Challenging the popular belief that people who join new religious movements (NRMs) become “entrapped,” this study describes the way in which 23 former members of 11 different “cults” personally negotiated disaffiliation. The current findings support previous studies that posit exit as a resolution to unresolved doubts and dissonances, and contribute to this literature by suggesting that the nature of these dissonances, and the way in which exit constitutes a “solution” to these dissonances may vary. It is suggested that for approximately half of the participants in this study, the dissonances that precipitated exit, were relatively minor, primarily caused by organizational changes and inconsistencies in the teachings. While generally doubts were resolved privately and commitment sustained, exit occurred when alternate discourses or other identity resources became available through which doubts could become resolved. The remaining participants describe the conflicts that precipitated disaffiliation as pertaining to tensions between the groups' expectation of conformity and their sense of autonomy. These participants describe exit as a solution to the stress and emotional exhaustion of membership. To make sense of these different disaffiliation narratives, symbolic interactionist notions of the self as constructed in both the realm of “Self” and “Others” are applied.

Drawing from semistructured interviews with gay, celibate Christians or “Side B” individuals, I explore the emotion of desire. I specifically attend to these questions: How do Side Bs interpret and communicate feeling rules connected to desire? How do these individuals manage desire? How might feeling rules and conceptualizations of this feeling serve as an important source of boundary heightening? Finally, how might shared feeling rules create connection with others who do not identify as Side B? By attending to these questions, I illustrate the relationship between the conceptualization of an emotion and a set of feeling rules and emotion management strategies. I also highlight how such rules and strategies can serve as a source of boundary heightening, or alternatively, as a bridge between seemingly disparate groups.

Many of the procedures undertaken within healthcare require specialized forms of participation that may be unfamiliar, even disturbing, to patients or clients. The practitioner has to encourage and enable participation in the investigation in an appropriate fashion while preserving the structure and integrity of the procedure. In this article, we consider optometry and the deployment of a vision test, known as subject refraction, that provides data to help determine the characteristics of any corrective lens that may be required by clients. The procedure's ability to establish robust and reliable data relies upon the optometrist's ability to encourage the client to respond to a series of stimuli without consideration or reflection. That is, the client is required to produce an unwitting response—conduct that might be considered nonsymbolic rather than symbolic. In this article, we also consider the optometrist's talk and bodily comportment during subjective refraction and how it serves to shape and determine the quality of the client's response and participation, and in turn to produce reliable test results.

While the social scientific study of prayer is growing, little work has investigated prayer utterances—or statements where social actors say the term “prayer” or various cognates—in everyday talk. Drawing on insights from ordinary language philosophy, I argue that prayer utterances are performative utterances that help social actors accomplish a variety of actions in social interactions. To illustrate the performative nature of prayer utterances, I describe three types of actions that prayer utterances can accomplish: (1) aligning potentially problematic or questionable conduct with cultural expectations, (2) signaling to others an intense yearning for an object or occurrence on the behalf of oneself or others, and (3) signaling to others authentic feelings of care for another person or group of people. I conclude with a discussion of the implications of the analysis.

This article advances the scholarship on inhabited institutions with analysis of the professional socialization of new teachers. My findings show that incoming teachers develop a perspective I call an “injunction to adapt” to prospective classroom contingencies, and define this as fundamental to effective teaching. Teacher candidates become primed to perform prospective work in ways that are tightly-coupled with institutional mandates of public schools in some ways, and loosely-coupled with them in others. I argue that attention to professional socialization highlights the ways that people's sense-making can be prospective and anticipatory as well as ongoing and retrospective. Furthermore, I argue that analyzing professional socialization as a process of “interpretive reproduction” offers fruitful opportunity to wed the key strengths of symbolic interactionism with new institutionalism, as it reveals ways in which interaction and sense-making can serve to reproduce and maintain the legitimacy of institutional logics while also serving as a source of individual creativity.

In a racialized social system, racial slurs and stereotypes applied to whites by nonwhites do not carry the same meanings or outcomes as they do when these roles are swapped. That is, racial epithets directed toward whites are unlikely to affect their life chances in the same way that racial epithets directed toward minorities do. Our central question in this paper is in what ways are epithets and stereotypes racially unequal? To answer this question, we rely upon a case study to drive our analysis. We argue that the symbolic meanings and outcomes of epithets and stereotypes matter because they maintain white supremacy in both material and symbolic ways. Thus, they serve as resources that impose, confer, deny, and approve other capital rewards in everyday interactions that ultimately exclude racial minorities, blacks and Latinas/os in particular, from opportunities and resources while preserving white supremacy.

Howard S. Becker is, and has been, a major figure in contemporary sociology, especially within the symbolic interactionist perspective. This discussion describes my initial encounter with Howie in the mid-1960s and moves to identify the substantive and methodological areas in which he has had major impact. I then briefly outline various ways in which the foci of my own work have been shaped by Becker's instruction and example.