አክሱም ፖስት The Aksum Post

Red flag raised over possible ‘genocide’ in Ethiopia's Tigray, By FRED OLOUCH

2022-05-19T09:20:00.006-07:00

What you need to know:

The war that began in November 2020 between forces of the government of Prime Minister Ahmed Abiy and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has caused great human suffering. It has extended southwards to the Amhara region and eastwards to the Afar region.
A joint investigation by the UN Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) found that parties on both sides of the conflict have committed serious human rights abuses
Fifteen African civil society organisations have warned that the ongoing war in Ethiopia could equal the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, unless the United Nations immediately puts the conflict on its agenda.

In a May 18 letter to the UN Security Council, the groups say that besides war crimes and crimes against humanity on both sides of the conflict, words such as “cancer” and “devil” that are used to refer to human beings cast as opponents reflect what preceded the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

In Rwanda, the then Hutu-led government referred to the Tutsi population as “cockroaches”, giving the impression that they were parasites that needed to be exterminated.

“Twenty-eight years ago, the Security Council similarly failed to recognize the warning signs of genocide in Rwanda or act to stop it,” says the letter that was spearheaded by Hala Al Karib, a women’s rights activist in the Horn of Africa and Sudan region, and Corlett Letlojane, executive director of the Human Rights Institute of South Africa.

“The United Nations had the means to intervene, but simply did not care enough about Rwanda to intervene appropriately. We are concerned that the situation is repeating itself in Ethiopia today. We call on you to learn the lessons from Rwanda and act now.”

The war that began in November 2020 between forces of the government of Prime Minister Ahmed Abiy and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has caused great human suffering. It has extended southwards to the Amhara region and eastwards to the Afar region.

A joint investigation by the UN Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) found that parties on both sides of the conflict have committed serious human rights abuses, including attacks on civilians, unlawful killings and extrajudicial executions, torture, arbitrary detentions, abductions and enforced disappearances and rape and other sexual violence.

The government has sought to use food as a weapon of war, blocking humanitarian assistance as a tool to starve Tigrayans into submission. It has been estimated that half a million people have died, 4.2 million have been displaced and nine million are in need of humanitarian assistance.

A recent joint report by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch based on over 400 interviews conducted over 15 months documents ethnic cleansing in western Tigray. “In this context, there are serious reasons for concern about ongoing ethnic tensions and that violence may rise to the level of genocide,” the letter says.

The groups say that despite the seriousness of the situation, the UN Security Council has failed to formally address the situation in Ethiopia.

“This is a critical moment for the UN to take decisive action that leverages these openings to benefit the people of Ethiopia. This cannot be done, however, without clear leadership from the UN Security Council,” the letter says.

The UN Human Rights Council has taken significant action to bring the human rights violations committed in Ethiopia to light, both through its joint investigation with the EHRC and through the appointment of an international commission of human rights experts.

The group says that the UN Security Council should support these efforts with its diplomatic muscle.

While the announcement of a truce in late March offered an important opening for dialogue, the groups say the UN must take action to ensure that both sides are publicly committed to it, to increase humanitarian aid delivered to Tigray.

“Such action will be vital to assisting the Ethiopian men, women, and children who have been suffering both direct hostilities, associated human rights violations, and obstructed humanitarian aid,” the letter says.

The civil society groups are now demanding that the UN Security Council formally place Ethiopia on its agenda and take several key steps like requesting regular reporting on the situation on the ground in Ethiopia, which will provide the Council with the information that it needs and the forum to monitor how the Ethiopian government and that of the Tigray region comply with their international law obligations.

Other recommendations from the groups include pressing the parties for immediate and unimpeded humanitarian access, including access to detention facilities, where civilians are particularly at risk.

They also propose the imposing of an arms embargo on all parties to the conflict, with a UN monitoring body to report on the implementation of the embargo, and the disarming of militias that have been at the forefront of grave human rights violations.

Others are a call for a verification mechanism to ensure the withdrawal of Eritrean troops from Ethiopia; support for political mediation in the conflict in cooperation with the African Union; and support for the deployment of an AU-led international peacekeeping force in Western Tigray with the mandate to protect civilians and promote the delivery of humanitarian aid.

They also want those responsible for the most serious violations committed over the last 16 months to be made accountable for their actions, including by supporting the work of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts.

(Source:Nation)

Somali troops committed atrocities in Tigray as new alliance emerged, survivors say, LUCY KASSA SPECIAL TO THE GLOBE AND MAIL PUBLISHED JANUARY 20, 2022

2022-05-18T12:44:00.000-07:00

Villagers return from a market to Yechila town in south central Tigray walking past scores of burned vehicles, in Tigray, Ethiopia, July 10, 2021.

Accounts of atrocities by Somali soldiers in Ethiopia’s Tigray war are casting a spotlight on an emerging military alliance that has reshaped the Horn of Africa, weakening Western influence in a strategically important region.

The Globe and Mail has obtained eyewitness reports of massacres by Somali troops embedded with Eritrean forces in Tigray in the early months of the war. The new evidence raises disturbing questions about a covert military alliance between Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia that has inflicted death and destruction on the rebellious Tigray region in northern Ethiopia.

Officially, the three governments have denied any alliance, and Somalia has denied that its troops were deployed in Tigray. But The Globe’s investigation has provided, for the first time, extensive details of civilian killings committed by Somali soldiers allied with Eritrean forces in the region.

Gebretsadik, a 52-year-old farmer from the village of Zebangedena in northwestern Tigray, said the dusty roads of his village were strewn with the bodies of decapitated clergymen in December, 2020, a few weeks after the beginning of the war.

Some of the priests and monks were people he recognized. Somali soldiers, working alongside Eritrean forces who had captured the village, had targeted churches and killed the clergymen, he said.

“They slaughtered them like chickens,” he told The Globe.

The Somali and Eritrean troops stayed in the village until late February, according to Gebretsadik, who often fled to the bushes and mountains around the village to escape attacks during that time.

The Globe talked to dozens of survivors who had witnessed atrocities in six Tigrayan villages where Somali troops had been stationed between early December, 2020, and late February, 2021. The Globe is not publishing their full names or their current locations because their lives could be in danger.

The survivors said the Somali troops were wearing Eritrean military uniforms, but they were clearly identifiable as Somali because of their language and their physical appearance. Unlike the Eritreans, they could not speak any Tigrinya, the language spoken in Tigray and much of Eritrea. The witnesses said they also heard the Eritrean troops referring to them as Somalis.

Last year, United Nations and U.S. officials said they had received information that Somali troops were present in Tigray, but few details were known. Somali parents held several protests in Mogadishu and other places in Somalia last year, complaining that their sons had been ordered to fight in Tigray after being originally sent to Eritrea for military training. Hundreds of Somali soldiers were reportedly killed in the fighting.Up to 10,000 Somali troops were deployed in Tigray, according to current and former Ethiopian officials who spoke to The Globe. The Globe is not identifying the individuals because they face the threat of reprisals for their comments.

Until now, few details were known about the activities of the Somalis in Tigray. But the survivors told The Globe that the Somali troops had massacred hundreds of civilians in villages controlled by the Eritrean military, often beheading them. No Ethiopian troops were present in the villages, they said.

“They showed no mercy,” said Berket, a 32-year-old farmer in the Tigrayan village of Mai Harmaz. “The Eritreans interrogate you before they kill you. But the Somali troops were full of contempt for that.”

One of his neighbours, a 76-year-old priest, was among those killed by the Somali troops, he said.

Kibrom, a 37-year-old man who fled the village of Hamlo in January, said the beheadings by Somali troops became an “everyday reality” in his village.

“The churches were inhabited by the troops,” he said. “They burned the holy books and sacred objects. Churches became the most unsafe places. Villagers stopped going to churches because the Somali troops would kill anyone they found in churches.”

According to former Ethiopian officials, most of the Somali troops crossed the border from Eritrea into western Tigray in the early weeks of the war. They said the Somali troops, under the command of the Eritrean army, had already been stationed in trenches near the border before the war began.

“They undoubtedly have participated in the war,” said Gebremeskel Kassa, who was chief of staff in the interim administration in Tigray that the Ethiopian government appointed after seizing control of the region in the early months of the war. He later fled abroad, fearing for his safety when Ethiopian officials criticized him for Tigrayan military gains in the region.

Mr. Gebremeskel said he knew about the Somali deployment from his travels in Tigray and his private meetings with top Ethiopian officials and military generals.

“All of us who were top officials had knowledge of that,” he told The Globe. “The Somali troops took training in the Eritrean camp of Sawa as a result of a military deal between the three governments before the war started.”

When the deployment became politically controversial in Somalia, especially after the protests by the parents and questions by parliamentarians, the Somali soldiers were sent back to Eritrea, he said. They completed their withdrawal by March, the officials said.

The unofficial military alliance among Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia, which is believed to date back to secret agreements after Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in Ethiopia in 2018, is a further blow to the declining influence of Western governments in the Horn of Africa.

Eritrea had already been long isolated on the international stage, but Ethiopia and Somalia had close relations with the United States and other Western governments in the past. Ethiopia’s relations with the West have deteriorated since the Tigray war began, largely as a result of Western pressure to halt the war.

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, the authoritarian ruler of his country for nearly three decades, is a key player in the three-country alliance. “He sees this as an opportunity to reshape the whole of the Horn of Africa in his direction,” said Martin Plaut, a British-based Eritrea expert and commentator.

“Getting these Somali troops involved was just the first instalment of this much longer, much more important relationship that he was trying to build in which he would be the king, with allies both in Somalia and Ethiopia,” Mr. Plaut told The Globe.

“He has pursued his ambition of destroying the Tigrayans since the 1970s. To achieve his ends, he would like to establish a transnational relationship in the Horn that allows the individual states to exist, but to support each other, while crushing local movements.”

With a report by Geoffrey York in Johannesburg

Source: The Globe and Mail

The civil war in Ethiopia is stage-managed by Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, UAE and other countries from The Arab League

2022-05-02T01:11:00.001-07:00

Ethiopia is involved in a destructive civil war. What seemed a reform appeared to be a well-organized war against Ethiopians. The Ethiopian people were taken by surprise. The ruling party, EPRDF was infiltrated by Eritrea and Eritrea trained Opposition Groups such as Berhanu Nega and Andargatchew Tsige's Patriotic Front.

Colonel Abiy Ahmed Ali, who was Deputy Head of Ethiopia's National Security Agency (INSA) was working with Eritrea and the armed Opposition groups based in Eritrea. Abiy ahmed Ali became prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 through a coup d'etat. He was not formally elected and has no legal representation for the people of Ethiopia.

The current destructive war in Ethiopia happened with direct intervention of Eritrea and UAE. Somalia, Egypt were also involved. Why The Arabs create wars in Ethiopia is clear: They want to occupy Ethiopia or control it's resources, which is impossible to do as Ethiopia has a population of !20 million and the people are ready to stand up for their country.

To stop the current destructive civil war, we need to protect Ethiopia from Arab imperialism. We need to fight the Arabs under our terms.

The Ethiopia Eritrea Peace Agreement has brought war and was organised by Saudi Arabia. The future belongs to Ethiopia we need to make The Saudi Arabia leaders responsible for the current human suffering in Ethiopia.

The so-called Ethiopia Eritrea Peace Agreement was a declaration of war on Ethiopia by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Sudan and other member countries of The Arab League

Ethiopia needs to foil this conspiracy, which means declaring war on Sudan and Egypt. Abiy Ahmed's government cannot declare war or protect Ethiopia as it has destroyed Ethiopia by collaborating with Eritrea. Eritrea's main goal could have been to destroy Tigray as a polity. But this is a pipe dream, as Tigray has much more population and resources than Eritrea, which means Tigray in the long run will defeat Eritrea. Eritrea tried to destroy Amhara Regions, but it was met with stiff resistance. Now Eritrean troops are fighting every where in Ethiopia to maintain the status quo, where Eritrea has a say in decision making of the government of Abiy Ahmed and controls the security. Eritrea further controls the Ethiopian army. All this is a plan of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, Eritrea being the running dog.

Even though Tigray Regional State is under siege for the last 18 months, Tigray maintains a robust army, fighting Eritrean mercenary army, liberating areas occupied by Amhara militia and fighting Ethiopia's fascist army. Eritrea continues to train Amhara militia and supplies weapons to Amhara fascist armed groups.

In the southern part of Ethiopia , Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has been making progress. Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) units have controlled and liberated districts /30 km far from Fin Finne (Addis Abeba).

Gumuz Liberation Front has also been waging war against Amhara fascists and Ethiopian troops.

Up in North Ethiopia, Agew Democratic Movement has liberated large swathes of land from Ethiopian and Amhara fascists.

These sporadic battles show that the government of Ethiopia is weak at the centre as it does not represent the people of Ethiopia. Thus non-Amhara Ethiopians will continue the war until the central government hands over power. We believe democratic forces from the Amhara community should fight the Amhara fascist groups and show solidarity with non-Amhara Ethiopians. However, no democratic Amhara group has come forward that condemned the genocide in Western Tigray or the massacre of Gumuz people.No Amhara political group has condemned the 18-month old siege on Tigray where among other 2000 children were starved to death by Abiy Ahmed Regime.

The main aim of the civil war in Ethiopia is to form a government that represents the people of Ethiopia and provides protection of life of citizens and their property. The armed opposition groups and non-armed opposition groups should form a coalition or united front to overthrow Abiy Ahmed's government. There is no declaration from the armed opposition group that they have formed a coalition or united front. We hope to see the formation of a united front that represents all Ethiopia. This coalition of all opposition groups is detrimental to perform effective resistance to Egypt's and Saudi Arabia's war in Ethiopia. Without a central command, the prospects of victory are deem.

With a national leadership fighting against Abiy Ahmed's Regime, which is a stooge of Arab Imperialism, Ethiopia's liberation will be certain. After controlling Ethiopia, we can wage war against Saudi Arabia, Egypt or Sudan.

TPLF or TDF seems less interested to form a united front or a centralized struggle to overthrow Abiy Ahmed's government and resist Egypt, Sudan and Saudi Arbia intervention. Our strategy should be to form a centralized resistance and if TPLF is reluctant, then we can form a united front without TDF or TPLF.n my l

Part of The Red Sea Should be under Tigray-Ethiopia

2022-04-24T07:27:00.007-07:00

Ethiopia, with a population of 120 million, has been landlocked since 1993 in a sham referendum leading to the secession of Eritrea, a former district of Tigray Regional State, North Ethiopia. Ethiopians do not want Eritreans back to Ethiopia. They rather live with the population which has similar history. Ethiopia was not colonized whereas Eritrea was a colony of Italy which is negative to most Ethiopians. Eritreans are seen as ascari or banda because many of their parents were serving the Italian colonial army.

Land-locking Ethiopia was wrong and has no justification what soever. In fact the Red Sea was developed by Aksumite Ethiopia about 4000 years ago. Aksumite Ethiopia maintained a fleet of ships that affected the balance of trade of The Roman Empire and other powers of the time. The ships leaving Adulis were destined to Europe, Asia including China and India. This means Aksumite Ethiopia had its own ports which were in Western and Eastern parts of The Red sea.

As the following map shows Aksumite Ethiopia controlled Yemen and Southern Arabia, which lasted until 700 CE.

Aksumite Ethiopia had a large fleet of vessels and was an important trade partner with Roman Empire, Perssia, China and India. With the exchange of trade, new technologies were imported to Aksumite Ethiopia. The Army was modernized getting quite advanced weaponry used by The Roman Army.

Aksumite Ethiopia was in decline in 9th Century CE and a new capital was established in Lalibella, Agaw Medir or Wello. After 1 th Century new kings ruled the country with priority of pacifying and uniting the country. Ethiopia still used The Red sea for trade, but not as much as during The Aksumite Era. The Western Red Sea remained under Ethiopian control. There were some troops sporadically landing in Massawa and Asseb. But the local Tigrayan Feudal Lords acting in the name of the Sovereign evicted the troops. Practically The Western Red Sea has been under Ethiopia until 1889, where Menelik, king of Ethiopia signed a treaty with Italy giving Tigray's districts (Bogos, Hammassen and Akule Guzay) to Italy. This is the darkest day in Ethiopia's history, a king without any royal blood giving away sovereign land to Italy. This is known in history as the Wichale Treaty. We post the treaty below:

"Treaty of Wuchale (or, Treaty of Ucciale; in Italian, Trattato di Uccialli) was a treaty signed by King Menelik II of Shewa, later the Emperor of Ethiopia with Count Pietro Antonelli of Italy in the town of Wuchale, Ethiopia, on 2 May 1889. The treaty stated that the regions of Bogos, Hamasien, Akkele Guzay, and Serae were part of the Italian colony of Eritrea and is the origin of the Italian colony and modern state of Eritrea. Per the Treaty, Italy promised financial assistance and military supplies.

The contents of Article 3 of the treaty state the following:[1

Art. 3. To remove any ambiguity about the limits of the territories over which the two Contracting Parties shall exercise the rights of sovereignty, a special committee composed of two Italian delegates and two Ethiopians will trace on the ground with appropriate signs a permanent boundary line whose benchmarks are established as follows:

a) The line of the plateau will mark the Italian-Ethiopian border;

b) Starting from the region Arafali, Halai, Saganeiti and Asmara are villages in the Italian border;

c) Adi Adi Nefas and Joannes will be on the side of Bogos in the Italian border;

d) From Adi Joannes a straight line extended from east to west will mark the border between Italy and Ethiopia.

Disputes over Article 17 regarding the conduct of foreign affairs led to the First Italo–Ethiopian War. The Italian version stated that Ethiopia was obliged to conduct all foreign affairs through Italian authorities, in effect making Ethiopia an Italian protectorate, while the Amharic version gave Ethiopia considerable autonomy, with the option of communicating with third powers through the Italians.[2] The misunderstanding, according to the Italians, was due to the mistranslation of a verb, which formed a permissive clause in Amharic and a mandatory one in Italian.[3]

According the illegal treaty between Menelik, a war lord in Shoa and Italy, The Mereb and Muna Rivers and their extension to The Red Sea is the boundary between Ethiopia and The Italian colony of Eritrea. Up to now the boundary between Ethiopia and Eritrea has not been delineated. We think it is time for the government of Ethiopia to delineate the boundary between Ethiopia and Eritrea. We believe the new boundary will give Ethiopia and Tigray (Ethiopia's northern province access to Red Sea) which means Ethiopia can exploit it for tourism, military and commerce.

Ethiopians in general and Tigray-Ethiopians should not accept such injustice on our people. The Red Sea belongs to Ethiopia and should be given back to Ethiopia. Some Eritreans who have joined Ethiopia's political party's have been ignoring such issues. Bereket Simon and Meles Zenawi, who are Tigrayans from Eritrea have been instrumental in landlocking Ethiopia or if you like Tigray-Ethiopia. This cannot go on and we need to finally give The Red Sea Coast to whom it belongs - to Tigray Ethiopians or Ethiopians.

We would like to add the following map of Northeast Africa in 1849, where The Red Sea is shown to be part of Tigray. Besides Wolqait is put as part of Tigray.

With such historical evidences, we do not accept Tigray-Ethiopia to be landlocked. TPLF leaders and cadres are serving Eritrea instead of Tigray-Ethiopia. We need to condemn such betrayal of Tigray Ethiopia. We are happy for Ethiopia to have The Red Sea . However, there is little interest shown by the various ethnic groups to have their own Red Sea back because they have easy access from Somalia and Kenya.

Administrative map of Tigray in 1849. Tigray borders The Red Sea and Afar has been part of Tigray.

Esteemed Reader,

What happened in Tigray is really injustice by ethnofascist groups from Eritrea led by Issayas Afeworki and Muslim fundamentalist, Romadan, the ex-chairman of EPLF (Eritrea's People Liberation Front). We believe behind all this is Egypt and The Arab League. They want to simply landlock Ethiopia or Tigray-Ethiopia. We need to fight this injustice so that Tigray-Ethiopia gets it's own Red Sea Coast back. The Red Sea Coast is vitally important for tourism, commerce, military and national security. It is a free access to any part of the world and Tigray-Ethiopia needs to get back it's own Red Sea Coast. The other mind boggling question is, why did TPLF leaders, specially Meles Zenawi ( half cast Eritrean) , Sebhat Nega ( half-cast Eritrean who bite the finger it fed him -Tigray), Bereket Simon ( an Eritrean leading Amara group in Gonder, now in prison) support the landlocking of Ethiopia or Tigray-Ethiopia? Why so much treason and betrayal by TPLF leaders? Why are Tigray people not allowed to know about their history? TPLF leaders are Eritrean agents. We should stop them from destroying our heritage.

Is the humanitarian truce working or is it a military pretext to attack Tigray again?

2022-04-17T11:50:00.001-07:00

On 01/04/2022 Ethiopia and Tigray agreed on a humanitarian truce after week long negotiations under the supervision of USA, EU and UN. Ethiopia has been not observing the humanitarian truce. It has been refusing to send humanitarian aid to Tigray giving reason of war in Afar region or in other parts of Ethiopia. The World Food Programme package usually is dispatched to the port of Djibouti and from there it has to be sent to Tigray.

Ethiopia has no legal government and Colonel Abiy Ahmed Ali is the self-appointed prime minister. PM Abiy ahmed Ali and his government have been an obstacle, using delaying tactics to deliver the food, medicine and other needed material provided by World Food Programme. Ethiopia thus purposely uses starvation as a weapon of war. The government in Fin Finne (Addis Ababa) has no political will to deliver food aid to Tigray. Thus other means of delivering food and other needed material to Tigray should be looked in to.

Further negotiations showed Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) were asked as precondition to deliver food to Tigray to leave some Afari villagesand towns which are under control of TDF. Such demands are entirely illegal and wrong as TDF (Tigray Defense Forces) is an Ethiopian organisation and can use any territory in Ethiopia to guarantee safety to Tigray people. Besides TDF are not hostile to Afar people. They protect their interests and can administer the area until proper government is in place. TDF withdrew tactically from one of the Afar sub-districts to get the food aid delivered to the people of Tigray. Militarily this does not bring any disadvantage to TDF as they can occupy the area again. However, the humanitarian truce should NOT allow Ethiopia and Eritrea to make troop movements close to Tigray. Otherwise the humanitarian truce is a cover-up for Ethiopia and Eritrea to attack Tigray. UN, USA and EU should have condemned the movements of troops from Ethiopia, Eritrea and Afar to occupy the area left by TDF.

Humanitarian assistance to the people of Tigray should go unhindered. TDF should not be forced to leave any areas it is controlling. The Government of Tigray and World Food Programme workers can distribute the food and other material to the people that need the assistance.

The UN, USA and EU should not allow Ethiopia to take lands or areas that has been under Tigray administration before the current war started. The Raya Region in South Tigray has been part of Tigray. Under EPRDF the boundary between Wello and Tigray has been Ofla. Qobo town has been decided to be under Wello even though it is part of Tigray. Historically the boundary of Tigray with Wollo is Ale Wuha River. Towns such Woldia, Hayk should be under Tigray. This could be decided in future negotiations with Wollo or federal government of Ethiopia..

It is imperative that UN, USA and EU should not be party to Amara expansionists and Ethiopia's ethnic cleaning agenda against Tigray. UN, USA and EU should strictly follow the administrative map of Ethiopia which has been in place since 1991. Ethiopian PM and his team of Amara advisors are asking TDF to leave Alamata for more aid to be sent to Tigray. This is not humanitarian truce. It is a cover up to take away fertile areas of Tigray. This should be resisted by TDF and UN.

Building on Ethiopia’s Fragile Truce

2022-04-17T00:59:00.002-07:00

A truce in Ethiopia has generated cautious optimism. As the belligerents take tentative steps toward peace, the first order of business is to surge humanitarian aid into Tigray and restore vital services. The country’s external partners should find ways to nudge all parties toward compromise.

"Donors should NOT ease up on Addis before genuine change is afoot. Abiy is adept at tactical manoeuvring" Crisis Group

After seventeen months of bitter fighting, the main belligerents in Ethiopia’s civil war, the federal and Tigray region governments, recently took a small step toward peace. On 24 March, following direct contact between the two sides’ military leaders, the federal government announced an “indefinite humanitarian truce”. Four days later, Tigray’s authorities said they would adhere to the cessation of hostilities, with officials in the regional capital, Mekelle, suggesting they were cautiously optimistic about prospects for peace. The truce comes not a moment too soon. With federal and allied forces blockading the embattled Tigray region on and off since the war began in November 2020, humanitarian organisations have been unable to consistently deliver aid overland at anything like the scale needed, leaving an estimated five million people in Tigray in urgent need of food and medicine. Since the truce announcements, four aid convoys have reached Tigray.

In order to ensure that the truce holds, Addis Ababa should immediately lift all obstacles to give agencies the unrestricted access they need to alleviate Tigray’s desperate humanitarian situation. Federal authorities should also fully reconnect Tigray to trade networks, the electricity grid, and telecommunications and banking services. As part of subsequent ceasefire talks, Tigray’s forces should withdraw from the parts of neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions they hold. The federal government should attempt to push Amhara forces and Eritrean troops to exit Western Tigray and, in Eritrea’s case, Tigray’s north east. But, if Amhara forces refuse to vacate Western Tigray, Tigray’s leaders, in order to focus now on famine relief across all of the region, should accept federal and international guarantees that Amhara’s annexation of the area will be addressed later. Outside powers cognisant of Ethiopia’s economic woes should condition renewed financial support for the federal government on the concrete measures above as well as on commitments to a more inclusive dialogue about the country’s future.

A Tentative Step

The latest tentative step to end a war that has probably directly killed at least tens of thousands of people (some researchers estimate hundreds of thousands may have died in Tigray in total during the war) comes four months after federal resistance compelled Tigray’s forces to return to their home region, reversing their march toward the capital, Addis Ababa. Hostilities first broke out on 3 November 2020, when the armed forces split after a constitutional dispute over Tigray’s right to autonomously run an election and Tigray forces captured the federal military command in the region. In addition to imposing a blockade, federal troops backed by Eritrean and Amhara forces, overran the region’s defences and installed an interim administration. Tigray’s leaders then regrouped in rural areas and mounted an insurgency that forced federal authorities to flee in June 2021. As Addis Ababa again cut off Tigray’s supplies, Tigrayan units broke out and pushed south over the next five months, taking positions around 100km from the capital.

The federal coalition, however, hit back with newly acquired drones targeting Tigray supply lines, and mass federal and Amhara mobilisation replenishing the forces on the government’s side. Those primary factors, combined perhaps with a lack of international backing for Tigray leaders’ goal of overthrowing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the apparent weakness of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), an insurgency in Ethiopia’s populous Oromia region allied with the Tigrayans, seemingly contributed to Mekelle’s December decision to retreat.

Next, the federal government showed welcome restraint. On 22 December, it said it would refrain from pursuing Tigray’s fighters inside their home region. Weeks later, it dropped charges against high-profile opposition prisoners, including veteran leaders of Tigray’s banned ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which for decades dominated Ethiopia’s ruling coalition. The federal government also appointed a commission to oversee a National Dialogue, which opposition parties had long demanded to heal the country’s chronic ethno-political divides. The dialogue faces steep hurdles. Opposition parties, even those close to the government, note that the process of appointing the commission lacked transparency. Nor is there any indication that the authorities will allow representatives of the main armed groups, the TPLF and the OLA, to join the talks. Still, given the federal government’s previous efforts to crush Tigray’s leadership and rejection of dialogue with other opponents, these small conciliatory steps were significant.

Although aid by air to Tigray has increased, federal and allied regional authorities continue to put up administrative and security barriers to overland deliveries.

Meanwhile, although aid by air to Tigray has increased, federal and allied regional authorities continue to put up administrative and security barriers to overland deliveries, consistent with the siege strategy that Addis Ababa has pursued since the conflict began. While claiming that it is trying its utmost to help Tigrayans in need, the federal government cut off Tigray’s fuel supplies eight months ago, presumably concerned that deliveries would benefit Tigray’s resistance. Following the late March truce, the UN managed to send a convoy of twenty trucks to Tigray – the first since December – with most carrying food, but also one, a tanker, bearing 47,000l of fuel. A second convoy of 50 trucks, including three fuel tankers, arrived in Tigray on 15 April, as did vehicles dispatched by the International Committee of the Red Cross. Though badly needed, these shipments are far from sufficient. As many as 700,000 people in Tigray face famine-like conditions. The World Food Programme (WFP) estimates that at least 100 trucks a day are required, while approximately 200,000l of fuel per week are needed to adequately distribute food aid.

A former federal official told Crisis Group that Addis Ababa wants the TPLF to reciprocate with troop withdrawals before additional relief reaches Tigray. The official also indicated that Addis Ababa restoring services would be “part of the give-and-take with the TPLF”. The government rebuts claims that it is inappropriately turning humanitarian aid into a bargaining chip by arguing that such support has previously been diverted to the war effort. In 2021, federal officials claimed that nutritional biscuits ended up feeding Tigray’s fighters and that the TPLF commandeered WFP contractors’ trucks for military operations, but offered little compelling evidence. The federal government also alleged (again without providing corroboration) that Tigray’s rulers were manufacturing a famine to win international sympathy, claiming it was a rerun of a strategy used by the TPLF during its 1980s insurgency.

Addis Ababa must put aside such conjecture and instead assist an emergency humanitarian operation to save countless lives. If the federal government continues its blockade, the consequences will be even more devastating and there could be other destabilising effects besides. Tigray’s leaders might well launch a new offensive aimed either at reclaiming Western Tigray, which would allow them to bring in relief via Sudan, or once more try to seize territory elsewhere to enhance their bargaining power. To fend off this possibility, the federal government’s next steps should encompass not only massively scaled-up aid delivery – including opening more direct routes via neighbouring Amhara – but also unconditional renewal of services to Tigray, whose cutoff since the war’s onset has exacerbated the disaster. A Western diplomat told Crisis Group on 30 March that Addis Ababa promised to reconnect telephone lines as part of initial measures. But the federal government will need to do much more than that – it will also need to restore electricity, banking services and trade routes to Tigray.

Despite only piecemeal implementation, there is still some reason for optimism about the truce. Prime Minister Abiy seemingly realises that a military approach will not resolve what is essentially a political dispute. Officials in Mekelle also appear to have adopted a more pragmatic mindset. One top leader there told Crisis Group on 24 March that the truce would last for around a month, during which time Tigray expects continuous aid delivery by land, progress toward service restoration, and movement on ending the Amhara and Eritrean presence in Western Tigray. But the official also suggested that the deal may hold even if these processes are incomplete after 30 days. Should the parties meet each other’s expectations and build confidence in the peace process, the next step could be a permanent ceasefire involving the repositioning of forces. That, in turn, could lead to broader talks.

Moreover, Ethiopia’s flailing economy may provide some incentive for compromise. The country’s economic woes appear to have helped nudge the federal authorities to take the steps they have toward peace. Almost one fifth of around 115 million Ethiopians – including many outside Tigray – need aid, partly due to a serious drought in the south and east. Even before the Ukraine war drove up global food, fuel and fertiliser prices, annual inflation had accelerated to 33 per cent in February while foreign exchange reserves plummeted. Mounting interest payments and a debt renegotiation process have meanwhile left the government unable to borrow from abroad. The U.S., EU and other partners have also made deep aid cuts – including suspending generous International Monetary Fund and World Bank budget support – due mainly to the federal government and allies’ brutal conduct of the war. It is hard to see how Abiy rights the economy without Western support, which means at the very least getting aid into Tigray if not reaching some form of settlement with the region’s leaders.

The federal government should start moving the pieces into place for political reconciliation.
Both sides should work to make this prospect a reality. Beyond aid delivery and service restoration, the federal government should start moving the pieces into place for political reconciliation. Ethiopia’s parliament should begin by delisting the TPLF as a terrorist organisation, among other things, so that its representatives can participate in the National Dialogue (it may well have to take the same step with the OLA in order to reduce Oromia’s instability). For its part, Tigray’s government should recognise the authority of Abiy’s administration, reversing Mekelle’s fateful pre-war decision to brand it as illegitimate.

Possible Obstacles

While the truce suggests that there could be a path out of conflict, obstacles abound. Concerns about the federal government’s intentions persist among outside actors and in Mekelle. Addis Ababa’s manipulation of humanitarian access to pressure Tigray’s leaders has already put hundreds of thousands at risk of starvation. It has signalled that it may now use the promise of relief to press for Tigrayan withdrawals from positions in Afar and Amhara. In its 24 March statement, the federal government called upon Tigray “to desist from all acts of further aggression and withdraw from areas they have occupied in neighbouring regions” in order to “optimise” the truce’s success. Mekelle countered that political and humanitarian issues must be decoupled. Tigray leaders have, however, told Crisis Group that they would consider a “staggered withdrawal” from the two regions as part of a ceasefire if the federal government demonstrates good faith. One Mekelle representative suggested withdrawal from adjacent regions would be possible when Amhara forces leaves Western Tigray.

Another related worry is anger in Afar at both the TPLF, for the incursion into the region’s north west in mid-January, and at the federal government, for its alleged neglect of Afaris in the face of the mass displacement that the occupation triggered. Tigray’s government said its forces moved into Afar districts on 24 January because of persistent attacks from Eritrea-backed Afar militias and Afar regional forces around the border town of Abala, which is only 40km from Mekelle.

Afar authorities want Tigray’s forces out, with regional president Awal Arba previously threatening to block Tigray-bound convoys if they fail to do so. Recently, Afar officials cited security concerns to explain why convoys could not move. Locals even looted trucks delivering aid to Afar towns in March. The twenty-truck aid convoy that reached Tigray at the end of March travelled unhindered through Afar, but there is no guarantee that future shipments will get the same treatment. A Tigray official told Crisis Group on 11 April that a further call the day before between federal and Tigrayan military leaders should mean more convoys would travel soon, as did in fact occur three days later, after Tigray’s forces had pulled back on 12 April. Addis Abmea and aid agencies could go some way toward assuaging Afari and Amhara concerns – and stimulating greater cooperation by those authorities in allowing safe passage for aid to Tigray – by providing humanitarian support to Afari and Amhara civilians displaced during Tigray forces’ southward march in the second half of 2021.

The future of Amhara-occupied Western Tigray is the thorniest issue to resolve.
The future of Amhara-occupied Western Tigray is the thorniest issue to resolve. The area, which borders Sudan, was included in Tigray when the TPLF led the design of Ethiopia’s federation in the early 1990s, redrawing all national boundaries on the basis of ethno-linguistic demographics. A 1994 census recorded more Tigrinya than Amharic speakers in what became Western Tigray, though its accuracy is contested. Amhara leaders say the TPLF depopulated Amhara prior to the constitution’s 1995 enactment. Tensions had thus been building for decades and, when war broke out in 2020, Amhara militiamen poured in, displacing some 700,000 Tigrayans, a move that rights groups labelled “ethnic cleansing”. Eritrea’s military has since trained Amhara forces in the area and Amhara officials are set on holding what they consider their historical land. Tigray dismisses Amhara’s irredentism as unconstitutional and demands that the area return to its administration. When Tigray’s leader wrote to UN Secretary-General António Guterres on 19 December proposing a truce, he urged the UN to verify Amhara and Eritrean withdrawals.

These demands present Abiy with two bad options: turning his Amhara and Eritrean allies into enemies, on one hand, or returning to war with Tigray’s government, on the other. Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki opposes any concessions to the TPLF; he blames it for orchestrating Eritrea’s decades-long international isolation when it was in power. Though Isaias’ government has been typically quiet about its intentions, Eritrean forces are likely to maintain positions around the border town of Humera, a key land bridge to Sudan in the north of Western Tigray. Given the deep enmity between Tigrayan and Eritrean leaders, Isaias would likely perceive the return of Tigray forces to Western Tigray and the creation of supply lines from Sudan as a near existential threat. While he may be willing to give Abiy manoeuvring room to unfreeze donor support and ease Ethiopia’s economic woes, he is far less likely to allow Tigray to recover. Yet, if Abiy’s actions on Western Tigray fall short of Mekelle’s demands, its leaders may use military means to try to reclaim the area as well as to break the blockade.

Because of these seemingly irreconcilable stances, perhaps the best that can be hoped for at this juncture is that Tigray’s leaders accept federal pledges – which outside powers would need to back up with guarantees to monitor future withdrawals – that Amhara’s 2020 takeover of the territory will be addressed later, with displaced Tigrayans having the opportunity to return. Exactly how the dispute would be resolved in the long term remains to be seen. Addis Ababa may favour joint administration or local autonomy, but neither regional government – Tigray’s or Amhara’s – is likely to accept such a proposal, as both claim the territory as rightfully theirs. Abiy has suggested a referendum to settle the issue, but again, neither region is likely to agree, especially on who would be eligible to vote. For now, in order to save lives in Tigray, the emphasis should for the most part be on other matters that can be more readily dealt with.

The Way Ahead

Bringing Ethiopia’s civil war to a close will require a steep uphill climb. Stimulating talks on an eventual settlement between Addis Ababa and Tigray’s leaders into reach would require several steps:

the federal authorities must allow the region to receive sufficient famine relief before the situation deteriorates further;
the government should restore vital services to Tigray;
outside actors and the federal government would need to offer, and Tigray leaders accept, guarantees of the sort discussed above for Western Tigray, with both sides agreeing on additional confidence-building measures, such as access for human rights monitors to detention centres in Western Tigray where an unknown number (perhaps thousands) are languishing in perilous conditions;
the government and Tigray authorities would exchange prisoners of war; and
they would have to make progress on other political issues, including the federal and Tigray governments recognising each other as legitimate and parliament removing the TPLF’s terrorist designation.

Whether or not these goals are realistic is not yet clear, but Ethiopia’s dire economic straits do give donors an opening to urge federal authorities to commit to make progress on the items noted above and move toward a peace process. The U.S. and allies should impress upon UN agencies in Ethiopia that they must insist on unfettered access to Tigray and other crisis spots. Donors should also make clear they will withhold financial support for the government unless it demonstrates an unequivocal commitment to peace processes in Tigray and Oromia, and to a truly inclusive national dialogue aimed at forging broad consensus – which will require that the TPLF and OLA participate. In so doing, they should keep two challenges in sight.

First, the country’s economic predicament could bring new destabilising challenges. There are already indications of stresses, such as a fuel and medicine shortages. A prominent opposition leader told Crisis Group that greater socio-economic hardship could exacerbate intercommunal tensions. That may be a particular challenge in Oromia, where increased OLA activity has met with repressive state counter-insurgency tactics and Amhara militia counter-attacks. To try to mitigate this hardship, donors should work to keep development assistance flowing into the country through civil society organisations rather than the government.

Secondly, donors should not ease up on Addis before genuine change is afoot. Abiy is adept at tactical manoeuvring to consolidate power and buy time. He may be doing so now out of concern about U.S. legislation that would hand Congress control over aid to Ethiopia. His softening appears partly aimed at discouraging that bill and unfreezing U.S. support. How tough Washington intends to be is unclear, with some U.S. officials suggesting a keenness to reward Abiy for steps toward peace and others saying the U.S. will wait for real progress. Regardless, mediators – U.S. and African Union envoys have shuttled between Addis and Mekelle – should be wary of Abiy improving aid access only enough to create space to plan his next move. One way to manage this risk could be for donors to set benchmarks for the required amount of aid to be delivered to Tigray and other needy places, while tying any relaxation of pressure to these targets. Good donor policy coordination is critical; European officials’ concerns about the World Bank’s recent approval of a $300 million grant suggest some incoherence.

The truce is cause for a measure of cautious optimism, given the absence to date of conciliatory gestures in a civil war that has seen countless atrocities against civilians. But it is hard to imagine the parties reaching a political settlement if they do not put very significant effort toward overcoming the myriad and sometimes overlapping challenges the conflict has created. To advance further toward peace, the federal and Tigray governments need to translate their small recent positive steps into a painful compromise, while Ethiopia’s external partners must give the belligerents incentives to choose the path of peace.

Source https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn ... gile-truce

Ukraine-and-Tigray-a-hierarchy-in-the-value-of-human-life

2022-04-16T04:59:00.001-07:00

The starkly different responses of the international community towards the crises in Tigray and Ukraine show us that the world must strive towards an international order that works for all.
The invasion of Ukraine by Russia on 24 February 2022, created reverberations that were felt around the world. This egregious breach of the most sacrosanct principles of the post-World War II international order was rightly met with shock and widespread condemnation. The international mood was captured by Kenya’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Amb. Martin Kimani, in his well-received address to the United Nations Security Council. His speech particularly stressed the importance of the existing rules and rejected imperialist and “irredentist” aspirations.

While appropriate, such affirmations of the significance of multilateralism nonetheless place the spotlight on other instances where the international community has failed to muster a fraction of the mobilization witnessed in the case of Ukraine. Many have protested the failure of the international community, including members of the UNSC, to apply the same humanitarian and human rights principles in the face of the gruesome atrocities committed against civilians in African countries. One glaring example in this regard is the action – or lack thereof – of the international community in the face of the ongoing genocidal war and humanitarian catastrophe in Tigray, northern Ethiopia.

On 4 November 2020, the federal government of Ethiopian, Eritrean armed forces, Amhara, and other regional militias launched a war on the Tigray region. This attack, which may originally have seemed like an attempt to violently resolve the political and constitutional differences between the Tigray regional government and the federal government, revealed itself from the outset to be a brutal scorched-earth campaign targeting the Tigrayan people. This campaign included indiscriminate shelling, hundreds of massacres, weaponized rape and famine on an industrial scale as a tool of war, violent ethnic cleansing, deliberate destruction of livelihoods and vital infrastructures including healthcare, education, and agriculture. Coordinating its efforts with regional states and Eritrean armed forces, the Ethiopian federal government also imposed a total siege and humanitarian blockade denying millions of people access to basic needs – including food and medicine – and services such as electricity, banking, and communication.

Despite this dire situation – described as hell for millions of innocent children, women, and men as a result of the gross violations of international humanitarian and human rights laws – the international community has been unable to take any meaningful action beyond the moral outrage expressed early in the conflict. One such example was delivered by Amb. Linda Thomas Greenfield, United States Representative to the UN Security Council, exactly a year ago in April 2021:

Do African lives not matter? It’s time for the Security Council to have a public meeting on this issue. It’s time for the Council to take meaningful action to address the crisis. And it’s time for the Ethiopian government to respond responsibly to requests for humanitarian access….

Similarly, in June of 2021, Joseph Borrell Fontelles, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, called the situation in Tigray unacceptable and went on to add:

To the people of Tigray, we say: You are not alone. To the parties involved in the conflict, we say: The world is watching. You will be held accountable.

This clarity, however, gradually disappeared over the months and was replaced by false equivalence, bothesidesism, and generalization. This was accompanied by a shift from addressing grave atrocities deserving of international mechanisms of response and accountability to a reductive and deliberately vague narrative formulating the ongoing conflict as ethnic clashes and political contestations between political entities.

This shift was most apparently displayed in the decision by the US government to halt the release of the report on the determination as to whether genocide has been committed against Tigrayans. The Biden administration has also replaced unequivocal calls for the withdrawal of both Eritrean and Amhara forces from the constitutionally recognized borders of Tigray with more recent calls for the withdrawal of only the Eritrean armed forces. Similarly, the EU, which had vocally demanded the complete withdrawal of Eritrean and Ethiopian forces from Tigray, failed to issue any meaningful sanctions.

The international community has been unable to take any meaningful action beyond the moral outrage expressed early in the conflict.

The ensuing attempts to reframe the ongoing crisis solely in terms of a political conflict among political parties make a mockery of the extensive and deep suffering of millions of Tigrayans and impede the possibility of pursuing accountability and remedies. It also denies the massive asymmetry of the forces at play, where one side is comprised of two sovereign states with all the attendant military and diplomatic power, and support through the supply of advanced armaments from several nations (including UAE, Turkey, Iran, China, and Russia), against the people of a tiny and besieged region fighting for its survival.

The extent to which the international community has opted to move away from a principles-based approach in relation to Tigray is brought into sharp relief when we consider not just the rightful outrage but the immediate action that has been taken in the case of Ukraine. When Josep Borrell declared “Ukraine, you are not alone!”, this promise was almost immediately backed by meaningful and sustained action from the European Union. Nor would the international media and commentators, who readily assign equivalence when covering Tigray, consider doing the same for the Ukraine-Russia war which also involves an invasion by an immeasurably stronger force, in violation of international law.

Meanwhile, although the situation in Tigray has only worsened and gruesome atrocities continue unabated, Tigrayans have been demonstrably shown to be alone. Besieged and deliberately silenced by the communications and media blackout imposed on the region, Tigrayans have also been ignored by the international community, including the diplomatic community in Ethiopia which seems to have opted to normalise relations with the Ethiopian regime.

Continue reading at: https://www.theelephant.info/features/2 ... uman-life/
The Elephant - Speaking truth to power.

Delivery of Humanitarian Assistance in Tigray PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE APRIL 15, 2022

2022-04-16T04:45:00.000-07:00

The United States welcomes the arrival today of a truck convoy carrying over 1,700 metric tons of life-saving humanitarian assistance in Tigray. We appreciate the efforts of the government of Ethiopia, Tigrayan regional authorities, and Afar regional authorities in facilitating that delivery. We also commend the United Nations agencies, international organizations, U.S. government partners, and the ongoing efforts of humanitarian organizations across Ethiopia to provide aid to all those in need. We reiterate the importance of significant, sustained, unconditional, and unhindered humanitarian access to Tigray—as well as to all communities that are suffering, including the people in Afar —and the urgency of the resumption of basic services, including electricity, telecommunications, and banking.

The continued commitment of the government of Ethiopia and Tigrayan authorities to a cessation of hostilities remains a critical step toward reconciliation and peace. In that regard, we welcome the withdrawal of Tigrayan forces from Erebti and underscore the importance of further withdrawals from Afar regional state. The parties must continue to build on this progress to advance a negotiated and sustainable end of conflict. Progress toward this goal is an essential foundation for restoration of essential services in Tigray and an inclusive political process to provide security and prosperity for all Ethiopians.

Is TPLF following the right strategy and tactic in the current civil war?

2022-04-15T06:39:00.002-07:00

Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) has been fighting the mercenary army of Ethiopia, Amara militia and Eritrea. Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) have been able to drive Ethiopia's mercenary army from most of Tigray. Western Tigray is still in the hands of Amara local army, Eritrean mercenary army and Fano ( Amara Youth Group).

Tigray has withdrawn it's army from Afar region (Berhale and other subdistrics) to facilitate the humanitarian truce, which was signed between Tigrayan Forces and Ethiopia a week ago. However up to now only 20 tracks of goods from FAO and Red Cross have reached Mekelle. Another 50 tracks with humanitarian assistance are expected to arrive Mekelle today, which meets only 2% of aid needed in Tigray.

TDF is actively involved in driving Eritrean army from Western Tigray. It has also routed out the Amara militia. However, there are still hostile armed groups supported by Ethiopia and Eritrea. TDF would need to carry out extensive military campaigns to make Western Tigray safe for access to Sudan and South Ethiopia.

In Ethiopia itself, TDF military activities are limited or non-existent except in Tigray. TDF has no political involvement in Ethiopia beyond the borders of Tigray. This should be reviewed and a coalition of political partys should be formed. TDF's military victories should be followed by political victories in Ethiopia to form a transition government that will lead to free elections.

TDF should call Ethiopians to unite and overthrow Abiy Ahmed Ali's government, which is illegitimate. Non-Amara Ethiopian's have been organizing them selves. TDF should show political support and form united front.

Eritrea's invasion of Tigray should be condemned and |TDF should prepare to defend Tigray from the Eritrean invaders, which means TDF should march to Eritrea and liberate it from Issayas Afeworki fascist regime.

In conclusion, we need a clear political involvement in Ethiopia. There should be a coalition between TDF, OLF and other forces.Without controlling the central government, there will be no peace. TDF has the military power to control Ethiopia. It should form coalition with democratic forces in Ethiopia to take control of the central power. TDF needs first to address Eritrea's invasion with counter-invasion.

Ethiopia: Tigray civilians targeted in 'crimes against humanity,' says report (Source: Deutsche Welle -DW)

2022-04-08T13:20:00.005-07:00

Tigrayans are being targeted with ethnic cleansing in the contested Western Tigray zone, according to a new report by human rights groups. The onslaught of rape and killings amounts to "war crimes," they added.

Rape has been used as a weapon of war, according to the report

Tigrayans in Ethiopia are facing a relentless campaign of ethnic cleansing being carried out by security forces from the neighboring Amhara region, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said Wednesday.

The two rights groups in a joint report released Wednesday detailed how Tigrayan civilians in the disputed Western Tigray Zone of the country are allegedly being killed and subjected to various forms of sexual violence and abuses, including rape.

Some of these Tigrayans also faced mass detentions and forcible movements, a campaign that — along with the other reported abuses mentioned — "amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity," said the rights groups in a statement.

The report also alleged that newly-appointed officials in Western Tigray and the security forces from the neighboring Amhara region had some support and possible collaborations from the Ethiopian federal forces to carry out the alleged atrocities.

A Tigrayan refugee rape victim, who fled the conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray, sits for a portrait in eastern Sudan in March 2021

Laetitia Bader from Human Rights Watch told DW in a phone interview, "This report looks at the last 17 months of abuses in the Western Tigray Zone, which is along contested area at the border with Tigray with Sudan and with Eritrea and the Amhara region."

More than 400 people, including Tigrayan refugees in Sudan, were interviewed by researchers from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Tigrayan and Amhara residents who suffered or witnessed abuses were also interviewed.

According to the new report, researchers consulted medical and forensic reports with court documents, satellite imagery, and photographic and video evidence corroborating accounts of grave abuses.

Bader explained that the researchers "looked at the first waves where there were war crimes committed including by the Ethiopian federal government."

They then "looked at a whole range of abuses including widespread of sexual violence, massive incarceration and horrific life-threatening detention conditions, deprivation of people's means of survival," she added.

A government spokesperson told DW she was not aware of the publication, and requested time to consult the details.

How 'ethnic cleansing' was carried out

According to the rights groups in several towns across Western Tigray, signs were displayed ordering Tigrayans to leave, and locally appointed administrators discussed at open meetings how to remove Tigrayans.

The report quoted a Tigrayan woman from Baeker town describing how members of Fanos, an irregular Amhara militia "kept saying every night, 'We will kill you… Go out of the area'."

Another Tigrayan woman told researchers that while she was being gang-raped by men, a militia member told her: "You Tigrayans should disappear from the land west of [the Tekeze River]. You are evil and we are purifying your blood."

The report alleged that there were also pamphlets giving Tigrayans 24-hour or 72-hour ultimatums to leave or be killed.

A 63-year-old farmer from Division village told the rights groups that he watched as a group of men destroyed his home. One of the men told him: "This is not your land. You have nothing to claim here."

Tigrayans who failed to leave the region were then arrested to face long-term detention and abuse in overcrowded facilities, the report said.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said they believe thousands of Tigrayans are still held in life-threatening conditions today.

According to the report, Amhara militia have also been arresting local residents of the town of Adi Goshu for detention.

Members of the Amhara Special Forces are detailed in the report as having rounded up and summarily executed about 60 Tigrayan men by the Tekeze River.

According to witnesses who spoke to the rights groups the few men who survived believed the killings were a revenge attack after the Amhara forces suffered heavy losses during fighting with Tigrayan forces the previous night.

"When they shot at us, I fell first and then I saw also when the others in front of me were shot and fell," said a 74-year-old survivor was quoted in the report to have said. "And the people behind me fell on me and covered me… After that, they said, ‘The Tigrayans don't die easily, shoot again'."
Who is behind the 'ethnic cleansing' campaign?

The report specifically mentioned the local authorities in Amhara region as the main force driving the alleged ethnic cleansing campaign in the Western Tigray region.

"Our report finds that the ethnic cleansing campaign was led by the Amhara regional government forces administration with the complicity and often in the presence of federal government forces," Bader said.

She also explained that their findings implicate some Eritrean forces involved in some of the targeted arrests of the Tigrayan civilians.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are calling for high-level officials who led this campaign to be brought to book and punished for violating international humanitarian laws.

The conflict in the Tigray region broke out in November 2020 when the federal government army in Addis Ababa started fighting forces from the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF).

For the last 17 months, there has been no signal of the war ending with the resultant humanitarian crisis worsening.

Ten semi-autonomous federal states make up Ethiopia but they are organized along ethnic lines. Ethnic violence has been on the rise in recent years and the current conflict has heightened tensions.

Last November, a report by Amnesty International alleged that TPLF fighters carried out killings and gang-rapes targeting women.

That same month, a joint investigation by the UN and Ethiopia said all sides fighting in the conflict committed a range of human rights violations thatmay amount to war crimes.
Ethiopian officials deny claims

The report said both Ethiopian federal forces and Amhara authorities have denied allegations of ethnic cleansing in Western Tigray.

Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International are calling on the Ethiopian federal government and its international and regional partners to take concrete steps to protect all communities in Western Tigray.

They are calling for the immediate release of Tigrayans arbitrarily detained there, and also allow for protection monitoring.

"The response of Ethiopia's international and regional partners has failed to reflect the gravity of the crimes that continue to unfold in Western Tigray," said Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International, in a statement.

"Concerned governments need to help bring an end to the ethnic cleansing campaign, ensure that Tigrayans are able to safely and voluntarily return home, and make a concerted effort to obtain justice for these heinous crimes.”

The Deputy Chief of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) Rakeb Messele, said in a statement on Wednesday that the findings of the report certainly point to actions that amount to war crimes.

Messele said the findings by the rights groups “are consistent with what has been documented and reported by EHRC, as well as the Joint Investigation with the UN on Tigray (JIT). These acts of killings and large scale forced displacement by the parties may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

She has called “for parties to refrain from taking any measures that could cause further displacement; create an enabling environment for the safe, secure and voluntary return of all Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs); and find a sustainable solution to the Welkait-Tsegede protracted land dispute.”

Deputy Chief is calling for “a sustainable political solution and peace, restoration of basic services, rehabilitation of victims and affected areas in Afar, Amhara and Tigray as well as accountability measures for justice.”

She assured her outfit will continue to monitor and investigate happenings in all the conflict affected areas.”

On March 24, the government announced a humanitarian cease-fire. The rights groups said regardless of any truce or ceasefire, Ethiopia's federal and regional authorities should allow unhindered, independent, and sustained humanitarian assistance.

Isaac Mugabi contributed to this article.

Edited by: Stephanie Burnett

War drums on Tigray Regional State by mercenary Bantu army of Ethiopia and Eritrea

2022-04-07T14:17:00.001-07:00

Editor's pick: Samarawit Gebreegzabher's "You Defeated Them" Dedicated to Tigray Defense Forces

There is war drums going in Tigray , a region bordered by The Red Sea and Sudan. Tigray has been resisting this war of annihilation against Bantu African Tribal Army Amara, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Eritrea was a district of Tigray prior to 1890. Tigray Defense Forces will have to declare Eritrea as a district of Tigray and The Red Sea as the boundary to Tigray to the North. Eritreans are Tigrayans will live in Tigray.

Tigray under siege by Bantu Amara army of Ethiopia, mercenary army of Ethiopia and ascari troops from Eritrea. Tigray Defense Forces wanted to have a truce to deliver medical and food assistance to the civilian population in Tigray. However Abiy Ahmed Ali, a terrorist and a genocider sabotaged the efforts of the international community to deliver aid to Tigray people.

Since Novemeber 2020, bank service, telecommunication service, financial services have been cut from the Bantu self-appointed government of FinFinne. Tigray Defense Forces Yukuno Amlak, a Bantu self-made king by falsifying Agew history and assassinating King Lalibella, from The Agew Tribe.

Tigrayans were aware of their history but no one cared about until TPLF was formed in 1974 by patriotic students and a member of parliament. TPLF overthrew the military and marched to Addis Abeba or Fin Fiine after overthrowing Mengistu Haile Mariam a village idiot who wanted to be president though he lacked the education and social background such as Orthodox Church teaching, modern schooling. He was a brute dictator.

TPLF formed a coalition of forces called Ethiopian People's Democratic Front (EPRDF) and transformed Ethiopia into economic wonderland to catch up the advanced countries of Europe in about 10 years.

A group of Guraghe elites like Berhanu Nega, Andergatchew Tsige and others formed United Patriotic Front and started armed intrusion from Eritrea in 2015. However, The Guraghe elites in their drive to come to power infiltrated The Ethiopian Intellegence and Abiy Ahmed Ali, a Guraghe and a Muslim was made a prime minster in 2018 a day after which Engineer Semegnew was assassinated in broad day light in Addis Abeba (Fin Finne). in 2019 relation between Addis Abebe and Mekelle cooled. Tigray and TPLF understood that Eritrea has infiltrated Ethiopian intellegence and Tigray prepared training it's own national army. In Nover 2020, Abiy Ahmed declared war on Tigray. Tigrayan abled men and women went to the forests to train war. Tigray had one of the best generals in East Africa and these generals were very helpful in driving The Bantu African mercenary army and Eritrea. Now Tigray is under the complete control of it's own Tigrayan leaders and it's own national parliment which approves laws and makes new laws if necessary.

Bantu savage migrants from other parts have killed tens of thousands of Tigrayans, raped women at gunpoint, destroyed properties, crops and farm animals to starve the population of Tigray to break the people's resitance to fascist Abiy ahmed Ali rule and to the killings of fascist Issayas Afeworki.

We hear that a third round large scale preparation has been going on. We need to support the Tigrayan people and stand with them either through donation or through direct involvement in the war. Relief Society of Tigray is doing an excellent job and should support them in our communities by raising funds. Further to form a national fund for Tigray where every one contributes to the fund. It should be transparent and accountable so that we know how much we have to collect. From Tigray National Emergency Fund, Tigrayans in dire need could be supported with help they need. As the war comes Tigray is ready for the war to defend it's people and history . Some groups suggest each diaspora Tigrayan supports a family. This is not practical and not transparent. Tigrayans in diaspora need only to cdontribute money or other material medical equipment, tractors, or other necessary material.

Tigray should organise as a modern state such as in Europe. The experiences of Vietnam, Russia against Nazi Germany should be taken into consideration. We need to build underground hospitals, schools, factories, tunnels from Mekelle to Aksum or to Port Assab, which by the way Aksumite kings used to do. We shall face the war, but we do not need to expose our population in harm's way as we need them to build our country. By building underground tunnels, we protect our children from drone attacks. For exampl, i n Vietnam "The Cu Chi (pronounced Ku Chi) tunnels are an extensive 250-mile (around 400km) network of underground trenches dug manually by the Vietnamese people and Viet Cong guerillas to protect themselves from the merciless bombing unleashed by American forces who fought a war in Vietnam in 1964-73"

An urgent call to form a united front to uproot fascism in Ethiopia and Eritrea!

2022-02-13T12:36:00.000-08:00

What we see today in Ethiopia is unbelievable and unacceptable in 21st century. A population of 7 million in Tigray Regional State is under siege. Since about 15 months, the governments of Eritrea and Ethiopia are waging war against Tigray Regional State. Somalia and UAE have also been involved. In Tigray, there is no internet and telecommunication service. The banks have been closed and there is no money circulating for shopping or markets to run.

The self-appointed PM of Ethiopia has declared war on Tigray Regional State on 4th November 2021. TPLF, the ruling party in Tigray Regional State refused to join the new Prosperity Party and held election in Tigray. TPLF was elected by the people of Tigray and a government was formed that has been running the region. However, Abiy Ahmed started blocking investors from going to Tigray. Now Tigray regional State is in full siege with no telephone, bank services, internet and flights. There are no buses coming to or going from Tigray. Of course there is some form of transport connecting the towns of Tigray.

Ethiopian and Eritrean troops invaded Tigray and the regional government had to flee to rural areas. TDF (Tigray Defense Forces) waged battles against Ethiopian and Eritrean troops with astonishing outcome, favoring TDF. The troops of Abiy Ahmed and Issayas Afeworqi were forced to leave the region. The regional government took over the administration of Tigray. TDF marched to south Ethiopia and was in Debre Birhan Town. For reason not clearly known, TDF made a tactical withdrawal and are now stationed in Tigray defending Tigray from attacks of Ethiopian and Eritrean troops.

Abiy Ahmed's government has been waging wars in South Ethiopia against the Oromo and other ethnic groups. Eritrean troops were also involved in these wars of destruction. Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has liberated many towns from the troops of Abiy Ahmed and Issayas Afeworqi, Eritrea's president for Life. Atrocities against the Oromo people by Abiy Ahmed and Issayas troops have been reported.

Needless to say that Ethiopia needs a government that protects it's citizens. TPLF (Tigray People,s Liberation Front) and OLF ( Oromo Liberation Front) have been reportedly coordinating the struggle to establish a democratic government in Ethiopia. Other political groups have also shown their interest to work with TPLF and OLF. It is high time that a united front of all political groups is formed to co-ordinate the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia.

Tigrigna Language of Tigray (ቅኦንቃ ትግርኛ) ancient connections with Akkadia, Mesopatmaia now in Iraq and Syria

2022-02-13T00:46:00.004-08:00

Tigray Regional State, North Ethiopia is blessed with historical artifacts and legacies. We have been tracing the roots of the Tigrigna Language (ቅኦንቃ ትግርኛ) which is spoken by about 8 million people. There are astounding evidences between Tigrigna, Geez and Akkadia . Akkadia was a city-state in Mesopotamia, The First Empire that gave the world The Hammurabi Laws.

We are posting a video about Akkadian language which is very similar to Geez and Tigrigna.

To facilitate watching the video we have selected most of the words that are still in Tigrigna Language (ቅኦንቃ ትግርኛ) as follows

Some vocabulary still used in Tigrigna

English                            Akkadian                        Tigrigna
I                                         Anaku Anae አነ
You atta (m) atti (f) atta (m) አታ atti (f) አቲ
We nina nihna ንህና
You (pl) attuna (m) attina (f) nsekum (m) ንስኹም , nskn (f) ንስኽን
Who mannu men መን
All Kalu Kulu ኩሉ
Heavy Kabtu Kebid ኸብድ
Small (short) xetru xatsr ሃፅር
Narrow Qatnu Qetin ( Tsebib) ቐጥን (ፀቢብ)
Woman Sinnistu Anst አንስት
Mother Ummu Imama እማማ
Father Abu Abo አቦ
Dog Kalbu Kelbi ከልቢ
Seed Zeru Zerie ዘርኢ
Blood Damu Dem ደም
Horn Qarnu Qerni ቀርኒ
Bone Isemtu Asemti ኣእፅምቲ
Head Resu Risie ርእሲ
Tooth Sinnu Sinni ስኒ
Knee Birku Birki ብርኪ
Neck Kisadu Kisad ክሳድ
Heart Libbu Libi ልቢ
Tongue Lisanu Lisan ልሳን
Ear Iznu Izini እዝኒ
Eye Inu Ayni ዓይኒ
To drink Satu Setyu ስተይ
To breath Naphasu mtinfas ተንፍስ
To laugh Suxxu mshaq ስሃቅ
To hear Semu Semiu ሰሚኡ
To die Matu Mumat ምሞኣት
To cut Naqasu Mnqas ነቕሱ

To sing Zemaru Zemiru ዘሚሩ

Moon Warxu Werxi ወርሒ
Star Kakkabu Kokeb ኮከብ
Water Mu May ማይ
Rain Zunnu Zenam ዝናብ
Earth Ersetu Rsti (Medri) ርስቲ
Stone Abnu Emni እምኒ
Sky Samu Semay ሰማይ
Fire Issatu Esat (Hawi) ሓዊ
Black Salmu Tselim (same pronunciation) ፀሊም
Full Malu Mulu (same pronunciation) ሙልእ
Sharp Selu Sihul ስሑል
Wet ratbu Rihus ርጥባን (ሩሁስ)
Name Sumu Sum ስም

The Akkadian Empire (/əˈkeɪdiən/)[4] was the first ancient empire of Mesopotamia after the long-lived civilization of Sumer. It was centered in the city of Akkad (/ˈækæd/)[5] and its surrounding region. The empire united Akkadian and Sumerian speakers under one rule. The Akkadian Empire exercised influence across Mesopotamia, the Levant, and Anatolia, sending military expeditions as far south as Dilmun and Magan (modern Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Oman) in the Arabian Peninsula.[6]

The Akkadian Empire reached its political peak between the 24th and 22nd centuries BC, following the conquests by its founder Sargon of Akkad.[7] Under Sargon and his successors, the Akkadian language was briefly imposed on neighboring conquered states such as Elam and Gutium. Akkad is sometimes regarded as the first empire in history, though the meaning of this term is not precise, and there are earlier Sumerian claimants.[8][9]

After the fall of the Akkadian Empire, the people of Mesopotamia eventually coalesced into two major Akkadian-speaking nations: Assyria in the north, and Babylonia in the south.

Ancient Sources about Ethiopia

2022-02-12T12:50:00.006-08:00

We are posting articles about Ethiopia. In some quarters, Ethiopia is not ancient or as old as it is assumed to be. Ethiopia was a nation-state when Rome was an empire. We have an Aksumite Kingdom that was founded around 500 BCE. The Aksumite Kingdom is Ethiopia itself

Herodotus: The Histories, c. 430 BCE, Book III.

I went as far as Elephantine [Aswan] to see what I could with my own eyes, but for the country still further south I had to be content with what I was told in answer to my questions. South of Elephantine the country is inhabited by Ethiopians...Beyond the island is a great lake, and round its shores live nomadic tribes of Ethiopians. After crossing the lake one comes again to the stream of the Nile, which flows into it. ...After forty days journey on land along the river, one takes another boat and in twelve days reaches a big city named Meroë, said to be the capital city of the Ethiopians. The inhabitants worship Zeus and Dionysus alone of the Gods, holding them in great honor. There is an oracle of Zeus there, and they make war according to its pronouncements, taking it from both the occasion and the object of their various expeditions. . . .After this Cambyses [King of Persia] took counsel with himself, and planned three expeditions. One was against the Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a third against the long-lived Ethiopians, who dwelt in that part of Libya which borders upon the southern sea. . . while his spies went into Ethiopia, under the pretense of carrying presents to the king, but in reality to take note of all they saw, and especially to observe whether there was really what is called "the table of the Sun" in Ethiopia. Now the table of the Sun according to the accounts given of it may be thus described: It is a meadow in the skirts of their city full of the boiled flesh of all manner of beasts, which the magistrates are careful to store with meat every night, and where whoever likes may come and eat during the day. The people of the land say that the earth itself brings forth the food. Such is the description which is given of this table.

The Ethiopians to whom this embassy was sent are said to be the tallest and handsomest men in the whole world. In their customs they differ greatly from the rest of mankind, and particularly in the way they choose their kings; for they find out the man who is the tallest of all the citizens, and of strength equal to his height, and appoint him to rule over them....The spies were told that most of them lived to be a hundred and twenty years old, while some even went beyond that age---they ate boiled flesh, and had for their drink nothing but milk. Among these Ethiopians copper is of all metals the most scarce and valuable. Also, last of all, they were allowed to behold the coffins of the Ethiopians, which are made (according to report) of crystal, after the following fashion: When the dead body has been dried, either in the Egyptian, or in some other manner, they cover the whole with gypsum, and adorn it with painting until it is as like the living man as possible. Then they place the body in a crystal pillar which has been hollowed out to receive it, crystal being dug up in great abundance in their country, and of a kind very easy to work. You may see the corpse through the pillar within which it lies; and it neither gives out any unpleasant odor, nor is it in any respect unseemly; yet there is no part that is not as plainly visible as if the body were bare. The next of kin keep the crystal pillar in their houses for a full year from the time of the death, and give it the first fruits continually, and honor it with sacrifice. After the year is out they bear the pillar forth, and set it up near the town. . . .

Where the south declines towards the setting sun lies the country called Ethiopia, the last inhabited land in that direction. There gold is obtained in great plenty, huge elephants abound, with wild trees of all sorts, and ebony; and the men are taller, handsomer, and longer lived than anywhere else. The Ethiopians were clothed in the skins of leopards and lions, and had long bows made of the stem of the palm-leaf, not less than four cubits in length. On these they laid short arrows made of reed, and

armed at the tip, not with iron, but with a piece of stone, sharpened to a point, of the kind used in engraving seals. They carried likewise spears, the head of which was the sharpened horn of an antelope; and in addition they had knotted clubs. When they went into battle they painted their bodies, half with chalk, and half with vermilion. . . .

The Selection of Aspalta as King of Kush, c. 600 BCE

Now the entire army of his majesty was in the town named Napata, in which Dedwen, Who presides over Wawat, is God---he is also the god of Kush---after the death of the Falcon [Inle-Amon] upon his throne. Now then, the trusted commanders from the midst of the army of His Majesty were six men, while the trusted commanders and overseers of fortresses were six men.... Then they said to the entire army, "Come, let us cause our lord to appear, for we are like a herd which has no herdsman!" Thereupon this army was very greatly concerned, saying, "Our lord is here with us, but we do not know him! Would that we might know him, that we might enter in under him and work for him, as It-Tjwy work for Horus, the son of Isis, after he sits upon the throne of his father Osiris! Let us give praise to his two crowns." Then the army of His Majesty all said with one voice, "Still there is this god Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of It-Tjwy, Resident in Napata. He is also a god of Kush. Come, let us go to him. We cannot do a thing without him, but a good fortune comes from the god. He is the god of the kings of Kush since the time of Re. It is he who will guide us. In his hands is the kingship of Kush, which he has given to the son whom he loves.....

So the commanders of His Majesty and the officials of the palace went to the Temple of Amon. They found the prophets and the major priests waiting outside the temple. They said to them, "Pray, may this god, Amon-Re, Resident in Napata, come, to permit that he give us our lord, to revive us, to build the temples of all the gods and goddesses of Kemet, and to present their divine offerings! We cannot do a thing without this god. It is he who guides us. Then the prophets and the major priests entered into the temple, that they might perform every rite of his purification and his censing. Then the commanders of His Majesty and the officials of the palace entered into the temple and put themselves upon their bellies before this god. They said, "We have come to you, O Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of It-Tjwy, Resident in Napata, that you might give to us a lord, to revive us, to build the temples of the gods of Kemet and Rekhyt, and to present divine offerings. That beneficent office is in your hands---may you give it to your son whom you love!"

Then they offered the king's brothers before this god, but he did not take one of them. For a second time there was offered the king's brother, son of Amon, and child of Mut, Lady of Heaven, the Son of Re, Aspalta, living forever. Then this god, Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of It-Tjwy, said, "He is your king. It is he who will revive you. It is he who will build every temple of Kemet and Rekhyt. It is he who will present their divine offerings. His father was my son, the Son of Re, Inle-Amon, the triumphant. His mother is the king's sister, king's mother, Kandake of Kush, and Daughter of Re, Nensela, living forever, He is your lord."

Strabo: Geography, c. 22 CE
XVI.iv.4-17; XVII.i.53-54, ii.1-3, iii.1-11.

The straits at Ethiopia are formed by a promontory called Deire [i.e., modern Bab-el-Mandeb]. There is a small town upon it of the same name. The Ichthyophagi inhabit this country. Here it is said is a pillar of Sesostris the Egyptian, on which is inscribed, in hieroglyphics, an account of his passage (across the Arabian Gulf). For he appears to have subdued first Ethiopia and Troglodytica, and afterwards to have passed over into Arabia. He then overran the whole of Asia. Hence in many places there are dykes called the dykes of Sesostris, and temples built in honor of Egyptian deities.

The straits at Deire are contracted to the width of 60 stadia; not indeed that these are now called the Straits, for ships proceed to a further distance, and find a passage of about 200 stadia between the two continents; six islands contiguous to one another leave a very narrow passage through them for vessels, by filling up the interval between the continents. Through these goods are transported from one continent to the other on rafts; it is this passage which is called the Straits. After these islands, the subsequent navigation is among bays along the Myrrh country, in the direction of the south and east, as far as the Cinnamon country, a distance of about 5000 stadia [Strabo here speaks not of the coast of Arabia but of Africa, from the Straits to Cape Guardafui--the tip of modern Somalia, opposite the isles of Socotra]; beyond this district no one to this time, it is said, has penetrated. There are not many cities upon the coast, but in the interior they are numerous and well-inhabited. Such is the account of Arabia given by Eratosthenes. We must add what is related also by other writers.

Artemidorus says that the promontory of Arabia, opposite to Deire, is called Acila, and that the persons who live near Deire practice male circumcion. In sailing from Heroöpolis along Troglodytica, a city is met with called Philotera [modern Al-Ghurdaqah], after the sister of the second Ptolemy; it was founded by Satyrus, who was sent to explore the hunting-ground for elephants, and Troglodytica itself. Next to this is another city, Arsinoë [modern Jamsah?], and next to this, springs of hot water, which are salt and bitter; they are precipitated from a high rock and discharge themselves into the sea. There is a plain near these springs a mountain, which is of a red color like minium. Next is Myus Hormus, which is also called Aphrodite's Hormus [Harbor of Venus--modern Bãr Safäjah]; it is a large harbor with an oblique entrance. In front are three islands; two are covered with olive trees, and one (the third) is less shaded with trees, and abounds with guinea-fowls. Then follows Acathartus (or Foul Bay) [probably modern Al-QuÕayr], which, like Myus Hormus, is in the latitude of the Thebaïs. The bay is really foul, for it is very dangerous from rocks (some of which are covered by the sea, others rise to the surface), as also from almost constant and furious tempests. At the bottom of the bay is situated the city of Berenice [modern Bandar-el-Kebir].

After the bay is the island Ophiodes [modern Zamargat], so-called from the accidental circumstance of its having once been infested with serpents. It was cleared of the serpents by the king [Ptolemy II Philadelphus], on account of the destruction occasioned by those noxious animals to the persons who frequented the island, and on account of the topazes found there. The topaz is a transparent stone, sparkling with a golden luster, which however is not easy to be distinguished in the daytime, on account of the brightness of the surrounding light, but at night the stones are visible to those who collect them. A body of men was appointed and maintained by the kings of Egypt to guard the place where these stones were found, and to superintend the collection of them.

Next after this island follow many tribes of Icthyophagi and of nomads; then succeeds the harbor of the goddess Soteira (the Preserver), which had its name from the circumstance of the escape and preservation of some masters [of ships] from great dangers of the sea. After this the coast and the gulf seem to undergo a great change: for the voyage along the coast is no longer among rocks, and approaches almost close to Arabia; the sea is so shallow as to be scarcely of the depth of two orguiae [one orguia equals one fathom equals six feet], and has the appearance of a meadow, in consequence of the sea-weeds, which abound in the passage, being visible through and under the water. Even trees here grow from under the water, and the sea abounds with sea-dogs. Next are two mountains, the Tauri (or the Bulls), presenting at a distance a resemblance to these animals. Then follows another mountain, on which is a temple of Isis, built by Sesostris; then an island planted with olive trees, and at times overflowed. This is followed by the city Ptolemaïs [modern Tawkar], near the hunting-grounds of the elephants, founded by Eumedes, who was sent by Philadelphus to the hunting ground. He enclosed, without the knowledge of the inhabitants, a kind of peninsula with a ditch and a wall, and by his courteous address gained over those who were inclined to obstruct the work, and instead of enemies made them his friends.

In the intervening space, a branch of the river Astaboras [the modern Atbara] discharges itself [not so]. It has its source in a lake, and empties part of its waters into the bay, but the larger portion it contributes to the Nile. Then follow six islands, called Latomiae [these are to the north of modern Arkiko], after these the Sabaïtic mouth, as it is called, and in the inland parts a fortress built by Suchus. Then a lake called Elaea, and the island of Strato; next Saba, a port [not the same as that in modern Yemen, but probably modern Mitsiwa], and a hunting-ground for elephants of the same name. The country deep in the interior is called Tenessis [modern Eritrea, between about Asmara and Kassala]. It is occupied by those Egyptians who took refuge from the government of Psamtik III [c. 658 B.C.]. They are surnamed Sembritae [the modern Senaar], as being strangers. They are governed by a queen, to whom also Meroë, an island in the Nile near these places, is subject. Above this, at no great distance, is another island in the river, a settlement occupied by the same fugitives. From Meroë to this sea is a journey of fifteen days for an active person. Near Meroë is the confluence of the Astaboras [modern Atbara], the Astapus [the White Nile], and of the Astasobas [Blue Nile].

On the banks of these rivers live the Rhizophagi (or root-eaters) and Heleii (or marsh-men). They have their name from digging roots in the adjacent marsh, bruising them with stones, and forming them into cakes, which they dry in the sun for food. These countries are the haunts of lions. The wild beasts are driven out of these places, at the time of the rising of the dog-star, by large gnats. Near these people live the Spermophagi (or seed-eaters), who, when seeds of plants fail, subsist upon seeds of trees, which they prepare in the same manner as the Rhizophagi prepare their roots. Next to Elaea are the watch-towers of Demetrius, and the altars of Conan. In the interior Indian reeds grow in abundance. The country there is called the country of Coracius [right about modern Asmara].

Far in the interior was a place called Endera [right about modern Aksum], inhabited by a naked tribe [the Gymnetae] who use bows and reed arrows, the points of which are hardened in the fire. They generally shoot the animals from trees, sometimes from the ground. They have numerous herds of wild cattle among them, on the flesh of which they subsist, and on that of other wild animals. When they have taken nothing in the chase, they dress dried skins upon hot coals, and are satisfied with food of this kind. It is their custom to propose trials of skill in archery for those who have not attained manhood. Next to the altars of Conan is the port of Melinus [about 100 miles Southeast along the modern Eritrean coast from Asmara], and above it is a fortress called that of Coraus and the chase of Coraus, also another fortress and more hunting-grounds. Then follows the harbor of Antiphilus, and above this a tribe, the Creophagi [modern Djibouti], whose men are circumcised and whose women are excised after the Jewish custom [i.e., clitoridectomy].

Further still towards the south [near modern Addis Ababa] are the Cynamolgi [Greek: "milkers of bitches"], called by the natives Agrii, with long hair and long beards, who keep a breed of very large dogs for hunting the Indian cattle which come into their country from the neighboring district, driven there either by wild beasts or by scarcity of pasturage. The time of their incursion is from the summer solstice to the middle of winter. Next to the harbor of Antiphilus is a port called the Grove of the Colobi (or the Mutilated), the city Berenice of the Sabae [probably modern Bailul, northwest of Assab], and Sabae [modern Assab], a considerable city; then the grove of Eumenes.

Above is the city Darada, and a hunting-ground for elephants, called "At the Well." The district is inhabited by the Elephantophagi (or Elephant-eaters), who are occupied in hunting them. When they descry from the trees a herd of elephants directing their course through the forest, they do not then attack, but they approach by stealth and hamstring the hindmost stragglers from the herd. Some kill them with bows and arrows, the latter being dipped in the gall of serpents. The shooting with the bow is performed by three men, two, advancing in front, hold the bow, and one draws the string. Others remark the trees against which the elephant is accustomed to rest, and, approaching on the opposite side, cut the trunk of the tree low down. When the animal comes and leans against it, the tree and the elephant fall down together. The elephant is unable to rise, because its legs are formed of one piece of bone which is inflexible; the hunters leap down from the trees, kill it, and cut it in pieces. The nomads call the hunters Acatharti, or impure.

Above this nation is situated a small tribe---the Struthophagi (or Bird-eaters), in whose country [about modern Lake Tana] are birds of the size of deer, which are unable to fly, but run with the swiftness of the ostrich. Some hunt them with bows and arrows, others covered with the skins of birds. They hide the right hand in the neck of the skin, and move it as the birds move their necks. With the left hand they scatter grain from a bag suspended to the side; they thus entice the birds, until they drive them into pits, where the hunters despatch them with cudgels. The skins are used both as clothes and as coverings for beds. The Ethiopians called Simi are at war with these people, and use as weapons the horns of antelopes.

Bordering on this people is a nation blacker in complexion than the others, shorter in stature, and very short-lived. They rarely live beyond forty years; for the flesh of their bodies is eaten up with worms. Their food consists of locusts, which the south-west and west winds, when they blow violently in the spring-time, drive in bodies into the country. The inhabitants catch them by throwing into the ravines materials which cause a great deal of smoke, and light them gently. The locusts, as they fly across the smoke, are blinded and fall down. They are pounded with salt, made into cakes, and eaten as food. Above these people is situated a desert tract with extensive pastures. It was abandoned in consequence of the multitudes of scorpions and tarantulas, called tetragnathi (or four-jawed), which formerly abounded to so great a degree as to occasion a complete desertion of the place long since by its inhabitants.

Next to the harbor of Eumenes, as far as Deire and the straits opposite the six islands, live the Ichthyophagi, Creophagi, and Colobi, who extend into the interior. Many hunting-grounds for elephants, and obscure cities and islands, lie in front of the coast. The greater part are nomads; husbandmen are few in number. In the country occupied by some of these nations styrax grows in large quantity. The Icthyophagi, on the ebbing of the tide, collect fish, which they cast upon the rocks and dry in the sun. When they have well-broiled them, the bones are piled in heaps, and the flesh trodden with the feet is made into cakes, which are again exposed to the sun and used as food. In bad weather, when fish cannot be procured, the bones of which they have made heaps are pounded, made into cakes and eaten, but they suck the fresh bones. Some also live upon shellfish, when they are fattened, which is done by throwing them into holes and standing pools of the sea, where they are supplied with small fish, and used as food when other fish are scarce. They have various kinds of places for preserving and feeding fish, from whence they derive their supply.

Some of the inhabitants of that part of the coast which is without water go inland every five days, accompanied by all their families, with songs and rejoicings, to the watering places, where, throwing themselves on their faces, they drink as beasts until their stomachs are distended like a drum. They then return again to the sea-coast. They dwell in caves or cabins, with roofs consisting of beams and rafters made of the bones and spines of whales, and covered with branches of the olive tree. The Chelonophagi (or Turtle-eaters) live under the cover of shells (of turtles), which are large enough to be used as boats. Some make of the sea-weed, which is thrown up in large quantities, lofty and hill-like heaps, which are hollowed out, and underneath which they live. They cast out the dead, which are carried away by the tide, as food for fish.

There are three islands which follow in succession, the island of Tortoises, the island of Seals, and the island of Hawks. Along the whole coast there are plantations of palm trees, olive trees, and laurels, not only within, but in a great part also without the straits. There is also an island called the island of Philip; opposite to it inland is situated the hunting-ground for elephants, called the chase of Pythangelus; then follows Arsinoë, a city with a harbor [a bit Southeast of modern Assab]; after these places is Deire, and beyond them is a hunting-ground for elephants. From Deire, the next country is that which bears aromatic plants [on the northern Somalian coast, around Berbera]. The first produces myrrh, and belongs to the Icthyophagi and the Creophagi. It bears also the persea, peach or Egyptian almond, and the Egyptian fig. Beyond is Licha, a hunting-ground for elephants. There are also in many places standing pools of rain-water. When these are dried up, the elephants, with their trunks and tusks, dig holes and find water.

On this coast there are two very large lakes extending as far as the promontory Pytholaus [modern Karin, on the northern Somalian coast]. One of them contains salt water, and is called a sea; the other, fresh water, and is the haunt of hippopotami and crocodiles. On the margin grows the papyrus. The ibis is seen in the neighborhood of this place. The people who live near the promontory of Pytholaus (and beginning from this place) do not undergo any mutilation in any part of their body. Next is the country which produces frankincense; it has a promontory and a temple with a grove of poplars. In the inland parts is a tract along the banks of a river bearing the name of Isis, and another that of Nilus, both of which produce myrrh and frankincense. Also a lagoon filled with water from the mountains; next the watchpost of the Lion, and the port of Pythangelus. The next tract bears the false cassia. There are many tracts in succession on the sides of the rivers on which frankincense grows, and rivers extending to the cinnamon country. The river which bounds this tract produces rushes in great abundance. Then follows another river, and the port of Daphnus [probably modern Bosaso], and a valley called Apollo's, which bears, besides frankincense, myrrh and cinnamon. The latter is more abundant in places far in the interior.

Next is the mountain Elephas [modern Fellis or Fel], a mountain projecting into the sea, and a creek; then follows the large harbor of Psygmus [modern Qandala], a watering-place called that of Cynocephali [modern Alula], and the last promontory of this coast, Notuceras (or Southern Horn) [modern Cape Guardafui]. After doubling this cape towards the south, we have no more descriptions, he says, of harbors or places, because nothing is known of the sea-coast beyond this point. Along the coast there are both pillars and altars of Pytholaus, Lichas, Pythangelus, Leon, and Charimortus, that is, along the known coast from Deire as far as Notuceras; but the distance is not determined. The country abounds with elephants and lions called myrmeces (ants). They have their genital organs reversed. Their skin is of a golden color, but they are more bare than the lions of Arabia.

It produces also leopards of great strength and courage, and the rhinoceros. The rhinoceros is little inferior to the elephant; not, according to Artemidorus, in length to the crest, although he says he had seen one at Alexandria, but it is somewhat about a span less in height, judging at least from the one I saw. Nor is the color the pale yellow of boxwood, but like that of the elephant. It was of the size of a bull. Its shape approached very nearly to that of the wild boar, and particularly the forehead; except the front, which is furnished with a hooked horn, harder than any bone. It uses it as a weapon, like the wild boar its tusks. It has also two hard welts, like folds of serpents, encircling the body from the chin to the belly, one on the withers, the other on the loins. This description is taken from one I myself saw. Artemidorus adds to his account of this animal, that it is peculiarly inclined to dispute with the elephant for the place of pasture; thrusting its forehead under the belly of the elephant, and ripping it up, unless prevented by the trunk and tusks of his adversary.

Camel-leopards are bred in these parts, but they do not in any respect resemble leopards, for their variegated skin is more like the streaked and spotted skin of fallow deer. The hinder quarters are so very much lower than the fore quarter that it seems as if the animal sat upon its rump, which is the height of an ox; the fore legs are as long as those of the camel. The neck rises high and straight up, but the head greatly exceeds in height that of the camel. From this want of proportion, the speed of the animal is not so great, I think as it is described by Artemidorus, according to whom it is not to be surpassed. It is not however a wild animal, but rather like a domesticated beast; for it shows no signs of savage disposition.

This country, continues Artemidorus, produces also sphinxes, cynocephali, and cebi, which have the face of a lion, and the rest of the body like that of a panther; they are as large as deer. There are wild bulls also, which are carnivorous, and greatly exceed ours in size and swiftness. They are of a red color. The crocuttas [the spotted hyena] is, according to this author, of mixed progeny of a wolf and a dog. What Metrodorus the Scepsian relates, in his book "on Custom," is like fable, and to be disregarded. Artemidorus mentions serpents also of thirty cubits in length, which can master elephants and bulls: in this he does not exaggerate. But the Indian and African serpents are of a more fabulous size, and are said to have grass growing on their backs.

The mode of life among the Troglodytae is nomadic. Each tribe is governed by tyrants. Their wives and children are common, except those of the tyrants. The offence corrupting the wife of a tyrant is punished with the fine of sheep. The women carefully paint themselves with antimony. They wear about their necks shells, as a protection again fascination by witchcraft. In their quarrels, which are pastures, they first push away each other with their hands, they then use stones, or, if wounds are inflicted, arrows and daggers. The women put an end to these disputes, by going into the midst of the combatants and using prayers and entreaties.

Their food consists of flesh and bones pounded together, wrapped up in skins and then baked, or prepared after many other methods by the cooks, who are called Acatharti, or impure. In this way they eat not only the flesh, but the bones and skins also. They use (as an ointment for the body?) a mixture of blood and milk; the drink of the people in general is an infusion of the paliurus (buckthorn); that of the tyrants is mead; the honey being expressed from some kind of flower. Their winter sets in when the Etesian winds begin to blow (for they have rain), and the remaining season is summer.

They go naked, or wear skins only, and carry clubs. They deprive themselves of the foreskin, but some are circumcised like Egyptians. The Ethiopian Megabarae have their clubs armed with iron knobs. They use spears and shields which are covered with raw hides. The other Ethiopians use bows and lances. Some of the Troglodytae, when they bury their dead, bind the body from the neck to the legs with twigs of the buckthorn. They then immediately throw stones over the body, at the same time laughing and rejoicing, until they have covered the face. They then place over it a ram's horn, and go away. They travel by night; the male cattle have bells fastened to them, in order to drive away wild beasts with the sound. They use torches also and arrows in repelling them. They watch during the night, on account of their flocks, and sing some peculiar song around their fires. . . .

Egypt was from the first disposed to peace, from having resources within itself, and because it was difficult of access to strangers. It was also protected on the north by a harborless coast and the Egyptian Sea; on the east and west by the desert mountains of Libya and Arabia, as I have said before. The remaining parts towards the south are occupied by Troglodytae, Blemmyae, Nubiae, and Megabarae Ethiopians above Syene. These are nomads, and not numerous nor warlike, but accounted so by the ancients, because frequently, like robbers, they attacked defenseless persons. Neither are the Ethiopians, who extend towards the south and Meroë, numerous nor collected in a body; for they inhabit a long, narrow, and winding tract of land on the riverside, such as we have before described; nor are they well prepared either for war or the pursuit of any other mode of life.

At present the whole country is in the same pacific state, proof of which is that the upper country is sufficiently guarded by three cohorts, and these not complete. Whenever the Ethiopians have ventured to attack them, it has been at the risk of danger to their own country. The rest of the forces in Egypt are neither very numerous, nor did the Romans ever once employ them collected into one army. For neither are the Egyptians themselves of a warlike disposition, nor the surrounding nations, although their numbers are very large.

Cornelius Gallus, the first governor of the country appointed by Augustus Caesar, attacked the city Heroöpolis, which had revolted [in 28 B.C.], and took it with a small body of men. He suppressed also in a short time an insurrection in the Thebaïs which originated as to the payment of tribute. At a later period Petronius resisted, with the soldiers about his person, a mob of myriads of Alexandrines, who attacked him by throwing stones. He killed some, and compelled the rest to desist.

We have before related how Aelius Gallus, when he invaded Arabia with a part of the army stationed in Egypt, exhibited a proof of the unwarlike disposition of the people; and if Syllaeus had not betrayed him, he would have conquered the whole of Arabia Felix. The Ethiopians, emboldened in consequence of a part of the forces in Egypt being drawn off by Aelius Gallus, who engaged in war with the Arabs, invaded the Thebaïs and attacked the garrison, consisting of three cohorts, near Syene; surprised and took Syene, Elephantine, and Philae, a sudden inroad; enslaved the inhabitants, and threw down statues of Caesar. But Petronius, marching with less than 10,000 infantry and 800 horse against an army of 30,000 men, compelled them to retreat to Pselchis [former Maharraqa--now submerged beneath Lake Nasser], an Ethiopian city. He then sent deputies to demand restitution of what they had taken, and the reasons which had induced them to begin the war.

On their alleging that they had been ill-treated by the nomarchs, he answered, that these were not the sovereign of the country, but Caesar. When they desired three days for consideration, and did nothing which they were bound to do, Petronius attacked and compelled them to fight. They soon fled, being badly commanded, and badly armed; for they carried large shields made of raw hides, and hatchets for defensive weapons; some, however, had pikes, and others swords. Part of the insurgents were driven into the city, others fled into the uninhabited country; and such as ventured upon the passage of the river escaped to a neighboring island, where there were not many crocodiles on account of the current. Among the fugitives were the generals of the Candace, queen of the Ethiopians in our time, a masculine woman, and who had lost an eye. Petronius, pursuing them in rafts and ships, took them all and despatched them immediately to Alexandria. He then attacked Pselchis and took it. If we add the number of those who fell in battle to the number of prisoners, few only could have escaped.

From Pselchis Petronius went to Premnis [the former Karanog--now also submerged beneath Lake Nasser], a strong city, traveling over the hills of sand, beneath which the army of Cambyses [king of Persia, and successor to Cyrus the Great] was overwhelmed by the setting in of a whirlwind. He took the fortress at the first onset, and afterwards advanced to Napata. This was the royal seat of the Candace; and her son was there, but she herself was in a neighboring stronghold. When she sent ambassadors to treat of peace, and to offer the restitution of the prisoners brought from Syene, and the statues, Petronius attacked and took Napata, from which her son had fled, and then razed it. He made prisoners of the inhabitants, and returned back again with the booty, as he judged any farther advance into the country impracticable on account of the roads. He strengthened, however, the fortifications of Premnis, and having placed a garrison there, with two years' provisions for four hundred men, returned to Alexandria. Some of the prisoners were publicly sold as loot, and a thousand were sent to Caesar, who had lately returned from the Cantabrians, others died of various diseases.

In the meantime the Candace attacked the garrison with an army of many thousand men. Petronius came to its assistance, and entering the fortress before the approach of the enemy, secured the place by many expedients. The enemy sent ambassadors, but he ordered them to repair to Caesar: in their replying, that they did not know who Caesar was, nor where they were to find him, Petronius appointed persons to conduct them to his presence. They arrived at Samos, where Caesar was at that time, and from whence he was on the point of proceeding into Syria, having already despatched Tiberius into Armenia. The ambassadors obtained all that they desired, and Caesar even remitted the tribute which he had imposed. . .

The mode of life of the Ethiopians is wretched; they are for the most part naked, and wander from place to place with their flocks. Their flocks and herds are small in size, whether sheep, goats, or oxen; the dogs also, though fierce and quarrelsome, are small. . . . They live on millet and barley, from which also a drink is prepared. They have no oil, but use butter and fat instead. There are no fruits, except the produce of trees in the royal gardens. Some feed even upon grass, the tender twigs of trees, the lotus, or the roots of reeds. They live also upon the flesh and blood of animals, milk, and cheese. They reverence their kings as gods, who are for the most part shut up in their palaces.

Their largest royal seat is the city of Meroë, of the same name as the island. The shape of the island is said to be that of a shield. Its size is perhaps exaggerated. Its length is about 3000 stadia, and its breadth 1000 stadia. It is very mountainous, and contains great forests. The inhabitants are nomads, who are partly hunters and partly farmers. There are also mines of copper, iron, gold, and various kinds of precious stones. It is surrounded on the side of Libya by great hills. of sand, and on that of Arabia by continuous precipices. In the higher parts on the south, it is bounded by the confluence of the rivers Astaboras [modern Atbara], Astapa [the White Nile], and Astasobas [the Blue Nile]. On the north is the continuous course of the Nile to Egypt, with its windings, of which we have spoken before.

The houses in the cities are formed by interweaving split pieces of palm wood or of bricks. They have fossil salt [rock salt], as in Arabia. Palm, the persea [the peach], ebony, and carob trees are found in abundance. They hunt elephants, lions and panthers. There are also serpents, which encounter elephants, and there are many other kinds of wild animals, which take refuge, from the hotter and parched districts, in watery and marshy districts. Above Meroë is Psebo [the modern Lake Tana], a large lake, containing a well-inhabited island. As the Libyans occupy the western bank off the Nile, and the Ethiopians the country on the other side of the river, they thus dispute by turns the possession of the islands and the banks of the river, one party repulsing the other, or yielding to the superiority of its opponent.

The Ethiopians use bows of wood four cubits long, and hardened in the fire. The women also are armed, most of whom wear in the upper lip a copper ring. They wear sheepskins, without wool; for the sheep have hair like goats. Some go naked, or wear small skins or girdles of well-woven hair around the loins. They regard as god one being who is immortal, the cause of all things; another who is mortal, a being without a name, whose nature is not clearly understood. In general they consider as gods benefactors and royal person, some of whom are their kings, the common saviors and guardians of all; others are private persons, esteemed as gods by those who have individually received benefits from them. Of those who inhabit the torrid region, some are even supposed not to acknowledge any god, and are said to abhor even the sun, and to apply opprobrious names to him, when they behold him rising, because he scorches and tortures them with his heat; these people take refuge in the marshes. The inhabitants of Meroë worship Hercules, Pan, and Isis, besides some other barbaric deities. Some tribes throw the dead into the river; others keep them in the house, enclosed in hyalus. Some bury them around the temples in coffins of baked clay. They swear an oath by them, which is reverenced as more sacred than all others.

Kings are appointed from among persons distinguished by their personal beauty, or by their breeding of cattle, or by their courage, or their riches. In Meroë the priests anciently held the highest rank, an sometimes sent orders even to the king, by a messenger, to put an end to himself; when they appointed another keeper, in his place. At last one of their kings abolished this custom, going with an armed body to the temple where the golden shrine is, and slaughtering all the priests. The following custom exists among the Ethiopians. If a king is mutilated in any part of the body, those who are most attached to his person, as attendants, mutilate themselves in the same manner, and even die with him. Hence the king is guarded with the utmost care.

Dio Cassius: History of Rome, c. 220 CE
Book LIV.v.4-6.
About this same time [23 B.C.] the Ethiopians, who dwell beyond Egypt, advanced as far as the city called Elephantine, with the Candace as their leader, ravaging everything they encountered. At Elephantine, however, learning that Gaius Petronius, the governor of Egypt, was already moving, they hastily retreated before he arrived, hoping to make good their escape. But being overtaken on the road, they were defeated and thus drew him after them into their own country. There, too, he fought successfully with them, and took Napata, their capital, among other cities. This place was razed to the ground, and a garrison left at another point; for Petronius, finding himself unable either to advance farther, on account of the sand and the heat, or advantageously to remain where he was with his entire army, withdrew, taking the greater part of it with him. Thereupon the Ethiopians attacked the garrisons, but he again proceeded against them, rescued his own men, and compelled the Candace to make terms with him.

Inscription of Ezana, King of Axum, c. 325 CE
Through the might of the Lord of All I took the field against the Noba [Nubians] when the people of Noba revolted, when they boasted and "He will not cross over the Takkaze," said the Noba, when they did violence to the peoples Mangurto and Hasa and Barya, and the Black Noba waged war on the Red Noba and a second and a third time broke their oath and without consideration slew their neighbors and plundered our envoys and messengers whom I had sent to interrogate them, robbing them of their possessions and seizing their lances. When I sent again and they did not hear me, and reviled me, and made off, I took the field against them. And I armed myself with the power of the Lord of the Land and fought on the Takkaze at the ford of Kemalke. And thereupon they fled and stood not still, and I pursued the fugitives twenty-three days slaying them and capturing others and taking plunder from them, where I came; while prisoners and plunder were brought back by my own people who marched out; while I burnt their towns, those of masonry and those of straw, and seized their corn and their bronze and the dried meat and the images in their temples and destroyed the stocks of corn and cotton; and the enemy plunged into the river Seda, and many perished in the water, the number I know not, and as their vessels foundered a multitude of people, men and women were drowned. . .
And I arrived at the Kasu [Kush], slaying them and taking others prisoner at the junction of the rivers Seda and Takkaze. And on the day after my arrival I dispatched into the field the troop of Mahaza and the Damawa and Falha and Sera up the Seda against the towns of masonry and of straw; their towns of masonry are called >Alwa, Daro. And they slew and took prisoners and threw them into the water and they returned safe and sound, after they had terrified their enemies and had conquered through the power of the Lord of the Land. And I sent the troop Halen and the troop Laken and the troop Sabarat and Falha and Sera down the Seda against the towns of straw of the Noba and Negues; the towns of masonry of the Kasu which the Noba had taken were Tabito, Fertoti; and they arrived at the territory of the Red Noba, and my people returned safe and sound after they had taken prisoners and slain others and had seized their plunder through the power of the Lord of Heaven. And I erected a throne at the junction of the rivers Seda and Takkaze, opposite the town of masonry which is on this peninsula.
Procopius of Caesarea: History of the Wars, c. 550 CE
Book I.xix.1, 17-22, 27-37, xx.1-13
At that time the idea occurred to the Emperor Justinian to ally himself with the Ethiopians and the Omeritae, in order to injure the Persians. . . .About opposite the Omeritae on the opposite mainland dwell the Ethiopians who are called Auxumitae, because their king resides in the city of Auxomis [Axum]. And the expanse of sea which lies between is crossed in a voyage of five days and nights, when a moderately favoring wind blows. . . .
From the city of Auxumis to the Egyptian boundaries of the Roman domain, where the city called Elephantine is situated, is a journey of thirty days for an unencumbered traveler. Within that space many nations are settled, and among them the Blemmyae and the Nobatae [Nubians], who are very large nations. But the Blemmyae dwell in the central portion of the country, while the Nobatae possess the territory about the River Nile. Formerly this was not the limit of the Roman Empire, but it lay beyond there as far as one would advance in a seven days' journey; but the Roman Emperor Diocletian came there, and observed that the tribute from these places was of the smallest possible account, since the land is at that point extremely narrow (for rocks rise to an exceedingly great height at no great distance from the Nile and spread over the rest of the country), while a very large body of soldiers had been stationed there from of old, the maintenance of which was an excessive burden upon the public; and at the same time the Nobatae who formerly dwelt about the city of Premnis [modern Karanog--now submerged beneath Lake Nasser] used to plunder the whole region; so he persuaded these barbarians to move from their own habitations, and to settle along the River Nile, promising to bestow upon them great cities and land both extensive and incomparably better than that which they had previously occupied. For in this way he thought that they would no longer harass the country about Pselchis [modern Maharraqa--now submerged beneath Lake Nasser] at least, and that they would possess themselves of the land given them, as being their own, and would probably beat off the Blemmyae and the other barbarians.
And since this pleased the Nobatae, they made the migration immediately, just as Diocletian directed them, and took possession of all the Roman cities and the land on both sides of the River beyond the city of Elephantine. Then it was that this emperor decreed that to them and to the Blemmyae a fixed sum of gold should be given every year with the stipulation that they should no longer plunder the land of the Romans. And they receive this gold even up to my time, but none the less they overrun the country there. Thus, it seems that with all barbarians there is no means of compelling them to keep faith with the Romans except through the fear of soldiers to hold them in check. And yet this emperor went so far as to select a certain island in the River Nile close to the city of Elephantine and there construct a very strong fortress in which he established certain temples and altars for the Romans and these barbarians in common, and he settled priests of both nations in this fortress, thinking that the friendship between them would be secure by reason of their sharing the things sacred to them. And for this reason he named the place Philae. Now, both these nations, the Blemmyae and the Nobatae, believe in all the gods in which the Greeks believe, and they also reverence Isis and Osiris, and not least of all Priapus. But the Blemmyae are accustomed also to sacrifice human beings to the Sun. These sanctuaries in Philae were kept by these barbarians even up to my time, but the Emperor Justinian decided to tear them down. . . .
At about the time of this war Ellestheaeus, the king of the Ethiopians, who was a Christian and a most devoted adherent of this faith, discovered that a number of the >Omeritae on the opposite mainland [modern Yemen] were oppressing the Christians there outrageously; many of these rascals were Jews, and many of them held in reverence the old faith which men of the present day call Hellenic [i.e., pagan]. He therefore collected a fleet of ships and an army and came against them, and he conquered them in battle and slew both the king and many of the >Omeritae. He then set up in his stead a Christian king, an Omeritae by birth, by name Esimiphaeus, and, after ordaining that he should pay a tribute to the Ethiopians every year, he returned to his home. In this Ethiopian army many slaves and all who were readily disposed to crime were quite unwilling to follow the king back, but were left behind and remained there because of their desire for the land of the >Omeritae; for it is an extremely goodly land.
These fellows at a time not long after this, in company with certain others, rose against the king Esimiphaeus and put him in confinement in one of the fortresses there, and established another king over the Omeritae, Abramus by name. Now this Abramus was a Christian, but a slave of a Roman citizen who was engaged in the business of shipping in the city of Adulis in Ethiopia. When >Ellestheaeus learned this, he was eager to punish Abramus together with those who had revolted with him for their injustice to Esimiphaeus, and he sent against them an army of three thousand men with one of his relatives as commander. This army, once there, was no longer willing to return home, but they wished to remain where they were in a goodly land, and so without the knowledge of their commander they opened negotiations with Abramus; then when they came to an engagement with their opponents, just as the fighting began, they killed their commander and joined the ranks of the enemy, and so remained there. But Ellestheaeus was greatly moved with anger and sent still another army against them; this force engaged with Abramus and his men, and, after suffering a severe defeat in the battle, straightway returned home. Thereafter the king of the Ethiopians became afraid, and sent no further expeditions against Abramus. After the death of Ellestheaeus, Abramus agreed to pay tribute to the king of the Ethiopians who succeeded him, and in this way he strengthened his rule. But this happened at a later time.
At that time, when Ellestheaeus was reigning over the Ethiopians, and Esimiphaeus over the Omeritae, the Emperor Justinian sent an ambassador, Julianus, demanding that both nations on account of their community of religion should make common cause with the Romans in the war against the Persians; for he purposed that the Ethiopians, by purchasing silk from India and selling it among the Romans, might themselves gain much money, while cause the Romans to profit in only one way, namely, that they be no longer compelled to pay over their money to their enemy (this is the silk of which they are accustomed to make the garments which of old the Greeks called "Medic," but which at the present time they name "Seric" [from Lat. serica, as coming from the Chinese (Seres)]). As for the >Omeritae, it was desired that they should establish Caïsus, the fugitive, as captain over the Maddeni, and with a great army of their own people and of the Maddene Saracens make an invasion into the land of the Persians. This Caïsus was by birth of the captain's rank and an exceptionally able warrior, but he had killed one of the relativesof Esimiphaeus and was a fugitive in a land which is utterly destitute of human habitation.
So each king, promising to put this demand into effect, dismissed the ambassador, but neither one of them did the things agreed upon by them. For it was impossible for the Ethiopians to buy silk from the Indians, for the Persian merchants always locate themselves at the very harbors where the Indian ships first put in (since they inhabit the adjoining country), and are accustomed to buy the whole cargoes; and it seemed to the Omeritae a difficult thing to cross a country which was a desert and which extended so far that a long time was required for the journey across it, and then to go against such a people much more warlike than themselves. Later on Abramus too, when at length he had established his power most securely, promised the Emperor Justinian many times to invade the land of Persia, but only once began the journey and then straightway turned back. Such then were the relations which the Romans had with the Ethiopians and the Omeritae.

Sources:

From:
Schäfer, A History of Ancient Aethiopian Kingship (London, 1905), pp. 81-100.
Herodotus, The History, trans. George Rawlinson (New York: Dutton & Co., 1862)
Strabo, The Geography of Strabo: Literally Translated, with Notes, trans. H. C. Hamilton, esq., & W. Falconer (London: H. G. Bohn, 1854-1857), pp. 191-203, 266-272, 275-284
Dio Cassius, The Roman History, Vol. V, trans. Ernest Cary (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1917), pp. 293, 294
Procopius, History of the Wars, 7 vols., trans. H. B. Dewing (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press & Wm. Heinemann, 1914; reprint ed., 1953-54), I.179, 183-195.
Scanned by: J. S. Arkenberg, Dept. of History, Cal. State Fullerton. Prof. Arkenberg has modernized and annotated the text.

Tigray Regional State and The Future of Ethiopia

2022-02-12T04:44:00.003-08:00

It is over a year now since the self-appointed government in Addis Abeba , Ethiopia has put Tigray Regional State under siege. Transport from and to Tigray is blocked. There are no bank and tele-communication services, including the internet.

The government of Tigray in Mekelle has taken the responsibility of administering all towns and villages under the control of Tigray Defense Forces. Due to total blockade of Tigray, there has been shortage of food and is reported that some people have died due to starvation. The Addis Abeba government has been bombing farms and places where food is stored. Eritrean troops who occupied parts of Tigray killed cattle and robbed grains from the farmers with aim to starve Tigray population to death. Due to effective resistance from TDF and Tigray people, Abiy ahmed and Issayas Afeworqi have failed to occupy Tigray. Ethiopia's troops took similar actions against the people of Tigray. Tigray Defense Forces managed to evict the Eritrean and Ethiopian mercenary troops from most of Tigray. There are ongoing battles between Eritrean troops and TDF in West Tigray. Amhara and Ethiopian troops are also fighting against TDF.

The UN should have stopped the aggression against Tigray people. We need to break the siege by actively supporting Tigray people. The people of Tigray should not suffer. Abiy Ahmed and Issayas Afeworqi should be brought to justice. They have committed genocide against Tigray. On this occasion, Aksum Post would like to thank Joe Biden and US Congrss for standing with people of Tigray in their darkest hour.

Any sovereign state cannot be allowed to kill citizens if they do not support the government. In case of Ethiopia, it is genocide against it's own people. Such crimes should be stopped before they cause damage to the innocent citizens, specially women and children. We will post a detailed article about the war waged by Eritrea and Ethiopia against the people of Tigray. For today, we post an article from The New York Times from 12 January 2022

Why Is Ethiopia at War With Itself?

More than a year after Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed began a military campaign in the Tigray region, Ethiopians are bitterly divided and their country is wracked by famine and suffering.

By Declan Walsh and Abdi Latif Dahir, Jan 12, 2022 (New York Times)

A year of conflict in Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country and a linchpin of regional security, has left thousands dead, forced more than two million people from their homes and pushed parts of the country into famine.Forces under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed — the Ethiopian military, ethnic militias and troops from neighboring Eritrea — are fighting to oust the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or T.P.L.F., from its stronghold in the northern region of Tigray.The tide of the civil war has fluctuated wildly. The government teetered in early November when fighters from Tigray surged south toward the capital, Addis Ababa, forcing Mr. Abiy to declare a state of emergency. Foreigners fled the country and the government detained thousands of civilians from the Tigrayan ethnic group.

Tigray Regional State, where the war of genocide has been going on for over a year (arrow)

But weeks later Mr. Abiy pulled off a stunning military reversal, halting the rebel march less than 100 miles from the capital, then forcing them to retreat hundreds of miles to their mountainous stronghold in Tigray.Mr. Abiy succeeded partly by mobilizing ordinary citizens to take up arms to block the Tigrayan advance. “Nothing will stop us. The enemy will be destroyed,” Mr. Abiy, winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, told a group of soldiers at the battlefront while dressed in fatigues.

But Mr. Abiy’s fortunes were greatly boosted by a fleet of armed drones, recently imported from the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Iran, that pummeled the Tigrayan forces.

Drones have also hit refugee camps in Tigray and killed dozens of civilians. Despite recent releases of political prisoners by Mr. Abiy, which prompted a phone call with President Joe Biden, the prospect of a cease-fire seems distant.

The conflict threatens to tear apart Ethiopia, a once-firm American ally, and further destabilize the volatile Horn of Africa region. Here’s a look at how Tigray became a flash point in Ethiopia and the broader region.

Even before the war, Mr. Abiy appeared bent on breaking the power of the T.P.L.F., a political group of rebels turned rulers who had dominated Ethiopia for nearly three decades.

A former intelligence officer, Mr. Abiy had once been part of the T.P.L.F.-dominated government. But after he took office in 2018, he set about draining the group of its power and influence in Ethiopia, infuriating the Tigrayan leadership, which retreated to its stronghold of Tigray. Tensions grew.

In September 2020, the Tigrayans defied Mr. Abiy by going ahead with regional parliamentary elections that had he had postponed across Ethiopia.

Two months later, T.P.L.F. forces attacked a federal military base in Tigray in what they called a pre-emptive strike against federal forces preparing to attack them from a neighboring region.

Hours later, Mr. Abiy ordered a military offensive against the Tigrayan leadership. But his promises of a swift and bloodless victory quickly crumbled. The T.P.L.F. and its armed supporters fled to rural and mountainous areas, drawing Mr. Abiy into a quagmire.

The Ethiopian military suffered a major defeat in June when it was forced to withdraw from Tigray, and several thousand of its soldiers were taken captive.

By early November, the rebels were advancing on the capital, Addis Ababa. But then Mr. Abiy, backed by armed drones, dramatically turned the tide and forced the Tigrayans back to their northern homeland.

Through it all, civilians have suffered most. Since the war started, witnesses have reported numerous human rights violations, many confirmed by a U.N.-led investigation, of massacres, ethnic cleansing and widespread sexual violence.
Who are the T.P.L.F. and the Tigrayans?

The T.P.L.F. was born in the mid-1970s as a small militia of ethnic Tigrayans, a group that was long marginalized by the central government, to fight Ethiopia’s Marxist military dictatorship.

Tigrayans make up just 6 or 7 percent of Ethiopia’s population, compared with the two largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and the Amhara, which make up over 60 percent. Yet the T.P.L.F. became the dominant rebel force, eventually leading an alliance that toppled the Marxist government in 1991.

The rebel alliance became Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, with the T.P.L.F. at its head. Under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia emerged as a stable country in a turbulent region. It enjoyed significant economic growth and allied with the United States, sending troops into Somalia to fight Islamist militants in 2006.

But at home, the Tigrayan-dominated government systematically repressed political opponents and curtailed free speech. Torture was commonplace in government detention centers.

After Mr. Zenawi died in 2012, the T.P.L.F’s grip on power began to weaken, leading to an eruption of antigovernment protests in 2016 that eventually paved the way for Mr. Abiy to become prime minister in 2018.

Mr. Abiy, a onetime T.P.L.F. ally, moved quickly to purge the old guard. He removed Tigrayan officials from the security services, charged some with corruption or human rights abuses and in 2019 created a new political party. The Tigrayans refused to join.

At the same time, he strengthened his ties to President Isaias Afwerki, the authoritarian leader of Eritrea, who nursed a bitter, longstanding grudge against the Tigrayans.

The outside world lavished praised on Mr. Abiy and Mr. Isaias for the landmark peace deal they signed in 2018, ending two decades of hostilities between their countries and paving the way for Mr. Abiy’s Nobel Peace Prize win a year later.

Despite international demands to end the conflict, fighting continues in Tigray, the epicenter of a worsening humanitarian crisis.

Children are dying of malnutrition, soldiers are looting food aid, and relief workers have been prevented from reaching the hardest-hit areas, according to the United Nations and other aid groups. Since July, a government-imposed blockade of Tigray has kept desperately needed aid from reaching the area. In late November, the World Food Program announced that 9.4 million people across northern Ethiopia required food aid.

In western Tigray, ethnic Amhara militias have driven tens of thousands of people from their homes as part of what the United States has called an ethnic cleansing campaign.

More recently, Human Rights Watch accused Tigrayan rebels of executing dozens of civilians in captured areas, adding to the war’s dismal toll of atrocities.

Ethiopia’s ties to the United States, once a close ally, have come under great strain. Mr. Biden has cut off trade privileges for Ethiopia and threatened its leaders with sanctions. Neighboring African countries worry openly that Ethiopia, long the anchor of a volatile region, could become a source of instability.

Mr. Abiy is also contending with outbreaks of ethnic violence in other parts of Ethiopia, where hundreds of people died in clashes last year. His greatest worry is in Oromia, the most populous region, where a local insurgent group, the Oromo Liberation Army, entered an alliance with the T.P.L.F. in August aimed at toppling Mr. Abiy.

For several weeks last fall, the two groups united in a drive toward Addis Ababa until they were repelled by Mr. Abiy’s military and its drones.
How has the war changed Mr. Abiy’s global standing?

At 45, Mr. Abiy is among the youngest leaders in Africa, and in the first years of his rule he excited great hopes for transformational change in Ethiopia.

He freed political prisoners, abolished controls on the news media and helped mediate conflicts abroad. His peace deal with Eritrea and its authoritarian leader, Mr. Isaias, caused the Ethiopian leader’s international profile to soar and led to his Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.

But the war in Tigray has battered that glowing reputation. In November 2020, the peace prize committee issued a rare — if tacit — rebuke of one of its honorees.

But even before the war erupted in Tigray, Mr. Abiy had resorted to old tactics of repression — shutting down the internet in some areas, arresting journalists and detaining protesters and critics.

As the war with the T.P.L.F. expanded in 2021, the security forces rounded up thousands of ethnic Tigrayans and detained them in makeshift camps, citing security needs. Mr. Abiy used increasingly inflammatory language, denouncing his foes as “cancer” and “weeds.”

In a stark speech in November, Mr. Abiy called on soldiers to sacrifice their “blood and bone” to bury his enemies in “a deep pit” and “uphold Ethiopia’s dignity and flag.”

Reporting was contributed by Simon Marks, Marc Santora, Eric Nagourney and Richard Pérez-Peña.

America trapped between its national interest and its core values in the Tigray war, By Kalayu Abrha

2021-09-04T13:53:00.003-07:00

The key to the conduct of international relations is national interest. America puts this diplomatic formula as bluntly as: "There is no permanent friendship but national interest". All world states have their own national interests that they solicit from others, impose on others, and/or protect from others. World states also have core national values that may or may not be antagonistic or impediments to national interest. America and Britain for sure have shared values such as: democracy, peace, human rights, and constitutional order. They may join hands to realize these treasured values in their dealings or relations with other world states. However, America and Britain may clash head on in matters of international trade, each protecting its own markets from encroachment by the other. Zooming in into the internal affairs of particular states it is quite common for America's national interest to come into conflict with its core values. American allies and/or trading partners often may have undemocratic or democidal regimes in which constitutional order is wrecked. The situation puts America in a difficult position with that state of paradox which is a friend in terms of national interest but at the same time an enemy in terms of the core values. There have been three possible options to resolve the diplomatic dilemma: 1/ to take sides with the state, support and defend it against its domestic opposition, or 2/ to take sides with the internal opponents of the state, or 3/ try to reconcile the two. Unfortunately, taking one of the options is something which is more easily said than done.

America has on several occasions taken option 1, which gives primacy to national interest, and risked its cherished values of freedom and democratic governance. A case in point is the US-friendly junta in Burma where USA did not exceed the unhelpful rhetoric in favour of the Rohingia genocide victims. General Pinochet was installed and supported by the CIA against the fans of the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende. The junta in chile was meant to protect the copper mining US companies not the democratic rights of the people of Chile. In fact, which of the three options to choose largely depends on who sits in the Oval Office; but there is also an established way of doing things any US-President cannot bypass. This takes us to the American diplomatic dilemma that it is experiencing in Ethiopia over the Tigray genocidal war. It was the way it all began that put the USA in such a difficult position of inaction the consequence of which has extended the death and suffering of the people of Tigray in a biblical scale. The EPRDF-led government was successful in running an economic and social development experiment in Ethiopia which was based on a delicate balance between capitalism and socialism. Since the USA has never approved such a "brew" of socialism and capitalism it eyed the EPRF with mistrust as it also more often than not inclined towards China. Ethiopia and USA were allies on terrorism, though. It is not unusual for the USA to seek convenient substitutes for such governments that cannot be manipulated to bow to the economic dictates of the IMF and the World Bank. Although the USA had its tacit appreciations for the success of the experiment which rocketed Ethiopia onto being one of the fastest growing economies, the fact that the commanding-heights of the Ethiopian economy is (was?) state controlled failed to turn Ethiopia into "capitalist-enough" state to the satisfaction of the USA. It was a blessing in a bad guise for the US-officials during the Trump presidency that bad governance had tarnished the good image of the EPRDF. America took this golden opportunity and used the civil unrest in Ethiopia to support the removal of the leading member of the EPRDF-coalition leaving the rest of it intact to lead the "transformation to genuine democratic rule". The loud noise of capitalism was in the air; but that did not serve the enhancement of social and economic realities on the ground. It was only a smoke screen to attack Tigray by giving it a bad name and inciting the wrath of Ethiopians against it.

I have no evidence that Trump's USA backed the invasion of Tigray; but I take its silence as consent! The callous Trump was busy with the election issues although he may have been informed by his aides about the unjustifiable aggression, the civilian atrocities, the destruction of social and economic infrastructure, the massive robbery, and the involvement of foreign forces in this should-have-been a domestic conflict. When the more humanitarian and peace-loving president and his foreign relations team swore into office it was too late for Tigray. The whole Tigray was brutally violated in pitch darkness and deafening silence. The whole world roared against what happened in Tigray with USA taking the lead. USA was already talking about genocide in and the withdrawal of foreign troops from Tigray. The reference to the invasion as genocidal implied that friends of the USA at Arat-kilo will most likely face justice in the Hague. On the one hand, the long endured national interest of the USA in Ethiopia can be protected only if this Country remains in one piece. America can never accept the second largest country in Africa as a fragmented failed state. On the other hand, the invasion of Tigray and the widespread war crimes committed by what America wrongly believed to be reformist leadership was not compatible with the moral values USA holds dearly. The trend towards the disintegration of Ethiopia is unmistakable because the war crimes in Tigray have disillusioned Tegaru with regards to their continuity as Ethiopians. Most analysts believe that a domino-effect may most likely be triggered with the separation of the de-facto political and historical core of Ethiopia in the north. The genocidal war of invasion has been made more potent by the blockade of Tigray with the evil intention of starving its millions to death. The world has ample experience how gruesome the use of famine as a weapon of war is. Millions died in Biafra, during the Nigerian civil war, due to the blockade of food supplies to the Igbo people under General Yakubu Gowan. There is a great deal of similarity between what happened in Biafra and what is unfolding in Tigray.

America is performing a dangerous tight-rope balance to save Ethiopia and its current leaders if possible, for the USA, if not for the world, and at the same time to address the humanitarian crisis in Tigray and the unconstitutional violation of the territorial integrity of Tigray by the neighbouring Amhara expansionists and their Eritrean backers. The sticking point for America is that it is dealing with stubborn politicians who are decided to destroy Tigray at all diplomatic costs of international isolation and incrimination. America is accused by the Ethiopian leaders for backing the "terrorists" in Tigray. Since the latter are also accusing the entire people of Tigray as collaborators of "terrorists" they are want the world to believe that the siege of Tigray is an extension of the military campaign to starve "millions of terrorists". That is why they are accusing the USA for being "terrorist-friendly" when it insists on lifting the blockade and opening up for humanitarian access. Art-kilo and Bahir Dar have branded six million Tegraru as "terrorists" and thus America's request for access is rendered as interference in the internal affairs of Ethiopia. Ethiopian leaders have had their strange way of foul-mousing the integrity of the USA, embarrassing it visiting top officials, and threatening the cutting of diplomatic ties. Unbelievably the tactic seems to be working. Anger and frustration with the misbehavior of Ethiopian top officials, and the general public too, did not induce taking more drastic punitive measures on Ethiopia by USA.

Unable to jump out of the trap America seems to be standing on its lowest point of resolve and trying to appease Ethiopian leaders by putting pressure on Tigray favourable for the Amhara war-effort. USA believes that the preconditions given by Tigray Government for ceasefire and national dialogue are the most realistic. They can help America to keep Ethiopia intact and at the same time open humanitarian access via the most convenient route: Western Tigray. The precondition includes a new and inclusive transitional government. USA has to be clear about its desire. If it is keen about the safety of Ethiopia not about Abiy's leadership then it has to go for a more inclusive one. Constitutional order must be restored by the withdrawal of Amhara forces from Tigray. It is unfair to expect Tigray to withdraw from the Amhara Region when its own territory is still annexed by the Amhara forces. No other region's territory is taken by a neighbouring region. Why is the violation of the constitution in Tigray acceptable, but not elsewhere? War is not a hobby or something to have fun with. Tegaru youngsters are shedding their blood not because it gives them pleasure. It is because they wouldn't opt for a smaller Tigray than it was before the war just for the sake of peace. Human life and honour are inseparable. Mel Gibson took the role of Wallace of Scotland in 'Brave Heart' and was axed while crying "freedom!!". This is an enduring value that drives humanity and is compiled as chapters of history. Otherwise, we just belong to the Animal Kingdom. America must snap out of its dilemma and live up to its revered values. It must call the spade a spade not only with words but also with deeds. National interest does not nourish values; it is the other way round.

Source: Aigaforum

Inviting Foreign Countries to Commit Mass Atrocities in Tigray: How Ethiopia is abusing its Sovereignty By Desta, Asayehgn - Sarlo Distinguished Professor of Sustainable Economic Development

2021-06-21T18:08:00.002-07:00

As stated in the international humanitarian and human rights law, the United States applying “sovereignty as responsibility” is attempting to apply economic and political sanction against Ethiopian Government because the Ethiopian National Federal Forces in collaborators with other foreign governments has committed crimes of mass atrocities related to genocide, starvation, looting and the raping of underage girls and women in Tigray, Ethiopia.Though the Abiy regime of Ethiopia has voluntarily forfeited its sovereignty by inviting foreign countries to invade its citizens, now it has not only started denouncing the United States for meddling in the internal affairs of Ethiopia but it also anchoring on his power to galvanize his supporters and stage massive demonstration against the United States of America. The central question of this paper is: Can the sanctions imposed by the United States of America on Ethiopia for waging war of annihilation against the people of Tigray amount to the violation of Ethiopia’s sovereignty?

A brief review of studie# Established in thef Westphalia in 1648, state sovereignty was specifically established to give every state an exclusive rights within its domestic jurisdiction. Being equal to one another and having the sole authority, the Westphalia state sovereignty was codified to prohibit the intervention of one state on the domestic affairs of another state (Tan, Oct 9, 2017).Over the thirty and half years, the Westphalia sovereignty remained relevant from the principle of non-interference.

Nonetheless, as it gave unlimited authority to dictators, it faced challenge from human rights advocates. Thus, without infringing a country’s sovereignty, the 1648 Westphalia state sovereignty was amended in 1948 to make humanistic by incorporate statements that states be given the responsibilities with obligation to hold their citizens’ rights to be free from mass atrocity crimes and human rights abusesFurthermore, under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) of 2005, states were made to know that they could relinquish their sovereignty provided they are found to commit or allow mass atrocities related to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against their citizens (Etzioni, March 10, 2016, and Glanville, 2011)Over the thirty and half years, the Westphalia sovereignty remained relevant from the principle of non-interference. Nonetheless, as it gave unlimited authority to dictators, it faced challenge from human rights advocates.

Thus, without infringing a country’s sovereignty, the 1648 Westphalia state sovereignty was amended in 1948 to make humanistic by incorporate statements that states be given the responsibilities with obligation to hold their citizens’ rights to be free from mass atrocity crimes and human rights abuses.Furthermore, under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) of 2005, states were made to know that they could relinquish their sovereignty provided they are found to commit or allow mass atrocities related to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against their citizens (Etzioni, March 10, 2016, and Glanville, 2011).

To summarize, according to the 1648 Westphalian accord, states were given the exclusive rights within their domestic jurisdiction to calm down various religious types of conflicts. Stated differently, states were made to be exclusively prohibited from intervening into the domestic affairs of other states. However, following World War II, states were further accorded additional responsibility to protect (R2P) the welfare of their citizens from mass atrocity crimes.Provided states fail to uphold their responsibility to protect the human rights of its citizens, the General Assembly of the United Nations in 2005 further endorsed that other states have the obligation to intervene and protect human rights of the then aggressed citizens. Clarifying the dilution of that might exist in the concept of sovereignty as a control, it was ascertained to incorporate responsibility in both internal functions and external duties (Evans and Sahnoun et al (2001).Analysis and ConclusionEthiopia being a member of the League of Nations and the United Nations, it needs to be appreciated for being one of signatory nations that it agreed to protect the welfare of its citizens from internal mass atrocity and see that it agreed to practice sovereignty as responsibility.

Nonetheless, after signing voluntarily that sovereignty cannot be used as carte blanche for states to committee all forms of atrocities (Tan, Oct 9, 2017), it is a disgrace for Ethiopia to see that the Abiy’s regime invited and collaborated with other nations such as, the well-known dictator, Isaias Afework of Eritrea, Somalia’s armed forces, and United Arab Emirates’ drones to wag a full-scale war to annihilate the citizens of Tigray.

Given the various horrible atrocities committed in Tigray, the Abiy regime doesn’t either have the moral nor the legal grounds to act as the guardian of Ethiopia’s sovereignty (Ashenafi (May, 21, 2021). In addition, the Abiy regime should be ashamed to accuse the United States for imposing economic and political sanctions against Ethiopia. After all, the sanctions that United States is intending to impose on Ethiopia is nothing but is in line with the international obligation of the 2005 that each member nation signed to fulfill case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity.

In a violation of the territorial boundaries of regional states established in the

1995 Ethiopian constitution, it was very awful that the Abiy regime organized the Amhara militia forces and the genocidal fano forces to cross their boundaries, enter Tigray and expropriate the Tigrayans from their respective territories and made about 71,000 flee as refugees to the Sudan. Therefore, it is a high time that the international community collaborate together to disparage Ethiopia from abusing sovereignty and attempting to use it as a dreadful formula for the extermination of Tigreans (Security and Justice for Tigreans (SJTE) in Ethiopia, June 7, 2021).

The conclusion that could be reached from the above analysis that the Abiy regime has voluntarily forfeited sovereignty when it invited foreign countries to invade its own citizens. Moreover, now, the Abiy regime is abusing sovereignty against the United States for its decision to impose economic and political sanctions against Ethiopia in order to partially protect the Tigrayan victims. Therefore, given the war crimes being committed in Tigray are unparalleled in human history, the international community has the duty and responsibility to prosecute Abiy as the perpetrator of “heinous international crimes” (See also, SJTE, June 7, 2021).

References:

Ashenafi , F. (March 21, 2021). “Hiding behind the Sovereignty skirt: Ethiopia’s

Foreign Ministry Statement.” aigaforum.com/articles2021/Hiding-under-the- Sovereignty-skirt.htm

Deng, F. etal (1996). Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in Africa. Brookings Institution Press, M. (2011).

Desta, A. (Feb. 13, 2021). “Reversing History: Eritrea’s form of colonialism progressing in Tigray (Ethiopia) in the 21st Century. Tigrai online.

Evans, G, Sahnoun et al (2011). “The Responsibility to Protect: Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty.” Ottawa: International Development Research Centre.

Etzioni.A (March 10, 2016). “Defining Down Sovereignty: The Rights and Responsibilities of Nations.” Ethics & International Affairs.

Glanville, L. (2011). “The Antecedents of “Sovereignty as Responsibility.” European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 17, No. 2.

Krasner, S. (1999). Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy. Princeton: Princeton University

Press.

Securities and Justice for Tigreans in Ethiopia (June 7, 2021). “His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations.”

Tan, S. (Oct 9, 2017). “The Uses and Abuses of Sovereignty.” Foreign Policy.

World Summit Outcome (September 15, 2005). “Draft resolution refereed to High –level Plenary Meeting on the General Assembly, 59th Session.

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ህጹጽ ጻዊዒት ንመንግስታት ዓለምና ንሂወት ሰላማዊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ንምድሓም!!! ሰማእታትና፣ ወርሒ ሰኔ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ሙሉእ ዓመት ይዘከሩ!!! ዲሞክራስያዊ ዉድብ ብሄረ ብሌን ኤርትራ

2021-06-21T17:54:00.000-07:00

እዚ ወርሒ እዚ ሰማእታትና ንዝክረሉ ወርሒ’ዩ። ኣብ’ዚ ናይ ሎሚ ዘመን ዝኽርና ግን ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ቐዳምነት ክንህቦ ወሲና። ሰማእታትና ኣዕኑድ ታሪኽና፣ ባና ጽባሕ ናጽነትና፣ ክብርናን ኩርዓትናን ኣብ ዓመት ሓንሳብ ዘይኮነ መዓልታዊ ሕድሪ ናቶም እናፈጸምና’ና ክንዝክሮም’ዩ ዝግባኣና። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዋርቕ ደቑ ‘’ዓወት ንሓፋሽ’’ እናበሉ ዝወደቑሉ ሎሚ ኣብ ሲኦል ክነብር ምርኣይና ዝያዳ የሕርነና ኣሎ። ኣብ ዓዲ ሓቒ መቐለ ቆይማ ዘላ ሃዉልቲ ሰማእታት ህዝቢ ትግራይ ከኣ ካብ ቐደም ንላዕሊ ክደምቕ ሙዃና ንኣምን። ነቶም ምእንቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ሞቑሕ ዘለዉ’ውን ብጥዕና ሓርነት ሃገሮም ክርእዩ ተዓጢቅና ክንቓለስ 20 ሰኔ ዳግም ቓልና ንሓድሰላ ዕለት ሙዃና ንኹሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ነዘኻኽር። ክቡርትን ክቡራንን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ እዛ ሎሚ ነበልብላ ዘሎና ምልክት ናጽነትና ባንዴራ ንግደ ሓቒ ንሕና በይንና ኣይወደቅናላን። መንግስቲ ደርጊ፣ ሓዲስ መሳርያታት ካብ ደገፍቱ ተዓጢቑ ፈላጣት ኮምንደርስ ወሲኹ ካብ ገጽ ምድሪ ከጥፋኣና ከምጽእ እንከሎ እንኮ ምሳና ደዉ ዝበሉ ሂወቶምን ግዜኦምን ሞራልን ዝኾኑና ኣሕዋትና ተጋሩ ተጋድልቲ ህወሓት’ዮም። ድሕሪ ደርጊ ምዕናዉ’ውን ዲሞክራስያዊ ሩፑፕሊክ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ኣብ ግዜ ረፈረንዱም ብናዉትን ብሞራልን ብሕጋዊ መንገዱን ዝደገፉና ንሶም ህወሓት’ዮም። ህወሓት ብሰንኪ እዚ ቅኑዕ መስመሮም ግዳይ ከም ዝኾኑ’ውን ኩሉ ብዓል ህልና ኤርትራዊ ዘይክሕዶ’ዩ።

እዚ ቅድሚ ሾብዓተ ወርሒ ዝተወልዔ ኲናት ንመንግስትን ህዝብን ትግራይ እንተዘይንበርኪኽና መስመር ትምክሕቲ ኣብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክዕወት ኣይ ክእልን’ዩ ዝብል ኣጅነዳ ናይ ብዙሓት ሽርሒ’ዩ። ብሰማይን ብምድርን ዝጎስዕ ኣጽዋር ዓጢቖሞም ብገንዘብን መዳልያን ድማ መሪቖሞም። እዚ ኲናት ጸረ ህዝብን ጸረ ሰላምን ጸረ ዲሞክራስን’ዩ። ዲዉብብኤ ነዚ ናይ ፋሺሽቲ ኲናት ይኹንኖ። ንሕና ኤርትራዉያን ኣብ ግዜ ጣልያን ብሓይሊ ባንዳታት ጥልያን ኮና ንኢትዮጵያ ንሶማል ንሊብያ ወጊእና’ና። ሃገርና ዶባታ ብመሬት ምስ ስለስተ ብባሕሪ ድማ ካብ ባብ ኤልመንደብ ክሳብ ሱወዝ ካናል ምስ ሓምሽተ ሃገራት ትዳውብ። ምስ እዘን ኩለን ሃገራት ሰላምን ርጉእ ናይ ቑጠባ ዝምድናን የብልናን። ንየምን ክትዓኑ ካብ ዓሰብ ነፈርትን ድሮናትን ክበራ መሬትና ተዋሂቡ። ሰቕ ኢልና። ሎሚ ብኢድና ብእግርና ንጎርቤት ሃገር ወሪርና። እሞ ንህዝቢ ትግራይ። ካብ እዘን ኩልን ሃገራት ዓለማት እታ ብሂወት ደቓ ኣብ ግዜ ቓልስና ዝደገፈትና ትግራይ ከም ዝነበረት መን ይርስዖ። ሎሚ ዝኾነ ፍጡር ወዲ ሰብ ክግብሮ ዘይግባእ ወንጄል ብባንዳታት ኢሰብ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ትግራይ ይፍጸም ከም ዘሎ ናይ ዓለም ዜናን ናይ መራሕቲ ዓለም ሃብታማት መንግስታትን ዛዕባ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ንትምክሕቲ ስርዓት ኢትይጵያ መንግስቲ ፋሺስቲ ኢሳያስ ዓንዲ ሕቆ ኮይኑ ከም ዘሎ ዓለም ብኹሉ ይዛረብ ኣሎ። ኣብ ጎቦታት ሳሕል ፋሕ ኢሉ ዘሎ ኣዕጽምቲ ናይ ተጋደልቲ ትግራይ ሰማእታት ከይወግኣናን ንታሪኽና ጸሊም ከይንገድፍን ብህጹጽ ኣብ ልብናን ቀልብናን ንመለስ። ዲሞክራስያዊ ዉድብ ብሄረ ብሌን ኤርትራ/ሆደ ናይ ዓለም ሕቡራት መንግስታትን ትካል ጸጥታ ቤት ምኽሪ፣ ብጥሜትን ብጥይትን ብሕሱም ጭቆናን ንዝጸንት ዘሎ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ሽዓ ክርድኦ ንጹዉዕ። በቲ ዝሓሸ ዝብልዎ መንገዲ ንህዝቢ 2 ትግራይ ምስ ወኪላቱ ተሳንዮም ሂወት ሰብ ከድሕኑ ብዕሊ ጻዊዒትና ነቅርብ ኣሎና። ነዚ ጽሑፍና እትድግፉ ኣሓትን ኣሕዋትን ግዲታኹም ክትገብሩ’ውን ንጽዉዕ። ካልእ ክንግብሮ ዝግባእና እንተሎ’ውን ቅሩቡነትና ንገልጽ። ዲሞክራስያዊ ዉድብ ብሄረ ብሌን ኤርትራ/ሆደ እዚ ኲናት ቅድሚ ምጅማሩ ናይ ኢሳያስን ኣብን ምሕዝነት ክሳክሳብ ክንደይ መዘዝ ኣብ ቐርኒ ኣፍሪቓ ከምጽእ ከም ዝኾነ ጺሕፍና’ና።

ሎሚ ዘሎ ኲናት’ውን ‘’ዶብ ምሕንጻጽን ንሕጊ ምኽባር’’ ዝብልዎ ሸፍጥ’ዩ። አብ ኢትዮጵያ ብናይ ህዝብታት ቃልሲ ንዝተተኽለ ፈደራላዊ ስርዓት አፍሪስካ፡ አብ ክንድኡ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝመስል ብዉልቐ መላኺ እትማሓደር ኢትዮጵያ ክምስርቱ ነዚ መሰለይ ዝብል ህዝቢ ትግራይ ምምብርካኽ ናይ ቐዳምነት ቐዳማይ መደቦም’ዩ። እዚ ግን ሕልሚ’ዩ። ፍሽስታውያን ዕምሮም ሓጺር’ዩ። ንሕና ደጊፍና ኣይደግፍና ህዝቢ ትግራይ ክዕወት’ዩ። ኣብ ድሮ ኣዉድኣመት ዓወት ህዝቢ ትግራይ እንተኾነ ቅድሚኡ ጸሓይና ክትበርቕ ንሕና’ውን ኣብ ጎኒ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኮና ብመትከል ንቓለስ። መሬት ንርእሳ ኢላ ምስ ወግሔት ጣዕሳ አይጠቅምን`ዩ። ጭዋ ባህልና ብህግደፍ ተብሪዙ ኣሎ። ንድለዮ ንሓድሶ ንተዓጠቆ፣ ንሱ’ዩ ዘሰማማዓናን ዘዕዉተናን ዘኽብረናንን። ባህሊ ዘይብሉ ህዝቢ ኩሉ’ዩ ዝጻወተሉ። መጻወቲ ከይንኸዉን ኣብ ክቡር ባህልና ንመለስ። ካብ ዝፈላልዩና ዘራኽቡና ይበዝሑ፣ ዘባእስ ባህሊ ፋሺስቲ’ዩ ንቐሓሉ ወጊድ ንበሎ። ዲሞክራስያዊ ዉድብ ብሄረ ብሌን ኤርትራ/ሆደ ከም ስሙ ንመሰል ዉጹዓት ይቓልስ። መረበቱ ድማ ምድሪ ብሌን’ዩ። ኣብ ምድሪ ብሌን ብሓፈሻ ድማ ኣብ ምዕራባዊ ወገን ሃገርና ‘’ዓሳ ንምሓዝ ባሕሪ ክንጽፍ ኣለዎ’’ ዝብል ጭርሖ ተከቲሎም ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ ሓደ ሺሕ ዝኸዉን ኣብ ሓንቲ መዓልቲ ንሰላማዊ ህዝቢ ናይ ዓድታት ዖናን በስክዲራን ቐቲሎም ገዝኡን ማሉን ግራቱን ድማ ኣንዲዶም። እዚ ቑስሊ ኣሎና። ከም’ዚ ጥፍኣት ግደፉ ናብ ንፈትዎም ንጸልኦም እኳ ክወርድ ኣይንምኔን። ጸሊም ታሪኽ ንደቅና ክንገድፍ ኣይንደልን። ኣብ’ዚ ግዜ ኩሉ ፋታዉ ፍትሒ ምስ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ደዉ ክብል ግዴታ ኣለዎ። ሞት ደቅና ኣብ መንገዲ ስደትን ኣብ ዘይፍትሓዊ ኲናት ደዉ ክብል ቅኑዕ መትከል ህዝቢ ንትዓጠቕ።

ናይ ውጽዓት አህዛብ ምሕዝነት ንዘለአለም ይንበር!!

ህዝቢ ትግርይን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ክዕወት`ዩ!!

ዉድቐት ንፋሺስታዊ ጥምረት!!!

ዲሞክራስያዊ ዉድብ ብሄረ ብሌን/ሆደ

Hidden horrors in the Tigray War: The allies` ethos of cruelty By Berhane G

2021-06-21T17:45:00.000-07:00

Since the war begun on November 4, 2020, in Tigray region, the allied forces (Ethiopia soldiers, Amhara Militia and Eritrean soldiers) murdered thousands of civilians, violently raped women and girls aging from 4 to 70s, and destructed all infrastructures of the region. Why?

In November, 2020, religious festival in Mariam Dengelat was turned into a massacre by Eritrean soldiers. The soldiers murdered the priests, old men and women, entire families and a group of more than 20 Sunday school children, some as young as 14 in the church. Similarly, Eritrean soldiers massacred hundreds of civilians in the city of Axum on 28-29 November 2020, opening fire in the streets and conducting house-to-house raids.

Ethiopian soldiers killed dozens of youths in Mahbere Dego (near Axum). The corpses were thrown to the hill. Videos of the massacres are not time stamped but the massacres are believed to have started on 15 January 2021and continued for several days. The massacres occurred in a similar way as so many massacres in Tigray. Most massacres in Tigray are not yet reported because of the communication blockage. But to mention few: The massacres of Bora, in southern Tigray, The massacres of Waldba and Maikadra in western Tigray, the massacres in Erop, and Mariam church around Zalambesa, Multiple massacres in central Tigray and many others ….

Wherever the allied soldiers were deployed, they perpetrated barbaric crimes against humanity. Villages of Tigray have been burning for more than half a year, innocent civilians have been burnt/wounded by artilleries and white phosphorus bombs. Civilians have been murdered in every village and town indiscriminately. Besides, the soldiers impeded the distribution of humanitarian aid access to the people who are in need of food assistance.

Such grim statistics beg questions: Why were the allied forces especially Eritrean soldiers and Amhara militia so deliberately brutal towards the people of Tigray? What were the causes of such behavior? Can we ever understand why they committed crimes that go so far beyond generally accepted military conduct? Let’s see them one by one:

Eritrea’s barbarism had its roots in the nation’s dictatorship history. Since 1991, a hereditary military dictatorship known as Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) has been ruling Eritrea, isolating it from the rest of the world. For more than three decades, the dictatorship Isaias Afeworki has trained, and brainwashed massive military forces whose code demanded rigid loyalty to their liege lord and suicidal bravery when ever ordered, demanding and receiving their subjects’ unquestioning obedience.

There is a way that Farmers in a village train dogs to be tough. At early age of the puppy, they put it in a dark room. They isolate it from contacts even with the family members. They beat it and make it angered. They even cut its ears and tail. A dog trained and treated in such way become the most cruel/tough. In a similar way, Isaias Afework has been training his soldiers in an endless military service in SAWA. The brainwashed soldiers have no mercy for all humans including their comrades if ordered. They only know how to kill people but nothing else.

After the independence of Eritrea, Eritreans had hope and ambition that their country would be one of the democratic and developed countries in Africa. Eritrea has ample natural resource specially the sea and ports it has are the potentials for its development. But unfortunately, the government has no clear development strategy. Leaving all domestic potentials behind, the government has been engaged in exploiting resource from neighbour countries. The government invaded Yemen, Djibouti and Ethiopia. It also engaged in multiple conflicts with Sudan.

In 1998, Eritrean government invaded Ethiopia that resulted in a brutal defeat for itself. The war ended in 2000. Since then, Isaias Afework has been blaming the Tigray Liberation Front (TPLF) for all problems in Eritrea. The only agenda allowed to raise in Eritrea was about how to retaliate TPLF. Asking about economic development or democracy was banned. Because of this blind strategy, most Eritrean youths became desperate and fled to Ethiopia, Europe, middle east and to other countries. But like a lion hiding to hunt a deer, Isaias Afework has been waiting to take retaliation against TPLF.

On the other hand, the current top leaders of the government of Ethiopia including PM Abiy Ahmed have extreme enmity against TPLF that emanates from inferiority complex. Most of the generals including General Birhanu Jula who were soldiers of the Derg regime have also the same problem. Those generals were surrendered by TPLF in war fronts and gave a chance to join Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) a coalition party that includes TPLF and fought the Derg regime. They were trained and grown up under the TPLF generals. As the civilian officials, those generals also have inferiority complex. All were preparing to retaliate TPLF once they get chance

When Abiy Ahmed came to power in April 2018 following the political unrest mainly orchestrated by members of the party EPRDF who had been working clandestinely with the Government of Eritrea and other governments who wanted to overthrow EPRDF, he planned to consolidate the power and form Unitary government. As soon as he seized the power, he sacked TPLF leaders from the Federal level Institutions, removed many of the regional leaders and replaced them by his pupates illegally. He forcefully removed the Somali regional government. But it was not easy to remove the Tigray regional government that has strong support by Tigrayans. He was preparing for more than two years.

Advisors of the PM and some Amhara politicians who are instrumental in hatching the war in Tigray, termed their blind obedience insisting, “It is necessary to have political, economical, cultural, national defense, and everything else all focused on in one being, the united Ethiopia.” Abiy, for his part, believed it to rule the country in one command. He published a book called MEDEMER as a road map. The medias that are propaganda machines of the government reinforced the concepts of MEDEMER. These ideas found especially willing disciples in the Amhara political elites. Amhara Elites are the sole enemy of TPLF and Tigray people. They believed that the project of Unitary Ethiopia which had been bult by mainly Amhara political elites was collapsed and changed to Federal system of governance by TPLF. The new federal system gives the right to self- administration, equality to all Ethiopian cultures, languages and religions. Amhara political elites don`t accept such administration. Due to this, they have been working day and night for the last 27 years to dismantle the federal system and to take revenge against TPLF.

The governments of Eritrea and Ethiopia, and Amhara regional government allied mainly to target their common Enemy-TPLF. Some innocent Ethiopians and other countries may believe that Abiy Ahmed brought peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the potential war between the countries was closed. But in reality, there is nothing done but Isaias, Abiy Ahmed and Amhara region agreed clandestinely to wage war on the regional government of Tigray to over throw TPLF and subdue the people of Tigray.

Led by Abiy Ahmed, the unitary system of governance sought to return Ethiopia to a prosperous country in which the Prosperity party would rule unchallenged and the PM would wield absolute power. The main objective of Abiy Ahmed is consolidating power that helps him to be the king of Ethiopia. He planned to crush all opponents that he believes to be obstacles for his destine. He was sure that TPLF would be the main obstacle and strategized to produce documentaries to label as socially outcast. The state medias produced fabricated documentaries and televised repeatedly.

Amhara region and Isaias Afework have similar objectives: retake land that they claim and retaliate against their common enemy TPLF. Both have done the same strategy as Abiy Ahmed has done.

From day 1 of basic training, Eritrean military officers taught that the Tigrayans are blood enemies and an inferior race, and that Eritrea would one day retake the land under Tigray. Instructors molded recruits into obedient tools of the officer corps through brutal training regimens that punished even the slightest transgressions with physical violence. Recruits were taught that their officers were infallible and that any order issued by a superior must be treated as an order given by himself.

It was those at the core of Eritrea’s military power, the generals who decided to brutalize civilians, and who made conditions so despicable in the region. Junior officers and soldiers go along with these crimes because they too believe the orders infallible, and that Isaias wishes them to commit such outrages. The generals know that the culturally ingrained respect for authority, coupled with the fear of exclusion and loss of face, meant scant resistance when they ordered Eritrean troops to carry out morally repugnant orders.

As Tigrayans had dominated Ethiopian top military and political positions before 2018, it was they, according to the political elites of Amhara thinking, who had tried to subordinate Amharas and who had degraded the unity of Ethiopia. Amhara political elites blame TPLF for all problems of Amhara where they live. Those political elites preach hatred and enmity among Amhara and Tigrayans endlessly. As Isaias Afework has been doing, they trained special forces, Militias and group of youth called FANO to retaliate against TPLF and Tigrayans. The widespread barbarity and cruelty practiced by Amhara forces were clearly indicative of that hatred and loathing, and perhaps a deep-seated inferiority complex—many Amhara`s soldiers harbored toward their Tigrayan foes.

After well prepared, the allied forces encircled Tigray. Eritrean soldiers crossed boarder towards Tigray. The Northern command post of Ethiopia based in Tigray was clandestinely instructed and was waiting final instruction. Cognizant of the preparations, the Tigray Regional government was also preparing to defend the aggression. Meanwhile, government of Tigray had conducted discussions with commanders of the Northern command and agreed with majority of the commanders to cooperate with TPLF. When the imminent danger became closer to happen, Tigray Defence Force overhauled the enemies and controlled the Northern command in hours. Few soldiers escaped to Eritrea. The rest were kept in the camps while some of them taken to other safe areas.

When Abiy Ahmed heard this, he ordered his soldiers and the allied forces encircled Tigray started the war in all fronts. The partners in crime waged war on the people and government of Tigray officially on November 4, 2020. Abiy Ahmed immediately cut all communications, power and Transport in Tigray. He called retired generals who have enmity with TPLF. Abiy Ahmed ordered his soldiers to brutally retaliate against TPLF by provoking as such the northern command soldiers were murdered brutally. He said, our soldiers are betrayed. They were murdered while sleeping. They are not yet buried. They are being eaten by hyena. Female soldiers were hut their breast and so on…. While the reality is, all soldiers at the hand of TPLF were safe. The former generals called by Abiy Ahmed joined the operation and continue motivating the soldiers by fabricated propagandas to indiscriminately punish civilians.

The angered soldiers massacred civilians, raped girls as aged as 4 years and women aged 70s, looted private and government properties and destroyed the rest, destructed all infrastructure of the region. The allied forces impeded humanitarian access in order to starve the people. They make fun by killing youth and throwing their corpses in to hills.

The allied forces burn villages and massacre civilians specially when their comrades are killed in the war by Tigray defence Forces (TDF). They take revenge on civilians. They slaughter their cattle, burn their cereals and burn their houses as retaliation. They are as cruel as wild animal. During the massacres of Mahbere dego, as one soldier who witnessed a comrade’s execution of the youths: he says, shoot him, may I come to kill him? It was good if we were Indians to burn their corpses. A senior corporal laugh. Their cruelty is to this extent.

The culture of cruelty of Eritrean soldiers has been nurtured for decades while the cruelty of Amhara forces is inherited from their forefathers. They are doing what their forefathers had done before on the people of Tigray. But the cruelty of the Ethiopian soldiers is unusual. It is because, Abiy and his generals ordered the soldiers not only to kill TPLF leaders but also to humiliate the people.

Though African soldiers are not blameless when it came to the mistreatment and, yes, occasional murder of captured enemy combatants and civilians, such infrequent events pale in comparison to the sheer magnitude and intentional brutality of the allied forces` crimes against humanity. Since the outset of the war, estimates of the number of civilians killed by the allied forces (Eritrean soldiers, Ethiopian soldiers and Amhara) range as high as 50,000 thousand. But the inevitable defeat of the allies will allow Tigrayans to bring many, though by no means all, of the perpetrators of war crimes to justice.

(Source: www.aigaforum.com)

The African Union and the Tigray War: A reprehensible failure to uphold Union principles and protect civilians (II). Afrem M. (from Mekelle)

2021-05-12T09:15:00.001-07:00

Tigray crimes offend human conscious and universal norms.

The Tigray international and non-international armed conflict and the flagrant violations of international humanitarian, refugee, African Union and UN laws, in particular the atrocities committed by the Eritrean, Ethiopian and Amhara forces such as the Axum, Mariam Denglat and Debre Abay monastery, Mahbere-Dego, Hadush Adi, Temben, Hawzen, etc. massacres and the widespread and systemic gang rape and malicious looting, vandalism and destruction of property in Tigray, have shocked global public conscious. There is no doubt that Africans have also been shocked by such two or more states-sponsored international crimes.

Clearly, the Tigray armed conflict and resultant humanitarian crisis poses several questions of breaches of AU and UN laws, and engages the Union’s foundational principles, as enshrined under Article 4 of the Constitutive Act, including:

‘the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity’;

‘the non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another’; and

‘respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance’;

Furthermore, the forced eviction of hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans from western and southern Tigray, contrary to the Ethiopian constitution, is a flagrant breach of the African (Kampala Convention) of 2009.

An abuse of the motto: ‘African solutions to African problems’

However, some officials of the Union and member States appear to have sided with the Eritrean and Ethiopian regimes, instead of upholding Union norms and international law, by abusing the slogan of ‘African solution to African problems’.

Watching idle and hindering international action while two-state sponsored crimes are being committed against an ethnic and national group in the continent can only send a wrong message to other human rights abusers and the international community about the integrity of the AU, its institutions and officials.

Furthermore, although the power struggle between the Abiy Ahmed-led Prosperity Party and the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) had contributed to the escalation of political tensions in the country, the African Union and its member States must understand that the Tigray armed conflict is now between the Tigray people on the one hand, and the three aggressor and repressor forces and their allies on the other.

This is why tens of thousands of Tigrayans are joining the struggle against foreign subjugation and extreme internal repression.

The crackdown and designation of some political actors as terrorist groups by the Ahmed regime would also exacerbate the dire humanitarian and conflict situation in Ethiopia.

The Union must act now to uphold its norms.

Pursuant to the objectives and principles of the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union, in the light of UN Charter obligations and the primary responsibility of the United Nations Security Council, the Union must undertake its responsibility by taking action to:

a. Peacefully settle the armed conflict between the Ethiopian Federal Government and the Amhara forces on the one hand, and the Tigray regional state forces on the other hand;

b. Uphold fundamental human rights and international human rights law as clearly stipulated in Article 4 (c) of the Protocol that established the PSC;

c. Compel Eritrea to immediately and unconditionally withdraw from Tigray in accordance with Art 4 (f) of the Protocol;

d. Invoke ‘the right of the Union to intervene’ to the Ethiopia/Tigray complex conflict in response to the gross war crimes, crimes against humanity and potential genocide that are continued to be committed, in consultation with the Assembly of the Union;

e. Fully collaborate with the United Nations Security Council that has the primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security, and other like-minded states, in particular the United States and European countries, to: i) establish and dispatch an impartial inquiry commission; ii) protect Tigrayan civilians, victims, survivors and witnesses; iii) ensure unfettered aid delivery across Tigray; and vi) force the Eritrean and Amhara forces, as the main obstacles to peace and stability in the region and alleged perpetrators of the atrocious crimes there, immediately and unconditionally withdraw form Tigray; and

f. Not recognise the crimes perpetrated by the Abiy and Isaias regimes by refusing to endorse the Ethiopian bogus election that is designed to provide legitimacy of an illegal and criminal regime that has been implicated in committing gross violations of African and international laws.

Short message:

In short, the African Union, its Member States and institutions must therefore stand with the people of Tigray, and not with those who are blatantly engaged in mass crimes at best. They must not give deaf ears to victims of atrocities, rape, eviction and starvation and hinder international action at worst.

Source:www.aigaforum.com

The African Union and the Tigray War: A reprehensible failure to uphold Union principles and protect civilians (I). Afrem M. (from Mekelle)

2021-05-12T09:05:00.004-07:00

The over six months-old Tigray armed conflict waged by the Ethiopian, Eritrean and Amhara merciless leaders and their hundreds of thousands of forces against the people of Tigray (and not against the TPLF) resulted in the death and rape of tens of thousands of unarmed civilians and the displacement and starvation of millions.

As rightly stated by Amnesty International, the African Union (AU) and its institutions have almost done nothing in response to such dreadful crimes against the Tigray people. In fact, some African countries have disgracefully opposed a global action by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Of course, some few members of the Union have sided with the people of Tigray and demanded action in line with the AU’s norms and principles.

Today, irrespective of such a failure of the AU, the whole world knows, as widely reported by global bodies, human rights groups and credible media outlets, such as the UNSC, Horn of Africa Human Rights Forum, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the European Union, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and CNN, that the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies and the Amhara forces are committing gross crimes against the people of Tigray by murdering, raping and torturing them en masse; looting and evicting them from their homes; wantonly vandalising and destroying their private and public property, services, infrastructure and their cultural and religious heritages; and ethnic profiling, arresting, searching and intimidating them in the whole of Ethiopia.

Deliberate and indiscriminate shelling of cities, towns, villages, churches and historic sites such as the Axum Obelisk and the Al-Nejashi Mosque are rampant, as fully reported by reputed rights groups.

Mass crimes and their effects

A U.S. government leaked report published by the New York Times, confirms that the Amhara forces in the Tigray conflict, are “deliberately and efficiently rendering Western Tigray ethnically homogeneous through the organized use of force and intimidation …. Whole villages were severely damaged or completely destroyed”.

This is corroborated by several credible reports. For example, the Ethiopian Federal Government installed Interim Administration of Tigray confirmed on 4 March, 2021 that one million Tigrayans from Western Tigray are missing. Such crimes are largely, but not fully, recognised by the Ethiopia’s Human Rights Commission Report of atrocities, sexual violence, looting and vandalism committed by the Amhara forces that are effectively controlling western (and southern) Tigray.

These grave violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws have caused the displacement of 2.2. million Tigrayans inside the region and over 60,000 fled to Sudan. Most shockingly, 4.5. million Tigrayans are facing the risk of man-made famine; despite some of the efforts made to deliver aid under international pressure and the uncheked claim of the Ethiopian government that it has delivered aid to millions of people, 80% of Tigray territory remained inaccessible to humanitarian relief and aid agencies. This dire situation, has already led to famine, and continued to alarm the United Nations.

Save the Children reported that 5000 Tigray children are either left without parents or are separated from loved ones, due to the conflict and the crimes committed by the Eritrean, federal and Amhara forces.

Terrorising, torturing, abusing and assaulting Tigrayan civilians in cities, towns and villages of Tigray is commonplace—by the Eritrean, federal and Amhara forces in violation of human rights and humanitarian norms.

he ethnic cleansing continue to be perpetrated against Tigrayans was extended, inter alia, to African Union and UN peacekeeping personnel of Tigray origin—they were assaulted in South Sudan, detained and allegedly tortured upon their forced turned from Somalia and South Sudan and the Sudan. There is also an alleged kidnapping of a serving Tigray peacekeeper from the Sudan.

Ethnic profiling, harassment, illegal arrests, searches and abuses against Tigray civilians is rampant in other parts of Ethiopia. Tens of thousands of civilians, military and police officers have been detained in several concentration camps across the country.

In addition to the misery of millions of Tigrayans inside and outside the war zone, over 100,000 Eritrean refugees have also been impacted by this senseless war; the UN condemned the abduction, murder and arrests of thousands of Eritrean refugees by the Eritrean government in violation of established international Refugee norms.

Deceit, cover up and obstruction of justice.

The Ethiopian, Eritrean and Amhara regional authorities are engaged in a concerted effort to obstruct global justice by intimidating victims, survivors and witnesses across Tigray; their high-ranking political leaders, ministers and diplomats are also engaged in global campaigns to quell voices of justices in the name of sovereignty and non-interference to Ethiopia’s affairs. This is clearly an abuse and using the principles as a shield–Ethiopia is killing, raping, displacing and destroying the livelihoods of its own people in partnership with Eritrea, a foreign state that should not have been involved in the conflict.

The Ethiopian and Eritrean governments were acting in bad faith by making a total denial of the full military intervention of Eritrea to the conflict in violation of the AU Constitutive Act and the UN Charter.

Despite their overdue admission of mass atrocities and Eritrea’s intervention in the last few months, they are working hard to deceive the international community by making false promises to jointly investigate the atrocious crimes they have perpetrated and the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Ethiopia’s territory.

(Source: www.aigaforum.com)

2021-02-15T13:15:00.000-08:00

ምሰረታ "ሀገረ ትግራይ"' ጉዳይ ክድዓትን ባንዳታትን እዩ !

ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካይድ ዘሎ ኩናት በሓደ ወገ ፍታሓዊ ኤንትኸዉን: ብኻልእ ገትሱ ድማ ስምዒታዉን ሓደገኛ ኮይኑ ቅርቡ ኣሎ :: ሐደ ህደ መራሕቲ ህወሓት "'ሐግረ ትግራይ ንምምስራት ይጎየዩ ከምዘለዉ ይስማዕ ኣሎ :: ሐደ ሐደ ተግድስቲ ትግራይ እና ባህልትውን ከምትቀዳምይ ጉዳይ ገይሮም የቕርብዎ አለው :;

አዙይ ሐደገኛ መስመር ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ክብ ህዝብ ኢትዮጵያ ሓገዝን ሞራልን (solidarity) ከየግን ገይርዎ ኣሎ;;ክብ ዝሓለፍ 5 ዓመታት ጅምሩ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ፀረ ህወሓትን እሓደግ ምንቅስቓስ ክምትጀመረ ግ ልጺ አዩ :: ኣብ ጎንደር ተግሩ ተቀትሎምን ንብረቶም ተቓትስሉ :; ገሊኦም ንብ ትግራይ ተመልሶም :; ኣውራ ጎዳንታት ምትሳውን ንብ ትግራይ ተሳፈርቲ ምግልታእን ትራአዩ :: ንብ ትግርይ በወሎ ዝህልፋ ኣቕሑት ዝትሳና መካይን ዓቕሑተን ተወስዱ :: ኣብ ወደያ ዝነብሩ ትግራዎት ንበረቶ ዓንዩ :አዝይ ኩነታት ግን ቤርጥር ዝተቀንብረን ከምኡውን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝጸልትኑ ዘንበረኡ ተቃዋሚ ሃይልታት ዘትገበረ እዩ ነይሩ:

መሪሕነት ህወሓት ግን እዙይ ችግር ባምሃሩ ከምዝገብር ዘሎ ገይሩ ንህዝቢ ኣቕሪብውኡ :; መሪሕነት ህወሓት ፍታሕ ካብ ምድላይ ድሕሪ አቱይ ዘተፈጥረ ችግር ምህዳም ጀሚሩ :: ንቱይ ችግር ፍትሕ ንምንግስቲ ኤርትራ ምድምስሳን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስዊ መንግስቲ ንኽምስርት ምግብባር እዩ ነይሩ:: ኢሳያስ ዝኸተሎ መንግድ ንህዝቢ ትግራይን ኢትዮጵያን ዝጎድ ምኻኑ መርሕንት ህወሓት ከርዮን ክድህስሶ ኣይክኣለን :: ኢሳይሳ ናብይ ኣሕመድ አልን ብምጥቃም እንጅነኤር

ከፊል ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ኣብ ቁፅፅር ትግራይን ኢትዮጵያን ከኸዉን ኣለዎ

2021-02-07T08:45:00.001-08:00

መለሰ ዜናዊ ን በረከት ሰሞን ከምኡዉን ካልኦት ኤርትራውያን ንህዉሓት ድሕሪ ምቁፅፃር ቀይሕ ባህሪ ሙልእ ብሙል እ ንኤርትራ ክዉሃብ ገሮም :; እዙይ ታ ርካዊ ስሕተት ክረም ኣገዳስ አዩ:; አትሰ ምንልክ ብ 1890 ዓም ኣብ ከተማ ዉጫለ ምስ ጥልያን ዘገብርዎ ስምምነት መሰረት ገይርና ቀይሕ ባህር ንኢትዮፕኣን ንትግራይ ብኸ ፍል ክኸዉን ኣገዳሲ አዩ ::በዙይ ውል ዉጫለ መሰረት ምረብ ምላሽ ቅይሕ ባህር ንትግራይን ኢትዮፕኣ ክኸውን ኣለዎ :: ዉእ ል ዉጫለ ብቕንቃ አንግሊዝ ክምዝስብ ይቀረብ :"Treaty of Wichale, Wichale also spelled Ucciali, (May 2, 1889), pact signed at Wichale, Ethiopia, by the Italians and Menilek II of Ethiopia, whereby Italy was granted the northern Ethiopian territories of Bogos, Hamasen, and Akale-Guzai (modern Eritrea and northern Tigray) in exchange for a sum of money and the provision of 30,000 muskets and "

መሪሕነት ህወሓት ካብቶም ዝፈፀሞም ክሕደታት ህደ ቀይሕ ባህሪ መሉእ ብሙልእ ኣብ እድ ኤርትራ ንኽከውን ብምግባሩ ሕዝቢ ትግራይን ኢትዮጵያን ዓብይ ኢኮኖሚያዊን ፀጥታዊ ችግራት ከምዝገጠሞም ይፍለጥ ;; ነዙይ እፍታሓዊ ወሳኔ ህወሓት ከነማራርዮን ኢትዮፕኣ ይኹን ትግራይ ደባባዊ ቀይሕ ባህር ንኸግንዩ ክንገበር ታሪካዊ ግደታና እዩ ::

ትግራይ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ መሰረት አያ:: ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ከትግንትጸል የብላን :; ሀገርና ኢትዮጵያ መረባትና ትግራይ !

2021-02-06T07:51:00.002-08:00

ትግራይ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ መሰረት አያ:: ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ከትግንትጸል የብላን :; ሀገርና ኢትዮጵያ መረባትና ትግራይ !

ባንዳኣታትን ዑሱባትን ጥ ራይ አዮም ትግራይ ካብ ኢትዮጵዮኣ ከትግንትጸል መደብ ገሮም ዘለው ::

ኣብዙይ ጉዳይ እዙይ ሰምእታውያን ክንኸውን የብልናን:; ብመጀመ ሪያ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ደሞክራስያዊ ሰርዓት ስለዘይለ ህዝብናን ክልኦት ህዝብታትን ይጭቆኑ ኣለዉ :: ቀዳማይ ቃልስና ደመክራሳዊ መንግስት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ክትከል ምግባር ይኸውን:; ፋሽስታዊ መንግስት ዓብይ ብዲሞክራሳዉያን ሓይልታት ኢትዮጵያ ክንትኮ ናይ ግድን አዩ:;ኢትዮጵያ ንተጋሩ ኣይጨቆነትን :; ኣይሓረ ደትን:; ክሰደዱ ኣይገበረትን:; ነዙይ ሰደትን ዉርደትን ህዝብ ትግራይን ካልኦትን ተጠያቂ ኣበይ ኣሕመድ አሊ; ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂን ደገፍቶምን አዮም :: ቃልስና ንፋሽስት ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን አብይ ሕመድን ካብ ስልጣን ምዉጋድን ንዝህብን ሀገርን ዝሓልይን ዝዋደቅን መንግስት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ምምስራት አምበር "ሀገረ ትግራይ" ወይንም "ሀገረ ኦሮሞ" ወዘተ ምፍጣር ኣይኮነን ::

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ንእሽተይ ናይ ደሞክራሲ ብርሃን ኣብ ዘመን ህወሓት ተራእዩ ነይሩ:; ይኹን እምበር በመሪሕነት ህወሓት ቡዙሕ ገጋታት ስለተፈትጸመ ህዝብ ኢትዮፕኣ ኣይተቐበሎን:; ህወሓት ኣብ "ዓሌትን ሽንጥሮን" መሰረት ዝገበረ ፌደራል ስርዓት ተኽእላ ነይራ:; ይኹን ደኣ እምበር ተቀባልነት ኣብ ህዝብ ኢትዮፕኣ ኣይገነየን :; ስለዝኸነ ድማ መርሕነት ህወሓት ከም ፀላኢ ህዝቢ ተራእዩ ገሊኦም ተቐቲሎም ገሊኦም ድማ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ጀምሮም ኣብ ጎቦታት ኢትዮጵያ ይዋገኡን ይፋለሙ አለው :;

An urgent message to his excellence Mr Joseph Robinette Biden Jr., 46th President of the United States of America, from Tigray, North Ethiopia. From Governance Forum Mekelle, Tigrai Jan 22, 2021

2021-01-24T12:17:00.001-08:00

This is Mebrat, a 3-year-old child from Humera, western Tigray, Ethiopia, Africa. She is admitted to a hospital in the Regional capital city Mekelle, with severe acute edematous malnutrition. She also has accompanying severe anemia which could be observed from the pale foot (plantar side). Her two brothers and a sister too have similar signs of acute malnutrition.

So do hundreds of thousands (if not millions) more in Tigray!

An entire Ethiopian Federal army; more than three-fourth of Eritrean army(estimated at 16-20 Divisions- numbered at more than 150,000); Amhara Regional special Forces; Amhara militia ; Fano-an informal youth killing squad; Somalia(Formajo's) Federal forces; Ethio-Somali Regional Special forces; Afar Regional Special forces, etc.- generally 500,000-600,000 soldiers and armed squads, with Ethiopia's and Eritrea's mechanized divisions, and with UAE's lethal drones, invaded Tigray, and burnt towns and villages in Tigray down, massacred innocent children, women and elderly men in their tens of thousands. They burnt down hundreds of thousands of houses in rural areas (in most of the villages 100 % of the houses there), turning everything in the houses in to ashes. They burnt down their cereal crops in the fields too, and intentionally (it may be for this purpose that they started the war at the beginning of November- a high time for any farmer in Tigray to harvest and collect his/her annual food.

They left nothing at home- Nothing!

Tigray today, is nothing but rubbles, dust, and ashes. Majority of its towns and villages are deserted. Everything from the smallest spoon in private household to the largest Almeda textile, Addis Pharmaceutical Factory, Goda Glass Factory, Semayata Marbles e.t.c are looted by Eritrean government and Amhara Forces, and taken to either Asmara or Gonder. What could not be disassembled and taken to Asmara or Gonder was completely burnt down to ashes by Eritrea's and Amhara's forces.

Millions in Tigray are now starved to death; 4.5 million people in Tigray are now in acute need of humanitarian aid. People have already started to die of starvation, in some instances and entire family!The government of Ethiopia did not do anything to save the people in hunger.

Even more, Ethiopian government and Eritrean forces are doing everything possible to prevent a help from reaching to the people in urgent need. While the international community goes long way to save the people in starvation and send large bulk of humanitarian aid, Ethiopian government does everything to make sure that the help doesn't reach the people in need, and that these millions in starvation die of it!

Ethiopian government is intentionally buying time because Ethiopia's government knows starvation doesn't give time. Yes, Ethiopia is using starvation as a weapon of war, and committing war crimes and crimes against humanity including genocide.

And this is done in the dark- with no access to the media, to international observers- with no internet entirely; and no electricity and telephone services in more than 90 % the places.

More than 60 % of Tigray land is now controlled by Eritrean Forces and Amhara mercenaries. They continue to daily massacre hundreds to thousands innocent people, raping women, looting every household in Tigray to Make sure that no house is left with a thing to eat.

Ethiopia's and Eritrea's governments with the help of UAE government and Ethiopia's regional forces, continue to commit war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide- in all their varieties and colors.

Mr Biden,

Tigray deserves a serious attention; Tigray deserves your swift and comprehensive action.

- Ethiopia's unelected government and its allies (including foreign allies) shall stop the war on Tigray, now!

- Ethiopia's government should allow humanitarian aid to reach the millions in need!

- An independent free and fair investigation into the mass killings in Maikadra, Axum, Edaga-Hamus and many other places in Tigray needed!

- An independent investigation shall be conducted in to all the acts of war and crimes against humanity (including genocide), and the UN and the USA shall be at the heart of it;

- Eritrea shall withdraw its forces from Tigray, now!

Mr President, help stop the active genocide on millions of ethnic Tigray inside Ethiopia.

Mr President, Save the millions starved (some of them already died of it)! dying of it)!

[Mekelle University Community- Mekelle, Tigray, Ethiopia]