was hierophant, and Antonius Drosus was superintendent.  Theodotos, son of Theodotos Proclion, initiation-leader, with his children, Proklos, hymn-singer, and Athenodoros set up this honour from their own resources (IEph 275; 117-138 CE).

Click on “Translated inscriptions” in the tag line above or in the sidebar to read other inscriptions in this series.

To Lucius Mestrius Florus, proconsul, from Lucius Pompeius Apollonios of Ephesos.  Mysteries and sacrifices are performed each year in Ephesos, lord, to Demeter Karpophoros and Thesmophoros and to the Augustan (Sebastoi) gods by initiates with great purity and lawful customs, together with the priestesses.  In most years (these rites) were protected by kings and emperors, as well as the proconsul of the period, as contained in their enclosed letters.  Accordingly, as the mysteries are pressing upon us during your (time of office), through my (agency) the ones obligated to accomplish the mysteries necessarily petition you, lord, in order that, acknowledging their rights. . . (IEph 213; 88/89 CE).

You can also read more about Demeter’s mysteries on my site here.  Click on “Translated inscriptions” in the tag line above or in the sidebar to read other inscriptions in this series.

Richard S. Ascough, “Forms of Commensality in Greco-Roman Associations,” Classical World 102 (2008), 33-45.

Perhaps most importantly, I’ll be looking for some Jazz and beer.  Hope to see some of you there.

Podcast 4.6: Honouring the Emperors as Gods (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 4.5: Justice from the Gods in Lydia (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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This is a statue you can now see in the Capitoline museum in Rome.  This statue has many of the same characteristics that we found in the other statues in my series here (arrangement of arms and legs, decoration of Artemis’ outfit with animals) with one very important exception: the use of two different colours of stone in the carving of the statue.  The artist that carved this statue, those who commissioned it, and likely many who viewed it considered the protrusions on Artemis’ front not as breasts (which would need to be black here to match the skin of her feet and arms) but as part of the clothing decoration.  Clearly these are not breasts.  As Fleischer and others note, it is likely that the artist was representing an earlier statue of Artemis Ephesia (perhaps a statue of dark wood) which was literally dressed in special garments on particular occasions (dressing and feeding statues was somewhat common in certain cultural circles in antiquity).  The artist chose to distinguish the earlier statue itself from the clothing and paraphernalia that decorated that statue by using two different colours of stone, and the bumps on her front are part of the costume here.

That this understanding of the protrusions was not just an anomaly is confirmed by another artist’s rendition found in Neapolis, which is now preserved in the national museum in Naples (inventory no. 6278):

So although church fathers such as Jerome and Minucius Felix later tended to generalize about the “multi-breasted” Artemis (Minucius Felix, Octavius 22.5; Jerome, Commentary on the Epistle to Ephesus proem), this characterization in late antiquity arose less from common perceptions among worshippers of this goddess and more from Christian propaganda aimed at presenting “paganism” as ridiculous or bizarre.  What exactly these objects are is at this point generally unanswerable, but what is clear is that they are part of Artemis Ephesia’s outfit, not her body.

]]> http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/2009/10/20/greco-roman-deities-artemis-ephesia-3/feed/ http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/2009/10/20/greco-roman-deities-artemis-ephesia-3/ http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/ReligionsOfTheAncientMediterranean/~3/yt9dRGg8X2o/ http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/2009/10/14/podcast-44-messages-from-the-gods-apollo-at-claros-and-didyma/#comments Wed, 14 Oct 2009 15:06:11 +0000 Phil Harland http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/?p=397 Here I discuss messages from the gods, or divination.  One way in which the gods were thought to communicate with individuals, groups, and communities was through oracles such as those of Apollo at Claros and Didyma.  This is part of series 4 (Honouring the Gods in the Roman Empire) of the Religions of the Ancient Mediterranean podcast.

Podcast 4.4: Messages from the Gods - Apollo at Claros and Didyma (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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As you’ll see by comparing the photo here with my previous post on this Artemis, there are certain elements that repeat themselves in the images of Artemis Ephesia from about the mid-second century BCE on into the Roman era.  She is pictured standing upright with legs together, with upper arms tight against the body, and with her lower arms outstretched.  The statues have elaborate costumes decorated with animals, and there are those mysterious protuberances that have led to characterizations of this deity as the many-breasted goddess.  As in the previous statue I posted, these elements are also evident in the statue above that is now housed in the Vatican museum in Rome.  Here you find a crowned Artemis with garments decorated with lions on the upper arms and deer-like creatures lining the front.  Mythological and other figures appear on her sides and on her upper chest.

Although far from conclusive, there are hints here that the artist of this piece (and those who viewed this Artemis) may not have thought of the protuberances as breasts, since they are considerably low (and another statue of Artemis Ephesia which is now in the Antikenmuseum in Basel, Switzerland has even more clearly low-hanging protuberances that miss the chest area altogether).  The next statue photos will provide more conclusive suggestions regarding this issue.  Stay tuned.

My discussions of the statues are informed by the important work of Robert Fleischer, Artemis von Ephesos und verwandte Kultstatuen aus Anatolien und Syrien (EPRO 35; Leiden: Brill, 1973) and by Lynn R. LiDonnici, “The Images of Artemis Ephesia and Greco-Roman Worship: A Reconsideration,” Harvard Theological Review 85 (1992), 389-415.

Podcast 4.3: Salvation from the Gods - Asklepios at Pergamon (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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After my recent trip to the Naples archeological museum, I now have a number of depictions of Artemis Ephesia and other gods and goddesses in photo form.  So I will be making a series of posts on Greco-Roman deities. As I discuss in the current series in the podcast (Honouring the Gods in the Roman Empire), there were many different local understandings and depictions of a particular god: in other words, there were many Dionysoses, Zeuses, and Artemises.  Often one Zeus would be distinguished from another Zeus by an epithet: for example, there was a Zeus Soter (”Saviour Zeus”), a Zeus Brontos (”Thunderer Zeus”), and a Zeus Polieus (City-protecting Zeus). One local understanding of Zeus could be distinguished from another through art, in the depiction of the specific form of the god in statues.

Artemis of Ephesus is just one local way in which this goddess was understood.  You can hear more about her in episode 4.2 of the podcast. This Artemis Ephesia is consistently depicted as associated with nature and the wild, as the animals integrated within her garb and the deer at her side indicate.  And she is also always depicted with the strange protuberances which you will see in each of the photos I post.

There is some debate as to what these are.  Are they multiple breasts?  This may indicate notions of fertility and Artemis’ oversight over birth and life.  Are they part of Artemis’ outfit here (perhaps a garment made using bull-testicles, as some scholars suggest)?  Was this similar to an outfit worn by Artemis Ephesia’s main priestess and representative?  Did interpretations of these objects vary even among ancient observers and sculptors?  Actually, some of the photos I will show subsequently help to answer this mystery about the multiple breast-like objects.

More statues of this mysterious goddess to come!

The book considers early Christian identities in relation to other associations, Judean groups, and immigrants in the Roman empire.  Read more about it on the companion site.  Here’s a look at the book cover:

What I mean by that is that the historian of any period is focussed on understanding that particular period and the worldviews and practices of those living in that period (I would hope).  So, for instance, an historian studying relics in medieval England or Europe would have a hard time if she wasn’t permitted to discuss the notion of “miracles” or “healings” as though this was historically off-bounds.  In some respects, a person would be at a loss to explain things without the acknowledgment that the historical subjects in the medieval period did indeed believe that “miracles” took place and that there were people and objects with access to miraculous powers.  Similarly, if one is studying Lucian of Samosata’s critique of Alexander of Abonuteichos (in the second century), the historian has to face the fact that Alexander was viewed by some as performing “miracles” even though some contemporaries like Lucian (in a Hume like fashion) called it all bunk.  It even seems that Lucian is in the minority in rejecting Alexander’s supposed “miracles” (methinks he dost protest too much).  So there’s another “miracle-worker” from the perspective of the historian.

It is one thing to say people in a period believed that such and such could perform miracles (that he or she was a “miracle-worker” or “healer” or “god” by reputation among contemporaries) and quite another to say that the miracles did happen and can be confirmed historically (not at all what the historian can do, in my opinion). To turn to the modern period, would an historian of modern Christianity not be allowed to designate Benny Hinn (spelling?) a “miracle-worker” or “healer” or whatever insofar as his followers believe he can perform “miracles” and he is perceived to be a “miracle-worker” (or have access to miraculous powers from God, or whatever) by some of his contemporaries.  However, this is not to say that the “miracles” are real and that they really took place (I don’t always compare Jesus to Benny Hinn, so don’t worry).

The historian needs to deal with the fact that some contemporaries of Jesus believed that Jesus was a “miracle-worker” or “healer” (and we need to clearly define what we mean by those terms).  To avoid the subject because we (the modern historians) know or think we know that “miracles” don’t exist will lead us towards historical misunderstanding.  This is not to say that “miracles” exist for the historian (so Hume and Strauss can give a sigh of relief).  Nonetheless “miracle-workers” exist for the historian if historical subjects have the category (or one like it) and apply it to another historical subject we are studying (e.g. Jesus).

To clarify, I do not believe that the statement “Jesus was perceived as a miracle-worker” or “Jesus performed miracles from the viewpoint of some of his contemporaries” is in the least bit theological or problematic for the historian.  Historical Jesus researchers, just like historians of the Venerable Bede or Alexander of Abonuteichos, must deal with what they find in their sources and place that in cultural context, developing categories that work best for the period in question.

(We’ll see if this makes any sense in the morning — listening to Van Morrison’s Saint Dominic’s Preview with beer in hand here).

UPDATE: Maxim Cardew now has a second post further delving into the issue and clarifying Maxim’s points.  By the way, my post was never meant as a “refutation”; moreso these were my midnight ramblings in connection with the issue of miracles and Jesus;)  You may have noticed how much I avoided talking about Hume — he reminds me too much of my logic and argumentation course in second year undergrad (not that I have anything against logic).

Among the more interesting examples of rivalries between different associations (or collegia) is a riot that took place in Pompeii in the first century (59 CE).   This is one of those rare cases when we have more than one source regarding a violent incident involving associations, one of them being a painting from Pompeii.

One of the sources is the historian Tacitus, who relates an incident in which the tensions between different associations from two different cities (Nuceria and Pompeii) escalated into a mini-battle in the amphitheater at Pompeii.  Here is Tacitus’ description:

About this time there was a serious fight between the inhabitants of two Roman settlements, Nuceria and Pompeii. It arose out of a trifling incident at a gladiatorial show . . . During an exchange of taunts — characteristic of these disorderly country towns — abuse led to stone-throwing, and then swords were drawn. The people of Pompeii, where the show was held, came off best.  Many wounded and mutilated Nucerians were taken to the capital.  Many bereavements, too, were suffered by parents and children. The emperor instructed the senate to investigate the affair.  The senate passed it to the consuls.  When they reported back, the senate debarred Pompeii from holding any similar gathering for ten years.  Illegal associations in the town were dissolved; and the sponsor of the show and his fellow-instigators of the disorders were exiled (Annals 14.17; trans. by Michael Grant, The Annals of Imperial Rome [London: Penguin Books, 1973], 321-22).

Tacitus’ account shows us that rival associations from the two different cities played an instrumental role in the conflict.  So both civic and group identity played an important role here.  Such rivalries would not always lead to violent conflict, however.

The second piece of evidence is a painting that can now be seen in the National Museum of Naples.  In the painting is pictured people fighting in and around the amphitheater. Why exactly someone would have this painting commissioned is not completely clear.  Were they proud of the incident since their fellow Pompeiians had gained the upper hand in the rivalry?  Did they know some members of the associations involved?  Or is the painting reaffirming the action of the authorities in quelling and preventing such civic disturbances?  Was it made to celebrate the re-opening of the amphitheater after the imperial prohibition was lifted?

From the Casa della Rissa nell’Anfiteatro, or house of Actius Anicetus (inventory no. 112222).  Inscriptions depicted on the walls of the palaestra (to the right of the amphitheatre) proclaim: “Good fortune to D. Lucretius” (in Latin) and “Good fortune to Satrius Valens, Augustus Nero” (in Greek).  Photo by Phil.  Full Italian description in Bragantini and Sampaolo, La Pittura Pompeiana, p.512-13.

Podcast 4.2: A City and Its Patron Deity - Artemis of Ephesus (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 4.1: Introduction to Honouring the Gods (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

This series has not yet been released in the official podcast feed and is not yet complete (one more episode to come).  Here are the half-hour episodes (in mp3, about 40 MB each) in “The Historical Jesus in context” series in playable and downloadable formats:

Podcast 5.1: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 1
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Podcast 5.2: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 2
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Podcast 5.3: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 3
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Podcast 5.4: Scholarly Portraits of the Historical Jesus, part 1 - Crossan
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Podcast 5.5: Scholarly Portraits of the Historical Jesus, part 2 - Sanders
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Podcast 5.6: Jesus, Galilee, and Israelite History, part 1 - To the Second Temple
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Podcast 5.7: Jesus, Galilee, and Israelite History, part 2 - To the Time of Jesus
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Podcast 5.8: Jesus, the Galilean and Judean
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Podcast 5.9: Jesus in the Context of Educated Groups and Leaders
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Podcast 5.10: Jesus and his Mentor, John the Baptizer
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Podcast 5.11: Jesus as Teacher, part 1 - Method and Content
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Podcast 5.12: Jesus as Teacher, part 2 - Present or Future Kingdom?
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Podcast 5.13: Jesus as Healer and Exorcist
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Podcast 5.14: Jesus as Prophet
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One more episode (Jesus as Messiah?) to come.

For reading suggestions on this topic, please see the course outline.

This series has not yet been released in the official podcast feed and is not yet complete (more episodes to come).  Here are the available episodes (in mp3, about 40 MB each) in the “Honouring the gods in the Roman Empire: Asia Minor” series in playable and downloadable formats:

Podcast 4.1: Introduction to Honouring the Gods

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Podcast 4.2: A City and Its Patron Deity - Artemis of Ephesus
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Podcast 4.3: Salvation from the Gods - Asklepios at Pergamum
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Podcast 4.4: Messages from the Gods - Apollo at Claros and Didyma
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Podcast 4.5: Justice from the Gods in Lydia
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Podcast 4.6: Honouring the Emperors as Gods
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Series not yet released in the official podcast feed.

More episodes to come!

For reading suggestions on this topic, please see the course outline.

Here are all half-hour episodes (in mp3, about 40 MB each) in the “Diversity in early Christianity: “Heresies” and struggles” series (covering the early Christian apocrypha, Nag Hammadi documents, and other non-canonical materials) in playable and downloadable formats:

Podcast 3.1: Introduction to Diversity - A Schism in John’s Community, part 1
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Podcast 3.2: A Schism in John’s Community, part 2
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Podcast 3.3: Docetic and Judaizing Opponents of Ignatius
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Podcast 3.4: Docetic and Judaizing Opponents of Ignatius, part 2
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Podcast 3.5: Diversity in Asia Minor - A Regional Case Study
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Podcast 3.6: Sources for the Study of Diversity - Gnostic, Apocryphal, Patristic
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Podcast 3.7: Jewish Followers of Jesus, part 1 - Ebionites
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Podcast 3.8: Jewish Followers of Jesus, part 2 - Pseudo-Clement
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Podcast 3.9: Marcionites and the Unknown God
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Podcast 3.10 Introducing Gnostic Worldviews
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Podcast 3.11: Secret Book of John, part 1 - The Spiritual Realm
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Podcast 3.12: Secret Book of John, part 2 - Salvation from the Material Realm
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Podcast 3.13: The Wisdom of Jesus Christ and Middle Platonism
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Podcast 3.14: The Gospel of Philip, part 1 - Ideas of Salvation
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Podcast 3.15: The Gospel of Philip, part 2 - Ritual Enactments of Salvation
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Podcast 3.16: The Gospel of Mary - Secret Knowledge from the Ultimate Disciple
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For reading suggestions on this topic, please see the course outline.

Here are all half-hour episodes (in mp3, about 40 MB each) in the “Early Christian portraits of Jesus” series in playable and downloadable formats:

Podcast 2.1: Introduction to the Gospels as Portraits of Jesus
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Podcast 2.2: Mark’s portrait of Jesus - Suffering Son (part 1)
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Podcast 2.3: Mark’s portrait of Jesus - Suffering Son (part 2)
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Podcast 2.4: Matthew’s portrait of Jesus - New Moses (part 1)
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Podcast 2.5: Matthew’s portrait of Jesus - New Moses (part 2)
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Podcast 2.6: Luke’s Portrait of Jesus - Prophet Elijah (part 1)
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Podcast 2.7: Luke’s Portrait of Jesus - Prophet Elijah (part 2)
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Podcast 2.8: John’s Portrait of Jesus - Son and Word (part 1)
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Podcast 2.9: John’s Portrait of Jesus - Son and Word (part 2)
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Podcast 2.10: Hebrews’ Portrait of Jesus - Highpriest Melchizedek, part 1
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Podcast 2.11: Hebrews’ Portrait of Jesus - Highpriest Melchizedek, part 2
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For reading suggestions on this topic, please see the course outline.

As usual, Mark Goodacre has good ideas.  Mark has pointed out that it would be good to have a way of linking to all of the episodes of a particular series in my podcast (rather than the podcast as a whole).  This way someone that is wanting to link to historical Jesus material only, but not to Paul or some other topic, would be able to link to a page with just my historical Jesus series.  (This would also help those who are attempting to integrate a particular series in the podcast into a course — I’m talking to you, AKMA).  So what I’ll do is create a single blog post for each of the series which contains all of the episodes in that series in playable and downloadable formats.

To begin with here are all of the half-hour episodes (in MP3, about 40MB each) from series 1, “Paul and his communities”:

Podcast 1.1: Paul in his own words
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Podcast 1.2: The Situation at Thessalonica
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Podcast 1.3: Paul’s response to Jesus-followers at Thessalonica
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Podcast 1.4: Paul and the followers of Jesus at Corinth, part 1
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Podcast 1.5: Paul and the followers of Jesus at Corinth, part 2
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Podcast 1.6: Paul and the followers of Jesus at Corinth, part 3
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Podcast 1.7: Paul and the situation in Galatia
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Podcast 1.8: Paul’s response to the Galatians
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Podcast 1.9: Paul and the situation at Rome
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Podcast 1.10: Paul’s response to the Romans
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Podcast 1.11: Legacies of Paul - Women’s leadership, part 1
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Podcast 1.12: Legacies of Paul - Women’s leadership, part 2
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For reading suggestions on this topic, please see the course outline.

The majority of paintings from Pompeii are now removed from Pompeii and preserved in the National Archeological Museum of Naples (Museo archeologico nazionale di Napoli).  However, some are still in their original find-spots (in situ).  One of the most incredible wall-paintings from antiquity can still be found within a rather large home on the outskirts of the original town of Pompeii.

Mysteries of Dionysos

This home is known as Villa Item or Villa of the Mysteries, due to the paintings that decorated one of its banqueting halls.  This banqueting hall may also have been used in connection with initiations in the mysteries of Dionysos (Bacchus).  I have discussed the mysteries and Dionysos’ mysteries specifically on one of my websites, so I would suggest you read that first.  Right now I’d like to supplement my earlier discussion of the mysteries by supplying photos of the paintings which seem to depict stages in the initiation process and related mythological scenes.

The paintings seem to depict both the devotees of Dionysos in various stages of participation in initiation rites and mythological scenes which intersect with the progress of initiation itself.  The exact interpretation of these paintings is, of course, debated, but I will give a basic description with some consultation of M.P. Nilsson (The Dionysiac Mysteries of the Hellenistics and Roman Age [Lund: Gleerup, 1957], 66-78) and Walter Burkert (Ancient Mystery Cults [Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1987], 95-96).

*****

Scene 1 - Preparations (north wall, on your left as you enter):

A naked boy reads from a papyrus scroll as two women of the house listen and a third woman carries a dish towards the next scene.

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Scene 2 - Preparations and segue to mythical or revelation scenes (north wall, on your left as you enter):

A seated woman (with back facing us) uncovers a tray with her left hand while receiving liquid into a dish with her right hand, perhaps cleaning her hands (Burkert) or making an offering to the god (Nilsson).  To her right is a mythical scene depicting a silenos playing the lyre, a boy playing a flute, and a girl suckling a goat.  Further to the right, a partially clothed woman runs in fear (perhaps running from the flogging scene on the opposite side).

*****

Scene 3 - Mythical scene with Silenos, Dionysos, and threatening winged female figure (east wall, straight ahead as you enter):

This may be a depiction of the revelation of the god Dionysos to the initiate.  A drunken and scantily clad god Dionysos, accompanied by Ariadne, is seated in the centre as a Silenos shows something (or offers a drink) to a boy (satyr?) while another boy holds up a theatrical mask.  To the right, a partially clothed woman lifts a veil to reveal the contents of a basket, likely the phallic symbol associated with initiation into the mysteries of DIonysos.  A threatening mythical figure appears on the far right (see next photo).

*****

Scene 4 - Flagellation and dancing woman (east and south walls):

A winged, mythical figure winds up to flog a woman (initiate-to-be?) with a rod or wand (thyrsos).  The woman lays her head in the lap of another woman for protection from the threatening figure.  To the right, a woman (same initiate who was previously flogged?) dances naked while playing finger-cymbals over her head and another woman holds a reed or wand (thyrsos), a symbol of the god Dionysos.

*****

Scene 5 - Seated woman being adorned by cupids

Podcast 3.16: The Gospel of Mary - Secret Knowledge from the Ultimate Disciple (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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Podcast 3.15: The Gospel of Philip, part 2 - Ritual Enactments of Salvation (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 3.14: The Gospel of Philip, part 1 - Ideas of Salvation (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Here are the episodes I have created so far, which you will find on my podcast archive.org page, where you can click on browse episodes starting with recent additions:

Podcast 4.1: Introduction to Honouring the Gods
Podcast 4.2: A City and Its Patron Deity - Artemis of Ephesus
Podcast 4.3: Salvation from the Gods - Asklepios at Pergamum
Podcast 4.4: Messages from the Gods - Apollo at Claros and Didyma
Podcast 4.5: Justice from the Gods in Lydia
Podcast 4.6: Honouring the Emperors as Gods

Please let me know what you think of this experiment (I notice about 25 people had already found and listened to several episodes before I mentioned its existence).

Podcast 3.13: The Wisdom of Jesus Christ and Middle Platonism (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 3.12: Secret Book of John, part 2 - Salvation from the Material Realm (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 3.11: Secret Book of John, part 1 - The Spiritual Realm (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 3.10: Introducing Gnostic Worldviews (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 3.9: Marcionites and the Unknown God (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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Podcast 3.8: Jewish Followers of Jesus, part 2 - Pseudo-Clementine Writings (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

In an effort to help them in preparing for that and in refreshing their memories, I have been working hard on preparing as many podcast episodes as possible based on the lectures earlier this Fall, and have made only minor progress (it takes some time in editing and introducing each episode).  I am not completely happy with the shape of these episodes, but they are at least something.  One thing I do really like for sure is the opening music I am using, which is “Paradise Lost” by Namgyal Lhamo of Tibet (used under a creative commons-type license from “Podsafe audio”).

The podcast series will be “The Historical Jesus in Context” and below is a preview of the first 13 six, ten or so episodes, each of them about 30 minutes long (to be officially released in 2010 — I’ll see if I can prepare more and add them to this post soon):

Podcast 5.1: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 1

Podcast 5.2: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 2

Podcast 5.3: Studying the Historical Jesus - Sources and Problems, part 3

Podcast 5.4: Scholarly Portraits of the Historical Jesus, part 1 - Crossan

Podcast 5.5: Scholarly Portraits of the Historical Jesus, part 2 - Sanders

Podcast 5.6: Jesus, Galilee, and Israelite History, part 1 - To the Second Temple

Podcast 5.7: Jesus, Galilee, and Israelite History, part 2 - To the Time of Jesus

Podcast 5.8: Jesus, the Galilean and Judean

Podcast 5.9: Jesus in the Context of Educated Groups and Leaders

Podcast 5.10: Jesus and his Mentor, John the Baptizer

Podcast 5.11: Jesus as Teacher, part 1 - Method and Content

Podcast 5.12: Jesus as Teacher, part 2 - Present or Future Kingdom?

Podcast 5.13: Jesus as Healer and Exorcist

Podcast 5.14: Jesus as Prophet

UPDATE: There is just one more episode to edit in this series (on the role of Messiah).  I have changed this to series five (rather than four), since series four will be “Honouring the Gods in the Ancient Mediterranean” (on Greco-Roman religions generally).

The first is a very successful boxer of the first or second century who may well match or beat Sugar Ray:

M(arcus) Iutius Marcianus Rufus, outstanding boxer of Sinope, who won victories in the sacred triumphal competitions: at Rome in the Capitoline, 3 times in succession — at Neapolis, twice — at the Actian (games), twice, the first and only Sinopean (to do so) - at the Nemean (games), twice - at the Isthmian (games), twice - at the Pythian (games) - at the Olympic (games) - at the Panathenaic (games), the first and only Sinopean (to do so) - at Antiocheia (in Syria), 3 times, the first and only ever of the youth and men’s classes in one day, in the men’s class - in the Pythian games at Antiocheia - at Nicomedia, 3 times, the first and only ever in the under-age, youth and men’s classes - at the (Provincial) Community of Asia games at Smyrna, Pergamum, and Ephesus - at the Aspis at Argos, twice - at the (Provincial) Community of Asia games at Sardis, twice, at Philadelphia, twice, at Traelles, twice, at Hierapolis, twice, at Laodiceia, twice, at Thyateira, twice, at Mytilene, twice - at the (Provincial) Community of Pontus games, twice - at the (Provincial) Community of Galatia games, twice - at the (Provincial) Community of Macedonia games - at the (Provincial) Community of Bithynia games at Nicaea, twice - at the (Provincial) Community of Cappadocia games - and at other competitions in the half-talent class, 110 times.  (In all) 150 victories.  By decision of the Senate (ISinope 105; trans. by French with adaptations, see below).

“Float like a butterfly, sting like a bee,” I guess.

The second is the grave of a Cynic philosopher of the second or third century.  This is the first grave of such a philosopher I have encountered, but there may well be others:

This then is (the) stone of a man whom, moreover, — an expounder of wisdom — this city has produced,  [ - - ] of [ - - ] Perseus.  Why does he have the name “wing”?  Tell us! Because a raised wing too drew (him) through the air of Greece.  This Perseus (was) [inclined] too towards Cynic thought, since he carried a wallet (and) a scimitar (small sword) in the place of a staff . . .  (ISinope 171; trans. French, with adaptations).

The third involves the grave-stone of a shipper from Sinope (first-third century CE), the hometown of another more renowned shipper, named Marcion:

Hail, O passer-by!  (I), Callinicus, having sailed (over) many waves, sailed (on) the last voyage of Lethe, (I) whom the sea in the deeps did not extinguish, but the earth destroyed by a heavy sickness; having lived two and thirty years, eager to come to (the) fate of (my) younger brother Calligonus, long dead, having lived nobly for fourteen years; thus are the plans of (the) fates arranged.  Iulius Callinicus, ship-master (naukleros), lies here (ISinope 169).

This inscription also points to another reality of life in the ancient world, namely, the short life expectancy:  Callinicus lived to the age of only 32 and his brother had died when he was only 14.

I plan to do more posts on interesting inscriptions I encounter.

David H. French, ed.,  The Inscriptions of Sinope (Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien, vol 64; Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 2004).

Podcast 3.7: Jewish Followers of Jesus, part 1 - Ebionites (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

You can subscribe to the podcast here, if you haven’t already.  Or you can simply listen to them on this site by clicking on the podcast category or you can go to the archive.org page (where you can also listen to episodes before their “official” release.)  Three easy ways to learn about early Christianity in order to impress your friends!  Join now;)

Quite some time ago I started a series on ancient humour and it’s time to revive it again.  See:

• Ancient jokes: Humour now and then
• Regional rivalries and humour in the Greco-Roman world
• A few more ancient jokes, or selling your textbooks is not that impressive (also some haunting humour here).

The Philolegos, or Laughter-Lover is a treasure trove of ancient humour.  As I wait anxiously for the strike to end at York University, here are some ancient education-related jokes:

“An egghead elementary school teacher suddenly darted a glance at the corner and shouted, ‘Dionysius is misbehaving in the corner!’  When one of the other boys pointed out that Dionysius had not yet arrived, he rejoined, ‘Well, he will be when he gets here’ (Laughter-lover, no. 61)

“An egghead was writing a letter from Athens to his father.  Wanting to show off over how well his studies were going, he added this postscript:  ‘I pray that when I come home I shall find you on trial for your life, so that I can show you how great an advocate I am’” (no. 54).

“A professor from [the city of] Sidon (see post here) asked a schoolteacher how much a five-litre flask holds.  ‘That all depends on whether you mean oil or wine” (no. 136).

“A gluttonous teacher called up to a loaf of bread he saw on a high shelf, ‘Come down and recite your lesson or I’ll come up there and teach you another one’ (no. 220).

“An egghead gym instructor was told first that his pupil was not feeling well, next that he had a fever, and finally that he was dead.  ‘If you keep giving him all these excuses to miss class, he’ll never have a chance to learn’ (no. 258).

Now even I would accept that last excuse for missing classes.

]]> http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/2009/01/08/some-ancient-education-related-jokes-jokes-4/feed/ http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/2009/01/08/some-ancient-education-related-jokes-jokes-4/ http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/ReligionsOfTheAncientMediterranean/~3/YpbEOrDwaqw/ http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/2009/01/05/podcast-36-sources-for-the-study-of-diversity-gnostic-apocryphal-patristic/#comments Mon, 05 Jan 2009 15:32:50 +0000 Phil Harland http://www.philipharland.com/Blog/?p=321 Here I sketch out our main sources for the study of various Christian groups or “heresies” in the second and third centuries, including discussion of the early Christian Apocrypha, the Nag Hammadi writings (associated with “gnosticism”), and the Church Fathers. This is part of series 3 (”Diversity in Early Christianity: ‘Heresies’ and Struggles”) of the Religions of the Ancient Mediterranean podcast.

Podcast 3.6: Sources for the Study of Diversity - Gnostic, Apocryphal, Patristic (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

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“Jewish Associations in Roman Palestine: Evidence from the Mishnah”.

Most of what is original there is by David, and I primarily provide associational context for his discussion of the Mishnaic evidence.

Rather than reinvent the wheel, here are some posts from previous holidays:

• The Little Drummer Boy and Protevangelium of James
• ‘Tis the season . . . : Jewish and Roman holidays
• Humorous Hannukah interlude
• Favourite Christmas album: Ella Fitzgerald’s Ella Wishes You a Swinging Christmas

Podcast 3.5: Diversity in Asia Minor - A Regional Case Study (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options ).

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Dignas argues that many studies of sanctuaries of Asia Minor in both the Hellenistic and Roman periods have been working with problematic assumptions.  The main assumption that Dignas challenges throughout the work is that concepts such as “polis religion” (in other words “city-state run religion”) or “state cults” or “public cults” are the most appropriate concepts when describing cults in Asia Minor.  In other words, she suggests that the common identification of cult with city (polis) and the notion that the sanctuaries were utterly dependent on civic government is not correct.  Dignas also feels that past attempts to categorize sanctuaries and to deal with the different categories in isolation do not find a basis in the ancient evidence.  In particular, she challenges a stark differentiation between urban and rural cults, or between Greek and so-called indigenous sanctuaries, or between regular sanctuaries and “temple-states”.  Here Dignas would stress similarities more than differences among these previously common categories.

Instead, Dignas emphasizes inscriptional evidence which points to the independence of certain cults from the cities with which they have been associated.  She also highlights cases when those in charge of a sanctuary (priests or what have you) sought to assert the interests of the sanctuary over against the city’s interests, usually by means of diplomatic relations with Hellenistic, Attalid, or Roman rulers.  The relationship between the cult of Zeus at Labraunda and the polis of Mylasa serves as the ongoing illustration of this point, alongside other examples.  The advantage of this particular case is that we possess epigraphic evidence from various points in the Hellenistic and Roman eras.  Dignas’ focus is on the economic management of the sanctuaries, with issues of administration, land, and income.

Dignas proposes a triangular understanding of the relation between city, cult, and ruler, with cases of rulers siding with cults being an important factor in her argument.  Hellenistic or Roman rulers and governors served a mediating role in these conflicts of interest, sometimes siding with a sanctuary’s leadership against the polis’ stance, and sometimes with the polis.  This approach rightly emphasizes the request-response and ad hoc nature of both Hellenistic and Roman rule.  She suggests that the motivations of these rulers in supporting the requests of specific cults may well have been related to concerns to honour the gods and ensure the ongoing welfare of the sanctuaries (rather than mere political interests).

Built into Dignas’ approach is an emphasis on continuity in the administration of sanctuaries from the Hellenistic to the Roman periods, with little change in the overall dynamics of this triangular relationship.  She also suggests the ongoing economic stability of many sanctuaries over this period.  In doing so, she is correctly arguing against a far more common scholarly tradition which emphasizes the decline of traditional cults in the late Hellenistic and, especially, in the Roman periods.  She is definitely on the right track in deconstructing that older, previously dominant view.  For my own views on such theories of decline, you can check out my article: The Declining Polis? Religious Rivalries in Ancient Civic Context.

Although I feel that Dignas has a legitimate point to make regarding evidence for the independence of some sanctuaries at certain times, she sometimes tends to substitute repeated assertions regarding independence for actual evidence.  At times the rhetoric of these assertions or claims is problematic as well.   On one occasion, her confidence in her own claims approaches prophetic status:  “future studies will confirm” what I [Dignas] am saying (p. 242).  In cases when the evidence is minimal or difficult to interpret, she nonetheless proceeds full steam ahead with assuming or asserting a high level of independence.   Although I think she is right about some level of continuity in sanctuary life from the Hellenistic to the Roman period, the strength with which she asserts this continuity is not necessarily consonant with the fragmentary nature of the evidence she presents.  Strong claims of either continuity (Dignas’ point) or discontinuity (far more common in previous studies) are based on very partial evidence, and it is important to be very clear about that situation.  More nuanced statements are called for.  Still, she is right to suggest that the evidence does point to the ongoing vitality of many cults in Asia Minor.

Another conceptual difficulty with somewhat far-reaching implications is Dignas’ repeated contrast between “secular” and “profane” with the modern notion of the separation of “church” and “state” as a loose analogy (e.g. p. 13).  This is based, in part, on Dignas’ attempt to assert the independence of sanctuaries (the sacred) from the polis or civic control (profane).  Dignas is here working against a now common claim that what we as moderns label “religion” was in fact embedded within various other dimensions of life in antiquity.  So that what we as moderns might label a “political” factor or an “economic” factor was, in the Greco-Roman world, bound up in what we would tend to call a “religious” sphere, and vice versa.  In other words, some scholars (including myself) would emphasize the relative inadequacy of these categories for studying cultural life in antiquity.  On the other hand, Dignas can conclude with the claim that “a religious sphere can be distinguished within any context of life in ancient Anatolia” (p. 223).  I find Dignas’ attempt to go back to a clear differentiation between religion and politics or the sacred and the profane quite odd.  In reading her theoretical comments on such matters it becomes clear that Dignas is not exactly up to date on the academic study of religion generally.  Nor does she actually engage such theoretical issues in a direct way.  This is problematic when dealing with the subject of sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman world.  And yet it’s important to recognize that this book began as a dissertation in a Classical Studies department, not a Religious Studies department.  And, in an overall way, Dignas’ assertions that an independent “religious sphere” existed is based less on any theoretical consideration of the issue than it is based on her attempt to argue for the independence of many sanctuaries from the cities (which to me does not require a claim that religion was separate from other aspects of life).

Despite these theoretical problems, I nonetheless found Dignas’ work very useful, particularly since we generally lack monographs on the topic of cults in Asia Minor.

http://web.archive.org:80/web/20060131092132/http://www.earlychristianwritings.com

http://web.archive.org/web/20070611063719/http://www.earlyjewishwritings.com/

This will certainly help since I included some readings from these sites in my course outline for the upcoming Winter term (assuming that the York U. strike gets solved before January!).

Podcast 3.4: Docetic and Judaizing Opponents of Ignatius, part 2 (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Back in 1980/81, A.R.R. Sheppard published a little inscription (from near Kotiaion) involving Holiness and Justice, two personifications that were commonly honoured in certain areas of Phrygia and Lydia (”Pagan Cults of Angels in Roman Asia Minor,” Talanta 12-13 [1980-81]: 77-101 = SEG 31 1130).  The more exciting element in the inscription was the apparent reference to non-Christians or non-Judeans who devoted themselves in some way to “angels”, which was based on Sheppard’s reading: ΦΙΛΑΝΓΕΛΩΝ (”Friends-of-angels”).  Sheppard’s translation of the inscription was as follows:

“Aur(elius) … the Association of Friends of the Angels (made) a vow to Holiness and Justice”.

Sheppard suggested that this involved “pagans” who had some contact with the Jewish notion of angels.  Sheppard’s reading of the inscription was also discussed in New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, vol. 6, number 31.

This idea that there were “pagans” devoted to divine messengers or “angels” then became background for some New Testament scholars who were sorting out the “philosophy” combated by the author of Colossians (2:8-23), particularly the reference to the “worship of angels” (2:18).  Clinton Arnold’s theory regarding the opponents of Colossians, for instance, drew attention to the importance of angels in Asia Minor not only among diaspora Judeans but also among pagans, such that we could speak of a common folk practice in this region.  He suggested that the opponents were practicing the (magical) invocation of angels for protection and that this reflected both the Judean and pagan devotion to angels in Asia Minor specifically (see Clinton Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism: The Interface between Christianity and Folk Belief at Colossae [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1996]).

However, Malay’s recent study of this particular inscription has shown that Sheppard likely misread a key letter here (what a difference one letter can make).  What Sheppard read as a “gamma”, Malay now says is surely a “pi”, which leaves us with ΦΙΛΑΝΠΙΛΟΙ, “Friends-of-the-vine” or “Vine-lovers”, and no angels at all in this inscription.

Malay publishes another inscription which confirms the existence of associations devoted to the vine, in other words relating to wine production and/or consumption, in the same region (in this case from nearby Katakekaumene, now in the Manisa Museum, dating 161/2 CE):

“To the Good Fortune! In the year 192, on the fourth day of the month Peritios, New Lovers of Vine (φιλάνπιλοι) set this up as a vow to Mother Leto on account of their own salvation.”

The meeting of the association of friend-of-angels is apparently canceled.

http://www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ifa/EpAnat/index-web.html

That journal publishes studies on the latest of inscriptions relating to Asia Minor.  Let’s hope they digitize all earlier volumes as well.

A comment on the Current Epigraphy blog inspired me to investigate to see if EA was available online in any form (it may be that that blog has already announced the online version, but this is a heads up to them if they haven’t seen that yet). — They’ve known about it since August, which shows just how behind (or how much of a behind) I am.

(I didn’t come up with that one.  I’m told that this was the paper headline — “Justin Just Out” — when Trudeau’s Justin showed up, not to be confused with our Justin without a silver spoon).

“Agis asks Zeus Naios and Dione about his blankets and pillows, whether he has lost them or whether someone else has stolen them” (SIG, 3rd edition 1163).

Sounds a bit like me consulting the local oracle on a wintery day: “Alright, who stole my gloves.  Cheryl, have you seen my gloves?”

There was at Athens a large and roomy house, which had a bad name, so that no one could live there. In the dead of the night a noise, resembling the clashing of iron, was frequently heard, which, if you listened more attentively, sounded like the rattling of chains, distant at first, but approaching nearer by degrees. Immediately afterward a phantom appeared in the form of an old man, of extremely emaciated and filthy appearance, with a long beard and messy hair, rattling the chains on his feet and hands. The distressed occupants meanwhile passed their wakeful nights under the most dreadful terrors imaginable. This, as it broke their rest, ruined their health, and brought on distempers, their terror grew upon them, and death ensued. Even in the day time, though the spirit did not appear, the impression nonetheless remained so strong upon their imaginations that it still seemed before their eyes, and kept them in perpetual alarm. Consequently the house was at length deserted, as being deemed absolutely uninhabitable, so that it was now entirely abandoned to the ghost. However, in hopes that some tenant might be found who was ignorant of this very alarming circumstance, a sign was put up, giving notice that it was either for rent or sale.

(Pliny the Younger, Letters 7.27.5-6; adapted from the translation by William Melmoth, Letters of Pliny [Boston: Greenough and Stebbens, 1809], online at Project Gutenberg).

Moral of the story: Always ask if a place is haunted before you buy or rent.

(I came across the tale while reading D. Felton, “The Dead,” in A Companion to Greek Religion [edited by D. Ogden; London: Blackwell, 2007], 86-99.)

Podcast 3.3: Docetic and ‘Judaizing’ Opponents of Ignatius, part 1 (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

Podcast 3.2: A Schism in John’s Community, part 2 (mp3; archive.org page with various downloading options here).

You may also subscribe to this and subsequent episodes through iTunes or another podcatcher. View credits for my introductory music.

UPDATE:  Tony may well counter: You’d think that a guy that pretends to show interest in another’s scholarship would actually look at his blog (Tony has noted the article on his own blog, where there’s also a new post on the childhood of Jesus).

UPDATE (Oct 16):  Tony now has a response to Rob Bowman’s critique of Tony’s heresy hunting article.

When it comes down to it, one could say that what we know with a relatively high level of probability using historical approaches are two specific things: that there is a very high likelihood that Jesus was executed by crucifixion under Pilate and that Jesus was probably baptized by John the immerser.  There are, of course, important corollaries to these two items that allow us to go further.  Yet, beyond such historically secure statements, it is difficult to be precise about sayings and actions of Jesus from an historical perspective.  Some things may be more securely probable or likely than others, but we are dealing with less secure items the rest of the way in the search for the historical Jesus. What one scholar considers to be a more likely case of an authentic saying or action of Jesus, another will consider probably a product of an early Christian author, and therefore inauthentic.  Modern historical methods are limited in what they can tell us about a specific person living two thousand years ago, and our ancient sources have interests other than historical reporting.

As the title to my post puts it, we are in some sense better off admitting that we can only (carefully) ballpark it when it comes to evaluating many aspects of the historical Jesus.   What I mean by “ballparking it” here is that we can gain a relatively good picture of some aspects of the social, economic, and cultural contexts in which the peasant Jesus was active, and we can know with some degree of likelihood about some of Jesus’ contemporaries in the context of Galilee and Judea.  We can construct a likely picture of the overall ballpark or range of possibilities within which to place the figure of Jesus — a first century Galilean ballpark set within the Roman empire.

View Larger Map
(The Galilean ballpark)

A typical student in a second year course or your average Jane-blog-reader may know very little about ancient history.  They may know even less about the Mediterranean world as a whole in that ancient period.  They may know even less about what was going on in Israel in the first century, and still less about what it was like in the region of Galilee or in some village like Nazareth.  Then there’s the question of whether one’s limited knowledge is focussed on what we moderns distinguish as geography, politics, economics, society, or culture.  The thing to teach here, I would suggest, is the ballpark (itself hard to recreate using historical methods) in which to plot out the various possibilities for a peasant like Jesus.  If we spend considerable time studying the world in which Jesus lived, through both literary and archeological evidence, and focus our attention on studying other near-contemporaries of Jesus who produced writings or who left behind artefacts, then we can get quite a bit closer to the ballpark in which Jesus played.