Straight Outta Edmonton

Bedford Challenge to Canada's Prostitution Laws

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 08 Jun 2013 23:53:00 +0000

Prostitution is legal in Canada. There are no laws prohibiting the sale of sex.

However, criminal prohibitions on bawdy houses (such as brothels), living on the avails of prostitution, and communicating in public for the purposes of prostitution make almost all forms of sex work illegal. Out-call work, where sex workers meet clients in their homes or hotel rooms, is considered the only form sex work that escapes these provisions.

On June 13, 2013, the Supreme Court of Canada will hear the latest challenge to the country’s sex work laws. The women behind the challenge — current and former sex workers intending on returning to the trade — argue that these criminal prohibitions deprive them of their right to life, liberty and security of the person guaranteed by s. 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Rather than protecting women from the harms associated with the sex trade, the existing laws, it is said, do the opposite. They prevent sex workers from taking steps necessary to ensure their safety and security.

The failure to criminalize sex work itself has raised questions regarding the government’s objective behind current sex work laws. On their face, Canadian sex work laws seem to be focused on reducing or abolishing prostitution. However, the courts have rejected this characterization in light Parliament’s deliberate decision not to make the practice itself illegal. Instead, courts have held that Canada’s sex work laws are designed to prevent public nuisances, such as street solicitation, and more importantly, the exploitation of vulnerable women.

While it may have been considered appropriate in the past for the state to involve itself in the private sexual affairs of consenting adults, this is no longer the case. Canadians no longer consider the government imposing sexual morality on the public a legitimate state objective. Sexual autonomy has become an inviolable right of all persons.

However, public nuisance concerns and protection against the risks that emanate from sex work remain legitimate state objectives. In this regard, sex work laws have largely failed to live up to their purpose. The personal and societal harms these laws create are vastly disproportionate to the objectives they pursue. By prohibiting sex workers from using indoor locations such as their residence, hiring assistants and security, and adequately screening potential clients, they are prevented from taking reasonable steps to ensure their safety, and in certain instances, are forced into exploitative relationships. There is perhaps no more gruesome illustration of the dangers of these laws than the crimes of Robert Pickton, who methodically preyed on sex workers from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside.

This was the view of the law taken by the Ontario Court of Appeal back in March of 2012. In that decision, the Court was unanimous in declaring the laws prohibiting bawdy houses and living on the avails of prostitution unconstitutional. To remedy the problem, the Court “read out” references to prostitution in the bawdy house provision, and circumscribed the living on the avails provision so as to only apply “in circumstances of exploitation”. If a manager or bodyguard was earning a living from revenues generated by sex workers and those sex workers were not operating in a state of exploitation, then the business arrangement would no longer run afoul of the law.

Interestingly, the Court—with the exception of one dissenting opinion—did not find the communication provision unconstitutional. This provision, it is argued, stunts a sex worker’s ability to adequately screen clients, thereby exposing the sex worker to undue risk. However, the Court was not satisfied, based on the evidence before it, that the communication prohibition was a “dominant, or even a significant, factor among the many social, economic, personal and cultural factors that combine to place survival sex workers at significant risk on the street.”

The Supreme Court has, as it usually does, a challenging job before it. The Ontario Court of Appeal is one of Canada’s most highly regarded appellate courts and it has again produced a well-reasoned, highly detailed and thorough treatment of the law that spans nearly one hundred pages. One problem, however, that may trouble the Supremes is the Court of Appeal’s conclusion with respect to the public communication provision. With a strongly written dissent from a highly regarded judge, expect the issue to occupy considerable space in the eventual Supreme Court judgment.

What makes the Supreme Court’s task all the more difficult is that it must grapple with yet another difficult social question. Just like abortion, euthanasia and same-sex marriage before it, the Bedford case will invariably polarize some elements of Canadian society. Despite one’s moral qualms about the practice of prostitution, the fact remains that, until Parliament decides otherwise, it is a lawful enterprise. While we can wrangle over where the line should be drawn when it comes to legitimately regulating public nuisance, the law should most certainly not cause harm to the very constituency it purports to safeguard.

Avnish Nanda and Stephen Neil are J.D. Candidates at Osgoode Hall Law School in Toronto, Ontario. Avnish currently works at a law firm in Calgary and Stephen at a law firm in downtown Toronto.

Solving Alberta's Labour Shortage

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 05 Oct 2012 18:36:00 +0000

China's CNOOC Ltd.'s $15.1 billion bid for Calgary basedNexen Inc. reflects a growing interest among state-owned Asian energy companies in Alberta's oil sands. In addition to China, three state-run Indian companiesare eyeing oil sands assets held by ConocoPhilips, jointly offering $5 billion this past July for six of its properties.

While many are skeptical of Asia's foray into the oil sands, there is plenty to be gained by strengthening economic ties with China and India.

Although much has already been written about foreign direct investment spurring growth in the oil sands, collaboration with China and India can also address other challenges impacting the sector, as well as Alberta’s economy as a whole.

Labour shortages are by far the biggest challenge to Alberta's economy. Demand in the oil and gas sector for workers with technical and professional skills is not being matched. Further, with the high wages being offered by that industry, workers are being driven away from other sectors of the economy, leading to a chronic labour shortage — as well as a rise in inflationary pressures — which is being felt across the province.

Solving Alberta's labour crunch requires innovation and bold action to allow employers in the province to identify talent and entice them to live and work in Alberta.

To this end, Alberta's colleges and universities must play an integral and much more proactive role in alleviating the province’s chronic labour shortage. Not only in training and developing young Albertans, but also connecting the province’s employers to talent the world over. This should go well beyond the international student programs operated by nearly every post-secondary institution in the province. Instead, focus should be placed on developing larger, longer term programs to train and recruit international talent to Alberta.

For instance, Alberta can benefit from recent social and legislative developments in India, which have sparked a revolutionary change in attitudes towards and opportunities for higher learning in that country.

India is experiencing a post-secondary education boom. With a middle class that has grown from the liberal economic and trade reforms of the 1990s, demand for diplomas and degrees have soared, and are seen as key to social mobility and economic advancement.

By 2020, 44 million Indians are expected to be enrolled in the country’spost-secondary education system. During the same period, the number of colleges and universities in India are expected to triple.

In order to meet the demand for higher learning, the Indian state has responded by passing legislation that would allow for foreign post-secondary institutions to establish campuses in the country. In doing so, Indian legislators hope to provide Indians greater access to the world’s leading post-secondary institutions, in addition to opening a growing sector of its economy to foreign investment.

For Indian students, instead of leaving home and paying hefty fees to attend school abroad, they can now or will be able to attend the likes of Virginia Tech, Carnegie Mellon, Warwick University and Schulich School of Business (York University) in their very own states.

In most instances, not only are the fees cheaper and the curriculum the same as their sister campuses, but students are able to complete their final semester in the home country of their college or university. This allows Indian students to obtain internationally recognized diplomas and degrees, making it easier to attain employment and immigration abroad — the goal of many.

For colleges and universities in Alberta, India offers a particularly unique opportunity.

In an era where governments are scaling back funding to post-secondary education, India presents itself as a lucrative opportunity. Alberta’s colleges and universities can make up funding shortfalls by expanding into India, with its large market, significant growth potential, and cheaper start-up and operating costs.

Further, Alberta’s post-secondary institutions can provide employers in the province with unprecedented access to India’s talent pool. Indian graduates, with their familiarity with English and strong technical skills, are aggressively sought after around the world. By being on the ground, Alberta’s colleges and universities can do a better job of identifying, developing and connecting Indian graduates to employers and industries in the province.

With respect to Alberta’s trades and technical schools, such an expansion could be especially beneficial. A shortage in trades workers is particularly acute in the province, due in part to differing regulatory requirements and expertise that make it difficult for workers from foreign jurisdictions to easily enter Alberta’s workplace.

However, by allowing NAIT, SAIT or other colleges to establish campuses in India, and offer the same trades programs and opportunities for apprenticeship in Alberta, we can standardize the training with provincial requirements. As graduates make it through the program, they can be fast tracked into Alberta on a temporary workers permit, which after the set period and application can turn into permanent residence, and eventually citizenship.

Not only will salaries and guaranteed employment opportunities draw Indian students, but a program such as this would ensure that Alberta employers are targeting individuals who have the appropriate skills and expertise to address their particular needs.

As Alberta’s economy continues to grow, novel solutions need to be developed to address the unique challenges confronting it. This requires creativity, thinking big and taking risks.

Fortunately, Albertans have a long history of doing just that.

Maximize Oilsands' Wealth, Upgrade Abroad

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 18 May 2012 03:14:00 +0000

I share Robyn Allan's concerns that when it comes to the Alberta Oilsands, debates over important policy issues often descend into "name calling." However, I would also include mischaracterizations and hollow rhetoric, which Allan seems to have no problem engaging in.

Framing whether Canada should upgrade more bitumen at home rather than abroad in terms of "Canadian" versus "Foreign" interests does nothing but stir up protectionist and nationalist sentiment. This does not contribute towards the type of "meaningful discussion" Allan desires.

The debate behind upgrading more bitumen in Canada boils down to how we best benefit from oilsands development. Should Canada increase its revenues from oilsands development by allowing further exports? Or create inefficient "value added" sectors that will leave Canadians with less "money," "jobs" and "wealth"?

As an economist, Allan should know that creating a burgeoning refining industry in Canada requires governments to incur significant costs and provide substantial subsidies to oil companies, as the sector currently lacks the infrastructure and capacity to be competitive. In order for the government to acquire the funds necessary to increase Canada's refining capacity, it would have to divert revenues away from other program areas.

While some, like Allan, may believe we could offset these subsidies with the increased revenues Canada would generate from refining more bitumen at home, this would not be the case. Given Canada's labour market, any attempt to increase our domestic refining capacity would drive up the costs of oilsands production. Our labour market would remain the same size, but there would be more firms competing for the same workers, driving wages up.

This would increase costs for oil producers, leading them to extract less. As a result, the government would collect less royalty revenue and there would be even less for it to draw from in order to subsidize increased domestic refining. In the end, money would have to be diverted from other revenue areas.

In my opinion, it's imperative that Canada strive for efficiency in oilsands development in order to maximize revenues. As a critic of the federal government's environmental policy, I recognize the immense potential that exists from collecting increased revenues. Instead of subsidizing an unsustainable domestic refining industry, oilsands revenues can be used to fund more rigorous environmental monitoring programs, develop renewable energy reserves and transition Canada towards a green energy economy.

As Alan states "resource development is necessary for economic growth." Certainly, this is true.

However, oilsands development can also ensure a sustainable economic and environmental future in Canada. We just have to look past whether an oil company is Canadian or "foreign."

Danielle Smith's Credibility on "Moral Issues"

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Apr 2012 01:16:00 +0000

Basically, this video contradicts everything Danielle Smith has said over the last two weeks regarding moral issues, citizen referendums and the role personal views held by Wildrose MLAs will play in developing government policy.

Conscience Rights in a Free Society

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 05 Apr 2012 04:34:00 +0000

The Wildrose's stance on conscience rights has quickly become the wedge issue differentiating it from the Progressive Conservatives. "Populist" Danielle Smith's unwillingness to clarify her personal views on the party's stance, legitimate fears over which potential Wildrose MLAs will find themselves in cabinet if the party does form government and sagging poll numbers for the PCs have pushed the issue to the forefront. As a result, Albertan's are finally becoming aware of the Wildrose's socially conservative values.

While I think the Wildrose's positions on social issues may have represented Alberta of a by-gone era, they certainly don't reflect the views of a majority of Albertans today. Neither does it reflect the Alberta of tomorrow, which will be defined by its diversity, and judged by its inclusivity.

With respect to "conscience rights," on a personal level, I hold the competing rights at stake in the issue very highly. Freedom of conscience is foundation to liberal, democratic societies, allowing individuals to freely articulate and fully actualize themselves. However, fundamental equality provisions protecting individuals from discrimination on the basis of social identity markers, such as sexual orientation, is vital to a just, inclusive society where all members can flourish. In terms of balancing the two, I believe the views of former Supreme Court of Canada Chief Justice Brian Dickson strikes the appropriate approach:

"A truly free society is one which can accommodate a wide variety of beliefs, diversity of tastes and pursuits, customs and codes of conduct. A free society is one which aims at equality with respect to the enjoyment of fundamental freedoms and I say this without any reliance upon s. 15 of the Charter.

Freedom must surely be founded in respect for the inherent dignity and the inviolable rights of the human person. The essence of the concept of freedom of religion is the right to entertain such religious beliefs as a person chooses, the right to declare religious beliefs openly and without fear of hindrance or reprisal, and the right to manifest religious belief by worship and practice or by teaching and dissemination. But the concept means more than that. 95. Freedom can primarily be characterized by the absence of coercion or constraint. If a person is compelled by the state or the will of another to a course of action or inaction which he would not otherwise have chosen, he is not acting of his own volition and he cannot be said to be truly free. One of the major purposes of the Charter is to protect, within reason, from compulsion or restraint. Coercion includes not only such blatant forms of compulsion as direct commands to act or refrain from acting on pain of sanction, coercion includes indirect forms of control which determine or limit alternative courses of conduct available to others. Freedom in a broad sense embraces both the absence of coercion and constraint, and the right to manifest beliefs and practices. Freedom means that, subject to such limitations as are necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others, no one is to be forced to act in a way contrary to his beliefs or his conscience."

Chief Justice Brian Dickson in R v Big Drug Mart (1985) at paras 94 & 95

As many have already commented, the freedom of an individual to exercise their conscience should not extend to allow the fundamental rights and freedoms of others to be denied. Personal beliefs related to the morality of homosexuality shouldn't prevent gay and lesbian couples from marrying. Neither should one's personal views on abortion prevent a woman from obtaining one, if she chooses to do so.

The state's role in such circumstances where the conscience rights of one conflict with the fundamental rights and freedoms of another is straightforward. Accommodate conscience rights when possible, limit them when not. Allow marriage commissioners and doctors to refer same sex couples wishing to get married or women seeking abortions to professionals who are willing to do so. If this is unfeasible, limit their conscience rights and require them to perform their functions to those seeking them.

To me, this is the best approach, as it reconciles our obligations to the individual and our core Canadian values.

A New, Robust Role for Alberta in Federalism

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 01 Apr 2012 00:35:00 +0000

Alberta has long played a pivotal role in Canadian federalism, with its economic might and vast oil reserves. However, the province’s equalization contributions have never quite matched its ability to influence the national agenda. This is partly due to Alberta’s size, but also reflects the province’s subdued role on the national scene.

For decades, the province engaged in an isolationist, defensive stance, strongly fending off any federal encroachment into its perceived sphere of control. This approach was consistent with both Liberal and Conservative governments in Ottawa, representing deep-seated resentment of Alberta’s expendable nature in a system where elections are largely determined by vote rich central Canada.

However, the nature of the challenges confronting Alberta today raises doubts as to the viability of this approach, particularly with increasing concerns over the province’s energy industry. Isolationism will not help the province overcome barriers to developing new means of transporting oilsands product to market, slashing the hefty discount purchasers are currently receiving. Neither will it address the major labour shortages facing Alberta, which involves making it easier for the province to lure workers from across the country and around the world. Rather, these challenges require Alberta to take a more robust role in federalism to shape the national agenda and ensure our interests are advanced.

Alberta’s role in confederation is a central issue at stake this election, with Allison Redford and Danielle Smith pitting two starkly different visions against each other. Visions both women outlined in speeches at the Economic Club of Canada a few months apart.

To Danielle Smith (speech), the solution is sticking to our isolationism and relying on a friendly federal government to make Alberta’s case to the rest of the country. Smith recognizes that this will make it difficult to expand our US oilsands market or develop new ones in Asia, but believes that an “all-Canadian solution” is the answer. By retrofitting current infrastructure, oil should flow west-east, eliminating the eastern Canada’s reliance on foreign oil and allowing depressed manufacturing regions of Ontario and Quebec to benefit from refining. A form of economic nationalism that one would expect to be proposed by Gordon Laxer, the Alberta Federation of Labour or the Alberta New Democrats than the Wild Rose.

How exactly she plans on accomplishing this without significant inter-provincial coordination is puzzling. However, the more important question is how this benefits Alberta. Refining oilsands product in Canada will increase the discount it’s sold at currently, meaning we will sell less oil and make less on each barrel sold.

Alison Redford (speech) on the other hand is calling for a break from the past, arguing that Alberta should take on a more robust role in Canadian federalism. At the core of this new role is her push for a Canadian Energy Strategy that will coordinate and advance provincial energy interests as a whole. In effect, the attempt is to link the oilsands to the energy interests of other provinces, in order to change national attitudes towards the industry. Although this sounds promising, the strategy lacks any real specifics to gauge what tradeoffs Alberta will be making in order to convince other provinces to get on board.

Regardless of what the election’s outcome, there are questions related to Alberta’s approach to federalism and its ability to address the challenges confronting the province. While the Wild Rose may have intentions of returning the province to the days of Manning, Lougheed and Klein, they and Albertans should be aware that the issues they dealt with are quite different from those that are confronting us today.

The Market is the Solution

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 04 Mar 2012 05:13:00 +0000

The Canadian Oil Sands Innovation Alliance (COSIA) is about collaboration. In a bid to meet public expectations and improve the industry’s image, 12 of the largest oilsands producers are teaming up, sharing information and intellectual property relating to environmental stewardship. By harnessing their collective strengths, they hope to improve the industry’s environmental performance and image.

Though well intentioned, collaboration is not the best way to improve environmental performance. The market is.

It’s easy to acknowledge the power of the market, and market competition specifically, in influencing firm behavior. If there is market incentive for a firm to behave in a certain manner, firms will do so, as their primary interest is profit maximization. Firms would also divert resources to behave in that certain manner in order to maximize that market incentive and gain competitive advantage, such as investing more in research and development.

Market incentives would drive behavior, leading to competition, which would lead to better ways to engage in that behavior.

This logic could apply to the oilsands. If there was strong market incentive for producers to engage in better environmental performance, they would compete with each other, developing better methods to outperform their market competitors. Invariably, producers would divert more resources into research and innovation, developing better methods of reducing their environmental impact individually, and the industry’s as a whole.

Currently, there is no such incentive.

In fact, by collaborating, industry confirms that there isn’t strong market incentive for them to develop better environmental practices individually. Rather than use their own resources to develop better environmental practices, companies are looking to work together, each benefiting from the other’s work. Though they recognize a problem, it isn’t impacting their bottom line enough to come up with solutions themselves.

Collaboration is hardly an environment for innovation. It runs the risk of firms taking environmental practices from others, instead of developing their own. There is even incentive to do this, as taking is free while developing one’s own practices requires resources that could be allocated elsewhere.

Creating strong market incentives for companies to improve their environmental stewardship will lead to better environmental performance.

One possible incentive might be linking resource royalties to environmental performance. For example, if companies hit certain government directed environmental benchmarks (emissions, pollutants, area of wet tailings, etc) they pay less. If they exceed them, they pay more.

As oilsands producers are generally price takers, this is perhaps the best way to introduce competition among them, and direct it towards addressing environmental issues and the industry’s negative perception.

Obviously though, this would require governments to get involved. Fortunately, both levels of government have long endorsed, and defended, a market dictated approach to oilsands development.

Why not the same for environmental stewardship?

Social Media and Legal Advocacy: Lessons from MWCI

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 23 Jan 2012 20:32:00 +0000

Within the legal community, blogs, twitter, and other social media platforms have grown to become the norm, as lawyers and firms have realized the potential of these tools to expand their reach and influence. However, at least in the Canadian context, social media has played a secondary role to one’s legal practice, used to build market presence or engage in commentary, rather than being incorporated into a lawyer’s courtroom advocacy.

Being a conservative institution that values confidentiality, it’s clear why social media — with its openness and accessibility — has not been incorporated more directly into legal practice. But there are aspects of legal advocacy that complement the strengths of social media, allowing lawyers to take advantage of them.

The use of social media by lawyers involved in the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry is an example of this. The public inquiry is investigating the factors that allowed serial killer Robert Pickton to murder dozens of women from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside without being apprehended.

Lawyers acting for the victims’ families (@NeilChantler and @ACameronWard), Downtown Eastside (@JasonGratl), and aboriginal interests (@RobynGervaisMWI), have employed social media in novel way, demonstrating how these platforms can enhance legal advocacy. These lawyers routinely live tweet witness testimony and procedural developments, usually followed up with blog posts that provide more extensive discussion of what occurred in court and its implications (in addition to using these platforms for standard legal and social commentary).

By incorporating social media directly into the courtroom, the lawyers are advancing their client’s interests on a number of levels. Firstly, due to funding restrictions imposed by the province of British Columbia, each lawyer individually represents a large and disparate number of people. Not only does this pose challenges to ensuring that each individual client is being served, but how to communicate with them on the developments at the inquiry on an ongoing basis. This is particularly true with those representing the victim’s families, whose clients are spread out across the country. Though the CBC live streams the inquiry, clients may be unable to watch the day time proceedings or easily relate what’s being discussed to the larger issues being investigated.

In addition to the access to justice consideration raised above, the inquiry explores a matter that is clearly in the public interest. Therefore, counsel for the affected parties have an added responsibility to engage broader society in the inquiry. Legal commentary does serve this purpose, but so does tweeting and making available documents, such as weekly overviews of the proceedings. These documents in particular allow the public to directly engage with evidence presented at the inquiry and assess its significance, rather than relying on secondary news reports that can obfuscate much.

Further, by engaging in social media, these lawyers are not merely dispensing information regarding the inquiry, but are also seeking the public’s input. Consistently, we see counsel request feedback in the form of questions, comments, and suggestions, attempting to make their work in the courtroom a collaborative effort.

For legal advocates, as well as law students like myself, the innovative use of social media at the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry is an indication of how these tools can be effectively incorporated into one’s legal advocacy. However, employing social media is not appropriate in all aspects of legal practice. During a public inquiry, it certainly may be acceptable, but not necessarily in private civil cases. Be conscious of the limits.

For further information on the inquiry, please consult:

Hashtag: #MWCI

Counsel for Victims' Families: Neil Chantler (@NeilChantler) and Cameron Ward (@ACameronWard), as well as their blog.

Counsel for the Downtown Eastside: Jason Gratl (@JasonGratl)

Counsel for Aboriginal Interests: Robyn Gervais (@RobynGervaisMWI) and her weekly proceedings overview found on Harper Grey LLP's website (though not easy to navigate: Week 1, Week 2, Week 3, Week 4, Week 5, Week 6, Week 7, Week 8, Week 9, Week 10, Week 11).

Harper's Attack, Redford's Consensus: Building National Support for the Oilsands

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 21 Jan 2012 17:28:00 +0000

The Alberta Oilsands are a source of intense debate and discord both domestically and internationally. However, the future prosperity of the nation is inherently linked to Canada’s ability to take advantage of the resource and harness its potential. The challenge for proponents therefore becomes to cultivate broad based support, particularly domestically, as the resource’s land locked status and increasing role in the growth of national carbon emissions fosters political opposition that may well stifle development.

With Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Alberta Premier Alison Redford, we see two starkly different strategies employed to build support for the oilsands nationally.

In recent weeks, Prime Minister Harper, as well as Natural Resources Minister Joe Oliver, have adopted the meme first introduced by Ethical Oil and its acolytes, painting all opponents to the Northern Gateway Pipeline — which seeks to ship oilsands bitumen from Alberta to Asia via Kitimat, B.C — as foreign proxies sabotaging Canada’s economic interests. Unabashedly disingenuous as it attempts to other First Nations and non-First Nations communities along the proposed route that oppose the pipeline, as well as the numerous Canadian ENGOs whose history of advancing environmental causes in this country dates back well before the oilsands became an economic imperative.

The goal here is to impose the oilsands on the country by masking it in the language of “Canadian” versus “Foreign” interests, McCarthyizing acceptance. Far from winning over critics, the approach is likely to further polarize Canadians on the issue.

In contrast to bullying opponents, Premier Redford has quietly been working to build consensus on the oilsands, winning over provinces that her predecessors may at one time have labeled as detractors through her push for a national energy strategy. First championed at the Intergovernmental Energy and Mines Ministers Conference in Kananaskis last July, Redford has won support from western allies such Saskatchewan and British Columbia, as well as traditional critics such as Quebec, where support for the oilsands are at the lowest levels in the country.

Redford’s message to her counterparts is for them to collectively harness their province’s unique energy strengths, transforming Canada into both an energy and environmental super power. This level of collaboration will invariably require trade offs, which although currently undefined, may require Alberta to address the oilsand’s poor environmental performance sooner than anticipated.

Yet to Redford, this is likely a welcomed risk. Committing the provinces to a national energy strategy where the oilsands play a pivotal role, strengthens the resource’s economic viability at home and abroad.

Canadian history is rife with examples of the federal government unilaterally proceeding on divisive matters of national concern in a belligerent manner with little regard to opponents. Trust erodes, federalism is undermined, and matters that require consensus to proceed and sustain in the long term become polarized to the extreme.

National projects in the national interest — as the oilsands should be viewed — require consensus building, bringing critics on board through compromise, whether they are provincial counterparts, First Nations, or ENGOs. In this case, its requires the oilsands to transform from being the Alberta Oilsands to the Canadian Oilsands, with opponents buying in at various stages of development. The subsequent policy erosion will be offset with a strong, broad base of support, which will reap far greater rewards for the resource than proceeding along its current trajectory.

Fort Chipewyan 101

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 30 Mar 2011 23:46:00 +0000

From the good people of Stand With Fort Chipewyan comes this overview of the health concerns in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta.

Alberta Environment Minister Rob Renner on Oilsands Environmental Monitoring

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 09 Mar 2011 22:12:00 +0000

"The fact remains that there are naturally occurring substances in the water. And if we had never set foot in the region those kinds of results would still be there." — Minister Rob Renner, September 1, 2010.

"The RAMP that's been there for a long time has done an admirable job." — Minister Rob Renner, September 1, 2010.

"This is one of the most extensively monitored regions in the world." — Minister Rob Renner, December 9, 2009.

(Start video @4:51)

Federal Oilsands Environmental Monitoring Advisory Panel

"The minister asked the panel whether or not Canadians had a first-class state-of-the-art monitoring system in place in the oilsands. In the view of the panel, the answer is no." — Liz Dowdeswell, panel chair.

"Until this situation is fixed, there will continue to be uncertainty and public distrust in the environmental performance of the oilsands industry and government oversight." — Liz Dowdeswell, panel chair.

2010 RAMP Peer Review

"The existing Regional Aquatics Monitoring Program is not sufficient to detect changes brought about by the industry. The report said the program is not asking the right questions or monitoring the right things. The report said only one of RAMP’s nine objectives has been met while another has been partially met. Four others have not been met and there is not enough information to judge progress on the final three." — Edmonton Journal, January 31, 2011.

Provincial Oilsands Water Data Monitoring Review Committee

"Failure to detect PAHs in the sample cannot be a reflection of available analytical technology between 1990 and 2007. Although it is likely that concentrations in the river are generally low, it appears the laboratories Alberta Environment used do not have the capability of measuring the low concentrations of PAC found in the water...

Taking into consideration all data and critiques, we generally agree with the conclusion of Kelly et al. that PACs and trace metals are being introduced into the environment by oil sands operations...

We think Kelly et al.’s study, in spite of some uncertain statements on loadings and risks, has been important in pointing out deficiencies in current monitoring programs in the oil sands area. We believe it is in the best interests of the public and the oil sands industry to make sure all monitoring programs are conducted with scientific rigor and oversight."

— Water Data Monitoring Review Committee

Edmonton City Centre Redevelopment Videos

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 17 Feb 2011 19:43:00 +0000

The City of Edmonton posted the conceptual design videos competing to become the master plan for the City Centre Redevelopment project on their Youtube account. Proposals were submitted by firms from London, Kansas City, Sweden, Vancouver, and Rotterdam, though each has local partners that will be collaborating on the project.

Unlike Councillor Tony Caterina, I found the proposals to be quite inspiring. Focusing on sustainability, as well as mixed use zoning that incorporates green space and NAIT's expansion, each proposal provides a refreshing glimpse of what the future of Edmonton could be. Although I lack technical expertise on the effectiveness and viability of the design proposals, I applaud council's decision to redevelop the airport lands and think big in the process.

Without a doubt, no matter which proposal is selected, it will forever redefine Edmonton and its residents.

Foster & Partners

BNIM

Sweco International AB

Perkins + Will

KPAC Architects & Planners

Although I find the proposals exciting, it's all a bit overwhelming. I'd appreciate it if someone could outline each proposal, the differences between them, and what the potential larger impact will be on the city.

For further information on each proposal, head down to City Hall, or a location nearer to you, where you can learn more and provide feedback on the project.

Ethnic Media in Edmonton

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 13 Feb 2011 21:25:00 +0000

Like Mack, I am also interested in local media. However, my interest has more to do with Edmonton's media diversity, rather than the evolution of local journalism and media in general.

My primary interest is in the differences between small, community based media outlets and mainstream sources, and what these differences can reveal about the consumers (and creators) of their content, and, more generally, of their community. From news content and commentary to advertisements, the differences can provide unique insights into familiar and unfamiliar communities in Edmonton.

Edmonton's Ethnic Media

Over the last month, I've been researching Edmonton's ethnic media outlets. From print to television, Edmonton's ethnic media is large and diverse, reflecting the cultural vibrancy of the city and its inhabitants. For example, there are upwards of 20 ethnic newspapers in Edmonton (though it is important to note that they tend to be weeklies, bi-weeklies, or monthlies and have distribution areas ranging from Edmonton to Western Canada). Some ethnic newspapers, such as the Chinese Journal, are large local publications with significant readership (a 7,000 per issue, weekly circulation) that employ a paid, full-time staff, while others, such as Edmonton Somali Voice (EDSOMAV), are small monthly publications run by volunteers.

Competition among newspapers within Edmonton's larger ethnic communities also appears to be considerable, as they tend to have multiple publications jostling with each other to attract the largest possible readership within their community. The Indo-Canadian community, for example, has at least eight different publications, with most newspapers including content in at least two different languages (with some like the Asian Times publishing in four: Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu, and English).

Although individually these print publications lack large circulation and readership levels in relation to Edmonton's larger dailies and weeklies (range of circulation per issue among Edmonton's ethnic print media is between 1,000 - 10,000), collectively they do possess a significant, albeit hyper-local following. Below is a chart that compares per issue circulation of eight local ethnic newspapers (the largest publications in Edmonton's Latino, Korean, Filipino, Vietnamese, Arab, Chinese, Punjabi, and Gujarati communities) with that of the Edmonton Journal, Edmonton Sun, VUE Weekly, and SEE Magazine:

Edmonton Print Media Circulation	Circulation Per Issue
Edmonton Journal	118,620
Edmonton Sun	50,358
Ethnic Papers	45,000
VUE Weekly	25,000
See Magazine	24,000

When it comes to radio and television, Edmonton also has a vibrant ethnic media scene, with dozens of local shows and programmes. CKER 101.7 World FM is perhaps the best known, due to the considerable cultural variety found within its broadcasting schedule (over 20 different languages and communities are represented), lengthy history, and national award winning programming. In terms of television, ethnic television programmes can be found on channels such as Shaw, Access, Omni, Vision TV, CTS, as well as numerous specialty channels.

Some local ethnic media outlets have even expanded beyond their traditional markets to mainstream ones. For example, Satnam Media Group, an Indo-Canadian news and entertainment company based in Edmonton and Surrey, with significant radio and television assets (including a partnership with Rogers Broadcasting Limited in CKER 101.7 World FM), recently purchased Wetaskiwin's CIHS 93.5 FM, a radio station specializing in Classic Country and Country Gospel.

The Future of Ethnic Media in Edmonton

As someone who grew up in a family where ethnic and mainstream media played an equal role in informing us on events both near and abroad, I've always found the lack of awareness among Edmontonians of our local ethnic media scene to be surprising. Obvious cultural and linguistic barriers (though English is commonly used within local ethnic media) prevent many from engaging with these ethnic media sources, I still find it odd that Edmonton's ethnic media receives minimal to no mention when local media is discussed.

This is likely to change, however, as demographic shifts will increase the relevancy of local ethnic media outlets. With projections indicating that upwards of a quarter of Canada's population being foreign born by 2030, ethnic media will likely grow in proportion to these trends in immigration. In Edmonton, where current demographics mirror projected national trends regarding linguistic and ethnic diversity, the experience of ethnic media in Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver are indications of what can be expected. As those cities have evolved into truly multicultural, cosmopolitan cities, their ethnic media has exploded in popularity, with the audience of certain ethnic news outlets rivaling mainstream counterparts.

Moreover, there is growing recognition among Canada's ethnic media of the need to reach out to the mainstream by increasing English language content and incorporating social media technologies into content delivery, in order to retain and expand readership, particularly among community members born in Canada and lack fluency in their community languages.

These are some brief thoughts I have on Edmonton's ethnic media and its notable absence in discussions concerning local media. I am compiling a local Ethnic Media Catalogue and hopefully I will be able to post it shortly. If you have any questions, comments, or are interested in advertising with local ethnic media outlets, email me at straightouttaedmonton@gmail.com.

Overhauling RAMP

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 31 Jan 2011 18:51:00 +0000

For 13 years, the Alberta Government has relied on the Regional Aquatics Monitoring Program (RAMP) to assess the impact of the oilsands. From resource development to environment, RAMP plays a significant role in developing provincial policy.

2004 RAMP Peer Review:

"Reviewers reported serious problems related to scientific leadership and a lack of integration and consistency across components with respect to approach, design, implementation, and analysis."
“lack of details of methods, failure to describe rationales for program changes, examples of inappropriate statistical analysis, and unsupported conclusions.”
"No ability within RAMP to assess oil sands development impacts on the Athabasca River in an integrated way."

2010 RAMP Peer Review:

“The reviewers believe the existing program does not successfully address the three key questions posed in (the review goal) section: the present program is not sufficient to detect changes if they occur; the present program cannot sufficiently identify potential sources resulting in the change(s) if changes are detected; and not all of the appropriate questions are being asked by the RAMP program and appropriate criteria being monitored to answer those questions.”

Although many have questioned RAMP's scientific validity, generally along the same lines as the program's two external peer reviews linked above, the Alberta Government did not act on these criticisms until two academic studies published by Dr. Erin Kelly and Dr. David Schindler. The studies, published in 2009 and 2010, documented high levels of oilsands industrial pollutants, including PACs (carcinogens) and heavy metals, being discharged into the Athabasca River Basin.

The studies contradicted RAMP, which claimed industrial pollutants were negligible and environmental toxins were naturally occurring, and as a result, federal and provincial panels were struck to investigate the contradictions. The federal panel examined the scientific validity of RAMP and reported in late December that the criticisms leveled against it were accurate — the program was utterly incompetent and was unable to adequately assess the environmental impact of the oilsands.

Before the provincial panel reported its results (scheduled for release February), Alberta Environment Minister Rob Renner announced that RAMP would be overhauled to ensure that the province would have a competent, science based oilsands environmental monitoring program. However, the oversight committee charged with creating the new program came under attack, as critics slammed the appointment of more industry representatives than scientists, the lack of aboriginal inclusion, and the selection of Hal Kvisle as co-chair (many question Kvisle's lack of scientific credentials, 'unique' environmental conservation perspective, and support of lax regulatory standards for industry).

Although it's too early to speculate whether the Alberta Government is sincere in its commitment to create a competent oilsands monitoring program, history and the province's initial steps indicate that it will have to do more than just promise an overhaul, but actually demonstrate it — externally.

More on RAMP:

Understanding RAMP and Its Implications
RAMP: Alberta's Environmental Monitoring Failure
Search the label RAMP

Deliberation on Campus Sustainability (DoCS)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 23 Jan 2011 06:42:00 +0000

Want to join student leaders from across the campus in an innovative project that will help create sustainability policy at the University of Alberta?

If so, you are invited to contribute to sustainability planning at the University of Alberta. Deliberation on Campus Sustainability (DoCS) is a project that brings together University of Alberta students, regardless of background and experience, to participate in discussions that will help inform sustainability policy on campus and inspire community engagement across all campuses. All you have to do is show up and share your views.

Attend Phase 1 of deliberations on one of the following sessions:

Monday January 24th: 11:00 am- 2:30pm Lister Hall, Wild Rose Room
Tuesday January 25th: 2:30pm-6:00pm Lister Hall, Wild Rose Room
Wednesday January 26: 5:00-8:30pm Lister Hall, Wild Rose Room

Please email Lisa Dockman (lisa.dockman@ualberta.ca) which session you would like to attend.

No matter how knowledgeable or experienced you are in campus sustainability, your opinion is vital to this process and your involvement is important service for the University community. Please join us for a hearty meal and a meaningful conversation about what key issues exist on campus.

Frequently Asked Questions:

What is DoCS?

DoCS is a collaborative project that is working to integrate students, staff and faculty into the University’s sustainability strategy in the most democratic way possible. DoCS is a process that involves a series of conversations or dialogues, made up of a diverse group of the campus community, focused on how we can create and contribute to a more sustainable campus. Emerging from a desire to see positive progression towards environmental, social and economic responsibility, our team is determined to design and implement a process where a series of dialogues affects change and is experienced by the participants as meaningful.

How will my input be used?

All contributions to the DoCS process will inform the end products which include a Campus Sustainability Plan and a toolkit to encourage the use of deliberative decision making processes on campus. All participants will have the opportunity to witness the outcomes and products of their effort.

What is the time commitment DoCS requires?

By signing up today you are committing to attend one 3.5 hour deliberation, and in March you will be invited to attend a similar follow up conversation.

If I am unable to attend this session, how can I learn more?

Please attend our DoCS session during International Week, it will be on Monday January 31st at 4pm in Education South 129.

Premier Stelmach Places Conditions on Fort Chip Visit

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 17 Jan 2011 20:25:00 +0000

Premier Ed Stelmach has delayed his visit to Fort Chipewyan.

Before traveling to the hamlet and listening to the health concerns of residents, the Premier is now requiring the community's leadership to sign on to the parameters of a baseline health study. However, the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation — the second largest First Nations' community in Fort Chipewyan — has refused to sign on, arguing that what the province has proposed is inadequate and does not address the concerns of residents.

For years, Premier Stelmach refused to acknowledge Fort Chipewyan's health concerns or travel to the community. Initially, the Premier claimed health concerns were entirely unfounded, concocted by 'silk-suited' environmentalists and the media. However, after health and pollution studies seemed to confirm the concerns of residents — as well as a visit by Hollywood film director James Cameron — the Premier backtracked from his initial position.

Instead, the Premier claimed that he took the community's concerns seriously and had in fact actually visited Fort Chipewyan. When these claims were scrutinized, Stelmach once again backtracked stating that he had never actually been to Fort Chipewyan, but had traveled to Northern Alberta. After questions began to emerge over the Premier's priorities, Stelmach vowed to travel to Fort Chipewyan, meet with residents directly, and demonstrate his commitment towards addressing the community's concerns.

Now, that commitment is once again being questioned as the Premier has placed conditions on his visit, requiring Fort Chipewyan's leadership to endorse a study many find inadequate. Whether this is an attempt to prevent what will surely be a high profile event or a public relations management strategy, Premier Stelmach's decision to delay his visit does not demonstrate a genuine commitment to address the community's concerns.

At this point, there's likely little that will.

Comparing Responses to the MacLean's 'Too Asian' Article: UVic and UBC

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 06 Dec 2010 19:13:00 +0000

Naturally, MacLean's 'Too Asian' article caused a stir across Canadian campuses (in response, MacLean's has changed the name of the article and qualified some of its points). However, it's interesting to examine the different reactions. For example, while the University of Victoria Students' Society banned MacLean's from its stores (only 6 'Too Asian' editions were even sold by UVic SS and once again raises questions of where it stands on free speech issues), the University of British Columbia had an insightful forum (which can be found below and I strongly encourage you to do) that probed the issues raised in the article.

WOA Profile: Lorraine Hoffman — Where Industry Meets Ancestry

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 06 Dec 2010 08:07:00 +0000

"We're all capitalists here. We're not anti-industry, but we do strive to find a balance. We need to find sustainable ways of doing things."

— Lorraine Hoffman, Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation Councillor

Work of Arts, the University of Alberta Faculty of Arts Alumni Magazine, has a great profile on Lorraine Hoffman, an alumni who is currently a councilor for the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation (ACFN).

The piece highlights the complex relationship First Nation communities have with the oilsands. As Hoffman outlines, communities like Fort Chipewyan have benefited tremendously from partnering with industry. Yet, development has also led to the emergence of significant social issues, which have forced many to speak out.

Hoffman dismisses the notion that such criticisms indicate an anti-development bias from First Nation communities. In reality, these communities see development as a positive force, providing jobs and boosting local economies. However, there is a feeling that the current development approach is tilted towards industry at the expense of the environment and other local concerns.

What Hoffman calls for is a balance between development and these associated environmental, public health, and social concerns — similar to the language industry and the province uses to defend the current development policy that communities like Fort Chipewyan oppose.

Read the entire article: "Where Industry Meets Ancestry" by Benjamin Freeland.

The Case for Science in Developing the Oilsands

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 25 Nov 2010 01:46:00 +0000

"The debate about oil-sands extraction has become polarized, with players cast as either totally against, or for developing the sands rapidly without regard for environmental consequences. Both positions are based on very little evidence. A more moderate approach, with the pace of development based on solid environmental science, would be better in the long run."

— Dr. David Schindler, "Tar Sands Need Solid Science," Nature, November 25, 2010.

I support the Alberta Oilsands. I believe they are fundamental to the future prosperity of this province and Canada as a whole.

However, I don't agree with how they are being developed. Our current development strategy fails to fully appreciate the tremendous value and responsibility that comes with the oilsands, in terms of the economy, environment, and legacy for future generations. From royalty rates to environmental monitoring, there are serious issues with the efficacy and consequences of current regimes.

A major issue is the lack of credible, scientific, peer-reviewed oilsands data to inform the public and policy makers on how to exactly develop the resource. How are Albertans expected to effectively participate in policy discussions concerning development when accurate information and studies are hidden from them? How are politicians able to develop an adequate long-term vision of the resource when they rely on pseudoscience?

Without accurate, scientific data, decisions are left to be made by individuals influenced by propaganda or innuendo. As citizens, we cannot allow the province to continue governing like this, particularly with projected development expected to expand significantly within the next decade. As Dr. David Schindler outlines in the above mentioned article, the stakes are too high.

Levant on Fort Chip Health Concerns

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 19 Nov 2010 22:34:00 +0000

Last night, Ezra Levant and Ben West of the Wilderness Committee debated the ethics of the Alberta Oilsands in front of a packed house in Vancouver. During the debate, as he also does in his book Ethical Oil, Levant dismissed the health concerns of Fort Chipewyan residents by calling Dr. John O’Connor “a liar” and “alarmist.” Levant cites the complaint brought forward against Dr. O’Connor before the Alberta College of Physicians and Surgeons as evidence of this. He argues that since Dr. O’Connor was found to have made “inaccurate statements” about certain cancer types being elevated, cancer rates in Fort Chipewyan as whole are not higher than expected.

Levant forcefully made the point that health concerns in Fort Chipewyan are entirely unfounded to all in attendance — including an Aboriginal man from Fort Chipewyan. The man expressed his community’s concerns (comparing Fort Chipewyan’s experience to ‘a holocaust’ — which angered many in attendance because they thought he meant THE Holocaust), which Levant responded to by calling him a “grievance monger” that brought “shame on his community” by preferring they “be on welfare than work” (the Oilsands Industry is by far the largest economic force and job creator in First Nations’ communities in Alberta). Levant attacked this man, similar to Dr. O’Connor, for making unsubstantiated public health claims and creating paranoia.

Many dismiss Fort Chipewyan’s health concerns through similar arguments, albeit through less crass means. Alastair Sweeney, Canadian historian and author makes similar statements in his book Black Bonanza, which examines the Alberta Oilsands Industry (statements he repeated in an Ottawa Citizen opinion piece earlier this year — here was my response). Further, Dr. Wadieh Yacoub, a senior medical officer for Health Canada in Alberta and one of the individuals who brought forth the medical complaint against Dr. O’Connor, has indicated in conversations that Fort Chipewyan’s alleged health concerns are questionable due to Dr. O’Connor’s actions. The Alberta Government has also publicly stated this, as well as the Federal Government.

I don’t intend to defend Dr. O’Connor, as others have. Instead, I want to examine the legitimacy of the arguments of Levant, Sweeney, and Dr. Yacoub, and whether they are valid. They argue that since Dr. O’Connor’s claims of specific cancer types were inaccurate, there are no health issues in Fort Chipewyan and concerns that upstream oilsands industrial activity are having an impact on the community’s health are unfounded.

Let us examine the 2009 health study, Cancer Incidence in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta 1996 — 2006, that found that the specific types of cancers Dr. O’Connor indicated to be at elevated were in fact at normal and expected levels. Below is the study’s conclusion, in its entirety:

Conclusions

The investigation has confirmed a total of two cholangiocarcinoma cases and six colon cancer cases in Fort Chipewyan over the 12-year study period (1995-2006).The observed number of cases of these two types of cancers was within the expected range of cancer occurrence of the community.

The number of cancer cases observed in Fort Chipewyan was higher than expected for all cancers combined and for specific types of cancer, such as biliary tract cancer and cancers in the blood and lymphatic system. In particular, increases were found for biliary tract cancer in men and for lung cancer in women. This increase was based on a small number of cases and could be due to chance or increased detection. The possibility that the increased rate of cancer is due to increased risk in the community, however, cannot be ruled out. An increased number of cases of biliary tract cancers, cancers in the blood and lymphatic system and cancers of unknown primary seen in the most recent six years (2001-2006) compared to the first six years (1995-2000) of the study period warrant closer monitoring of cancer occurrence in upcoming years.

Before epidemiologic studies are used to investigate the causes of the increase, further studies are required in order to evaluate the possible cancer risk posed by living in Fort Chipewyan, by tracking a cohort of residents who have lived in the area within the past 20-30 years.

Whether people living in Fort Chipewyan have an increased risk of developing cancer is still not clear. This study did not investigate the association between the risk of cancer for Fort Chipewyan residents and the effects of possible environmental exposures. Health concerns voiced by the Fort Chipewyan community, the existing evidence about the potential environmental contaminants in the area, along with an absence of a general increase in cancer rates in the comparison communities, justify further investigations that would include the analysis of many potential risk factors, such as lifestyle risk factors, family history, as well as occupational and environmental exposures. Future work on cancer investigation and control needs to be part of the overall assessment of health status in the community.

The first paragraph deals with Dr. O’Connor’s elevated cancer claims, which the study’s authors indicate to be false, and found to be “within the expected range of cancer occurrence of the community.” However, as indicated by the bolded and underlined sections, the overall number of cancer cases in Fort Chipewyan were higher than expected as well as for specific cancers, such as biliary tract cancer and blood & lymphatic system cancers.

Further, although the study did not investigate what was behind the community’s elevated cancer rates, it identified three potential factors: chance, lifestyle choices, and environmental factors. Environmental factors include upstream oilsands industrial activity, which the study’s authors justify to warrant further study due to “existing evidence about the potential environmental contaminants in the area” (a list of these studies can be found here).

The study’s conclusions are clear: cancer rates are elevated, yet the reasons behind these abnormally high rates are currently unknown, though oilsands industrial pollution may have role, along with chance and lifestyle choices. Thus, credible scientific evidence exists to suggest that cancer rates in Fort Chipweyan are elevated (as well as rates of Lupus and other auto-immune diseases) and that oilsands pollution may have a role.

What Levant, Sweeney, Dr. Yacoub, the Alberta and Federal Governments are engaging in when discrediting Fort Chipewyan’s health concerns by arguing that Dr. O’Connor’s elevated cancer claims are unsubstantiated is a classical logical fallacy where a specific inaccurate statement is used to dismiss the wider position it supports. For example:

Position: According to the National Crime Study, City A has a violent crime problem.

Proponent of the Position: City A has the highest rate of rape in the country. This confirms the National Crime Study position that City A has a violent crime problem.

Critic of Position: Proponent said that City A has the highest rate of rape in the country. This is false, because City B was found to have the highest rate of rape in the National Crime Study. Thus, City A does not have a violent crime problem.

Fallacy: City A may not have the highest rate of rape in the country, but it could have other statistics — such as the rate of murder or assault — that would lead the National Crime Study to indicate that it had a violent crime problem.

Just because Dr. O’Connor’s claims were false, it doesn’t mean that there are no health concerns in Fort Chipewyan. Indeed, Alberta Health Services indicated that cancer rates within Fort Chipewyan are 30% higher than expected and oilsands industrial pollution may play a role. Thus, even though credible scientific evidence exists to substantiate Fort Chipewyan’s health concerns, Levant and others try to downplay and dismiss them by attacking Dr. O’Connor’s credibility and characterizing Fort Chipewyan as a community of “liars” and “deadbeats.”

Clearly, this is inaccurate and an attempt to deceive readers rather than to present the whole story and debate the facts. Public health concerns exist in Fort Chipewyan, and if you believe in peer-reviewed, academic science, oilsands industrial activity may have a role. Rather than waging misinformation campaigns, attacking community members, and manipulating the public, why don’t we focus on investigating Fort Chipewyan’s health concerns and uncover what is behind the high rates of cancer, just like the AHS study recommends.

If environmental factors aren’t the cause, great, we can dispel that myth. If it is, let’s clean up the industry and curb pollution by shutting down the tailings ponds. Either way, we have an obligation to Fort Chipewyan residents — as fellow Canadians, Albertans, and human beings — to find out what’s making them sick and, if possible, stop it.

For more information on Public Health Concerns in Fort Chipewyan, please read the Edmonton Journal's feature on the issue, the CBC Edmonton Feature: Fort Chipewyan Health Concerns, Straight Outta Edmonton's Public Health Concerns in Fort Chipewyan, Straight Outta Edmonton's Public Health and Environmental Studies Source List, and other posts on the issue.

Holy Mountain — Mohand the Jogger

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 13 Nov 2010 21:56:00 +0000

I visit Montreal often. The city seems to have a special hold on me and I feel compelled to spend weeks on end there for no particular reason aside from an urge just to be there.

While I'm there, my time is usually spent exploring its streets, soaking up as much of the city as possible, hoping to pass myself off as a local. Or, which is most often the case, I spend my time retracing the steps of Mordecai Richler, wandering Montreal's old Jewish Ghetto, stalking legendary neighborhood eateries such as Wilensky's Light Lunch and Fairmount Bagels.

For me, the landmark I most associate with the Montreal is Mount Royal Park (which is also the city's namesake). Situated north of downtown, the park is home to the city's only mountain (Mount Royal) and unique cultural institutions such as Tam Tams. A night time trek to the top of the mountain, where you get an unbelievable view of Montreal, is a must for any first time visitor.

Mount Royal Park hold a significant role in Montreal's history, as well as on the identity of residents past and present. Recognizing this, National Film Board Canada has created a unique, interactive website that explores this relationship called Holy Mountain.

On the site, there are numerous films that explore the personal relationships and histories of Montrealers with the park. One such film is Mohand the Jogger, a 6 minute web documentary short that chronicles the special relationship between a Montreal restaurateur and the park. You can find it in French below (for English, click here - takes time to load).

Review: World's Greenest Oil - Turning the Oil Sands from Black to Green

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 05 Nov 2010 05:52:00 +0000

For Peter Silverstone, cleaning up the oilsands has nothing to do with mitigating the effects of climate change. Rather, it has to do with mitigating the effects climate change has on oilsands.

In the World's Greenest Oil: Turning the Oil Sands from Black to Green, Silverstone argues that whether or not you believe in human induced climate change, the world is moving in that direction and subsequent market shifts will significantly influence the attractiveness of the oilsands as an energy source.

Silverstone argues this by outlining various issues related to development and assessing their likely impact on the oilsands' attractiveness. For example, many claim the shift away from open-pit mining to in-situ SAGD production will improve the industry's international image, as pictures showing development transforming lush ecosystems into barren wastelands will be replaced by those revealing minimal environment impact.

Open-Pit Mining

In-Situ SAGD Production

However, current in-situ methods (SAGD) will actually make Alberta oil "dirtier," as the process has a larger carbon impact than open-pit mining (though he notes that VAPEX, COGD, THAI, and other extractions methods may lead to significantly less emissions)

Further, Silverstone investigates the claim made by many Albertan politicians that if restrictive environmental legislation is passed in the United States, we could turn to markets in Asia who desperately need our oil. In reality, the transportation infrastructure required for Alberta to export a significant quantity of oil to Asia is decades away from completion and is facing significant opposition by British Columbians.

Even if built, the province wouldn't come close to exporting the amount slated to be produced within the decade. There is also uncertainty as to whether countries like China and India would want to make major investments in the oilsands, as they are aggressively pursuing alternative energy sources domestically (China is the world's biggest investor in renewable energy).

The solution, according to Silverstone, is to make Alberta an attractive energy provider by "greening" the oilsands. Specifically, he proposes to change Alberta's current royalty framework to include economic incentives for industry to decrease its CO2 emissions. This will motivate companies to pursue extraction methods that are less energy intensive and invest in developing renewable energy sources, which can be used to power the extraction, upgrading, and refining of oilsands.

The World's Greenest Oil is clearly written for an audience that is not familiar with the Alberta Oilsands and is an effective introduction to the issue. For each point he raises, Silverstone tries to provide the range of perspectives held, as well as an exhaustive list of sources, so readers can get a sense of the various positions and where to look for further information. In doing so, he focuses on simplicity and breadth, rather than detail, summarizing the issue and his argument in under 100 pages. Consequently, for people who already have a decent understanding of the Alberta Oilsands, it might be better to skip to the final chapter, where Silverstone introduces his policy proposal, rather than read the entire book.

However, a major limitation is the book's narrow focus. At the outset, Silverstone clearly states he's only interested oilsands development policy from a CO2 emissions standpoint, which he believes is the industry's biggest threat. This may be true, but by ignoring oilsands industrial pollution, tailings ponds, and other factors, readers fail to recognize how these issues are shaping current debates.

For some reason Silverstone, and most other commentators, think they can omit these importance aspects from their discussions and still provide a comprehensive understanding of the issue. In reality, all these social and environmental issues are linked, significantly impacting how the world views the Alberta Oilsands and our subsequent development policy.

Overall though, the World's Greenest Oil summarizes contemporary debates well and convincingly shows that Alberta needs to take a more proactive stance to ensure environmental issues that have arisen from oilsands development are adequately dealt with. Not only will this have social benefits, but it will also increase the attractiveness of the oilsands as an energy source — something that must be considered as international opposition to the Alberta Oilsands continues to grow.

World's Greenest Oil: Turning the Oil Sands from Black to Green is available at Audrey's Bookstore in Edmonton or online.

Update: Peter Silverstone discussing his book with the Edmonton Journal.

Carl Benito Throws Wife Under Bus, Figuratively Speaking

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 02 Nov 2010 21:48:00 +0000

Edmonton-Milwoods MLA Carl Benito provides a bizarre explanation for paying his property taxes. His wife forgot... even though he disclosed these unpaid taxes months before he submitted his Public Disclosure Statement to Alberta's Ethics commissioner (found below).

Listen to audio of Benito's press scrum

Benito by Karen Kleiss

Benito's Public Disclosure Statement:

Benito

Benito is best known for promising to donate his entire salary to charity if elected during the 2008 Alberta Provincial Election. Although elected, he later reneged on the promise, claiming he didn't in fact actually promise to donate his entire salary, but only a fraction.

Benito wasn't the only Progressive Conservative MLA to come under fire after Alberta MLA Public Disclosure Statements were made public. In an article published by the Edmonton Journal, Karen Kleiss reveals that government members and ministers received paid vacations and concert tickets from lobbyists.

*Kudos to Karen Kleiss for uploading the Public Disclosure Statements on Scribd and posting audio from scrum on Soundcloud. Kleiss does a great job integrating social media to present the story. This is where journalism should be heading, providing viewers/consumers direct access to the "news" -- not just the perspectives of those journalists covering a story.

Questions Emerge After Alberta Environment Minister Outlines Tailings Pond Safety

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 30 Oct 2010 00:30:00 +0000

I wrote to Alberta Environment Minister Rob Renner two weeks ago inquiring what, if any, plan the Alberta Government had to deal with a tailings breach.

Here's what Minister Renner wrote back:

Alberta Environment Minister Rob Renner on Tailings Breaches in Alberta

The answer is not surprising. In the letter, Renner provides few details to support broad statements such as Alberta tailings ponds are carefully regulated and the province has a strategy that can adequately deal with a tailings breach.

This Pembina Institute document (pages 19-24) and blog post outlines the history of tailings breaches in Alberta, what the consequences of a new tailings breach would be, and the lack of government transparency with respect to provincial regulations governing tailings ponds, pond safety and breach response plans. As the chart below clearly indicates, since much of the regulations, safety assessments, and emergency response plans are kept secret, the Alberta Government and Oilsands Industry are the only one who know how safe the tailings ponds are, who's at risk if a breach occurs, and how prepared we are to respond to a breach.

In an interview I had with renowned ecologist Dr. David Schindler, he stressed that a breach would have catastrophic consequences, particularly if one occurred during the winter. According to Schindler, a breach in winter would allow the toxins to be submerged under the ice for at least four months before any recovery operation could begin. This is because there is no known way to clean a tailings breach under ice.

Consequently, pollutants would easily disperse, being "in Lake Athabasca in about a week, all the way down the Slave within three to four, probably in much of the Mackenzie after that." Meaning, not only would a tailings breach effect downstream communities in northern Alberta, but also in the Northwest Territories.

(Tar Island 1 is now Wapisiw Lookout)

This is interesting because in his letter, Minister Renner states:

"Under Alberta's Water Act, oil sands companies are required to document in an Emergency Preparedness Plan the extent of the area that would be affected if a breach of their tailings structures occurred. Potential downstream effects must be identified, as well as the assigned roles and responsibilities of staff to deal with the breach. Each group downstream, with the potential to be affected by the breach, must have a copy of the Emergency Preparedness Plan." (6th Paragraph)

If all oilsands companies that operate tailings ponds are mandated to provide each "group" downstream (which I interpret to mean oilsands companies — though I'm not sure since the wording is ambiguous) with a copy of their Emergency Preparedness Plan, how come Albertans as a whole are not allowed similar access? As the Pembina Institute points out, current provincial legislation allows companies to keep these plans private.

Shouldn't downstream communities be aware of the risk they are placed in and what measures oilsands companies have in case of a breach?

Further, if Dr. Schindler is correct and a tailings breach in winter would allow pollutants to travel rapidly without an opportunity to stop the spread for months, should the Alberta Government not share this information with the Northwest Territories?

In the wake of more ducks landing in Northern Alberta tailings ponds this week, many have called on the province and industry to eradicate wet tailings ponds quicker. Seldom attention is paid to the larger consequences of tailings ponds, as well as the risk they pose to surrounding communities — particularly if a breach occurred.

To me, this is a more compelling reason to phase out wet tailings ponds immediately.

UPDATE: Alex Denonville, a reporter with the Slave River Journal, is reporting that the Alberta Government's Canadian Dam Association: Dam Safety Guidelines is only available for a $60 fee. Why the steep fee when the document is in the public interest? It should be easily accessible by all.

Stand With Fort Chipewyan's Statement of Thanks

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 29 Oct 2010 01:14:00 +0000

A statement sent out by the Stand With Fort Chipewyan Executive to supporters of the "Send Ed to Fort Chip" Campaign

Never doubt what a small group of committed citizens can achieve.

Alberta Premier Ed Stelmach has promised to visit Fort Chipewyan. This is after Stand With Fort Chipewyan, along with Fort Chipewyan elders, visited the Alberta Legislature today, personally delivering the Premier a paid, round-trip ticket to Fort Chipewyan. Along with the ticket, the Premier was extended an invitation to visit the community so he could listen to the health concerns of residents directly.

What we accomplished today was unlikely at the start of this campaign. Never did we think that Premier Stelmach would actually take up the offer and commit to traveling to Fort Chipewyan.

The success of this campaign was directly the result of your efforts, and for that, we at Stand With Fort Chipewyan would like to thank you.

Your donations bought the ticket.

Your signatures and countless letters demonstrated to the Alberta Government that people care about the health concerns of Fort Chipewyan residents.

Even by simply joining the facebook group and discussing the issue with others, you've demonstrated that Albertans and Canadians care about the public health issues in Fort Chipewyan. Not only has this motivated us to continue our advocacy efforts, but from what Fort Chipewyan residents have told us, it has showed them that they are not alone in their struggle.

Thank You,

The Stand With Fort Chipewyan Executive