Twitter was the place to be for up-to-date info, although there is still confusion about whether some mortars or shells landed in Kinshasa (some say the Palais de Justice took a hit) and whether the jumpy DRC military responded in kind.

Update: I drove past the Palais de Justice and saw no damage. The response seems to have been limited to deploying soldiers and tanks until the cause of the explosions became known. By the end of the day news sources were talking about over 100 dead and some 2000 wounded in Brazzaville.

Here’s the trailer for a film made in 2006 about the fringes of Kinshasa’s music scene, by the same team who made the celebrated Staff Benda Bilili documentary.

It features the lanky, sonorous Jupiter, who acts as our guide and demonstrates how Kinshasa is mostly to be heard, not seen.

Joseph Kabila, the President of the less-than-impeccably Democratic Republic of Congo, has been AWOL since apparently winning November’s widely-criticised elections. Never exactly an enthusiastic public speaker, the taciturn JK (election slogan: “100% sure!” ) appears to be quietly pondering his next move and perhaps waiting to confirm who has won seats before attempting to cobble together a government. Following all manner of rumours about the President’s absence, word now has it that he has returned to Kinshasa after staying at his farm in Lubumbashi.

The opposition is also reflecting hard on their options. Not many people heeded opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi’s call for a national strike yesterday, but the demonstrations led by the Catholic church, beginning on 16 February, may be another matter altogether.

The battle lines are being drawn, as Cardinal Monsengwo, who has called for the election results to be annulled, is vilified daily on national television, while his churches have reportedly been giving lessons in political courage and activism. Should there be a big turnout, policing will be a dicey matter: the date is chosen to coincide with the 20th anniversary of Mobutu’s crackdown on Christian protestors’ calls for democracy in March 1991, in which 35 people became ‘martyrs of democracy’ and dozens were wounded. The event heralded the beginning of the end of the dictator’s rule, preceding the army’s revolt and looting spree later that year to protest unpaid wages.

Kinshasa has grown exponentially since its origins as a fishing village before Léopoldville was established in 1881. There are still fishing villages (resembling slums) along the river banks, but now they are forgotten on the fringes of a sprawling city.

Here are a few exerpts on the city’s growth from Rumba on the River, a book about the music of the two Congos:

Léopoldville – the small village of Kinshasa in Stanley’s time – had grown by the end of World War II into a city of 100,000 people.

…In the first seven years of independence Léopoldville’s population leaped from some 400,000 to more than 900,000. Adding to these numbers came thousands more new arrivals who squatted just outside the city’s official boundaries on land once restricted by the Belgians. One estimate claimed a tenfold increase in this so-called ‘Zone Annexe‘ in just two years, from 31,458 in 1959 to 358,308 in 1961. Under the Belgians the old cité of Kintambo and Kinshasa districts had been joined by a new one containing the districts Dendale, Kalamu and Ngiri–Ngiri. To the east lay Limete, the industrial zone; to the south a new airport at Ndjili, some fifiteen miles from downtown; and in between, more and more housing for new arrivals.

…Kinshasa’s population continued to swell – to an estimated 2.5 million in 1981 – with all the attendant problems of inadequate housing and nutrition, unemployment, poverty and crime. The looting of Zaire’s treasury by the ruling elite and its international creditors pushed inflation and squeezed the people.

Nowadays, Kinshasa is Africa’s second largest city, and officially the largest Francophone city in the world (even though far from all residents speak French). Google’s ‘best guess’ for Kinshasa’s population is 7,843,000, based partly on this estimate. Wikipedia and the Governor of Kinshasa put the figure at 10 million. Nobody knows the real number.

A minute of your time to join a glum Lexxus Legal cruising the streets of Kinshasa.

DR Congo: 24 Killed since Election Results Announced
Security Forces Attack, Detain Protesters, Local Residents

(Kinshasa, December 22, 2011) – Congolese security forces have killed at least 24 people and arbitrarily detained dozens more since President Joseph Kabila was announced the winner of the disputed presidential elections on December 9, 2011, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should immediately halt attacks and arbitrary arrests against opposition supporters and local residents by security forces in an apparent effort to prevent any protest of disputed election results.

Those killed include opposition activists and supporters as well as people gathered on the street or even in their homes, Human Rights Watch found. Human Rights Watch has received dozens of reports of other killings and attacks by security forces which it is seeking to confirm and is continuing its investigations.

“Since Joseph Kabila was declared the winner of the presidential election, security forces have been firing on small crowds, apparently trying to prevent protests against the result,” said Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “These bloody tactics further undermine the electoral process and leave the impression that the government will do whatever it takes to stay in power.”

Kabila, the incumbent, was inaugurated in Kinshasa, Congo’s capital, on December 20 following an election that international and national election observers strongly criticized as lacking credibility and transparency. The Kabila-appointed Supreme Court on December 16 rejected the opposition’s contention that the vote should be annulled because of fraud allegations.

The incidents of post-election abuse by security forces were documented by seven Human Rights Watch staff working with 17 Congolese human rights activists trained as election observers and deployed across the country. Human Rights Watch interviewed 86 victims, family members, and other witnesses, in addition to gathering information from other sources.

Human Rights Watch received numerous accounts of incidents in which members of the Republican Guard presidential security detail, the police, and other security forces fired on groups of people in the street who may have been protesting the election result, were preparing to protest, or were simply bystanders. In other incidents, suspected opposition supporters were targeted and killed.

At least 24 people were killed by security forces between December 9 and 14, including 20 in Kinshasa, two in North Kivu, and two in Kasai Occidental province. Human Rights Watch also documented an incident in which local youth in Kinshasa threw rocks at a priest who later died from his injuries.

Police and other security forces appear to be covering up the scale of the killings by quickly removing the bodies. Several sources informed Human Rights Watch that the government had instructed hospitals and morgues not to provide information about the number of dead or any details about individuals with bullet wounds to family members, human rights groups, or United Nations personnel, among others. Some family members have found the bodies of their loved ones in morgues far outside of Kinshasa, indicating that bodies are being taken to outlying areas.

The security forces have also forcibly blocked attempts by opposition groups to organize peaceful protests against election irregularities and arrested a number of the organizers on spurious charges of threatening state security, Human Rights Watch found. The Republican Guard, which is not empowered to arrest civilians, has apprehended opposition supporters and detained them in illegal places of detention at Camp Tshatshi, the guard’s Kinshasa base, and at the Palais de Marbre, a presidential palace. Some of the detainees were mistreated.

“The callous shooting of peaceful demonstrators and bystanders by the security forces starkly illustrates the depths the government will reach to suppress dissenting voices,” Van Woudenberg said. “The UN and Congo’s international partners should urgently demand that the government rein in its security forces.”

The Republican Guard is a force of some 12,000 soldiers whose primary task is to guard the president. Under Congolese law, the Republican Guard has no authority to arrest civilians, to detain them or to provide security for the elections. Congo’s police are responsible for providing security and ensuring public order during the elections. The national police chief, Gen. Charles Bisengimana, can call on the regular Congolese army, not the Republican Guard, to provide assistance if his force is unable to control public order.

Bisengimana told Human Rights Watch that he had not called on the army for any help with maintaining public order in Kinshasa and did not foresee any need to do so in the near future. He could not explain to Human Rights Watch why Republican Guard soldiers were so widely deployed across Kinshasa, including in places where there were no presidential installations for them to guard. He added that the Republican Guard was not under his authority or control.

“The Republican Guard has no authority to arrest Congolese civilians and hold them at illegal places of detention,” Van Woudenberg said. “The government should order the immediate release of all detainees in their custody, and undertake an impartial investigation into responsibility for these unlawful arrests and the mistreatment of detainees.”

For a detailed account of the killings and arrests Human Rights Watch documented, please see below.

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on the Democratic Republic of Congo, please visit: http://www.hrw.org/drc

Background

Killings in Kinshasa
Politically motivated attacks by the security forces following the election have been most severe in Kinshasa, where the leading opposition candidate, Etienne Tshisekedi of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) party, did very well at the polls.

Congolese security forces, including the Republican Guard and the police, were deployed in large numbers across the city ahead of the December 9 announcement of provisional election results by the independent electoral commission, the CENI. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that on that day and ensuing days, these forces fired randomly at small crowds of people who had gathered and others who attempted to leave their homes. Forces also fired on individuals suspected of looting. In some incidents, security forces specifically targeted and killed suspected opposition supporters. The attacks occurred in the communes of Ngaliema, Ngiri Ngiri, Kinsenso, Selembao, Lemba, Kalamu, Limete, and Kimbanseke in Kinshasa, killing at least 20 people, including 4 boys, 5 women, and 11 men, and wounding many others.

Soon after the election results were announced on December 9, a crowd of people gathered in the streets to protest in Barré neighborhood, Ngaliema commune. At around 5 pm, the police came and fired at the crowd to disperse the protesters. As people scattered, some took refuge outside the home of Fany Nsimba, a 21-year-old woman. When Nsimba and her 8-year-old niece came outside to see what was happening, they were both shot by the police. Nsimba died minutes later. Her niece is still hospitalized, recovering from a bullet wound in her thorax.

In Kimbanseke commune on the morning of December 10, local youth set up barricades on one of the main avenues following the announcement that Kabila had won the elections. When the police came to remove the roadblocks, some of the protesters threw rocks at them. The police responded by firing tear gas and live ammunition at the protesters and other passersby. A 15-year-old boy who had left his house to pick up his cell phone which was charging, and who some witnesses said had a rock in his hand, was shot dead. Another 30-year-old bus driver was also shot dead.

Angry at the heavy-handed response of the police, a group of youth broke into and burned a nearby police station, stealing weapons and furniture. Into the afternoon, the police continued to fire live ammunition at protesters in Kimbanseke and even down the smaller streets off the main avenue where the roadblocks had been set up. A 45-year-old mother of seven, who had poked her head outside the door to make sure none of her children were outside, was shot dead by a stray bullet.

In the days that followed, the police used the raid on the police station as a pretext for nightly raids in the neighborhood, going door-to-door and randomly arresting youth and stealing phones and money as they searched for the stolen weapons.

In Bandalungwa commune in the late afternoon of December 9, police fired into a crowd of people on Kimbondo Avenue who were protesting Kabila’s announced victory. At least two people suffered bullet wounds. The next morning, a 13-year-old boy, Bijou Luvuwala, was standing outside his house in the Kimbangu neighborhood, Kalamu commune, when the police drove by and fatally shot him.

The same day, on Pinzi Avenue, Bandalungwa commune, a 14-year-old boy stepped outside his house as a military truck drove by. The security forces in the truck shot and wounded the boy, a witness who was standing further down the road told Human Rights Watch.

On several occasions, state security forces have shot at or arbitrarily arrested people who happened to be standing outside the UDPS headquarters or in front of Tshisekedi’s nearby residence in Kinshasa’s Limete commune.

On December 10, the police drove by the UDPS headquarters in Kinshasa and fired into a crowd of people standing outside. A 23-year-old man told Human Rights Watch that he was shot in the leg, but that he and others who were wounded were scared to go the hospital, where they might be pursued by the authorities tracking down UDPS supporters.

Arbitrary Arrests in Kinshasa
Security forces, especially Republican Guard soldiers and the police, also conducted arbitrary arrests and house-to-house raids in the communes of Ngaliema, Lingwala, Kintambo, Limete, Kimbanseke, Selembao, and Kalamu in Kinshasa. During the attacks, they often looted homes and accused their victims of being against Kabila.

Republican Guard soldiers took those arrested to Camp Tshatshi, the Republican Guard military base in Kinshasa, and the Palais de Marbre, one of the official presidential residences in Kinshasa guarded by the Republican Guard. Neither is an official place of detention. At least 30 people have been detained in these two places since December 9, according to Human Rights Watch interviews with those who were released and other witnesses.

A Tshisekedi supporter who lives in Kinshasa’s Ngaliema commune told Human Rights Watch that around 5 p.m. on December 9, after the provisional election results were announced, Republican Guard soldiers raided his house. The soldiers beat him and his 19-year-old son and shouted at his family, saying “This time we will trample you like tomatoes!” They then left with his son, who was taken to Camp Tshatshi.

Former detainees from Camp Tshatshi interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that many were stripped naked, blasted with cold water and then repeatedly beaten by Republican Guard soldiers, including with wooden bats with nails. They said the soldiers accused them of being against Kabila.

One former detainee said the soldiers shouted at them: “You Kasaiens [referring to people from the Tshisekedi’s home region of Kasai], you will see. You want to make Kabila leave easily, but he came to power with blood. We will eliminate all of you.”

One witness said that three detainees at Camp Tshatshi were executed on the night of December 9. The witness said the three men did not have identity papers and were accused by the Republican Guard soldiers of being rebels. He said the victims were tied to a tree and shot in the back at close range, one after the other.

At the Palais de Marbre, a number of detainees were held and beaten next to the swimming pool. One detainee interviewed by Human Rights Watch after he escaped, described how he was arrested from his home in the middle of the night following publication of the election results on December 9 and taken to the palace. He said he was thrown into the pool, still hand-cuffed, and forced to stay in the dirty water for several hours while the Republican Guard soldiers drank whiskey and urinated on him. He said the soldiers taunted him, telling him he would soon be killed because he had campaigned for Tshisekedi.

Republican Guard soldiers arrested another man while he was sitting in front of his small store in Ngaliema commune on the morning of December 10. He later told Human Rights Watch that the soldiers grabbed him, took him in their truck to Palais de Marbre, and told him they were tracking down all the youth responsible for causing disorder the day before. He was badly beaten in custody and finally released on December 12, after his family paid a bribe to the guards.

Police also arrested and detained dozens of people, contending they were responsible for public disorder, theft, arson, and incitation to civil disobedience. Many are still being arbitrarily held without charge in violation of Congolese and international law.

Early in the morning of December 8, two elderly men were arrested during raids by security forces on their homes in Mbamu neighborhood, in Kinshasa’s Limete commune. The security forces took them to the military detention center at Camp Kokolo, where they are still being held. Their families said those guarding the detainees told them that the men were being held because they are leaders of the UDPS party. The families said that one of the men is a member of the PALU political party, part of Kabila’s presidential alliance, and the other is a musician with no interest in politics.

Violence by the Opposition
The UDPS party has a long history of peaceful opposition, although UDPS supporters and others were implicated in sporadic acts of public disorder and violence following the announcement of the election results, including burning tires, throwing rocks at police, attacking police stations, looting shops, and setting up road blocks. Several police officers were injured.

On December 9, a group of suspected opposition supporters attacked a Kimbanguist church in Kinshasa’s Selembao commune. A pastor at the church, Mbunga Tusevo, was beaten and died the following day. The Kimbanguist church in Congo is perceived to have endorsed Kabila in the presidential elections. One of Kinshasa’s main Kimbanguist churches in Kasavubu commune was used as a holding area for people arrested on December 9 before they were taken to Camp Kokolo or Camp Tshatshi.

Crackdowns on the Opposition Elsewhere
Government abuses against opposition supporters and to stop protests also occurred in other parts of Congo. On the night of December 9, at Bunyangula village near Kiwanja, North Kivu province, Congolese army soldiers shot and killed Willy Wabo, a civil society activist who was a member of opposition leader Vital Kamerhe’s Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC), in his home. A witness said that one of the attackers called Wabo by name from outside and then shot him at least twice through a window as he attempted hastily to call a friend. The witness said the soldiers shouted out that other UNC members and candidates would be tracked down in the same manner.

In the weeks before his death, Wabo had denounced election irregularities on local radio stations, specifically mentioning efforts by armed soldiers to block voters at a polling place in Katwiguru and the presence of soldiers at another polling place in Kiwanja. Human Rights Watch found that elsewhere in North Kivu, soldiers in uniform and in civilian clothing sought to intimidate voters to vote for Kabila.

In the city of Goma, North Kivu, local authorities used force to stop an attempt by UDPS and UNC opposition party leaders to organize a demonstration on December 13 to protest Kabila’s re-election and alleged vote rigging. Police used pepper spray and beatings to disperse a small group of peaceful protesters who had gathered at Signers traffic circle at around 10 a.m. A 28-year-old protester, Patient Chibike Birindwa, was assaulted by the police and collapsed and died the following day, December 14. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that Birindwa had told them that he was pinned down on the ground by the police during the protest and repeatedly kicked in the chest, stomach and on his back. Later that day, he complained to friends about the injuries to his chest. Government officials in press interviews claimed Birindwa died of heart attack not associated with injuries he may have received at the protest. Another protester was also injured.

At the same demonstration, police arrested five of the UDPS and UNC organizers of the protest, even though they had given advance notice of the demonstration as required by Congolese law. In a statement the day before the protest, Goma’s mayor, Jean Maliaseme Busanya, denied the organizers the right to demonstrate, saying that anyone who wanted to contest the presidential election results was required to direct the complaints to the Supreme Court within 48 hours of the publication of the electoral results. The five organizers arrested were charged with threatening state security and publishing information with the aim of undermining public order. The mayor’s statement confused the requirements for a legal action against the voting results, which has time limits, with the right to express one’s opinion, which has no such limits.

Police and soldiers also quelled protests in Bukavu and Lubumbashi. In Bukavu on the morning of December 13, police dispersed opposition protesters by beating them with batons and arrested Eustache Nsimba, a lawyer who tried to convince the police not to stop the demonstration. He was later released. A demonstration to protest Kabila’s inauguration on December 20 was also quelled.

On December 14, in Lubumbashi, soldiers armed with military assault rifles and rocket propelled grenades (RPGs) forcibly stopped a group of about 30 UDPS members and supporters from demonstrating. Soldiers surrounded the demonstrators, threatened them with their guns, and beat and kicked one of the organizers, Fabien Mutomb, and others.

Police and other security forces also deployed in large numbers to patrol the streets of Mbuji-Mayi, Mwene-Ditu, Kananga, and Tshikapa, in Kasai Oriental and Kasai Occidental provinces, all towns that voted overwhelmingly in favor of Tshisekedi.

Mbuji-Mayi has been under a night-time curfew since December 2. Local residents and civil society activists interviewed by Human Rights Watch said the curfew has given cover to numerous incidents of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and looting by security forces. Dozens of civilians, many of them UDPS supporters, were detained between December 9 and 12. Some were later charged with initiating a rebellion, insulting state authorities and destroying property. Some detainees alleged that they were mistreated. In one case a police officer threw a tear gas canister into a closed container near the police headquarters where some 40 detainees were being held.

At least two men were killed by security forces in Kananga, Kasai Occidental province, on December 9 and 11. One of the victims was shot dead while demonstrating.

1993-1996: Uniformed and plain-clothed Zairean security forces killed an estimated 1000 people in a violent crackdown on opponents of Mobutu’s regime. Implicated security agencies of the era were “the Special Presidential Division (DSP), the Civil Guard, the FAS (Forces d’action speciale), the FIS (Forces d’intervention speciale) and the National Intelligence and Protection Service (SNIP). The BSRS (Special Research and Surveillance Brigade) and the SARM (Military Action and Intelligence Service) were also heavily involved in serious violations of the right to life. A special unit formed within the DSP, known as Hibou (“the owls”), was specifically responsible for spreading fear among the people by carrying out summary executions and kidnapping not only political opponents but soldiers and ordinary citizens too.”

1996: After war broke out in North and South Kivu, the people of Kinshasa became increasingly hostile towards Rwandans and peoples of Rwandan origin, in particular the Tutsis, whom they systematically accused of being in collusion with the AFDL/APR.

In late October 1996, during public demonstrations staged by students in protest of the presence of “Rwandans” in Kinshasa, men, women and children of Rwandan nationality or origin, particularly those of Tutsi derivation, were publicly humiliated and beaten. Instead of protecting these people, the security forces arbitrarily arrested a number of Rwandans, most of them Tutsis. With the cooperation of the people, they also looted and seized many of their homes… Many victims were tortured and subjected to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. An unknown number of people were executed by the security forces, particularly in the Tshatshi camp. Still more were deported to Rwanda and Burundi by the Zairian authorities. Others were forced to flee quickly into other countries.

1997: Kinshasa under new management

After the fall of Kenge in Bandundu province, the AFDL/APR troops and their allies reached the gates of the capital and President Mobutu had to resign himself to stepping down. On 17 May 1997, AFDL/APR troops entered Kinshasa, and on 25 May, the AFDL president, Laurent-Desire Kabila, declared himself President of the Republic and renamed the country the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The new security forces committed serious violations of human rights against civilians viewed as opponents of the new regime and of the continued presence of APR soldiers in the Congolese territory. Soldiers from the DSP were a particular target, as were the former dignitaries of the Mobutu regime. Ordinary civilians were also victims of serious violations.

Between May and June 1997, AFDL/APR units, aided by the civilian population, carried out a large number of public executions. In many instances, the bodies of the victims were burned, notably in the communes of Masina and Matete, and in the Kingabwa district of the Limete commune. Between May and June 1997, AFDL/APR units executed an unknown number of ex-FAZ soldiers and political opponents detained in the GLM (Litho Moboti Group) building. Every night, several people were brought out of their cells and led to the riverside, where they were executed and their bodies dumped in the water. These executions stopped after protests from human rights organisations, who were alerted by local fishermen who saw bodies rising to the river surface every day.

After the capture of the capital, FAC/APR units, in particular many Kadogo, imposed methods of punishment in Kinshasa that were tantamount to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, in particular public flogging and punishment with the chicotte, a leather-thonged whipping device. Many civilians died from internal bleeding when their stomachs were whipped.

From June 1997, the new regime’s military high command sent the ex-FAZ soldiers to the Kitona military base in Bas-Congo to follow training in “ideology and re-education”. As soon as the ex-FAZ had left for Kitona, the FAC/APR soldiers entered the camps where the soldiers of the old regime were living [CETA, Tshatshi and Kokolo], and raped large numbers of wives and daughters of the departed ex-FAZ soldiers.

Over the course of the period in question, many sources report that across Kinshasa the AFDL/APR soldiers also raped and beat a large number of women, including many prostitutes.

At the end of September 1997, several of Kinshasa’s districts were hit by shells fired from Brazzaville by the armed groups fighting for the control of the presidency in the Republic of the Congo. At least 21 people were killed. The FAC/APR reacted by firing on Brazzaville for two days with rocket launchers.

From November 1997, at least 24 wounded ex-FAR soldiers were officially reported missing, most likely executed by FAC/APR units at an unknown date.

Following President Kabila’s decision to ban political party activity, the new regime’s security forces targeted the leaders and activists of the main opposition parties [PALU and UDPS]. During the crackdown, female members of the immediate family of arrested opponents were frequently the victims of rape.

• Zeka lu zeka – shake your hips (Kikongo)
• Sous sol – underground
• Selon classement – according to type
• Muana ya bansango – child of catholic fathers (Lingala)
• Bakala ya ngolo – strong man (Kikongo)
• Bebe sagesse – baby wisdom
• Je suis vainqueur – I’m a conquerer
• Mabe na yo eteya yo – Your misdeeds will teach you (Lingala)
• Leon du tribu de Judah – Lion of the tribe of Judah
• Ndeko kolela te eza makambo eyaka – My brother don’t cry, these things happen (Lingala)
• Where are you going?
• La serie continue – The series continues
• Pharmacie
• L’eternelle est mon berger – the eternal is my shepherd
• Jambe electrique – electric leg
• J’aime ca et vous? – I like that, what about you?
• Boss assurance – boss insurance
• Le fils de la prophete – son of the prophet
• Gol solution
• Voila Kinshasa

In his book, Kinshasa, Signes de Vie, Lye Yoka saw an evangelical spirit and a fascination with oracles in the slogans on taxi-buses: “These oracles are a manifestation of the exorcising and cathartic power of the word in the face of poverty and paranoia. This fascination and propagation of the written word is coupled with the headiness of speed, which constitutes another way for the marginalized to appropriate time and space…” Which is nicely summed up by Expresse parole, (see below).

Back in 1999, Yoka was worried by the appearance of smaller, commercially produced stickers, fretting that they might eventually replace hand-cut stencils, but the stencils (made to order and paid for by the letter) are very much in evidence to this day. Lingala bumper stickers are something of a niche business, after all.

To add to Thomas‘s list, here are some slogans I noted with the help of fellow passengers in the course of a single journey from Ndjili to Gombe yesterday evening. It’s not a bad way to pass the time in heavy traffic. If you can improve on the translations (asterisks signal uncertainty or unknown words), or can help with hidden inferences – ‘pasta’, in particular, is crying out for expanation – please leave a comment. And if you can send in your own contributions, even better.

• Pasta
• Elevation
• Revelation
• Responsable
• Chegue Vara – Che Guevara
• Chasse a l’homme – Man hunt
• Nanu esili te – Not finished yet
• Bolamu zoba- Stupid happiness
• Expresse parole – Word express
• Mola mokonzi bien – Good king*
• Pourquoi pas moi – Why not me?
• Coeur de grand – Heart of a giant
• Pourquoi pas nous? – Why not us?
• Temps de la grace – Time of grace
• Source du travail – Source of work
• Paix du coeur – Peace of the heart
• D’ici 45 mins – 45 minutes from here/now
• La ligue du champion – Champion’s league
• Nzambe nasali nini? – God what shall I do?*
• Nionso makambo? – Is everything a problem?
• Buaka patcha jesu alokata – Jesus will harvest*
• C’est l’etoile du berger – It’s the star of the shepherd
• Sepela kozua ya moninga – Enjoy taking from your friend
• Boseka ngai te nanu esili te – Don’t laugh at me, time’s not up
• Soki oyini ngai okozua nini? – If you hate me what will you get?
• Tozali kosandela kasi bolingo eza te – We pray but there’s no love