Shiva Chimariya

Public Sphere: Then and Now

2019-07-18T10:47:00.001+05:45

This paper concentrates on the concept of public sphere firstly coined by German Philosopher Jurgen Habermas. Here I have focused the concept of public sphere in the past and how is its condition at present. This paper is based on comparison of public sphere then and now.

The public sphere is a key concept in a contemporary social science. It is a forum where society members are engaged in critical public debate. Habermas researched on the surface of public sphere in the 18th century. He has researched in detail to understand the concept of public sphere. Firstly, he had done researched on the handwritten newspapers which were published to forecast weather. Slowly articles were also started to published which discussed on public sphere. Secondly, he does his research on how the coffee house act as a public sphere, what kind of people are involved in a coffee house and the topic they discuss on. Thirdly he did his research in saloon and lastly, he concluded that people are gathered on such places for rational discourse.

Public sphere is a forum where society member from different cultural and political orientation come together and freely express their opposing views and opinions, discuss and identify social problem and context and debate ideas independently. Public sphere plays a significant role in social life. Earlier people would drink tea and coffee in a private sphere however when people become addicted to tea/coffee they started drink in a public sphere such as coffee house. One of the radical feminist Simone de Beauvoir also begins her debate from the coffee house. Public sphere makes democracy more efficient and stimulates political action. Some of the example of public sphere are universities, working stations, church, temples, garden etc. where different logical rational ideas and discourses are exchanged. In essence, Habermas showed how the public sphere of the eighteenth century was a critical juncture where democracy as we understand it today first emerged. According to the various changes in the world the empirical concept of public sphere evolves to cope with the dynamic change in the society.

In discussion forum of public sphere, the concept of social condition must be there. The different viewpoint of people whether it may verbal or written should be discussed and people may critically analyzed discuss concept. To clearly understand the social condition and its problem let us take an example of a newspaper article. It is not necessary every person read the published article but it may be the concern for some stakeholders. If any article is about political issues than it may be read, understand and criticized by general public and discussion about it has been made on public sphere. If anyone has been criticized for his/her identity and personality rather than their knowledge or concept no matter how correct they are than it is considered as problem of social condition of public sphere.

In past the concept of public sphere evolved from coffee culture to cope with dynamic changes in the society which can also be understood as traditional public sphere. Because of the tremendous growth in science and technology the entire world is digitized and people from throughout the world are closely tied under the wave of internet and there has been a transformation from traditional to digital sphere. Like traditional forum coffee houses, at present days the social medias like Facebook, twitter, WhatsApp, blog, etc. are used as discussion forum. The traditional forum and its discussion issues can be controlled but the discussion on the digital public sphere cannot be completely controlled by any parties. The digital transformation has a powerful influence on the procedure and content of political campaigns, attitudes of voters and on subjects which come to public debate. The digital public sphere has become a public forum where people write status on Facebook wall. They received lots of comments and this comment are public’s opinion either for against the argument. This way it creates a discussion forum where people seek to create group identity showing their solidarity. Preciously the discussions are enclosed with within certain group of people only. There is no such hearing from government level of their viewpoint but digital public sphere holds majority of opinions which creates pressure to government to hear the discussion. We can take example of Dr. Govinda K.C who has been supported through digital forum and medias which has created pressure to government for hearing his viewpoint. The use of digital technology made digital forum more powerful than traditional forum as in the past. People in the 21st century can progressively access the news online instead of reading newspaper and magazine. This is possible because online news is easily accessible with image and videos and saves time and money. People do not have to go to coffee shop for discussion and this is the reason people where people have started their own portal of discussion. Before the digital media comes into existence the gate keeper would filter everything and released on media. In other word gatekeeper is a lend process in which and an editor acts as gatekeeper and every article of a journalist go through manager, designer for the approval. It controls the quality and decide what the truth is. However, with the development of digital media there has been an emergence of gate watching. Citizens journalists are gate watchers who collects information from different sources and publish the truth. There has been no restriction in fact people have freedom to share their ideas and write their concept. Blogs are one of the best examples of writing of ones view without restriction. Beside of having democracy to present their view on public medias, one cannot post any offensive comments. If anyone is found to be posted any offensive comments then he or she will be sentenced to a prison. For example, if any one open discussion about drugs on Facebook or twitter then police may interrupt and send them to prison but sending to prison is not a solution rather than awareness program about such discussion need to provide to people so that they can have only rational discussion not irritational discussion on public sphere. This is one of the drawbacks of digital forum that public may be punished for their irrational discussion in mass which is not in traditional forum. In traditional forum discussion is limited to certain group of people only.

In essence, Public sphere is a forum where people come together to freely discuss and identify social problems and that discussion influence political action. Through eighteen century till now there has been lots of change in public sphere culture. For its technology and media plays an important role. Due to which digitalization of public sphere were possible and it is much more powerful source to express one’s opinion in modern world.

Works Cited

Adut, Ari. Jstor. 12 December 2012. American Sociological Association. 4 June 2019. <https://www.jstor.org/stable/41818929>.

Randall, David. "Jstor." 3 March 2012. jstor.org.Penn State University Press. 4 June 2019. <https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/philrhet.44.3.0205>.

Russian, Peter Hohendahl and Patricia. "jstor." 1974. jstor.org.Jürgen Habermas: "The Public Sphere" (1964). 4 June 2019. <https://www.jstor.org/stable/487736>.

Steen-Johnsen, Bernard Enjolras and Kari. jstor.org. 2017. The Digital Transformation of the Political Public Sphere: a Sociological Perspective. 4 June 2019. <https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvbkk05k.8>.

Woell, Ed. tspr.org. 29 August 2017. 4 June 2019. <https://www.tspr.org/post/public-sphere-past-and-present>.

Book Review on Understanding Media: The Extension of Man - Part One

2019-07-17T20:14:00.003+05:45

This is a review of “Understanding Media: The Extension of Man” part one by Marshall McLuhan which was published in 1964. He was a Canadian philosopher who is known for his media theory. He has coined the expression on “The Medium is the Message” It means that the nature of medium is more important than the meaning or content of message.

The book Understanding Media: The Extension of Man by Marshall McLuhan is divided into two parts. “The Medium is the Message” is the first chapter of the part one where he explains about positive and negative effect of media and technology on human being and their relationship in societies. McLuhan explain that human mind and behavior is affected by medium rather than content. For an example it is easy to understand advertisement on television by seeing rather than reading newspaper. In this book McLuhan has given an example of light bulb where light bulb is a medium and night baseball or brain surgery is a content. There is more importance of medium in human mind rather than content. Likewise, no any night activities can be done without light bulb. McLuhan proposes that a medium itself, not the content it carries, should be the focus of the study. He said that medium affects the society in which it plays a role not only by the content delivered but also by the characteristics of the medium itself.

The second chapter of part one is about “Media Hot and Cold” where McLuhan represent hot media as low participation with high information flow and cold media considered as high participation with low information. Hot media requires less involvement because it is fill with more information and easy to understand for example radio, film etc. provides hearing and visual effects which is easy to catch by all users so less involvement of understanding requires whereas for cold media high attention by sensory organs required because it involves less information. Users have to provide more attention to get necessary information from cold media. We can take example of movies which represents hot media. They enhance one single sense, in this case i.e. vision so that a person does not need to make more effort in filling the details of a movie image. On the other hand, TV or comic book can be an example of cold media where a person has minimal presentation of visual detail requires a high degree of effort to fill in details to understand its information.

In chapter three “Reversal of the Overheated Medium” the author talks about the change of agricultural economy to industrial economy to electronic information economy. McLuhan focus on the importance of technology in such economical change. Previously people do work on the country side and prefer city for relaxation but due the development of electronic media and technology it has been vice versa. The writer forecast the growth in science and technology which change the living scenario of people of both city and urban areas. The availability of easily accessible infrastructures and technology in villages attract people of crowded urban areas for easy living. If facilities are equally provided to both villages and cities then people will prefer to live and work from village that is possible due to modification in technology.

In the fourth chapter “The gadgets lover” the author focused on Narcissus as Narcosis where Narcosis represents dullness which is created through media, gadget and use of technology. The writer took example of Narcissus who is a Greek character. He has compared the effect of technology in human mind with Narcissus who deeply fall in love with his own reflection in water and do not realize that it is his own reflection likewise the technological change has created numbness in human mind where people cannot think creatively due to continuous use of technology and being dependent on it. We can take simple example of calculator which is a technological innovation and had make our life easier for calculation but on the other hand it has created numbness in human mind by using it. Human beings are even not confident in simple calculation by using their mind. Simple technology like calculator made our mind so dull then it is a great challenge for humanity to innovate and use modern gadget and technology. Hence, people are so attracted towards latest gadget and technology which is making them deprived from real world.

In the sixth chapter “Media as Translators” McLuhan has a view that technologies are the ways and medium to share human experience and used to translate one kind of knowledge to another mode and all forms of media are metaphors because they transfer and transmit human experience.

In conclusion, the author has highlighted both positive and negative effects of technology. It has made humanity easier and advance but on the other side it has made human mind dull. The writer has view of importance of technology in each chapter. First chapter highlighted the importance of medium and its uses to understand message. Second chapter distinguish the difference between hot and cold media and involvement of human mind to understand message from information. Third chapter introduces the focus of living on villages rather than cities if there will be equality in availability of technology in both areas. The fourth chapter shows the dullness created by science and technology due to use of gadget. Lastly sixth chapter explains that the media and technology is extension of human mind.

Works Cited

Gozzi, Raymond Jr. 'Hot and Cool' Media

https://www.jstor.org/stable/42582353?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents. n.d. 6. 4. 2019.

McLuhan, Marshall. "Understanding Media:The Extension Of Man." London and New York, 1964. pp 1-68.

Vemola, Jakub. Reflections of Marshall McLuhan’s Media Theory in the Cinematic https://is.muni.cz/th/109783/ff_m/Vemola_MA_diploma_thesis.pdf. 2009. 6. 4. 2019.

Travel Writing Through a Post-colonialist Lens

2019-07-12T23:25:00.000+05:45

This paper concentrates particularly on what travel writing is highlighting one of its significant stages “Representing the other”. It furthermore underscores in profound the three significant components that fall under the domain of “Representing the other” emphasizing on strategies of othering through colonial discourse, strategies of othering through neo-colonialism and challenging travel writing’s colonialist tendencies through different voices.

Travel writing is one of popular literary genres in which the travel writer gives a deep and intense accounts of unknown peoples and places that he has met and visited. He often includes his beautiful experiences while traveling with different people and their cultures, personal narratives, blissful and miserable memories and brings news of the unknown world. The primary purpose of travel writing involves discovering new world, exploring to unknown cultures and reporting about unknown places and peoples.

“The Snow Leopard” is one of the popular travel writings by the world’s popular travel writer Peter Matthiessen. Matthiessen’s travel writing can be viewed through the perspective of reporting the world, representing the other and revealing the self. His travel writing reflects the approach by which he has sought to present himself as a reliable source and some persistent difficulties that are always associated with travel writing. Moreover, the author reveals the approach and rhetorical technique to represent his autobiographical writing.

From the perspective of post-colonialism, this travel writing “The Snow Leopard” seeks to keep colonial discourse and imperialist traditions alive. Post-colonialism examines how western imperialists in a crafty manner makes use of colonial discourses in travel writing through rhetorical strategy while representing others. The unseen goal of western travel writing is to encourage the expansion of western imperialism and even the modern travel writings are seen to reclaim and reestablish imperialist traditions.

This travel writing “The Snow Leopard” can be divided into three components from the perspective of post-colonialist lens. The text can be viewed through the strategies of othering from colonial discourse, the strategies of othering from neo-colonial discourse and challenging travel writing’s colonialist tendencies from other voices. The western travel writer seeks to keep the imperialist traditions alive through the writing even after the official end of European imperialism. Colonial discourse always portrays colonized people as savage, uncultured, dirty, poor and as a servant whereas they portray themselves to be generous, benevolent, civilized, democratic and cultured. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are often called the age of high colonialism when the western powers extend their supremacy and consolidate their authority around the world.

Matthiessen’s narrative functions as a form of colonial discourse and he often appears to be an occidental throughout his writing. He establishes a hierarchy while recounting Europeans as white sahibs and Nepalese as porters, lazy and brown. He dehumanizes Nepalese communities of Dolpo region by saying that they are filthy and vulturous ghouls. He says that the cultures that he encounters at Dolpo are barbaric and savage. He seeks to establish a sense of cultural supremacy in western readers by depicting Nepalese as savages. He describes Pokhara and its outskirts as:

vacant children, listless adults, bent dogs and thin chickens in a litter of sagging shacks and rubble, mud, weeds, stagnant ditches, bad smells and dirty fruit peelings awaiting the carrion pig; for want to better fare, both pigs and dogs consume the human excrement that lies everywhere along the paths. (Matthiessen 21)

Matthiessen’s friend George also portrays himself as superior and oriental. Once he says ‘damn’ to porters and ‘dirty Kamis’ to ironsmith when he is angry. Even being an outsider, he tries to create hierarchy based on caste system. He thinks that porters are notorious for giving trouble and they are depicted as faithful who are barefoot and in ragged shorts. He once recounts Nepalese community of Dolpo region as:

The biologist George Schaller says that yesterday he, too, had felt irritable and miserable. These damned porters are even worse than the dirty Kamis. And the Sherpas were getting to me too, wasting and breaking everything: you lend them something, and in one day it looks like they’d used it for a month. (Matthiessen 150)

There are few modern travel writers from the west who try to promote cosmopolitan vision. They seek to celebrate cultural differences and believe that all human beings belong to one global community. However, the rhetorical strategy of representing the other and characteristics of colonial discourse are still alive in contemporary travel writing. The western travel writer indirectly seeks to keep the colonial tendencies alive in travel writing through the neo-colonialism. It is so unfortunate for us to depend upon the west even to know and discover our own place, culture and people. Sherpas, Magars and Gurungs are our own people and, Dolpo is our place. The west always takes the authority and credibility to speak about the place, culture and people of the east. They do not listen to the local perspectives and developing countries have no right to define their own country and cultures.

The strategy behind Matthiessen’s journey to Nepal is also for commercial purpose for trade. He investigates the natural resources in Dolpo region and his exploration inspires other western traders and investors for the plentiful potentials for profitable trade:

Several women and one-man wear striking necklaces of the white tusks of musk deer, one of the many primitive animals that are found in this evolutionary backwater, cut off from the rest of Eurasia by high mountains; the long recurved canine tusks are replaced in modern deer by antlers. This little deer is killed mostly for its musk, used as a perfume base; because one musk pod (a large gland in the male’s belly skin) brings up to five hundred dollars in Kathmandu, the musk deer is disappearing from Nepal. (Matthiessen83)

The travel writer often seeks to impose cultural imperialism through travel writing. Matthiessen here makes his culture acquainted in the east. Hallowe’en is a kind of festival that western people celebrate every October:

The October moon reminds me that at home it will soon be Hallowe’en and I wonder if my son will carve a pumpkin. He has a skeleton costume and white bones painted on black cloth. (Matthiessen128)

Postcolonial writers have started constructing postcolonial travel writings from the late 1960s onward. The recent postcolonial writers have tried to remove this colonial tendency from travel writing. The commentators or critics regard travel writing genre as inherently imperialist and exploitative. Postcolonial literature is the literature written by people from formerly colonized countries. It often addresses the problems and consequences of the colonized countries. The writing seeks to challenge western stereotypes and attitudes. The goal of postcolonial writers is to attack the colonial discourse and distort binary opposition.

There are numerous postcolonial writers such as Jamaica Kincaid, Colleen McElroy, Gary Younge and Caryl Philips who are also the descendants of formerly subject subaltern peoples, have created a great movement in travel writing. These writers have produced a counter travel writing to reverse genre’s traditional focus in the west. They seek to attack colonial discourses and deconstruct western stereotypes in travel writing. Jamaica Kincaid is both Antiguan and American, Colleen McElroy is African American, Caryl Philips and Gary Younge define themselves as Black British. Tahir Shah is a British Afghan and Pico Iyer presents himself as a British subject an American resident and an Indian citizen. So, now one may encounter in travel writing:

British-Indian writer Salman Rushdie suggests in his 1987 travel writing that many travelers today who do not have their origins in the countries of the mighty west or north are likely to have in common some experience either personal or familial of imperial subjugation and so are more likely to possess some knowledge of what weakness was like, some awareness of the view from underneath and of how it felt to be there, on the bottom, looking up at the descending heel. As a result, they are less disposed to imperialist nostalgia and less inclined to patronize or vilify other cultures simply because they have not yet emulated western modernity. (Thompson 165)

Works Cited

Matthiessen, Peter. “The Snow Leopard.” Vintage books, London, 1978.

Thompson, Carl. “Travel Writing”. Routledge, Abingdon, 2011.

Max Weber on Social Stratification

2019-07-12T22:47:00.003+05:45

This paper focuses on Weber’s argument concerning social stratification in contrast to Marx’s conception highlighting on how power operates in a society and how that power determines the class and the status and, leads to the formation of a party.His definition of class, status and any political party till today is very significant. He claims that the individual identity is not determined by the class identity. His contribution is considered to be very significant even in the present context in analyzing the social problems, issues and activities.

Marx and Weber view social class in two different perspectives in today’s contemporary society. Marx views the class in terms of ‘haves’ and ‘haves not’ based on economy. He divides the social class into two categories and they are bourgeoisie and proletariat. Bourgeoisie are those having resources, wealth and means of production whereas proletariats are those working class people who have no means of production and resources. However, Weber considers the class in a different approach than Marx. He claims that social class has three-component theory of stratification and they are class, party and status. These three components have their own distinct characteristics. Foucault’s power holds all these three elements. In addition, these three components must be interconnected to each other in order to have a clear picture of the whole structural order in the society.Weber develops a multidimensional approach to social stratification that reflects the interplay among class (economy), status (social) and party (ideology). For instance, Binod Chaudhary is one of the richest persons in Nepal. He has tons of wealth and property and, he is a recognized person however he has no power. Similarly, the prime minister K.P Oli holds the power, authority and superiority over people and this political power gives him status.

Moreover, Weber divides the social class into four categories and they are affluent upper class, property less intellectual workers, petty bourgeoisie and manual working class. Affluent class owns economic power, social status and political influence. A property less intellectual workers are professional class because they have higher position in labor market. The petty bourgeoisie have less property, less social status and less political influence. The manual working class are laboring class who are employed for wages particularly in industrial works.

Marx puts emphasis on capitalism and class conflict whereas Weber focuses on rationalization and bureaucracy. Marx argues that capitalism who owns the means of production has engulfed modern society. He asserts that there are four types of production and they are primitive communism, ancient society, feudalism and capitalism. In ancient society, masters exploited slaves. In feudal society, lords exploited serfs and likewise in capitalist society, bourgeoisie exploit proletariats and, this exploitation leads to class conflict. However, Weber argues that modern society is predominantly governed by rationality. Similarly, Marx considers bureaucracy as an oppressor of proletariats and a supporter of bourgeoisie. He envisions that there would be an uprising of all workers around the world and dismantling the current bureaucratic system. However, Weber regards these bureaucratic organizations as a significant element for industrial society to grow and operate.

According to Weber, there are two dimensions of power and they are possession of power and exercising of power. The parties are formed to influence the class and status groups. The ability to hold power derives from the individual’s ability to hold various social resources. Unlike status and class groups, parties always aim to achieve certain goals so they function within groups. There are many strategies that parties apply in order to achieve their goals and see whether their goals are achieved or not. They sometimes come out in a violent manner such as bringing out street demonstration, strike, rally or any kind of incursion if their goals seem to be difficult to achieve. The power of political party is determined by state mechanism.

Marx considers the class as a communal entity which gives the feeling of ‘we’ or ‘community feeling’. It means people will have the same interest, same worldview, same philosophical understanding of life and having collective thoughts in a communal entity. For instance, if a person of that community suffers then the whole community will suffer. He further claims that revolt is a universal phenomenon and it comes in a form of communal entity. He comprehends the class by such that there is a group of working class people who will come together and unite. They will have a common platform where they can protest in one voice. They will be converted into physical power and stand against powerfulcapitalists which lead to the battle against capitalists. They will snatch all their resources, wealth and property from them. In addition, Marx envisions that socialism will come at some point when the means of production, distribution and exchange should be owned or regulated by the community as a whole. He is optimistic about the future and believes that it will progress human condition.

Unlike Weber argues that class does not work as a communal entity because interest, ideas and thoughts vary from person to person even among the working class people. There is no class that acts like communal entity. All the working class people might not see and consider the same person their adversary to whom Marx considers their adversary. All the workers might not have the same interests, same characteristics and issues or all the workers might not cooperate and come out to protest. Weber negates the idea that revolt is a universal phenomenon because different people have different life chances although he doesn't totally refute the idea of revolt. He doesn’t agree that if in a special situation, communal entity might be acted it out such as if the interest of all the workers match up or if their target adversary is same or if everyone gets affected and suffers at the same time but it may not necessarily happen every time. Some workers think in a way that they want to enhance their skill and they are satisfied in a place where they are. They do not want to protest nor hold grudges against anyone. Therefore, there might not be all the workers coming into the action of protest immediately as soon as the trade union calls. Societal action, on the other hand, is oriented to a rationally motivated adjustment of interests. The rise of societal or even of communal action from a common class situation is by no means a universal phenomenon. Therefore, Weber further asserts that the socialism that Marx envisions will later fall into the trap of bureaucracy and it will boil down to hierarchies that Marx always wants to dismantle. He is quite pessimistic about this picture of Marx.

Weber sees 'life chances' as an individual taking with himself while going to the market. 'Life chances' means the amount of capital, goods or skills that an individual takes along with him to the market. He has to take such essential things so that he can compete in the market. Some workers are so accomplished, proficient and expert yet they are still the laborers not the capitalists. They are highly skilled and their life chances are higher than the other workers. They do not want to get attached with the workers or laborers who have lower strata and lower income. They all are laborers but there are hierarchies due to certain high skills, income and dignity. So, here power determines the status and life chances give that power. Life chances enhance their status and superiority. Power operates on the basis of the life chances that an individual takes along with him to the market. Under certain circumstances, it is almost not possible to imagine the communal entity.A worker who sees one problem might not be visible to other workers. So, in such circumstance, they will not support the one who suffers from that particular problem.

On the contrary, there might be the possibility of having a collective effort or communal entity if only workers will have the same problem. For instance, most people coming from the Limbuwan community carry the similar worldview and similar philosophical way of understanding. If any Limbu ethnicity goes through one specific problem, then the whole Limbuwan community will stand for him and fight against it. Unlike most cases would be for instance, in Nepal, status is always attached to a certain caste and it is also the caste that determines whether the life chances enhance or decrease. Bahun workers would never want to come together with dalit workers in the formation of communal entity. Bahun workers would never substantiate dalits nor display respect towards them.Similarly, Nepali workers would never want to mingle with Madhesi workers. They display their hatred towards Madhesi workers like anything. Nepali workers would never consider Madhesi’s problems as their problems. Therefore, under such situation, communal entity cannot be imagined.

Thus, Weber’s assertions on class, status and party contributes a notion on how market situation determines the class. The share or influence that every individual holds in a society determines his or her class position. The shopping center that he goes whether sasto bazaar or Bhatbhateni, the clothes that he wears whether branded or the ordinary one, the mobile phone that he carries along with himself, the food that he consumes such as what kind of rice he prefers everything determines his class. There are unequal class situation and unequal access to material resources and everyone cannot afford to buy things in supermarket. The access to material resources differ from person to person and this determines the class position. Those who share the same status, they are already a community of one group of people and those who do not share, there is another community so there is a class struggle because the status is different.

Thus, this paper compares the notions of Marx and Weber in a regard to how they view society. It explicates on how Marx views society through capitalism and class conflict whereas Weber views society through rationalization and bureaucracy.

Works Cited

Rootes, C.A.Theory of Social Movements: Theory for Social Movements? Philosophy and Social Action.London: Paradigm Publishers,1990.

Hadden, Richard W. Economy and Society. Edited by Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich, Berkeley. USA: Broadview Press, 1997.

http://www.lib.csu.ru/ER/ER_Philosophy/fulltexts/GaneN.pdf

Global Capitalism, Media and Consumerism: A Challenge to Sustainable Development

2019-07-11T23:03:00.001+05:45

Consumerism is a social and economic order that is based on systematic creation and fostering of desire to purchase goods and services in greater amount. Consumerism is the notion that personal wellbeing and happiness depends to a very large extent on the level of personal consumption, particularly on the purchase of material goods. The idea is not simply that wellbeing depends upon a standard of living above some threshold, but that at the center of happiness is consumption and material possessions. A consumerist society is one in which people devote a great deal of time, energy, resources and thought to “consuming”. The general view of life in a consumerist society is consumption is goods, and more consumption is even better. (Woodward, 2003)

Capitalism and consumerism go hand in hand. In a capitalist system individuals who sell goods and services are self-interest driven, which means they are driven to make as much profit as possible. This creates a pressure on companies to stay competitive and innovative. Ultimately, it will drive companies to find ways to attract more people to buy their products or services through advertising creating a huge want in the population. Media having its own corporate roles is also motivated to earn profit, and thus media agencies including newspaper, television, and other digital forms of it have no choice than accepting advertisement of goods and services. Moreover, media houses need to make as much profit as they can, if not sustain. Thus, a trade-off between media agencies and other corporate houses is inevitable. Hence, watchdog function and function of media as a member of civic society is constantly compromised in the face of profit.

“Today’s consumption is undermining the environmental resource base. It is exacerbating inequalities. And the dynamics of the consumption-poverty-inequality-environment nexus are accelerating. If the trends continue without change — not redistributing from high-income to low-income consumers, not shifting from polluting to cleaner goods and production technologies, not promoting goods that empower poor producers, not shifting priority from consumption for conspicuous display to meeting basic needs — today’s problems of consumption and human development will worsen.” (Sam Binkley, 2008)Further, the expansion of global capitalism — characterized by prominent role of western establishments including World Trade Organization which incessantly appeals to free trade across border and market deregulation — has not only been promoting consumerism but also threatening environmental balance which ultimately challenges notion of sustainable development.

According to United Nations, sustainable development refers to “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” (UNESCO)However, the trend of consumerism which is subtly shouldered by another UN organization called WTO contradicts to its own principles on sustainable development.

Most theorists agree that overall human pressure on the environment is a product of three factors: population, consumption per capita and technology. Population is the total number of people, consumption relates to the amount each person consumes, and technology determines how much resources are used and how much wasted each unit of consumption. However, today the concern of consumerism to environment is not limited to waste of products after use; rather it is concerned with frequent abandonment of goods that have symbolic function only for a very short period of time. As portrayed in The Lady’s Paradise by Zola, Sellers exploit the greed of their customers. They tempt buyers in with low-advertised prices on a particular item knowing that the enjoyment of buyers is doubled when they think they are robbing the tradesman. Further, sellers recognize that if one item is seen as a bargain, other items can be sold at as high a price as anywhere else, and buyers still think goods are the cheapest. They use sales in order to expedite turnover of inventory. Sellers discover that individuals can’t resist a bargain given that they buy without necessity when they think they just saw a cheap price line, and on this observation sellers base their system of reductions in price of unsold items. (Schom, 1987)This trend not only increases waste and rubbish but also hinders optimum utilization of resources that ultimately hampers notions of sustainable development.

Having said these, ever increasing trend of consumerism along with expansion of global capitalism not only increases waste and rubbish but also hinders sustainable development for it constantly opposes the idea of environmental balance.
===============
This paper is written by one my friend Suraj Dhakal (Luku) who is one of the hidden and most carved poet and portrays his inner feelings in his poems. if you want to feel his poems, visit his blog http://lukudhakal.blogspot.com

Works Cited

Sam Binkley, J. L. (2008). Cultural studies and anti-consumerism: a critical encounter. Cultural Studies, 519-530.

Schom, A. (1987, August 21). The Zola affair. Retrieved May 18, 2019, from The Guardian: https://www.theguardian.com/books/1987/aug/21/biography.emilezola

UNESCO. (n.d.). Introdiction to Sustaibale Development. Retrieved December 02, 2018, from UNESCO: https://en.unesco.org/themes/education-sustainable-development

Woodward, K. (2003). Buying and Selling. In K. Woodward, Social Sceinces: Big Issues(pp. 73-98). Oxon: Routledge.

Chamar and Sino Bahiskar Aandolan: A Brief Account

2019-07-11T17:17:00.001+05:45

This paper attempts to shed light on why and how Chamar community fought against the tradition that pushed them into the swamp of inequality and social injustice.

Subjugation of Chamar: A Reflection

Chamar community — one of the most marginalized and discriminated Dalit communities of Nepal[1], and also known for its multiple surnames including Ram, Harijan, Mahara, Mochi and Rabidas (Krishna B. Bhattachan)— is placed at the most bottom position of social hierarchy for its traditional livelihood practice. (Paswan 226-227)Subjugation of Chamar was primarily rooted in landlessness and Balighare Pratha[2]wherein males were held responsible for dispose of cattle carcass and females worked as midwives. This traditional occupation was enforced in such a way that only Chamar were held responsible removal of carcass. Eventually, this very tradition turned out to be the sole reason for severe discrimination against them. Since most Chamar were landless, their only means of subsistence was sale of raw leather extracted form cattle carrion. Chamar, for generations, earned their livelihood at the cost extreme social injustice, and the vicious cycle of poverty made them stick to their traditional occupation. (Paswan 231-233)

Sino Bahiskar Aandolan: A Brief Account

Sino Bahiskar Aandolan, a civil disobedience movement against a tradition that forced Chamar[3]to dispose cattle carcasses from higher caste households, grabbed a significant attention in national and international arena back in 1999. Regardless of its belated publicity in late 1990s, the foundation of the movement dates back to early 1950s when first institutionalized attempt to shun the tradition was made along with the establishment of community based organization named Nepal Harijan Sudhar Sangh. (Paswan 224-225)

The first phase of the movement was active in improvisation of the tradition than its complete abandonment. Thus, by the end of April 1958, the movement managed to stop Chamar of Saptari, Siraha and Dhanusa from consuming carrion meat. Moreover, the first phase of movement also includes struggle against contractors of state-owned Bansbari Leather and Shoes Factory. Back then, Chamar were forced to sell raw leather to local contractors at scrap value notwithstanding higher value in Indian market[4]. Nepal Harijan Sudhar Sangh continuously fought against those contractors for more than two decades; and subsequently government decided to shut down leather contract system in 1982 (Paswan 229-230)

The second phase of Sino Bahiskar Aandolan, often touted as a milestone in liberation of Chamar, took the movement one step further thereby not only shunning the carrion meat but also by completely shunning the tradition. It was spearheaded by social activist Baldev Ram, a recipient of Dr. Ambedkar International Prize. Baldev’s struggle against social injustice and inequality was profound. Back in 1964, Baldev initiated a campaign against unfair distribution of land demanding that poor Dalit tenants get the ownership of the land they sharecropped on. In the same year, Land Reform Act was passed, which opened legal-avenue for resolving landlessness of tenants.[5]Baldev’s involvement on land reform campaign established him as an opinion leader of the community; and his thus formed persona — combined with Chamar’s prolonged antagonism — contributed to the success of Sino Bahiskar Aandolan. A community gathering, called upon by Baldev Ram after seeing his relatives eat meat form carcasses, served as a cornerstone of the movement. Then, in the following months of July 1999, Baldev was active in raising awareness against consumption of carcass meat and also against dispose of animal carcasses without any pay. (Yadav)Subsequently, Baldev — in collaboration among several non-governmental development agencies including Action Aid and other so-called lower caste communities including Musahar and Dusadh — managed to completely shun animal carrion in his village Madhupatti, Saptari. Regardless of its constant disapproval from higher caste communities as well as that from state authority[6], the carcass boycott movement managed to stretche to other district of Saptari’s vicinity. Back then, the movement had grabbed notable attention in national and international arena for it was rigorously and regularly reported by country’s national dallies, particularly by Kantipur and The Kathmandu Post. (Jha)

Futile Oppositions to the Movement

Sino Bahiskar Movement, notwithstanding its subsequent success, on its initial phase was besieged by higher castes including Yadav and Chaudhary to a great extent. Higher caste members, in opposition to Chamar’s solidarity, organized together to form a Chamar Boycott Committee. Economic blockade, social boycott, termination from employment and prohibition in use of public properties like roads and forests were some of the tools higher castes used to make Chamar stop the movement. Once the news about economic blockade was reported rigorously by national dailies, attention of human right activists, Dalit right activists and that of government was drawn. Regardless of these oppositions, Sino Bahiskar Movement was already at a point of no return. Subsequently on 24 March 2000, after series of negotiations, a four-point’s agreement as of following was signed between Dalit right activists and Chamar Boycott Committee.
1. No individual shall be forced to dispose carcass, and municipality office shall maintain alternative arrangements for it.

2. Individuals willing to dispose carcass on their own shall not be stopped.
3. Illegal and inhuman economic blockade imposed upon Chamar shall be withdrawn urgently.
4. Aforementioned decisions shall apply to all. If violated, legal actions shall be taken. (Paswan 239-241)

Conclusion

Sino Bahiskar Movement, in the first hand, raised awareness among Chamar about inequality and social injustice associated with the traditional caste-based occupation they practiced without a second thought. Moreover, the movement helped Chamar get rid of mandatory responsibility imposed upon them to dispose cattle carcass. However, discrimination is still pervasive for most Chamar do not have any alternative means of livelihood other than working with cattle carcass.

==================
This paper is written by one my friend Suraj Dhakal (Luku) who is one of the hidden and most carved poet and portrays his inner feelings in his poems. if you want to feel his poems, visit his blog http://lukudhakal.blogspot.com

[1]Based on telephone interview with Saptari, Nepal based journalist Bhola Paswan

[2]Tradition wherein so-called lower castes (Dalits) serve so-called higher caste people with their traditional occupations and in return get food grains (bali) periodically from each harvest. (Rajendra Senchurey)

[3]Nepal’s one of the most marginalized so called low caste community

[4]Back then, the price of raw leather in Indian market was ten times than the amount paid by Nepalese contractors. (Paswan)

[5]Second chapter of Land Reform Act 1964 contains provisions for issuing land ownership certificate to tenants under the supervision of land reform officer.

[6]Chandra Kishor, op-ed columnist at Kathmandu based newspaper, writes that the movement was condemned in parliament back in 1999.

Works Cited

Jha, Abadhesh Kumar. "Baldev Ram, who fought for Dalits and landless people, dies at 67." 02 August 2017. eKantipur.12 March 2018 <http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2017-08-02/baldev-ram-who-fought-for-dalits-and-landless-people-dies-at-67.html>.

Krishna B. Bhattachan, Tej B. Sunar, Yasso Kanti Bhattachan.Caste-based Discrimination in Nepal. Working Paper Series. New Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, 2009.

Paswan, Bhola. "Carcass Boycott Struggle in Siraha and Saptari: Madhesi Dalit's Collectivism and Resistance." Protest against Subjucation: Struggle Stories of Nepalese Dalits. Kathmandu: Samata Foundation, 2013.

Rajendra Senchurey, Bhakta Nepali. "Unequal exchange." 24 November 2013. The Kathmandu Post.15 May 2018 <http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2013-11-24/unequal-exchange.html>.

Yadav, Mithilesh. "Social activist Baldev Ram dies at 74." 02 August 2017. myRepublica.09 March 2018 <http://www.myrepublica.com/news/24903/>.

A Documentary Response Essay to A Season Outside

2019-07-10T12:49:00.007+05:45

A Documentary Response Essay to ‘A Season Outside’ by Amar Kanwar

This article will put forward my personal response after having watched the narrative documentary, “A Season Outside” by Amar Kanwar. The movie has vividly displayed the negative effect on the population that took place due to the partition on the border between India and Pakistan. Yet it has also tried to communicate by persuading to seek for the wisdom and patience in order to bring peace and conflict resolution. I too certainly agree with the nonviolent activist Mr. Gandhi and his philosophy of nonviolence movement.

This documentary investigates the profound psychological effect on people, a great pain and suffering in many families, political distress in countries, economic crisis, and aggressive violence everywhere. The border which was established between India and Pakistan based on religion caused dreadful violence among peoples where many lost their lives and the widespread trauma is another legacy of this conflict. There were wars often with guns, there were women without hope, children with violent attitude and untouchable with full of anger. Even the parents of the narrator had to flee from Punjab during massacre.

There is no natural brotherly affection between those two little kids as we see the older brother pushing or throwing his little brother towards the street. The violence has even led these little kids to aggressive behavior. Even monks who are always observed and considered to be nonviolent and peacemakers are seen in a mass of protestors. Crows trying to provoke the dog is one the most noticeable scenarios in this particular movie. As we have always known the fact that dog is obviously more powerful than crows but on the contrary, here we see the tiny, weak, little dog is being irritated by a group of crows again and again.

The strange scenario of the ritual of closing the gate on the border appears to be very outrageous and at the same time the strong feeling of patriotism is being displayed. The way the military personnel on either side marched aggressively with muscular foot stamping and roaring voice might want to reveal their extreme form of patriotism marked by a feeling of extreme superiority over other countries. Thousands of spectators on either side of the border are observed to witness this ceremony with hands clapping as an expression of approval. Witnessing this ritual invokes people to use the violence and pollutes both cultures and people’s mind.

In addition, even the display of weapons from the veranda that is shown in the movie and at the same time spectators witnessing the event with great applauses have become their part of culture and considered to be one of their biggest prides. I see how cultural and social norms support violence and give confidence to people to use the violence.

Kanwar’s “A Season Outside” begins with the display of poor manual workers who are seen to be standing in a queue on either side of the border waiting to transfer heavy sacs of items to the other side. It was awfully shocking to see one group of laborers wearing costumes in red color whereas another group of laborers wearing costumes in blue color. And none of them can cross over that line. That row or strip from the outside looks just simple with a white color on it but on the contrary it has carried a very deep meaning in it. This white row that is profoundly established in every people’s mind has a gigantic negative effect on them which can neither be forgotten nor be cured. It is being narrated in the movie that only birds and butterflies have full liberty to cross that border line. The scenario appeared to be very restricted, full of agony and misery. The emotional and psychological effects on these workers are vividly depicted due to specific colors of their costumes and the boundaries. Rules and restrictions within a social group can encourage and invoke violence.

Amar Kanwar has repeatedly pronounced Gandhi’s name and his philosophy in his documentary. He is one of my favorite philosophers and I like his philosophy of nonviolence movement. To seek for the truth is being encouraged in the movie that is seeking peace and resolution through tolerance and wisdom. However, the Hindu extremist themselves disrespected or ignored the notion of Gandhi's effort and communities were forced to take arms.

In conclusion, this documentary, “A Season Outside” reveals how rules and regulations, limitations and restrictions invoke or influence brutality and, how cultural and social norms encourage or manipulate to support violence. The populations of India and Pakistan have always lived their lives with full of cultural, social and psychological issues due to the great dividing wall between them. However, it is also very significant to comprehend and embrace the notion of Mahatma Gandhi’s nonviolence movement and who has always shown the path of seeking wisdom and patience in order to bring peace and conflict resolution.

Theoretical Perspective on Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar

2019-07-09T08:21:00.000+05:45

Abstract:

This paper is an attempt to shed light on – currently prevailing Rohingya[1]Crisis in Myanmar in relation to notions of hegemony put forward by Louis Althusser and Antonio Gramsci. Moreover, this paper also deals with power relationship and discourses that left Rohingya communities with no choice other than fleeing away. In addition, notions of identity and its subjectivity are also covered by this study.

This paper takes into account news stories published by ALJAZEERA[2]at various points of time during the crisis as secondary data.

Background:

According to some historians Rohingya are indigenous inhabitants, who have been living in Rakhine State of Myanmar since 15^thcentury. Additionally, there had been a significant labor migration to today’s Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) form today’s India and Pakistan during British colonial period that spanned over more than hundred years. This huge migration was viewed negatively by the majority of Burmese natives. The seed of this crisis was sown after the military coup took place in 1962.

Timeline of Incidents and Consequences

Years	Events and Consequences
1939 -1945	Tensions between Buddhist Brumes population and Rohingya go back to the second world war, when each groups supported opposite sides. The Rohingya supported British side where as Buddhist population supported Japanese side.
1948	British colonial era ended
1962	Military coup took place in Myanmar. Like all dictators, this military regime forged a fierce nationalism based on Buddhist identity.
1978	“Operation Dragon King” was launched by military force. About 200 thousands Rohingya fled to Bangladesh. During this operation, military deliberately used violence against Rohingya. Subsequently in following years, about 170 thousands Rohingya returned back to their land.
1982	Government of Myanmar passed a citizenship act recognizing 135 ethnic groups. Yet Rohingya, with population of about one million were not on the list, and became stateless people.
1992	Myanmar launched another campaign literally called Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation. This time, about 250 thousands had no choice other than fleeing away.
2012	Tensions between state authority and Rohingya rose in 2000s. Severe violent incidents spilled over when four Muslims were accused of raping a Buddhist woman. State backed Buddhist majority population started burning houses of Rohingya communities.
2016	In wake of fighting such severe oppression, a small rebel group of some Rohingya called Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) was formed.
August 25,2017	ARSA attacked state police, and killed about a dozen of police officers. Thus, sparked latest crisis against Rohingya civilians.

According to The Guardian[3], more than 300 thousands Rohingya fled to Bangladesh since outbreak of violence in August, 2017. Additionally, more than 210 houses have been burnt to the ground by state military, and death tool of Rohingya has reached more than three thousands. According to a recent report published by Reuters[4], Myanmar military forces have placed landmines near the border so as to refrain Rohingya form returning back. (Vox)

Figure: Number of Rohingya fled away to different countries

Theoretical Analysis of Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar

Based on aforementioned facts and information, we can observe that government of Myanmar has been using Repressive State Apparatus (RSA) in governance. RSA refers to use of military, police, administration, and biased state policies to control over a certain population so as to rule. (Oswell 49-50)The use of violent military activities, which somehow resemble to ethnic cleansing, is a reflection of Repressive State Apparatus used by the government of Myanmar. On the other hand, aforementioned situation in Myanmar also calls for hegemony. Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, born out of prolonged state backed violence and persecution, was formed to fight against the state authority. This implies that Rohingya had had enough of dominations, and they had no other choice than carrying guns on their shoulders against state authority. However, in the long run an armed conflict cannot be a proper solution. Thus, long run demands negotiations, particularly ‘win-win’ one. In this regards, it would be better if government of Myanmar calls Rohingya leaders for table talks, which is the notion of hegemony, that is, ruling as per the consent of ruled.

This situation of Rohingya community can be seen in relation of subjectivity of identity, and discourses thus created. Based on concepts of identity put forward by Stuart Hall, Homi Bhabha, and Judith Butler, we can shift the question of identity to identification. (Oswell 104-109)We can observe subjectivity of identity in Rohingya’s context. Rohingya are Muslim indigenous community living in Rakhine state of Myanmar, this is their identity. Their identity seems fixed, but their identity is fluid as outsiders behold them. Having said fluid identity, it implies that identity of Rohingya varies with the eyes of beholders; Buddhist majority living in Myanmar consider them only as labors migrated during British colonial regime, not as citizens of their land. In addition, identity of Rohingya is dependent on majority of population, for Buddhist natives consider them as mere criminal immigrants. Moreover, identity of Rohingya in the eyes of outsider: United Nations, and other international organization, is a reflection of fundamental notions of right to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness.

Moreover, international power centers, in particular, United States of America, China, and Russia, have been turning a blind eye in a sense that they are not raising as much voices as they should have raised against such humanitarian crisis. The reason behind this silence of international commercial elites could be their own self-interests. With the end of military rule and avenues of democracy, international power centers are looking forward to leap on the Myanmar’s economy, where seed of economic liberalization has been shown along with commencement of democracy.[5]

Conclusion:

Given that, Rohingya have already formed a rebel group to fight against oppression of state authority, conflict is sure to escalate, and it will be more and more destructive, and it will divert resources from development sector to civil war. Thus, current approach to exercise of power by state – that is, use of Repressive State Apparatus is not going to let rulers indulge in power on sustainable basis. Having said this, hegemony seems inevitable. On the other hand, government of Myanmar ought not to prohibit Rohingya form citizenship, for it will create more disastrous situation in generations to come, thereby with outburst of hatred against state authority.

[1]The Rohingya are indigenous majority Muslim ethnic groups living in Rakhine State of Buddhist nation Myanmar

[2]Qatar based media house

[3]London based news agency

[4]London based news agency

[5]Reference taken from British Broadcasting Corporation’s archive

Works Cited

Oswell, David. "Hegemony, Ideolgoy and State." Culture and Society: An Introduction to Cultural Studies. London: Sage Publication Ltd, 2006. 104-109.

Vox. "The ethnic cleansing of Myanmar's Rohingya muslims explained." 25 September 2017. 30

Retrieve: July 9, 2019 . <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=04axDDRVy_o>.

Varna System and Class Struggle in Nepal

2019-07-07T13:00:00.000+05:45

Analytical review of the book, "Varna System and Class Struggle in Nepal" written by Aahuti

INFORMATION ABOUT THE BOOK

Book title: Varna System and Class Stuuggle in Nepal
Genre: Anthology
(The book has in total 277 pages which consists editorial statement, writer’s short note abot the publication, meaningful expressions about the book by Chaitanya Mishra, 2 overwhelmingly impressive poems, 11 research-based scholar essays and works citation).
Writer: Aahuti (Bishwo Bhakta Dulal)
Published in: 2014
Publisher: Samata Foundation, Pulchowk, Lalitpur, Nepal
ISBN: 978-9937-8372-0-0

In this book of Aahuti, the writer attempts to deal with Varna system and class struggle in Nepal through numerous articles presented in this book. Through this book, the writer manifests the history and origin of Varna system, how dalit has come into existence and the class struggle of dalit in Nepal. He includes dalit liberation movement in Nepal and the political action in response throughout the movement. This book provides a source to students, politicians, Maithili and Hindi speaker as well as to all the people who are living in the current globe.

Excluding two poems entitled brown Africa, the great story of a lowly life and the introduction part by Chaitanya Mishra, this book is divided into ten chapters. Beginning with myth and reality about the term dalit, the book advances through question of dalit liberation in Hindu society; Hindu feudalism, state restructuring, and dalit; constituent assembly and dalit initiative; reservation rights for dalit; federal system and dalit community; politics of dalit women; making of new constitution and responsibility of dalit movement; the question of liberation of Madhesi dalit and the future of dalit movement. Throughout the book, the writer shows the poorest and most oppressive conditions of dalit in Nepal. How they are being harassed, assaulted, discriminated and unconcerned socially, politically and culturally. The writer firmly asserts that the liberation of dalit is almost impossible until the Hindu feudal society with caste system and untouchability gets dismantled.

Each chapter emphasizing Dalit deals with different topics. The first and second chapters dig the historical evidences of construction of dalit and the establishment of Varna system in South Asia. It is to be believed that Varna system was founded in the Indian subcontinent about 3500 years ago. During the reign of King Manu, Varna system with untouchability was legalized. In this process, with the expansion of Hindu religious rule, the Varna system with untouchability also spread. Aryans are considered to be the first rulers who introduced the Varna system on the basis of color. Aryans entered India and began to intervene in socio-political lives of Dravidians and Australoid. In the process of division of labor, Aryans divided people into four Varnas. People who functioned as priests are categorized as Brahman, people who functioned as either administrators or military are categorized as Kshatriyas, people who functioned as either a trader or agricultural are categorized as Vaisyas and people who worked in skilled or non-skilled occupation as Shudras. In this way, after the establishment of Varna system, for about next thousand years, untouchability was not imposed. Lichhavis were the first rulers who introduced Varna system with untouchability during the second century in Nepal. Similarly, after them Mallas were those rulers who expanded their mission and spread this system more strictly. Later, monarchs too constructed their feudal state based on Varna system with untouchability.

The writer, Aahuti, is also an active politician. He has led and participated various dalit movements and this book is also one of the movements for dalit liberation. He states that Nepal dalit liberation movement started in the year 1946 almost at the same time the democratic movement against the feudal Rana regime started. He has expressed his grievances against the political parties in this book. The political changes of 1950 and 1990 have already ended yet there have not been any fundamental changes in the situations of dalit. The success of people’s movement in 1990 has provided freedom, sense of liberty and autonomy yet dalit hasn’t obtained full human rights and freedom to express their plights and feelings. The constitution of 1991 considers untouchability as a punishable offence however it never comes into practice. In fact, until today no political party in Nepal has declared the practice of untouchability within the party as a punishable offence. Untouchability is still predominant within political parties. The writer further objects that political parties have never taken dalit issues as their own issues. He argues that compared to other parties, communists party has put an effort to work with dalit yet they have failed to give required attention to the question of dalit community.

Similarly, the writer also encompasses the social and cultural evidences in showing how dalits have been excluded and despised by culture and social. As mentioned in this book, dalit women are still being gang raped, houses of dalits are still being burned and inter-caste couples are being murdered. There is no such punishable charge for so-called high castes for committing such crimes or sins. In fact, there is a strict punishment for those dalits who happen to enter the temples or touch the public wells. Poor dalits are obliged to dispose dead animals of high castes, cut the umbilical cord of newborn children, cut nails of high castes and receive dead person’s clothes. Dalits are still not free to choose their occupation. Agriculture, technology, music and entertainment, security cleaning, service and various skilled works are the traditional occupation of dalits. They have obligations to carry dolis of high castes, need to walk down if they encounter high caste people and they are obliged to mourn when a villager Brahman dies. So-called high caste people consider their rights to despise and assault dalits.

The writer also explicates the weaknesses of dalit liberation movement. It is unfortunate that there are thousands of landless dalits, poor tenants and dalit peasants yet the movement has failed to raise questions with regards to economic equality. Dalits can never receive liberation unless and until they have ownerships of land. It is yet another unfortunate that no dalit leader who is clean, honest and qualified has taken the leadership position. Thirdly, there is a heterogeneity in dalit and at the same time there is a disunity between Aryan Khas dalit, Madhesi and Newar dalit. There is no such program or any kind of agenda of unity and integration among Aryan Khas Dalit, Newar Dalit and Madhesi Dalit. Aryan has Dalits consider themselves to be superior among three categories whereas Madhesi Dalits are the most oppressed group.

Similarly, it is also the failure not to realize the various forms of oppressions of dalit women. The writer argues that women have been oppressed and exploited in terms of both class and gender. There have been social movements on women’s liberation and gender equality for ages. Many women’s lives have changed in empowerment although these movements are ongoing phenomena. However, in a regard to women’s issue people are limited or confined only to class and gender oppression. Many a time, people tend either to disregard or forget about other severe oppressions that the dalit women in particular have been challenged for ages. The issues of dalit women’s liberation should be understood not only from the perspective of class and gender oppression in fact from the perspective of politics too. Dalit women are the most degraded groups in Nepal who have been severely oppressed by the multiple dominant power structures such as patriarchy, caste and gender hierarchies, and in terms of social, political and economic power. Madhesi dalit women are even more oppressed. The modern dalit movement of 1946 fails to raise the issue of dalit women. One of the major factors of the failure of dalit women movement is that the dalit movement itself is patriarchal and it is highly guided by the dominant ideology of patriarchy. It is so unfortunate that the dalit movement itself is so unconcerned to the issue of dalit women.

According to Aahuti the writer, there are certain things to be changed or eradicated in order to enhance the lives of dalit. Confining within untouchability and discrimination will not lead to the roots of dalit problem. Identifying the position of dalit in terms of means of production and choice of occupation is very crucial. Dalits are oppressed in Jajamani system. In addition, even in urban areas dalits are still seen in the cleaning profession either in municipalities or public toilets. They have no choice of occupation rather forced to follow the same tradition of occupation. So, until dalits have their ownerships in land and have alternative occupation, it is for sure that the fundamental changes in the lives of dalit will not take place. There should also be representatives of dalit in the law-making parliament. Government should provide free public education with scholarship up to the higher education. And the primary thing is Nepal is a Hindu country and it is based on Hindu feudalism. And Hindu feudalism is strongly based on Varna system with untouchability. So, until and unless Hindu feudalism gets dismantled, no liberation will be obtained by any dalit.

The writer’s writing is understandable and expressive. He has successfully covered the severe problems of dalit, the history and origin of Varna system and certain ways to enhance the lives of dalit which will lead them to liberation.

In conclusion dalits have been deprived socially, professionally, politically, and every prospect of community which is against humanity. The word humanity itself is a positive word which focus on equality but there is no equality between various cultural background of people in Nepal. Dalit are always being discriminated since ages in Nepalese community and it seems continue till future despite of people being educated. The activists who carries campaign in favor of dalit do discrimination to them. Dalit are not allowed to enter into houses of brahman but a dog do. People can keep puppy in their home but cannot allow dalit to enter their house. There are animals right but despite of having human right dalits are not treated fairly in Nepal. It will take more hundreds of years to people to accept and equally treating dalit and it is only possible if people think that dalit are also like them, they are not Alien or anybody from another planet. In Nepal brahman cannot drink water from any tap which has been touched by dalit but they will drink from dalit hand if they are dying. So, I don’t think there should discrimination to dalit. They are also human and should be treated equally.

Privacy Policy

2019-06-11T20:23:00.000+05:45

If you require any more information or have any questions about our privacy policy, please feel free to contact us by email at shivachimariya.com.np@gmail.com

At https://www.shivachimariya.com.np, the privacy of our visitors is of extreme importance to us. This privacy policy document outlines the types of personal information is received and collected by https://www.shivachimariya.com.np and how it is used.

The policy sets out the different areas where user privacy is concerned and outlines the obligations & requirements of the users, the website and website owners. Furthermore the way this website processes, stores and protects user data and information will also be detailed within this policy.

The Website

This website and it's owners take a proactive approach to user privacy and ensure the necessary steps are taken to protect the privacy of its users throughout their visiting experience. This website comply to all UK national laws and requirements for user privacy.

Use of Cookies

This website uses cookies to better the users experience while visiting the website. Where applicable this website uses a cookie control system allowing the user on their first visit to the website to allow or disallow the use of cookies on their computer / device. This complies with recent legislation requirements for website's to obtain explicit consent from users before leaving behind or reading files such as cookies on a users computer / device.

Cookies are small files saved to the users computers hard drive that track, save and store information about the users interactions and usage of the website. This allows the website, through it's server to provide the users with a tailored experience within this website. Users are advised that if they wish to deny the use and saving of cookies from this website on to their computers hard drive they should take necessary steps within their web browsers security settings to block all cookies from this website and it's external serving vendors.

This website uses tracking software to monitor it's visitors to better understand how they use it. This software is provided by Google Analytics which uses cookies to track visitor usage. The software will save a cookie to your computers hard drive in order to track and monitor your engagement and usage of the website but will not store, save or collect personal information. You can read Google's privacy policy here for further information https://policies.google.com/privacy

Other cookies may be stored to your computers hard drive by external vendors when this website uses referral programs, sponsored links or adverts. Such cookies are used for conversion and referral tracking and typically expire after 30 days, though some may take longer. No personal information is stored, saved or collected.

External Links

Although this website only looks to include quality, safe and relevant external links users should always adopt a policy of caution before clicking any external web links mentioned throughout this website.

The owners of this website cannot guarantee or verify the contents of any externally linked website despite their best efforts. Users should therefore note they click on external links at their own risk and this website and it's owners cannot be held liable for any damages or implications caused by visiting any external links mentioned.

Adverts and Sponsored Links

This website may contain sponsored links and adverts. These will typically be served through our advertising partners, to whom may have detailed privacy policies relating directly to the adverts they serve.

Clicking on any such adverts will send you to the advertisers website through a referral program which may use cookies and will tracks the number of referrals sent from this website. This may include the use of cookies which may in turn be saved on your computers hard drive. Users should therefore note they click on sponsored external links at their own risk and this website and it's owners cannot be held liable for any damages or implications caused by visiting any external links mentioned.

With respect to Ad Servers: To try and bring you offers that are of interest to you, we have relationships with other companies like Google (http://www.google.com/adsense) that we allow to place ads on our Web pages. As a result of your visit to our site, ad server companies may collect information such as your domain type, your IP address and click stream information. For further information, consult the privacy policy of: https://policies.google.com/privacy

Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act Compliance

We are in compliance with the requirements of COPPA (Childrens Online Privacy Protection Act), we do not collect any information from anyone under 13 years of age. Our website, products and services are all directed to people who are at least 13 years old or older.

Contact & Communication

Users contacting this website and/or it's owners do so at their own discretion and provide any such personal details requested at their own risk. Your personal information is kept private and stored securely until a time it is no longer required or has no use, as detailed in the Data Protection Act 1998. Every effort has been made to ensure a safe and secure form to email submission process but advise users using such form to email processes that they do so at their own risk.

This website and it's owners use any information submitted to provide you with further information about the products / services they offer or to assist you in answering any questions or queries you may have submitted. This includes using your details to subscribe you to any email newsletter program the website operates but only if this was made clear to you and your express permission was granted when submitting any form to email process. Or whereby you the consumer have previously purchased from or enquired about purchasing from the company a product or service that the email newsletter relates to. This is by no means an entire list of your user rights in regard to receiving email marketing material. Your details are not passed on to any third parties.

Email Newsletter

This website operates an email newsletter program, used to inform subscribers about products and services supplied by this website. Users can subscribe through an online automated process should they wish to do so but do so at their own discretion. Some subscriptions may be manually processed through prior written agreement with the user.

Subscriptions are taken in compliance with UK Spam Laws detailed in the Privacy and Electronic Communications Regulations 2003. All personal details relating to subscriptions are held securely and in accordance with the Data Protection Act 1998. No personal details are passed on to third parties nor shared with companies / people outside of the company that operates this website. Under the Data Protection Act 1998 you may request a copy of personal information held about you by this website's email newsletter program. A small fee will be payable. If you would like a copy of the information held on you please write to the business address at the bottom of this policy.

Email marketing campaigns published by this website or it's owners may contain tracking facilities within the actual email. Subscriber activity is tracked and stored in a database for future analysis and evaluation. Such tracked activity may include; the opening of emails, forwarding of emails, the clicking of links within the email content, times, dates and frequency of activity [this is by no far a comprehensive list.

This information is used to refine future email campaigns and supply the user with more relevant content based around their activity.

In compliance with UK Spam Laws and the Privacy and Electronic Communications Regulations 2003 subscribers are given the opportunity to un-subscribe at any time through an automated system. This process is detailed at the footer of each email campaign. If an automated un-subscription system is unavailable clear instructions on how to un-subscribe will by detailed instead.

Social Media Platforms

Communication, engagement and actions taken through external social media platforms that this website and it's owners participate on are custom to the terms and conditions as well as the privacy policies held with each social media platform respectively. Users are advised to use social media platforms wisely and communicate / engage upon them with due care and caution in regard to their own privacy and personal details. This website nor it's owners will ever ask for personal or sensitive information through social media platforms and encourage users wishing to discuss sensitive details to contact them through primary communication channels such as by telephone or email.

This website may use social sharing buttons which help share web content directly from web pages to the social media platform in question. Users are advised before using such social sharing buttons that they do so at their own discretion and note that the social media platform may track and save your request to share a web page respectively through your social media platform account.

Shortened Links in Social Media

This website and it's owners through their social media platform accounts may share web links to relevant web pages. By default some social media platforms shorten lengthy url's [web addresses] (this is an example: http://bit.ly/zyVUBo).

Users are advised to take caution and good judgment before clicking any shortened url's published on social media platforms by this website and it's owners. Despite the best efforts to ensure only genuine url's are published many social media platforms are prone to spam and hacking and therefore this website and it's owners cannot be held liable for any damages or implications caused by visiting any shortened links.

Changes to our Privacy Policy

If we decide to change our privacy policy, we will post those changes on this page.

If there are any questions regarding this privacy policy you may contact us using the information below.

https://www.shivachimariya.com.np

About Me

2019-06-10T20:30:00.000+05:45

I am just a Bookaholic, Travelholic, Musicholic and Movieholic. Thats it!!!

Contact Me

2019-06-09T20:09:00.000+05:45

I would Love to Hear from You

I will get back to you within 24 Hours. Thanks for stopping by.