SomaliCare

Iman partners with Somali design sisters of Mataano

2012-02-15T11:28:00.000-06:00

By Madame Noire

Twin sisters and founders of Mataano, Ayaan and Idyl Mohallim (Madame Noire)

From Madame Noire: Supermodel and cosmetics guru Iman has announced IMAN Cosmetics' partnership with Mataano, the chic fashion design label with a global flavor. Mataano, founded by Somali twin sisters Ayaan and Idyl Mohallim, will debut its new partnership during their Fall 2012 runway show with IMAN as the lead sponsor.

The young, inspirational fashion designers got their break in the fashion world at just 20 years of age. They launched Mataano in 2008 hoping to show the world a new diversity of style. Their designs in the women's ready-to-wear category are a break from traditional African style. Mataano uses a mix of Somali and American heritage to create a blend of culture and has found its place among the fashion elite.

"I saw in the twins the drive and inspiration I had at that point in my life. Our shared Somali background and creative visions are a natural fit," Iman, CEO and Founder of IMAN Cosmetics said in a press statement.

Click here to read the rest of this story.

Source: The grio

Somalis in schools: One in three chooses charters in Twin Cities

2012-02-15T11:03:00.001-06:00

By Alleen Brown, TC Daily Planet

Around 1200 school-age kids reside in Riverside Plaza’s nine paneled towers. The majority of them are Somali or East African. Cedar-Riverside Community School, a tiny charter nestled in the middle of the plaza, can only fit 150 of them, but school director Ricky White says if he were to open a new charter, he would know what to do to attract Somali families.

Just like in his school, where more than three-quarters of the students are Somali, he would accommodate Muslim religious practices. He would hire Somali administrative staff and education assistants who speak the language. He would make himself known in the community, visiting neighborhood associations, community center events and mosques. He would keep class sizes small. And it wouldn’t hurt to have a location in the heart of Minneapolis’s Somali community.

This story is part one in a three-part series exploring Somali families’ experiences with the Twin Cities education system.

But more than anything, he would keep in mind the power of a close-knit community where word of a few bad experiences (or a few good ones) can spread like wildfire. White calls it the “contagious factor,” and charter schools around the metro area have figured out how to use it to their advantage. But to Somali students’ advantage? That’s another question.

Last year, one in three Somali-speaking students in the metro area attended a charter school. Three-quarters of metro Somali charter students attended one of eight schools where more than half of enrolled students spoke Somali at home. (One of those schools, Tarek Ibn Ziyad Academy, is no longer open.) While other Twin Cities immigrant groups also attend charter schools at higher rates than non-immigrants, Somalis attend charters at a much higher rate. Nearly one in five metro area Hmong-speaking students attended a charter, and one in 15 Spanish-speaking students did, compared to approximately one in 20 native English-speakers.

Educators and community members disagree over whether the high rate of charter enrollment among Somali students is acceptable or worrisome, and a range of truths and rumors circulate: the district schools don’t hire enough Somali staff, parents feel more welcome at charter schools, charters help Somalis preserve their culture, Somali kids are not academically challenged at district schools, charter schools are safer, and they’re smaller.

“It’s a market,” said Mohamed Mohamud, director of the nonprofit Somali American Parent Association. “They are advertising, ‘We have that much bilingual service. We are preserving your culture.’

“That’s not enough for the success of the students,” he said, citing concerns about academic rigor and access to sports facilities and after-school activities. “Am I happy – no. A lot of things are missing.”

“We are respectful. Really we understand where they come from. We work with families, work with the community,” said principal Samuel Yigzaw of Higher Ground Academy, where 85 percent of the students last year spoke Somali at home. “Look at what’s happened to Somali kids in traditional public schools – the violence, the fighting. We don’t have that.”

Ubah Medical Academy

Ubah Medical Academy is in Hopkins – far from the homes of many of its Somali students, who make up 90 percent of the student body. The “Medical” part of the name refers to the school’s science and health offerings, but perhaps more importantly, it’s a nod to Somali families’ respect for the medical profession. According to school director Musa Farah, the charter’s location is part of its draw. “Like a boarding school,” he said.

In some ways, it’s an apt comparison. Ubah is one of the more conservative Somali-dominant charters. Certain religious and cultural accommodations are common at charters, and even district schools, that serve Somali students – most serve no pork and have a space where students can pray. Some get out early on Fridays so that students can attend a religious gathering in their community. Many schools offer Arabic language classes.

Ubah goes further. Girls and boys have separate lunch times, which Farah said is a cultural, not religious, practice – some girls don’t like to eat in front of someone they might marry. (Other Somali community members said the tradition toes the line between religion and culture, and not all Somalis practice it.) Behavior is monitored closely. For example, students cannot leave class to go to the bathroom without an escort.

“We talk to a kid – tell them what is right, what is wrong,” Farah said, in part because that’s what some Somali parents expect from an education system.

Farah and other Somali sources recall a state-run education system in Somalia where the teacher’s role was much different than in the United States. Sources say teachers were like second parents. They were responsible for students’ behavior and moral upbringing as well as their academics. A parent might even ask a teacher to discipline a child for being disrespectful at home. Parent engagement was not expected.

That system was dismantled during Somalia’s civil war, and Farah said it’s not how it is at Ubah. None of the teachers are East African – mostly because of the scarcity of East Africans with teaching licenses – and parents are expected to stay engaged. “This is America – parents first,” Farah said. But understanding cultural differences like that one helps the school keep Somali families happy.

Managing comfort

Making sure parents are comfortable is a big part of the school’s success. The same could be said for Cedar Riverside and Higher Ground and likely for other charters that serve Somali families.

At Ubah, parents and community members can come at any time of the day and meet with someone who will address their concerns in their native language. Administrators say that, though families come from an educational background that did not encourage family participation, parent engagement is high. Farah said he gets calls from parents at 8 or 9 at night sometimes. Many of the school’s administrative employees and education assistants are Somali. The first person a parent sees at the front desk is African, if not always East African.

Some students also report feeling more comfortable at Ubah.

Anisa transferred to Ubah for high school. Before that, she attended a mainstream district school. “The teachers look at you like a stranger, because all they know about you is what they see in the media,” she said. “They think you’re a walking failure, pretty much.”

Metro-area charters with a high proportion of Somali-speaking students in 2010-2011*

*From Minnesota Department of Education primary home language data

**School no longer open

Somali-speaking students in metro charters: 3197

Somali-speaking students in non-charter metro schools: 6171

Letitia Basford, an assistant professor Hamline University’s school of education, researched Somali students’ experiences at one Minnesota Somali-dominant charter school.* “Students said they never knew there were smart Somalis until they went to charter schools,” she said. One of the students she interviewed described feeling like "a psycho" in district schools when they had to wash their feet before prayer. A Somali girl told Basford her classmates would joke that she probably had a bomb hidden under her hijab.

“Here everybody can hang out with anybody,” Anisa said. As one student put it, at Ubah you know the person to your right, to your left, the person behind you and in front of you – all are going through the same things.

Academic Rigor?

Anisa herself resisted the transfer to Ubah. She had planned to attend a district school before a neighbor convinced her mother Ubah was the best choice. Anisa worried she would fail state tests and wouldn’t get into college.

Schoolmate Abdulaziz agreed on the school’s reputation. “At the mosque I go to on weekends, they say, ‘Oh you go to Ubah? You’re not smart.’ I say, ‘Are you serious right now?’” he said. “’Anything you can do, I can do better.’”

Anisa finds Ubah’s curriculum challenging, and she said removing the distraction of having to explain her culture impacted her academic performance, “I can’t blame that this time,” she said.

Still some Somali community members worry that charters don’t have the academic rigor of district schools. “When it comes to academics, I don’t see that much value,” said Hashi Shafi, executive director of the Somali Action Alliance.

A 2008 report by the University of Minnesota’s Institute on Race and Poverty called Minnesota charters a “failed promise,” citing research that showed demographically similar groups do worse on average in charter schools than in district schools. The report put some of the blame on a lack of racial and economic diversity. A review of charter school achievement studies released by the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools in 2010 showed mixed results – a number of studies revealed similar or larger academic gains in charter schools compared to district schools and a number showed smaller gains.

Yet Higher Ground, Twin Cities International Elementary, Global Academy, Lighthouse Academy of Nations, Cedar-Riverside Community School and the now-closed Tarek Ibn Ziyad Academy have all been recognized as “beat-the-odds” schools, where a large proportion of students passed state tests, despite a high level of poverty in the school.

Others argue that charter schools simply don’t have the resources that district schools do to provide access to after-school activities, sports and a variety of course options – such as economics or ceramics.

“They don’t have enough libraries. They don’t have enough labs. They don’t have teachers who are qualified,” said Amira Ahmed, founder of the Somali women’s group Midwest Community Development.

Last March, local KSTP news reported that Higher Ground was employing three unlicensed teachers. Yigzaw said the report was unfair and failed to mention the school’s good reputation for academics. He said currently all teachers are licensed.

What about integration?

Perhaps even more contentious than the schools’ academic performance is their demographics. Some question whether attending a school that looks so much different than the outside world will prepare students for life after graduation.

“The only way they can get ahead eventually is if they’re co-mingling with everybody,” said Minneapolis school board member Hussein Samatar. “I understand their concerns. I understand where they’re coming from, but you cannot protect children by segregating them.”

Shafi agreed, “They’ll grow together. They can share their values, their interests. You're missing opportunities of relationships.”

“What we have seen is we are already confused as adults. What we are giving to our kids is more confusion about their identity,” said Ahmed. “They are from here. We are the ones who are from Somalia.”

But Farah said Somalis have the right to preserve their culture. “No culture is totally bad and no culture is totally good,” he said. “Let us take the good pieces.”

“I have my two daughters, and they’re still in their same bedroom, and they will be until they’re married,” he said. “I’m not worried to go to [senior] home care as long as I have children. I will be always with them.

“My people, to be integrated – to that they will never accept that.”

It’s still pizza

But he’s sort of wrong – the Somali community already has accepted a degree of integration and assimilation, even within the Somali-centered charters. Basford said the students she interviewed interacted with mainstream culture daily. They read manga, listened to rap, watched the Vikings, navigated the bus system, joined Girl Scouts and played in city parks. Despite attending an all-East African school, Basford said, “They bought into that paradigm that American is better than immigrant.” And the school helped. “They flip that paradigm to help these kids understand their strength in being immigrant and refugee and being Somali and being proud of being Somali.”

“I am the type of educator that has always believed in multicultural education,” Basford said. “What the study has really shown me is that I think there’s more than one avenue with which we can educate youth.”

“You and I know it’s good to be able to learn and work with everyone,” Yigzaw said. “There is a cost-benefit analysis. This is choice.”

In Ubah’s cafeteria, it was the girls turn for lunch. They laughed and shouted as they ate French fries and some sort of flatbread with cheese and sauce inside - an East African dish, said school associate director Patrick Exner. He left the cafeteria to talk to a teacher, and I asked one of the office workers what the flatbread was called – she laughed. It was just inside out pizza.

*Basford agreed before she began the study to keep the school and the students she worked with anonymous.

Source: Twin Cities Daily Planet

Smuggling and trafficking of Somalis must stop, UN human rights expert says

2012-02-15T10:51:00.000-06:00

The smuggling and trafficking in innocent Somalis must end, an independent United Nations human rights expert said today, expressing deep shock over the recent boat disaster in the Gulf of Aden that resulted in the death of 11 people, while another 34 are still missing.

Last week, survivors found on Somali beaches explained that their boat, crewed by three smugglers and carrying 58 passengers, had set sail for Yemen. They also recounted to local authorities how smugglers forced 22 passengers overboard soon after the engine failed, according to a news release issued by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).

“Smuggling and trafficking in persons in Somalia has been a sad facet of the Somali conflict,” said UN Independent Expert on the situation of Human Rights in Somalia, Shamsul Bari. “Such tragedy highlights the critical need to find a lasting and sustainable peace in Somalia so that people can live in a decent manner at home and are not forced to flee constantly their country to save their lives.”

The conditions endured by Somalis who are smuggled by boat are strenuous and painful. In his report to the Human Rights Council in 2009, Mr. Bari described that hundreds of people are squeezed into small boats that can easily capsize, and must survive a choppy ride that lasts on average 36 hours without food or water, and without very limited movement. Many times passengers develop skin diseases during the trip, and they run the risk of being thrown overboard by smugglers who fear getting caught.

“I offer my heartfelt condolences and my grievances to the deceased families and of those injured and who are suffering from skin burns caused by fuel inside the boat,” Mr. Bari said.

Mr. Bari also expressed his concern over recent reports about the violence faced by Somalis at the hands of the local population in transit countries, and urged Somali authorities at the national and sub-national level to work in close cooperation with the international community and the UN to end this issue.

In addition, he called on the international community to strengthen the capacity of the Somali authorities, and stressed that the London Conference on Somalia scheduled for 23 February would be a good opportunity for them to address smuggling and trafficking in the country.

“The upcoming London Conference will focus the world’s attention on Somalia,” Mr. Bari noted. “As we try to address the suffering of Somalis inside the country, I would like to remind all transit and host countries of their legal and humanitarian obligation to guarantee the safety and dignity of Somali refugees.”

Source: UN News Centre

Turkish Airlines will fly twice weekly to Somalia

2012-02-15T10:34:00.000-06:00

A statement by Turkish Airlines (THY) said on Wednesday that the airlines would launch flights to Somali capital of Mogadishu as of March 6.

A statement by Turkish Airlines (THY) said on Wednesday that the airlines would launch flights to Somali capital of Mogadishu as of March 6.

The flights will take place from Istanbul Ataturk Airport on Tuesdays and Thursdays and from Mogadishu to Istanbul on Wednesdays and Fridays, the statement said.

THY is the national flag carrier airline of Turkey, headquartered in Istanbul. It operates scheduled services to 150 international and 41 domestic cities (38 domestic airports), serving a total of 187 airports, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas.

The Turkish government announced dozens of development projects for Somalia including hospitals, schools, scholarships, roads and other key infrastructures. Ankara says its vision for Somalia is more than just the infrastructure.

The Somali public has hailed the Turkish initiatives and expressed their gratitude to the Turkish government and people for their generous support. Somalis are excited about the THY’s expansion plans. Since the visit by the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to Mogadishu in August to rise awareness about the Somali crisis–the Somali people no longer feel forgotten. Somalis are optimistic and feel a wind of change is on its way. Turkey might rescue Somalia from itself. The Turkish nation has promised to leave no stone unturned until Somalia achieved a lasting peace.

World Bulletin contributed to this report.

Somalia: Somaliland and the 'London Conference' - Silanyo Must Challenge Denial of Somaliland's Rights

2012-02-14T11:40:00.004-06:00

By Ahmed M.I. Egal

Analysis

The upcoming London Conference on Somalia, and the UK's urging of theSomaliland Government to attend, has understandably generated a lot of debate and comment within the Somaliland community, both within and outside the country.

One of the stated objectives of the conference, according to Matt Baugh, Senior Representative for Somalia, is to "...reinforce the relative stability in areas of Somalia, such as Somaliland and Puntland and in the south...". This statement has, again understandably, aroused the ire of the people of Somaliland since they recovered their sovereignty from the erstwhile Republic of Somalia in 1991, and have steadfastly maintained their distance from the anarchy, state collapse and war that have engulfed Somalia ever since, despite repeated attempts to drag them into this unending maelstrom.

Somaliland and its people expected more from their former colonial protector, and it is either a reflection of the insensitivity of the current Foreign & Colonial Office to the aspirations of the people of Somaliland, or simply of their lack of knowledge of the politics of the Horn of Africa, that they refer to Somaliland as a region of Somalia, as Puntland is. The interpretation that many hardline, anti- Somaliland politicians within Somalia have given this British insensitivity or ignorance, is that the British have coerced the Somaliland Government to attend the conference as a regional authority, just like Puntland, Galmudug etc. Whatever the explanation for this impolitic language, the fact is that the British Government has put the Silanyo administration in a very difficult spot indeed. If they attend the conference, as they have stated they will, then they will reap the wrath of the vast majority of their people; if they don't, and they may yet be forced to a volte face, then they will look weak and will reap the wrath of Albion through curtailment of aid and a downgrade of bilateral ties.

Leaving aside the issue of Somaliland's attendance for the moment, it is instructive to consider what this latest conference on Somalia is meant to achieve and the likelihood of it actually doing so. What follows are the stated objectives of the conference:

Security: sustainable funding for the African Union Mission in Somalia(AMISOM), and support for Somali security and justice sectors
Political Process: agreement to what should succeed the transitional institutions in Mogadishu in August 2012 and the establishment of a Joint Financial Management Board
Local Stability: a coordinated international package of support to Somalia's regions
Counter-terrorism: renewed commitment to tackle collectively the terrorist threat emanating from Somalia
Piracy: breaking the piracy business model
Humanitarian: renewed commitment to tackling Somalia's humanitarian crisis
International coordination: agreement on improved international handling of Somalia issues

This is quite a challenge and it is clear that no single conference can be expected to achieve these gargantuan goals, so we must question what the British Government actually hopes to achieve at this one. According to Chris Allen, UK Deputy Ambassador to Ethiopia, more than 40 senior government officials and multilateral organizations, including French President Nicolas Sarkozy, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, UN Secretary-General Ban Kimoon, are expected to attend. Clearly, Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Secretary William Hague have invested considerable political capital and much personal credibility in this conference.

There have been some 17 or 18 conferences to effect reconciliation and establish a credible, effective government for Somalia since 1991, including the latest one earlier this month in Garowe. All of these conferences can be said to have failed miserably since Somalia remains the very definition of a failed state. Yet, the British Government has raised expectations internationally and within East Africa by hosting this conference and prevailing upon heads of state and government, the foreign donor community and the current Somali leadership, such as it is, to attend.

So what do the British have up their sleeve that leads them to believe that this conference will bear the sweet fruit of success where all the others have failed? Firstly, they have been dangling the enticing carrot of increased international aid for 'peaceful' regions, which has resulted in a sudden proliferation of regional states announced by aspirant Diaspora would-be 'leaders' seeking their fleeting fifteen minutes of fame on the world stage, and a briefcase of money - courtesy of the foreign donors. This opportunistic gold rush of regional statehood has even infected the peaceful parts of the erstwhile Somali Republic, i.e. Somaliland and Puntland, with the recent moves to legitimise the dangerous, Diaspora-driven, political mischief-making disguised as Awdal State and Khatumo. Thus, while the direct responsibility for the recent deaths of security personnel and civilians in Buhoodle in Somaliland can be laid at the door of the naked ambition and greed of the Somali Diaspora carpetbaggers seeking a place at the London conference, the British Government must accept its indirect, if unintentional, culpability.

Secondly, with the support of the US and UN Security Council (UNSC), the British hope to revisit the agreement reached at Garowe wherein all things were promised to all parties. At Garowe, a further interim period of four years was agreed, during which Somalia would be 'governed' by a new interim government formed on the basis of the 4.5 clan model upon which the present TFG was based. Thereafter, in 2016, a permanent government for Somalia will be constructed through regional representation and not the 4.5 clan structure. The foreign donor community had intended that the Garowe conference would create the permanent government that has been pushed back four years, although any rational observer with knowledge of Somali history and politics, particularly during the period since the collapse of the Siyad Barre dictatorship, would have seen the chasm between these intentions and the hard reality on the ground.

The London Conference seeks to revisit the political agreement on the formation of a permanent government for Somalia, because the issue was ducked at Garowe, and the prospect of another four years of anarchy and political stasis under yet another interim government is unpalatable to the foreign donors. However, since the core issues underlying the collapse of the Somali state have not been addressed and are not tabled to be addressed at the conference, it is destined to fail. These issues revolve around the rationale for the existence of the state itself, i.e. what is the underlying basis for political consent in Somalia? The rationale for the creation of the erstwhile Republic was the irredentist dream of Greater Somalia, and this dream has been consigned to the dustbin of history for a whole host of reasons, both internal and external, which are beyond the scope of this paper to delve into. Despite the lingering passion of some Somalis for this mirage of the past, this discredited and empty irredentism can no longer further the political aspirations and hopes for a better future of a new generation of Somalis.

Succeeding generations of young Somalis, which have been robbed of any opportunity for betterment are no longer inspired by dreams of Greater Somalia. The call to their political loyalty is to their sub-clan and the call to their faith is to a medieval nihilism masquerading as Islam. They demand a life - the chance for betterment, and a faith that connects them to humanity and human progress, not one that cuts them off from it in the name of piety. The lucky few muster the necessary payments, vote with their feet and join the millions of illegal migrants that are preyed upon by human traffickers each year. The unlucky are forced to choose between death, beggary and fighting for one side or the other in the interminable war that has come to define Somalia. This conference will, as did all of its predecessors, focus upon the symptoms of Somalia's malaise, without ever addressing the root cause of the disease.

Addressing the root cause of the disease requires asking the question: In the absence of the irredentist dream, what is the basis for the existence of a Somali state, and on what terms will the people of Somalia, particularly the young, accord to such a state their political consent? This question cannot be sensibly or productively debated and concluded in a couple days at a swank conference hall in London by unelected and unrepresentative Somali 'politicians' in the pay of the UN, senior representatives of the foreign donors (however well intentioned), and senior members of the international aid nomenclature. These questions can only be sensibly and productively debated and concluded by the people of Somalia through their genuine, indigenous socio-political and cultural leadership. Such a genuine, grass-root, Somali-owned process does not lend itself readily to Western notions and perceptions of structured political debate and negotiation.

To return to the issue of Somaliland's attendance of the London conference, it is accepted wisdom among most Somalilanders, that attendance should be rebuffed. This is largely an emotional, knee-jerk reaction to the arrogance/ignorance of Britain in referring to the country as a region of Somalia and then exerting strong pressure for attendance upon the Silanyo regime. The overwhelming majority of Somaliland citizens, and especially the young who have much less attachment to Britain, would like their government to cock a snoot at Albion's perfidy and shun attendance. However, this would be a mistake, since an emotional response to another's slight (intentional or otherwise), while often satisfying, is rarely wise and almost never in one's long term self interest.

Instead, the Silanyo administration should attend the conference with the aim of telling truth to power and challenging the international community to honestly address why the Somali state collapsed in the aftermath of the Siyad Barre dictatorship and in doing so return ownership of the process of reconciliation and establishment of a new, 21st century rationale for the state to the people of Somalia. Somaliland has unique experience of this type of genuine, grass-roots, democratic peace-making and reconciliation rooted in local culture, traditions and religious faith. The Borama Conference of 1992, which laid the foundations for the re-emergence of Somaliland as a peaceful, democratic and free republic lasted for over four months, and ensured that all sections and groups within society, including those historically not accorded a voice, were represented. In addition, this conference called upon the skills, experience and knowledge of those from the Diaspora as equal citizens and not as fortune or position-seeking carpet baggers. The representatives/participants at this conference included clan elders and leaders, traditional Sultans, intellectuals and poets, business people and professionals.

The conference had no formal agenda, but everyone knew that the central topic of discussion was the terms upon which the people of this country were prepared to live together in peace and fraternity in a post-dictatorship, post-irredentist future. The people of Somaliland have a lot to offer in assisting the international community in developing a workable road map for genuine reconciliation in Somalia, and they are prepared put this experience, expertise and their good offices as an honest broker between the warring parties on the table.

However, the international community has to come to the realisation that the continued failures of its efforts towards re-establishing a viable Somali state over the last two decades are neither accidental nor due to any bad luck or lack of effort. Rather, they have been doomed to failure because they have sought to paper over the cracks of a political edifice that cannot be resurrected because its very foundation has disappeared. Somaliland's willingness to play the role of peace broker, impartial adjudicator and host of the reconciliation process for its brothers to the south is genuine and heartfelt. Equally, its commitment to its sovereignty and independence is unconditional and also genuine and is not subject to question or debate by others. Somaliland won back its independence and freedom at the barrel of a gun, after a long war, and with the precious blood and treasure of its people. Somaliland's freedom and recovery of its sovereignty was neither negotiated at a conference table nor granted by fiat, and it will not be surrendered on any terms. International recognition may not come today, or this year, and the powers represented at the conference may choose to ignore the will of the people of Somaliland for as long as they wish, but this will neither deter them from their chosen destiny nor dismay them from their choice.

President Silanyo has such an opportunity at the London conference. He must challenge the world to deny the self evident will of the people of Somaliland and their unique achievement in creating a democratic, post-irredentist Somali state, imperfect as it may be, adjacent to the longest-running failed state in modern history. He must point out that the denial of Somaliland's rights and the continued consignment of the people of Somalia to a never-ending nightmare of anarchy, terrorism and war are two sides of the same coin. Somaliland's message to the London conference is simple: if the definition of madness is repeating the same action again and again yet expecting a different result each time, then we are your sanity pill; ignore us at your peril.

Ahmed Egal was educated in the UK and holds a BA in Economics & Politics from Warwick University and an MA in Area Studies from the University of London. He has worked as an international banker in London and the Gulf Region for over twenty years, and is presently engaged as an independent financial and business development consultant. He has particular interest in Somali affairs about which he has written extensively, as well as issues concerning African political economy and international politics.

Source: African Arguments

Galmudug handles a wanted man by US to the Somali TFG

2012-02-14T11:31:00.001-06:00

By Fadumo Farah

The security institution officials of Somali federal government had handled In Aden Ade international Airport in Mogadishu the kidnapper man who kidnapped to employee of Danish Demining Group in southern of Galkayo city but both of them were released by US forces by force on January 25, 2012.

This man named Abdi-risak Moalim Dhere Haji Yusuf (Abdirisak Lacuur) and he was transferred to Somali federal government by General Abdi Qaybdid who is sub-clan with the man.

Mr Abdirisak Dhere was injured during the attack from USA and he gets medical treatment at Hospital in south of Galkayo city but the US security officers demanded the Galmudug state of Somalia to transfer him to the Somali federal government in order to stand in front of the justice.

In addition, Mr. Abdirisak Dhere was a member the employees of DDG organization which is from Denmark and it used to put mines out at areas of Mudug and Galgudud regions. This organizations center is south of Galkayo town.

Mr. Abdirisak used to work DDG organization as logistic and security officer. It's believed that he was the person whoorganized and facilitated to kidnapped the two foreigner people called Jessica Buchanan from US and PoulHagen from Denmark.

The two employees were released by force after the American forces attacked the kidnappers on January 25, 2012at night time in a village between Adado and Gelinsor towns.

This attack was carried out by special American forces and they killed 8 pirates as well as 8 of them were injured after the American forces and the militias fired each other.

A source close to DDG organization who hided his name said that Mr. Abdirisak is suspected that he was behind this kidnap because of he gave additional gas to the cars of DDG which the kidnappers used the kidnap against the foreigner employees.

The National security of Federal government of Somalia has a good relationship with the American Intelligence (CIA).

Source: The Suna Times

Somali PM wants 'Marshall Plan' at London meet

2012-02-14T11:14:00.000-06:00

By Boris Bachorz (AFP)

Somali Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali said Monday he hoped an upcoming conference in London on the war-torn country would produce a "Marshall Plan" to end two decades of chaos.

"Somalia expects a lot from this conference. We expect the establishment of a trust fund for Somalia. We expect a complete reconstruction plan for Somalia. We expect a Marshall Plan for Somalia," he told AFP in an interview.

British Prime Minister David Cameron will chair the February 23 conference, gathering Somali and foreign leaders to find a solution to the civil unrest that has plagued Somalia almost without interruption since 1991.

The meeting will "help galvanise a common approach to address the problems and challenges of Somalia that affect us all," the Foreign Office said.

"I hope the London conference will galvanise the international support for Somalia, bring back the attention of the international community on Somalia, and with it all the necessary help for rebuilding Somalia," Ali said.

Decades of war and lawlessness have ruined the Horn of Africa country, leaving it with no basic infrastructure, its people in deep poverty and a humanitarian crisis the United Nations describes as the worst in the world.

Earlier this month, British Foreign Secretary William Hague visited war-scarred Mogadishu, marking a new drive by London to address the country's protracted crisis.

During the visit, London also appointed an ambassador to Somalia, the first in 21 years.

Ali dismissed a proposal circulated ahead of the London conference that Somalia be put under a temporary UN or African Union administration until December 2013.

The mandate of Somalia's Transitional Federal Institutions expires in August, and the country's Western backers are against any further extension.

"We are in the 21st century. Somalia is a sovereign country with a government recognised by the international community, it is ridiculous," Ali said of the proposal.

"I understand the concern. ... We have to give the maximum efforts in the implementation of the roadmap," he added, referring to a UN-backed plan agreed by Somali leaders to secure the country, write a new constitution and hold elections by August.

Somalia has lacked an effective central government since president Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted in 1991, unleashing cycles of bloody conflict that have defied countless peace initiatives.

Since then, the country has been variously governed by ruthless warlords and militia groups in mini-fiefdoms, becoming the epitome of a failed state.

A hardline Islamist movement with links to Al-Qaeda now controls much of southern and central Somalia, while pirate gangs rule coastal villages.

The Islamist Shebab rebels have been fighting to topple the Western-backed Somali government in Mogadishu, where the administration survives under the protection of a 10,000-strong African Union force.

Regional countries have recently increased pressure against the Shebab, with Kenyan troops battling the rebels in the south of Somalia since last October.

Ethiopian also sent forces to southwestern Somalia in November, the second such incursion in less than three years.

The 9,700-strong AU force, comprising troops from Burundi, Djibouti and Uganda, protects the government.

The Shebab abandoned fixed positions in Mogadishu last August, but has continued to carry out grenade and suicide attacks on government targets in the anarchic capital.

Source: AFP

Howard University hosts benefit concert for Somali famine victims

2012-02-14T11:00:00.000-06:00

Howard University hosted “Eternal Voices: A Night with the Legends,” benefit concert for Somali famine victims on Feb. 9. There were performances by legendary poet Amiri Baraka, civil rights activist Dick Gregory and one of NBC’s “The Sing Off” contestants “Afro Blue.” The relief team raised more than $6,000 and received a $1,000 donation from Gregory. All funds will be donated to CARE International.

It all started when Victoria Fortune saw images of starving and naked Somali children on the news. Then came a tweet from a classmate and a message on Facebook asking if she would help organize an awareness event about the ongoing devastation hitting the east African country.

Fortune, a 21-year-old student at Howard University, knew right away that she wanted to help.

“I felt like it was my duty as an African-American and as a child of God to give back,” she said.

“Eternals Voices: A night with the legends,”will be held Thursday at Howard’s Cramton Auditorium to raise money for and awareness about Somali famine victims. Vocal jazz ensemble Afro Blue from NBC’s The Sing-Off and legendary poet/activist Amiri Baraka will headline the showcase.

Fortune and three other Howard University students came up with the Eternal Voices concept two months ago. The night will contain a mix of performance arts, including dance and spoken word poetry.

Last week, the United Nations declared Somalia’s famine over, but organization officials said that about 2.3 million Somalis were still in dire need of “life-saving assistance.” The nation was recently hit hard from its worst drought in 60 years, while food shortages and political instability has led to violence and hundreds of thousands of Somalis refugees.

The Students of Howard University Global Relief Fund chose the theme Eternal Voices to bridge the gap between Howard leaders of the past and the present. Every performer is either a Howard student, professor or alumnus. Baraka , for instance, attended the university in the 1950s and Afro Blue is a school jazz ensemble formed in 2002. Fortune said she believed performing arts is a powerful tool for healing, educating and communicating. She wants the mood for the event to be “informative but encouraging.”

Fortune, a native of Hyattsville, said she noticed a lack of enthusiasm for supporting serious events on campus when she attended the Howard/Morehouse student debate during the 2011 AT&T Nation’s Football Classic last September. She said she was surprised by the poor attendance. That day, “really put things in perspective,” she said and impelled her to organize “Eternal Voices”.

“It made me wonder what is going on with the [student’s] mentality,” she said. “Sometimes I think we care more about entertainment and parties than the socio-political issues affecting the world.”

Indeed, one of the biggest challenges Fortune said she faced while organizing the event was getting attention from students. She said she was surprised because when she organized a benefit concert after the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, she in raised $15,000. But this time it’s been more difficult to get student’s attention.

“Because people are less aware of what’s happening in Somalia, it’s been a bit of a challenge educating the community,” Fortune said.

Britney Wilson, another coordinator for Eternal Voices, said some people have asked: Why Somalia? Their argument is that people are starving in the District and Africa “is a far off, distant place.”

Even so, Fortune said the group has sold 100 T-shirts and have raised about $1,000 in ribbon sales so far.

“I have faith in my university,” Fortune said. “I don’t think HU will let me down or its legacy down. I know that. I’m quite certain of that.”

Source: The Washington Post

Why latest foreign ‘re-colonisation’ project of Somalia is doomed to fail

2012-02-13T10:34:00.000-06:00

By RASNA WARAH

In the first two decades of the 20th century, Somali warrior-poet Seyyid Mohammed Abdulle Hassan (nicknamed the “Mad Mullah” by the British) fought against European forces trying to assert their influence in Somalia. His attempts were ultimately unsuccessful, but Hassan remains a source of inspiration among Somalis.

Foreign intervention and occupation have always been violently resisted in Somalia, as demonstrated right from the “Black Hawk Down” incident that led to the evacuation of US forces from Somalia in the early 1990s to the recent retreat of Ethiopian forces when they tried to assert their authority in Mogadishu after the fall of the Islamic Courts Union.

Some argue that the quagmire in Somalia is the result of too much — not too little — foreign interference, be it in the form of military invasions, humanitarian aid, and even the extreme form of Islam (Salafism) imported from Saudi Arabia by Al-Shabaab.

Even when the intervention appears to be for the good of Somalia — such as providing aid during a famine — failure by outsiders to understand the fiercely independent character of Somalis contributes to more conflict and misunderstanding, as pointed out by BBC journalist Mary Harper in her new book Getting Somalia Wrong?

That is why a conference set to take place in London next week is viewed with suspicion by many Somalis. Hosted by the British Government, the conference aims to “deliver a new international approach to Somalia” by bringing together more than 40 countries and multilateral organisations that will decide how Somalia is to be governed once the term of the Transitional Federal Government expires in August this year.

Among the proposals for the way forward are the establishment of a supreme authority and a Joint Financial Management Board (comprising mainly donor countries) that will manage and coordinate how donor and domestic funds and resources are to be used (essentially, doing the work of a Finance ministry) and increased funding for Amisom and Somali security forces.

An even more absurd proposal has been submitted by the government of Italy, which has suggested the establishment of a joint United Nations/African Union international administration comprising a core group of key “stakeholders”, such as the United States, the European Union, and the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development.

Many Somalis are understandably disgusted by these proposals because they view them as yet another attempt to “colonise” Somalia. Abdirizak Mohamed, the editor of Hiraan Online, says that he was particularly dumbfounded by the Italian submission as it proposes an international administration to be named as caretaker for Somalia from August 2012 to December 2013.

The Italian proposal is equivalent to the Paul Bremen-led authority imposed by the United States in Iraq after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.

Although the Somali Transitional Federal Government has been invited to the conference, it lacks the legitimacy and authority to make decisions on an equal footing with the other so-called “stakeholders”.

While the conference purports to address security concerns, particularly piracy and terrorism, the ultimate intention of the conference, according to many Somali analysts, could be to undermine Somalia’s sovereignty and subject the Somali people to a new form of colonialism — including by “proxy states” such as Kenya and Ethiopia, which are sending high-level delegations to the conference.

The sense of humiliation that many Somalis feel about the conference is best described by Arman, who in an op-ed article in Eurasia Review writes: “At this dreadful moment in its history — when the obituary of a nation on life-support is being written — political correctness is a luxury that Somalis cannot afford.”

He proposes that Somalia adopt a new paradigm and engage with less intrusive partners (probably a reference to Turkey, which has been active in delivering humanitarian aid and reconstruction in Somalia). Many Somali academics and analysts have also called for home-grown solutions to the Somali crisis.

What the British Government and its allies must realise is that their top-down, Eurocentric approach in Somalia may look good on paper, but will most likely face fierce resistance on the ground.

rasna.warah@gmail.com

Source: Daily Nation

Insurers, guards earn more from piracy than pirates

2012-02-13T10:12:00.000-06:00

By DAVID ROSENBERG / THE MEDIA LINE

Somali pirates did not have a good year in 2011, seizing fewer vessels and hostages than in 2010, but the world still paid a heavy price for their activity because it costs far more to protect ships than to pay ransoms.

That is the conclusion of the Oceans Beyond Piracy report released yesterday, which estimated that Somali pirates – by far the world’s leading practitioners of high seas hijackings – cost the global economy just under $7 billion last year. Only $160 million of that was ransom money; the rest was due to higher insurance premiums, security and other anti-piracy costs that remain unchanged whether ships are hijacked or not, the report said.

“The costs of preventing piracy are indeed disproportionately high,” Anna Bowden, lead author of the report and program manager for its publisher, the One Earth Foundation, told The Media Line in an e-mail. “It is also a concern that 99% of these costs are recurring costs -- that is, costs that must be repeated each year to deter piracy … There needs to be a reassessment of the long-term sustainability of these costs.”

Pirates plying the waters between the Horn of Africa and the coast of India account for just over half the attacks on ships worldwide, according to the International Maritime Bureau (IMB). Their victims range from super-tankers to private yachts, exacting a financial toll as well as a human one when they take hostages and kill.

The battle between the pirates and the world’s shipping industry and navies protecting it has not yielded a decisive victory for either side. The number of Somali attacks increased to 237 last year from 219 in 2010. Last August they launched their first attack on a vessel in territorial waters when they raid a vessel near the Gulf state of Oman.

They also broke the record for biggest-ever ransom, $13.5 million for the release the Irene SL, a tanker carrying two million barrels of oil valued at $200 million. The average ransom collected by pirates jumped 25 percent to just under $5 million last year, according to the report.

But the number of successful hijackings fell to 28 from 49 while the 802 crew members taken hostage fell from the four-year high of 1,181 in 2010. By the final quarter of last year, the number of attacks was down to 31 from 90 a year earlier and the number of successful hijacking plunged to four from 19.

Captain Pottengal Mukundan, director of the IMB Piracy Reporting Center, attributed that to better onboard security as well as preemptive acts by the international navies patrolling the area.

But even if the pirates have been frustrated, the costs they impose on the world’s economy remain about the same.

Last year’s report put the cost at somewhere between $7 billion and $12 billion, but its author, Anna Bowden, said this year’s estimate was based on better information and therefore more exact. As a result, she said, the 2010 and 2001 figures are probably about the same.

Where does the money go?

The biggest chunk, some $2.7 billion, goes to higher fuel costs as ships increase their speed in pirate-infested seas. Another $1.3 billion goes to pay for the navies patrolling the area and another $1.1 billion for security equipment and armed guards on the vessels themselves. The rest goes to insurance ($635 million), re-routing vessels along India’s west coast (up to $680 million) and “danger pay” for sailors ($195 million).

“Pirates earn $160 million per year, while the cost for insurance is four or five times higher. You could argue that insurance companies make more money from piracy than the pirates themselves,” Jan Stockbruegger, an expert on piracy at the African Studies Centre Leiden, told The Media Line.

There is a human cost of piracy too. Eight people were killed by pirates last year, the same number as in 2010. But hostages are being held for increasingly long periods as ransom payments are taking longer to negotiate. Oceans Beyond Piracy said it took an average of 178 days for terms to be reached and the vessel released.

Indeed, the pirates have come to recognize the value of the crew as a profit center. In what the Oceans Beyond Piracy report called “a worrying development in the ransom business model,” pirates have begun to focus their attention on people rather than ships.

In one case, pirates released the vessel after getting their payment but kept some of the crew hostage for more money. In other cases, the captured ship was abandoned while the crew was taken ashore in Somalia, where pirates have demanded a ransom for their release. Recently, pirate-related gangs have taken to kidnapping humanitarian workers and tourists on land in Kenya and Somalia.

Stockbruegger, who also helps run the blog Piracy Studies, said that in many cases the pirates were taking hostages to trade for their imprisoned colleagues or compensation for pirates who were killed.

“Pirates definitely recognize that the value of their ‘business model’ lies in the livelihoods of the crew members, rather than the ship,” said Bowden.

Stockbruegger said a purely military response to piracy do not offer a sustainable solution to the problem “We don’t really know how to contain piracy. The military can’t do it in the current makeup and the same holds true for the shipping industry. They can reduce success rate but they can’t stop it,” he said.

The answer is to help stabilize the situation on the ground in Somalia, whose lawlessness and economic distress gave birth to piracy to begin with, said Stockbruegger. One way of doing this would be to crack down on the illegal fishing off Somalia’s coast, which has deprived people of their traditional living and forced many into piracy. Another, he said, would be to develop local government and give Somalis the tools to enforce their fishing rights.

Source: The Media Line

THE BOOKMARK: The latest from the local scene

2012-02-12T12:11:00.001-06:00

Nuruddin Farah's new play staged at the U

A free public reading of Nuruddin Farah's new play, "A Stone Thrown at the Guilty," will be staged next weekend at the University of Minnesota.

Farah is a Somali novelist and the U's College of Liberal Arts Winton Chair. He is the author of 11 novels, among other works, and is a recipient of the Neustadt International Prize for Literature. He has been living in exile from his native country for many years.

The play was inspired by two uprisings in Somalia when the country was under British rule. The reading is free and will take place at 7:30 p.m. Saturday and next Sunday at the Rarig Center Stoll Thrust Theater, 330 21st. Av. S., Mpls.

Also ...

• "The Agony of the Leaves," by Laura Childs of Plymouth, will be published in March by Berkley. This is the latest in her tea shop mystery series, and you can see the book trailer at www.startribune.com/a1010.

• "The Survival Guide for Kids With Autism Spectrum Disorders (and Their Parents)," by Elizabeth Verdick and Elizabeth Reeve, will be published in April by Free Spirit Publishing. Verdick, the author of several books, lives in St. Paul. Reeve, a child psychiatrist, lives in Minneapolis.

• "Blinded by the Sight," by S.L. Smith, has been published by North Star Press of St. Cloud. The mystery centers on the discovery of a homeless man who died near the river in St. Paul.

• "Falcon Finale," a mystery by Jan Dunlap, has been published by North Star Press of St. Cloud. Dunlap lives in Chaska.

• "Turn Here Sweet Corn: Organic Farming Works," a memoir by Atina Diffley, will be published in April by the University of Minnesota Press. Diffley is an organic farmer and a former owner of the Gardens of Eagan farm.

• "Cul de Sac," short stories by Scott Wrobel, will be published in April by Sententia Books of New York. Wrobel teaches at Anoka-Ramsey Community College. His work has appeared in Great River Review, Minnesota Monthly, the Rake and elsewhere. He has won the Loft Mentor Series in Fiction and Third Coast Creative Nonfiction competitions. He'll launch the book at 7:30 p.m. April 20 at Magers & Quinn.

• Pamela Sund of Fargo, N.D., has co-edited a book about North Dakota poet Thomas McGrath. "Thomas McGrath: Start the Poetry Now!" was published in English by Presses Universitaires de la Méditerranée in Montpellier, France, as part of its Profiles of American Author series. The book includes critical analysis, memoir, interviews and a biography of McGrath's early life. Sund is a former student of McGrath's; her co-editor, Vincent Dussol, is a professor in France.

Source: The Star Tribune

The London Conference on Somalia: An Act of False Generosity?

2012-02-12T11:03:00.013-06:00

By Abdi Dirshe

The British government has taken it upon itself to organize a conference on Somalia, which raises a fundamental question: “Can the London Conference be in solidarity with the Somali people who are yearning to address their political, social and economic problems and at the same time continue to support the war crimes continually committed by Ethiopia and recently joined by Kenya?

“The Somalis were never consulted with about the scope, nature and intentions of the Conference.”

The Somali state has become an object of charity after two decades of political crisis; multiple actors claim that Somalia needs international humanitarian assistance and military intervention due to terrorism, piracy and famine. For over twenty years these pleas led to no progress and the Somali people have seen continuing death and destruction and as a result continue to suffer the consequences. The Somali people feel humiliation despite claims of international generosity towards the Somali people. The United Kingdom has now decided to host a conference on Somalia and Prime Minister, David Cameron said in his speech to the Lord Mayor's banquet on 14 November 2011, “that Somalia is a failed state that directly threatens British interests. Tourists and aid workers kidnapped, young British minds poisoned by radicalism, mass migration, and vital trade routes disrupted.” This statement does recognize that there is a problem in Somalia that threatens the security interests of the United Kingdom and some argue that this recognition to change the conditions that contribute to the Somalia quandary gives a new purpose and opportunity to resolve this problem. Moreover, others go even further and say that this constitutes an act of generosity. But others characterize the prescription of the London Conference as a testament to the Eurocentric neocolonial mentality of the 21st century as the Somalis were never consulted with about the scope, nature and intentions of the Conference. They point to the sketchy non-paper diplomatic details released so far as having colonial intentions. They warn that the London Conference creates the illusion of acting but will not be different than that of the 19th century colonial rule that gave Africa its current political configuration. They propose that real change must come from the society itself by rejecting tribal politics, religious extremism, foreign domination and becoming real actors in pursuing an authentic political change by restoring justice, freedom and unity.

“Real change must come from the society itself by rejecting tribal politics, religious extremism, and foreign domination.”

The intention of this paper is to make the London Conference an object of reflection for my beloved Somali brothers and sisters and for those who are truly in solidarity with the Somali nation. In doing so, I want all to reflect on the current conditions of Somalia. In this perspective, the Somali people should not be treated as mere objects and this is to urge the Somalis to respond to the changes occurring around them and question whether the London Conference is an act of love and generosity or whether it is another grand design with predictable dire consequences . To verify this, we must examine first the current condition of Somalia and contrast it with the proposals of the London Conference, good intentions notwithstanding. In doing so, we will discover the intentions and designs of the London Conference and arrive at objective discovery after thorough examination. Moreover, this paper will project a vision for Somalia in its conclusion that reflects the desire of the Somali people, hoping that the London Conference will make an effort in this direction.

The State of Somalia

Reality in Somalia today is very grave in economic and political terms; there is widespread poverty and sporadic famine crises. The country is in political crisis characterized by multiple foreign actors and visions reflective of personal and political desires that are not anchored in the will of the Somali people. The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) has not evolved to a legitimate institution despite international support owing largely to a lack of vision and its lack of responsiveness to societal needs. It is a well known fact that people in Somalia feel safer under Al-Shabab controlled areas as they face greater risks of robbery and rape in areas managed by the TFG/AMISOM authorities. Targeted killings of reporters and other local leaders are exceptionally high in these areas. Socially, there is awareness among the Somali people that tribal politics (4.5 federalism) and religious sectarianism have failed the nation and overcoming both of these dogmas are urgent priorities for the Somali people. The current Somali leadership have become pawns of these deterministic views and the agenda they push inside and outside Somalia is reflective of the political disconnect and lack of legitimacy these leaders find themselves in Somalia. The 4.5 power-sharing formula and the foolish actions of Al-Shabab do show this divide. However, the 4.5 clan power-sharing formula and its new political dispensation, Federalism, are as oxymoron as crash-landing is in the Somali political landscape. They are designed to reshape Somalia into smaller controllable clan based states.

The proponents of the Somali Federalism project are three groups. First group includes neighbouring countries of Somalia; these are Kenya and Ethiopia, which due to their selfish state interests oppose a strong Somali state with robust central authority. In their view, a weak Somali state is antithesis to Somali nationalism that may pursue the restoration of ‘Greater Somalia”, which calls for the unification of the Somali territories in Ethiopia and Kenya with the contemporary Somali Republic. They fear a strong Somali state and pursue policies that maintain the current “weakened state” status of Somalia. The second group entails individual Somalis who are blinded by clan hatred and desperation for power. They believe that the devolution of power benefits them as they will have power to advance clan interests. The third group, the U.S. and the EU is the most dangerous as they fund this project and have a long-term strategic interest in the entire region. In this respect, the U.S.A. and EU are facilitators of the humiliation and suffering of the Somali people as they continue to empower Kenya and Ethiopia to engage in the destabilization of Somalia. In this way, a system of domination is created where the Somali people find themselves powerless and on the periphery. Decisions are made without the Somali people through subservient tribalist “Somali leaders.”

“They are designed to reshape Somalia into smaller controllable clan based states.”

The Kampala Accord and its subsequent Somalia roadmap marginalize the sovereignty of Somalia as its proponents, IGAD and UNPOS dictate to the “Somali leaders” as a result of the mandate of the Accord. The United States attaches greater values to democracy while it is strangely supporting this oppressive roadmap. This contradiction supports the argument that this Accord precisely endorses their agenda in Somalia. As a result of this, the wider Somali public feels humiliated. This disgraceful action will lead to Somali nationalism as history shows and evidenced by the rise of German nationalism after WWI. It is already taking shape around this circus of “Somali Conferences.” How long can the Somali people continue to live in this oppressive reality and remain impotent?

The London Conference

As announced last November, 2011, by the U.K. government, “over 40 countries and multilateral organizations will come together in London with the aim of delivering a new international approach to Somalia.” From this view, it is evident that there is a recognition that there is an opportunity to build an international consensus to “tackle both the root causes and effects of the problems” in Somalia. The British government is convinced that Somalia represents a security risk, not only to Britain but to the International Community as evidenced by the growing radicalization and piracy in Somalia. London views Al-Shabab, a group listed as a terrorist group, as representing a growing security concern due to a large Somali community presence in England. Similar concern is shared by other countries such as Canada, U.S.A, and others in Europe and Africa. Similarly, the growing threat of piracy in Somalia impacts many more nations around the world. Moreover, recurring famine and other humanitarian needs in Somalia represent no less important challenges. These factors are additionally complicated by the weak institutions and complex political environment in Somalia. Currently there is a Somali peace process that has its contradictions. The new roadmap calls for ending the transitional political arrangement and the recently concluded Garoweh meeting which was scheduled to formally do so has produced another four years of transitional period and institutions. The announcement of the London Conference comes in the midst of this confusion.

“The Somali people do not and should not trust any foreign intervention.”

Recently released documents show an intense consultation and communication from U.K. government with other relevant countries, individuals and groups. These papers show the political mindset of the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden, and the United Nations Political Office for Somalia, Italy, Kenya, Ethiopia, some Muslim and Arab countries and the Transitional Government of Somalia and other Somali regional stakeholders. Remarkably, these consultations show that the Somalis were not consulted with prior to the announcement. This shows that the intention of this conference is not to empower the Somali people to make a collective decision that the world can support, because if that was the case the logical approach would have been to consult with the affected people, that is to say initiate a consultative phase with the people of Somalia before embarking and announcing the London conference. It is absurd not to realize that though Somalia is shattered they still have the capacity to understand and be resilient and often international actors who lack the knowledge of local terrain discount such positive aspect of local knowledge by imposing their will and Western values as reflected in this upcoming London conference. Moreover, the proposal from Italy bizarrely advances a neocolonial agenda that puts Somalia under trusteeship. This is an affront that outraged the Somali people inside and outside the country. It similarly shows why the Somali people do not and should not trust any foreign intervention. Wholesale euphemisms such as “piracy threats,” “terrorism,” “and humanitarian intervention” are used to malign and discredit, with the intention to erode the self-determination and sovereignty of the Somali people. The Somali people are deprived of their voice and unjustly dealt with over the years by the U.S. and its European allies of France, Italy and England by continually supporting the destabilization of Somalia by Kenya and Ethiopia. For these states to affirm the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia over and over again in their communications and support the continuing invasions of Ethiopia and Kenya is an extreme contradiction. Can the London Conference be in solidarity with the Somali people who are yearning to address their political, social and economic problems and at the same time continue to support the war crimes continually committed by Ethiopia and recently joined by Kenya? The Eurocentric approach that is expounded in the popular press with slogans such as “the Somali people cannot handle democracy and civilized constitutionalism” – or, as one recent “Somalia expert” purports in her latest book, Somalia: “Getting Somalia Wrong? - Signs of Hope in a Shattered State - a Realistic but Empathetic Analysis” – must be totally rejected and discredited. Edward Said must be rolling over in his grave every time a European scholar with his/her Eurocentric biases and through field observation writes as an expert on cultures of other people.

The Somali people have been traditionally making collective decisions in their communities for centuries. Similarly, democracy is a rational or idealistic concept which endorses the idea of collective decision made freely in areas of mutual interest such as law and order, quality of life, culture and distribution of wealth. Given that democratic decision making is not an alien concept to the Somali people, why is it that irrational discriminatory political dispensation such as 4.5 power-sharing clan formula is advanced in Somalia with the financial support of the international community?

Conclusions

“The Somali people are better positioned this time as there is genuine will to transcend the tribal politics that has undermined the State sovereignty and the unity among the people for the past two decades.”

The aim of the London Conference is to “pull together international effort” in order to make sure that the current international effort in Somalia and the Somalia peace process succeed according to the U.K. government. This Conference has surely spurred the interest of the Somali people. Many hope that this Conference may offer a new direction and bring an end of two decades of failed international policy. Others are skeptical and are worried that the U.K. is not driven by generosity and has its own selfish agenda. However, the Somali people are better positioned this time as there is genuine will to transcend the tribal politics that has undermined the State sovereignty and the unity among the people for the past two decades. The London Conference should capitalize this goodwill and move to:

* Provide guiding principles, or terms of reference to make this conference more transparent, so far as the Somalis are concerned, they are suspicious of this conference due to its secrecy and lack of transparency.

* Have a clear detailed consultation framework at the outset; the fact that this conference will address agendas set by outsiders with no clear framework will only complicate its outcome.

* Provide clarity of what an end result would look like. The government of UK can only facilitate but let Somalis decide the best approach to address the Somali conundrum. Somalis and other participants of conference have common objectives to address security, terrorism and piracy; it is in the best interest of all to address a common problem collectively.

* Make the Conference a two round process to develop ideas and refine them; let this be a brainstorming exercise and set up another conference inside Somalia. It is illogical to be holding conferences outside of Somalia while addressing security problems pertaining to Somalia. A serious action plan to address piracy and terrorism needs to be inside Somalia and supported by the Somali people inside the country.

And finally any outcome must make sure that Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is maintained and individual freedom and choice is guaranteed.

Abdi Dirshe is a political analyst and is also the current President of the Somali Canadian Diaspora Alliance. Contact Abdi at a.dirshe@hotmail.com.

Somalia Diaspora Discussion at Chatham House February 2012

2012-02-11T14:59:00.001-06:00

Somalia diaspora discuss issues that concern them, with Henry Bellingham MP, Minister for Africa, and Tim Hitchens, Africa Director, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, in preparation for the UK's Somalia conference on February 23, 2012.

Source: You Tube.

Somali Gov’t: ‘No News’ al-Shabab Allied to al-Qaida

2012-02-11T11:13:00.003-06:00

Somalia's transitional government says it is not surprised that militant group al-Shabab has formally joined forces with al-Qaida.

The government's minister of information, Abdulkadir Hussein Mohamed, said in a statement Friday that word of the alliance is “no news to us.”

He asserted that al-Shabab leaders are paid representatives of al-Qaida, and that al-Shabab can no longer, in his words, “masquerade as an indigenous Somali-Islamic organization.”

Al-Qaida leader Ayman al-Zawahiri announced the alliance with al-Shabab in a video message posted to jihadist websites Thursday.

The group had previously said it is aligned with al-Qaida, and in June pledged allegiance to al-Zawahiri, after U.S. forces killed Osama bin Laden.

Al-Shabab has been battling the Somali government for five years in a bid to take control of the country and impose a strict form of Islamic law.

The group is increasingly seen as a regional threat in East Africa, prompting the governments of Kenya and Ethiopia to send troops into Somalia.

Al-Shabab once controlled most of the Somali capital, Mogadishu, but was recently pushed out by African Union and Somali government forces.

The United States has designated al-Shabab as a terrorist organization.

Source: VOA News

Sudans’ Oil Feud Risks Shattering a Fragile Peace

2012-02-11T11:01:00.000-06:00

Sudan and the breakaway nation of South Sudan have been locked in an exceedingly dangerous game of brinkmanship over billions of gallons of oil, seizing tankers, shutting down wells and imperiling the tenuous, American-backed peace that has held — just barely — between the two countries after decades of war.

Not for years have north-south relations been so poisonous, with a proxy war between the two nations fueling rebel groups and sometimes even flaring into direct Sudan-South Sudan clashes. The jagged, disputed frontier separating Sudan from its newly independent neighbor is now probably the most incendiary fault line in Africa, with two big armies that fought each other for generations massing on either side.

After emergency talks to prevent a full-fledged conflict, the two sides agreed to a vague nonaggression pact late on Friday, yielding to intense pressure from the African Union, the United States and China — a major oil partner for both sides — to move beyond the language and tactics of mutual destruction. But few analysts see any easy solutions to the heated push and pull over oil, and it is not clear how the nonaggression pact will be any different from previous security deals that have led nowhere. In May, the two sides agreed to demilitarize the contested border. But just days after that, Sudan began heavy bombardment along the border, occasionally dropping bombs in the south, while the South Sudanese rushed in weapons to rebel allies fighting just across the divide.

The border area has been a tinderbox for years because that is where most of the oil lies. Both sides desperately need oil to run their governments, feed their people and stamp out spreading rebellions. And theoretically, both sides need each other. The conundrum of the two Sudans is that 75 percent of the oil is in the south, just across the border, but the pipeline to export it runs through the north. Because of this, oil was once thought to be the glue that would hold the two nations together and prevent a conflict. Now, it seems, oil is becoming the fuse.

When South Sudan broke off from Sudan last year, after years of guerrilla struggle, its independence was heralded as the triumphal capstone ending one of Africa’s deadliest civil wars. But the question of how exactly the two sides would share oil profits loomed ominously over the separation, unresolved. Now that both nations are struggling to make it on their own, the issue has proved to be as prickly — and perilous — as many feared.

It was South Sudanese oil that drove Sudan’s economic boom of the past decade and made the repression by Sudan’s Islamist government (which is still heavily penalized by the United States) tolerable to many Sudanese. When South Sudan declared independence, it took oil worth billions of dollars with it, gutting Sudan’s economy and creating one of the deepest crises that President Omar Hassan al-Bashir has faced in his more than 20 years in power.

Mr. Bashir is now battling high inflation, a shrinking economy, student protests and several simultaneous rebellions — in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile State — as well as genocide charges related to the massacres several years ago in Darfur, and stiff American sanctions.

At the same time, South Sudan, one of the world’s poorest countries, is facing a major food crisis and heavily armed ethnically based militias that have been sweeping parts of the countryside, killing hundreds and making a mockery of the South Sudanese security forces.

Stoking the tensions, Sudan and South Sudan have been covertly backing rebels in each other’s backyards, leading to border clashes and relentless aerial bombings. The more than 1,000-mile border between them is now effectively closed, with millions of pounds of emergency food and just about all trade held up in a two-way stranglehold.

Before the emergency accord on Friday, the situation was so precarious that many saw only violent outcomes. “I, personally, expect full-fledged war,” said Mariam al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, a leading opposition politician in Khartoum, Sudan’s capital. “This is like the previews before a film.”

In the fight over oil, the south has refused to turn over royalties for using Sudan’s pipelines. Sudan upped the ante in late December by seizing oil tankers filled with South Sudanese crude. Then the south took the drastic step of abruptly shutting down all of its oil wells, a measure that could quickly bring the economies of both north and south to their knees. South Sudanese officials have admitted they are using their oil to squeeze Khartoum to make concessions on all sorts of issues, including the disputed area of Abyei, insisting that oil production, about 350,000 barrels a day, will resume only after “all the deals are signed.”

The south has even threatened to sit on its oil for years while it builds an alternative pipeline through Kenya. But it is not clear how the new country will survive that long; oil provides about 98 percent of government revenue. And experts question whether the Kenya pipeline is even feasible. It would have to run uphill, requiring many expensive pumping stations, and most likely slice across Jonglei, a South Sudanese state that, with all its militias, is essentially a war zone.

In Khartoum, many people are still struggling to swallow the fact that the south is gone. Nobody likes the new map of Sudan. It used to be Africa’s biggest country. Now it looks as if it has been crudely amputated, left with the ragged edges of a raw wound.

“I still can’t get used to it,” said Nada Gerais, a sales manager in Khartoum. “It looks, looks ...,” she struggled for the right word. “Weird.”

Mrs. Gerais is a perfect example of the nose dive Sudan’s economy has taken. She works in a meticulously polished Nissan dealership that used to sell 50 cars a month. Now, sometimes, it is down to five. She is thinking of switching to pharmaceuticals or food.

“People can stop buying cars, but they can’t stop eating,” she explained.

During the past decade, Sudan’s oil wealth helped build factories, roads and countless shish kebab joints, and it fueled plans for a futuristic minicity, a new airport and a reconfiguring of Khartoum to include a breezy promenade along the Nile.

But now high-rise buildings stand half-finished, and the plummeting value of the Sudanese pound has pushed electronics, books and even tomatoes out of reach for many.

Officials in Khartoum say the south owes them nearly $1 billion in pipeline fees, money needed to keep their economy from collapsing, and they recently sold some of the oil from the seized tankers before releasing them. South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir, said the amount Khartoum wanted, $32 per barrel, was “exorbitant” and “completely out of international norms.”

Sabir M. Hassan, a Sudanese government negotiator, said that the north was willing to be flexible, but that the southerners were “too emotional” and still saw themselves as rebels.

“If you give them two choices, they’ll choose the one that hurts the north, not the one that helps the south,” Mr. Hassan said.

South Sudanese leaders say the same about Khartoum, which has blockaded roads leading south and recently held up humanitarian shipments, all to punish the south at the cost of millions of dollars in lost business.

Many political analysts wonder whether Mr. Bashir will be able to survive these crises. But it is hard to see who would replace him.

Sudan’s political opposition is deeply divided and run by white-bearded septuagenarians. The rebel movements do not have much support in Khartoum. Sudanese students started an Arab Spring-like movement last year, but they failed to gain any traction. The security forces were quick to arrest protesters and string them up from ceiling fans.

And Sudan has a resilience that transcends the turmoil. Every Friday, in a dusty ring on Khartoum’s outskirts, hundreds of Nuban men gather to watch traditional wrestling. Ethnic Nubans are leading the rebellion in the Nuba Mountains. But there is little evidence of that here.

“Things are fine,” said one elderly spectator.

Just as he was about to elaborate, a young wrestler scooped up his opponent and body-slammed him in the dirt.

“You see that!” the old man hollered. “My God, I love this.”

Source: The New York Times

Rapper 50 Cent joins battle against Somali hunger

2012-02-11T10:46:00.000-06:00

The multimillionaire rap star 50 Cent took a tour of a displacement camp inside Somalia to raise awareness on hunger. Does it help when celebrities do good?

Rap artist and actor 50 Cent (l.) mingles with residents and officials during a visit to a Somali refugee camp to see firsthand the effects of hunger in Somalia on Thursday.
Challiss McDonough/WFP/Reuters

Move over Bono, Angelina Jolie, and George Clooney. Here comes 50 Cent.

The rap star from New York flew briefly to the Somali town of Dolo along the Ethiopian border to visit a refugee camp run by the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights. 50 Cent, or Curtis Jackson as he is also known, has committed to providing 1 billion meals to the hungry, and according to the Associated Press, he is donating 10 cents from the purchase price of every bottle of a new energy drink called Street King, which he promotes. Ten cents covers the cost of a typical meal provided by the World Food Programme, the UN’s emergency food relief agency.

"What I am seeing is devastating -- these women and children have risked everything to come to this Somalia camp, just to get food,” he said, in a statement released through the WFP. “They need our help.”

In addition to his visit to Dolo, 50 Cent also visited the Nairobi slum of Kibera, billed as Africa’s largest slum.

When stars get involved in global issues, there is inevitably a frisson of excitement in the entertainment press about that star’s commitment and bravery, and in the news press, there tend to be a slew of snarky articles about how such trips are self-serving, self-promotional branding exercises. Both can be true, of course. And when powerful aid agencies such as the United Nations Children’s Fund asks a starlet like Angelina Jolie visit refugee camps in the Darfur region, they can be almost assured that her visit – and their agenda – will gain the attention of the world’s media. In a world of short attention spans and decreasing foreign news budgets, it’s a logical choice to make.

Rap and rock stars, action heroes, and yes, even comic book characters – DC Comics recently sent its Justice League to take on hunger in the Horn of Africa – do their job well, raising public awareness about world crises.

But some critics have begun to ask whether any of this attention does any actual good.

In her biting critique of the reporting of influential New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof, published this week by the W.E.B. Dubois Institute at Indiana University, Kathryn Mathers writes that the twin events of the growing AIDS crisis and the post-traumatic shock of the Sept. 11 attacks created a new mood of American humanitarianism. Laudable as it is for Americans to want to contribute to solutions – rather than, say, launching another war – this new humanitarianism was wrapped up in some very old and repulsive assumptions about Africa as a helpless and hopeless continent, which had almost no role in contributing to those solutions or determining its own future:

This was also when the desire to save Africans became the dominant story told by American travelers. While a very real tragedy for too many people and families around the world, the AIDS story was also a perfect “African story.” It increasingly brought up all the old lemons about Africa: tradition versus modernity; patriarchy and hyper-masculinity; tribalism; over-sexualized black bodies; government failures and incompetence; etcetera. It was all too seldom a story about global inequalities, or the structural causes of poverty that contribute so much to HIV infection rates in Africa, and hardly ever about local health care providers, family and community support systems, and the flawed but willing health services all over the continent. Africans could not escape HIV/AIDS and nor could the Americans who cared about Africa. Suddenly there were no conversations about new democracies in Africa, or investment opportunities; the potential consumers were represented as too sick to labor, let alone to shop. This became the burden of caring Americans whose consumption practices can give a sick child in Africa ARVs or provide mosquito nets against the ravages of malaria.

For the news media, these are very valid criticisms. Are we being led by the nose, and by our desire for increased readership and viewership, to cover the stories that Mr. Clooney, Ms. Jolie, and Mr. Cent – and their backers – want us to cover?

By giving so much attention to their issues, heightening awareness about war, conflict, drought, and disease, are we diminishing the importance of other trends in Africa – the emergence of new democracies, the growing economic strength of resource-rich nations, the blossoming of technology?

By focusing on foreign celebrities, do we in the news media end up diminishing also the efforts of ordinary aid workers and activists who work on issues of hunger and conflict year-round? I would welcome a discussion on this issue on Twitter, by the way.

As for the rap star 50 Cent, his entry into the humanitarian field is not entirely new. It has its roots in a concert tour of Africa that the rap star took last year.

“I grew up without money but I didn’t grow up hungry. A lot of people out there are hungry right now – no, actually dying of hunger. It’s our responsibility to come together and do things to create a solution for this problem.”

That first African trip gave him the impetus to use his fame as a platform to make a difference.

“What I’ve seen from this actual run, when I was out in Africa was unbelievable, the devastation and desperation of people who don’t know when they’ll receive their next meal, or if they’re going to receive their next meal,” he said. “I want to feed a billion kids and I need your help to do it. I need you to utilize your energy, your voice, to provide additional motivation for me at times. My new project is called SK, Street King and y’all know the plan. I just told y’all the plan. I want to feed a billion kids.”

Source: The Christian Science Monitor

At least 11 dead, 34 missing after boat with Somali migrants capsizes

2012-02-11T09:53:00.002-06:00

A boat carrying Somalis fleeing violence in their homeland capsized this week in the Gulf of Aden, leaving at least 11 people dead and another 34 missing, a U.N. agency said.

The vessel carrying 58 people, and captained by three smugglers, had set off from Somalia destined for Yemen last Saturday, the United Nations refugee agency said Friday in a news release.

The boat's engine failed soon after. Survivors later told authorities that the smugglers then forced 22 people to jump overboard, the U.N. said.

Those remaining were adrift at sea until Wednesday, when -- rocked by bad weather and rocky seas -- the boat capsized.

Beginning that night on Somali beaches, locals found 13 survivors, including two adult women and a teenage boy and girl. Most suffered from skin burns caused by fuel inside the boat, the U.N. agency said.

U.N. partners and local authorities transported these survivors from the Somali village of Qaw to the port city of Bossaso so they could get medical treatment.

In addition, 11 bodies have washed up on beaches near the village of Ceelaayo.

The U.N. says that each year, tens of thousands of Somalis and Ethiopians pay smugglers to help them flee violence in their native nations. Last year alone, more than 100,000 refugees, migrants and refugee seekers ended up in Yemen, despite the political insecurity in that Arab nation.

Source: CNN International

Somalia's Piracy Has Major Global Costs, but Also Incentives

2012-02-11T09:50:00.000-06:00

Recent research indicates piracy from Somalia is costing the world economy billions of dollars, but also bringing lots of money to pirates and Somali communities.

A recent report by the U.S.-based One Earth Future Foundation on costs related to Somalia piracy is prompting questions about how to more effectively curb these activities.

The report said Somali pirates cost the shipping industry and governments nearly $7 billion last year, with lots of money being spent for ships to go faster, to pay ransom when crew and cargo are captured, and for security operations.

These include naval missions by several countries, which effectively have pushed most of the pirate attacks out of the Gulf of Aden, to the much wider and more difficult to control Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean.

A leading expert on piracy, Roger Middleton, said while in recent months, the number of hijackings has dropped, the attacks have become more and more profitable for those behind them.

“For all the success of naval operations, and some of them have been very successful, piracy is a more profitable enterprise in the last year than it was the year before, and the trend seems to be upwards for ransom payments,” said Middleton.

These payments now average about $5 million - making piracy usually well worth the risk, according to Middleton.

“You can make $10,000 as a pirate, at the most basic, lowest level for one successful hijacking. If you do three of those in a year, you are doing very, very well by any standards anywhere in the world," said Middleton. "Put in mind that the estimate for Somali gross domestic product per head is about $600 per year, and for many, many people it is much, much lower than that, and the economic incentive is absolutely clear. Piracy is the best career you can have.”

He said the semi-autonomous Puntland region of Somalia has just enough stability to allow a criminal enterprise such as piracy to flourish, while not enough governance to stop it.

Middleton made his comments at a recent gathering of the Institute of International and European Affairs in Dublin, Ireland.

Last month, a study published by the British think-tank Chatham House said several populated areas of Puntland were benefiting from investments funded by piracy, with increased electricity, housing construction and vehicles.

Many of the lower level pirates are former fishermen who have been quoted as saying they were not making enough money to feed their families anymore.

In the past two decades, boats from around the world took advantage of the lack of law and order in Somalia’s waters, as well as agreements with authorities, to operate large-scale fishing, making the catches of local fishermen smaller and smaller.

Source: VOA News

Call on Somali community to help regulate khat

2012-02-10T13:26:00.000-06:00

A HEALTH committee in Brent has called on the Somali community to help regulate legal drug khat.

Brent Council’s Health Partnerships Overview and Scrutiny Committee has put forward recommendations to the council aimed at regulating and raising awareness of the plant-derived drug, which is prevalent in Wembley and among the Somali community.

The council does not have the power to classify the drug or prevent sales to under 18s, so they are calling on shopkeepers to voluntarily ban sales to under-18s among other recommendations, which were approved at a meeting on Tuesday.

Councillor Ann Hunter, chairwoman of a ‘khat task group’ set up by the health committee to look at the health and social impact of the drug in Brent, says in the report prepared ahead of the meeting: “Our primary concern was to look at the social and health implications of khat, both for those who chew, their families and neighbours, and the communities in which they live. Views range from a desire for a total ban on the import and chewing of khat, to those who see it as a cultural and harmless practice.

“It is not in our remit to classify the drug; that is for the government to decide. What we propose are a series of practical recommendations to regulate its use and most importantly to raise awareness of the key issues surrounding its use.”

The report’s other recommendations include better signposting to refugee and immigrant support services in Brent, greater advertising of English courses and working alongside drug support groups to include users of khat.

It also calls on the council to run an enforcement campaign to ensure mafrish (khat cafes) owners comply with health and safety regulations.

Imported from parts of north east Africa and the Middle East, khat, which sells at about £4 for a bundle, is chewed and said to produce feelings of euphoria, increased energy and enhanced self esteem.

Mental health professionals say withdrawal of khat can lead to feelings of depression and it has been linked to unemployment in users, which prompted the task group to be set up.

The recommendations will now go before a Brent Council executive meeting for approval, which is expected to be next month.

Last October, the Observer revealed that community engagement officer Abukar Awale, who works in Brent, had launched a campaign to ban the drug in the UK. The government is still reviewing the drug, including whether it should be classified.

Source: Harrow Observer

Hague seeks local input for Somali solution

2012-02-10T13:16:00.000-06:00

British Foreign Secretary William Hague will meet members of the Somali diaspora in Cape Town next week to seek input into an international conference his government is hosting in London later this month on how to solve the chronic Somalia problem.

It is understood that Hague will meet his SA counterpart, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, visit British aid projects in and around Cape Town and deliver a lecture on Britain’s Africa policy. He will then travel to Botswana.

British Prime Minister David Cameron has recently taken an interest in the Somali crisis, inspired by attacks on British nationals by Somalis.

Cameron will host the conference, including about 40 countries and international organisations, in Somalia on February 23 “to pull together international effort” to try to resolve the Somali crisis.

Source: Daily News

Growing Up Somali in San Diego

2012-02-10T11:38:00.000-06:00

Two families moved across San Diego, to shield their daughters from neighborhood crime. But a recent, unexpected chain of bad events that they were not a part of, may change their lives forever.

Two Somali teens are on a track for success. Another Somali teen, on a different track, could threaten that.

Two families moved across San Diego, to shield their daughters from neighborhood crime. But a recent, unexpected chain of bad events that they were not a part of, may change their lives forever.

Two teenage girls talked exclusively with NBCSanDiego, about what it was like to grow up Somali in San Diego, and how a life of crime, that they've stayed out of, is now affecting them in a big way

Somalia's civil war in the early 1990's, eventually brought the families of Farhiya and Adna Mohamed, to San Diego.

They're friends, who happen to have the same last name.

"Growing up, it was extremely fun being surrounded by your people, people your age, your culture," Farhiya Mohamed said. She's talking about a time in her life that she affectionately refers to as the "the Bayview days", in reference to the apartments on Bayview Heights in the Oak Park community.

"Occasionally there were murders, I think in 3rd grade there was a hostage situation, there were just really crazy things that my mom did not want us growing up around," Farhiya Mohamed said.

In fact, Adna Mohamed said her family felt the same way. They both moved to a safer area in San Diego, where Farhiya Mohamed said, "basically [I] saw no Somali people anymore, unless I came down to the east. And I mean it was kind of sad losing that connection with your culture, just always being surrounded by your people."

But Farhiya and her friend said they had no idea that nearly a decade later they'd be pulled right back here, to a childhood they long ago left behind.

Farhiya's identity was recently stolen. By a fellow Somali teen, who she grew up with in "Bayview".
A Deputy District Attorney said Maryan Hussein is being charged with false impersonation, and other theft crimes, that are still all under Farhiya's name.

"The consequences for me are grave because of what she did. It's not that she just stole my identity and I have to get this cleared up. I'm at risk of getting kicked out of school," Farhiya Mohamed said.

But Farhiya and Adna say they want to graduate in four years and become nurses.

Adna says she's also in the middle of legal issues with Maryan Hussein, that also relate to theft.
Maryan Hussein's preliminary hearing, for false impersonation of Farhiya and other theft crimes, is scheduled for Feb. 23.
Source: NBC San Diego

Witness says Jamestown woman on trial for murder of Somali immigrant tried to hide body

2012-02-10T11:31:00.000-06:00

A witness testifying in the case of a Jamestown woman accused of killing a Somali immigrant says the woman allegedly tried to dispose the body in his well.

Twenty-two-year-old Janelle Cave is charged with murder and criminal conspiracy in the death of 18-year-old Abdi Ali Ahmed. His body was found in a ditch near Spiritwood on April 30, 2011. Authorities say he was beaten and stabbed.

The Jamestown Sun reports (http://bit.ly/Apx7JB) that Delmonte Jones testified Thursday that Cave and 34-year-old Leron Howard came to his home early in the morning of April 30. They allegedly asked about Jones' well, saying they had a body to dispose of.

Howard of Jamestown also has pleaded not guilty to murder and criminal conspiracy. His trial is scheduled to begin Aug. 7.

Source: The Associated Press

Somali pirates ‘cost industry $7bn last year’

2012-02-10T11:27:00.000-06:00

BY MICHELLE WIESE BOCKMANN

One Earth Future Foundation says Somali pirates cost the shipping industry and governments as much as $6,9bn last year as average ransom payments rose 25%,

SOMALI pirates cost the shipping industry and governments as much as $6,9bn last year as average ransom payments rose 25%, One Earth Future Foundation said yesterday.

Ships are spending an extra $2,7bn on fuel to go faster through the area because no vessel has been captured while travelling at 18 knots or faster, the Colorado-based nonprofit group said. Governments had spent $1,27bn on military operations, including patrols, and ship owners spent another $1,16b n on armed guards and security equipment.

Attacks in the Gulf of Aden, the Red Sea and off the coast of Somalia, an area larger than Europe, jumped fivefold in the past five years to a record 236, according to the London-based International Maritime Bureau. An estimated 42450 vessels a year pass through the piracy-prone region, One Earth said.

About 20% of world trade goes through the Gulf of Aden between Yemen and Somalia, which is used to get to Egypt’s Suez Canal, connecting the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. It is the fastest crossing from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean.

"The human cost of piracy cannot be defined in economic terms," Anna Bowden, the author of the report, said. "We do note with concern that there were a significant number of piracy-related deaths, hostages taken and seafarers subject to traumatic armed attacks in 2011." Attacks off the east African country’s coast last year led to 1118 seafarers being taken hostage and 24 killed, One Earth said. A total of 31 ransoms were paid, with the average amount increasing by 25% to $5m.

Shipping bore about 80% of piracy costs, totalling between $5,3b n and $5,5b n.

The highest ransoms were paid for tankers carrying oil, because cargoes are worth about $200m on the biggest ships, One Earth said. About half of all ships used armed guards, up from 25% a year earlier. Vessels using this form of protection have so far been safe from hijacking.

The industry paid maritime security firms $530,6m a year, One Earth estimated. Owners and operators were also spending nearly $37000 a year on security equipment such as razor wire and electric barriers for ships.

Rerouting vessels away from the piracy areas probably added as much as $680m to shipping costs and owners paid $635m in insurance premiums, One Earth said.

Vessels are diverting from piracy-prone areas by sailing closer to the western Indian coastline rather than around the Cape of Good Hope, the standard practice when attacks began nearly four years ago, the report says.

About 30% of seafarers are paid twice as much for going through the area, adding an estimated $195m in labour costs.

About $38m a year was spent on prosecuting and jailing pirates and building capabilities to fight them, One Earth said. Citing a United Nations report published in January last year, it said 90% of pirates caught by military patrols were not prosecuted.

"The international community seems to be approaching a saturation of willpower and/or capacity to accept further pirates for trial," according to the report.

About a third of pirates caught between 2008 and 2010 were arrested, with more than 1000 tried or awaiting trial in 20 countries at the end of 2010. Piracy also cut regional trade and affected tourism in neighbouring Kenya, according to the report.

Kenya lost between $129m and $795m in tourism revenue and between 3% and 20% of its tourism jobs after kidnappings last year.

One Earth also said counterpiracy patrols would decline this year, from about 18 vessels to about 11 or 12, as European and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation-led operations signalled that deployments of vessels would be curbed.

Bloomberg

The average ransom rose 25% to $5m. Shipping bore 80% of piracy costs, totalling between $5,3b n and $5,5b n

Source: Business Day

Somali militant group al-Shabaab formally joins al-Qaida

2012-02-10T11:09:00.001-06:00

Katharine Houreld for Associated Press in Nairobi

The Somali militant group al-Shabaab has formally joined al-Qaida, according to a video translation of a message from al-Qaida's leader.

Ayman al-Zawahiri gave "glad tidings" that al-Shabaab had joined al-Qaida, according to the translation of the 15-minute video by the Site Intelligence group on Thursday.

"Today, I have glad tidings for the Muslim Ummah that will please the believers and disturb the disbelievers, which is the joining of the Shabaab al-Mujahideen Movement in Somalia to Qaidat al-Jihad, to support the jihadi unity against the Zio-Crusader campaign and their assistants amongst the treacherous agent rulers," he said.

Al-Shabaab leaders have pledged allegiance to al-Qaida in the past, releasing a video in 2009 called "At Your Service Osama", the same year that Osama bin Laden released a video in which he made encouraging comments about the Somali insurgency.

But the new al-Zawahiri video – which was posted on an Islamic Internet forum on Thursday – is the first formal welcoming of al-Shabaab by the new al-Qaida leader. The new video also featured the al-Shabaab chairman, Mukhtar Abu Zubeyr, also known as Godane, pledging allegiance to al-Zawahiri.

Somalia's al-Shabaab militia is a mix of conscripts, paid fighters, clan militias, and ideologues. It counts a few hundred foreign fighters among its ranks. Most are drawn from other east African nations but a few have travelled from as far afield as Pakistan and Chechnya.

The foreigners brought cash and tactical and bomb-making knowledge to al-Shabaab, but the extent of the organisation's formal links to al-Qaida have often been unclear. Clan allegiances are still an important part of the 21-year-old Somali civil war, which currently pits al-Shabaab against the weak UN-backed government. The government is supported by some 10,000 African Union troops and allied militias.

Last November al-Zawahiri released a video about his memories of Bin Laden. The longtime Bin Laden deputy became al-Qaida's head after US Navy Seals killed Bin Laden in May. Information in his compound at the time of his death suggested that Bin Laden was "giving strategic direction" to al-Qaida affiliates in Somalia and Yemen.

Western intelligence officials say that al-Qaida officials have found sanctuary with al-Shabaab for years. Last month, a US drone strike killed Bilal al-Berjawi, a close associate of late al-Qaida operative Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, who directed the 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania that killed more than 200 people. Fazul was killed in Somalia last year.

Source: The Associated Press

Somali militia group hacked on Twitter

2012-02-10T11:01:00.000-06:00

By Katie Rogers

In the volatile country of Somalia, the fight between militant groups has spilled over onto Twitter. The main opposition group al-Shabab, an al-Qaeda-linked Somali militia, often uses the social media site to pick fights and proselytize to would-be recruits. One of the groups that opposes al-Shabab, the Sufi Islamist group Ahlu Sunna Waljamea, also uses Twitter, but to a far less successful degree.

Compared to al-Shabab’s nearly 11,000 followers, Ahlu Sunna has only 74. And, while al-Shabab’s continuing to tweet about the latest disruptive violence it’s inflicting on Somalia, Ahlu Sunna’s last tweet offered an easy way to lose weight.

It’s not a new propaganda tactic. The Twitter stream appears to have been hacked.

It seems a harmless hack, though whoever did break into the account took it on themselves to privately message (a DM in Twitter talk) a journalist. Jeremy Scahill, the national security correspondent for the Nation, wrote, “Hilarious. Someone hacked Somali militia Ahlu Sunna's Twitter. Just got DM: ‘You seen what this person is saying about you? Terrible things.’ ”

On the scale of groups hacked just this week, Ahlu Sunna is a pretty low-profile group. Other victims: the FBI, Symantec, a huge anti-virus company, and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Source: The Washington Post