Gambia News and Commentary | The Gambia voice

International broadcaster and social entertainer, Sierra Leonean David Vandy awarded distinguished Sierra Leone Ambassador’s Award

2014-04-08T12:11:00.000+01:00

International broadcaster and social entertainer, Sierra Leonean David Vandy, has become the first recipient of the distinguished Sierra Leone Ambassador’s Award at a dinner and dance marking his 50^thbirthday, in Maryland, USA last month.

The Sierra Leone Ambassador to the United States, Bockari Stevens who created the award, presented its maiden edition to Mr. Vandy. The ambassador praised Mr. Vandy as one of few people he had met who had gone to a great length in promoting Sierra Leone in every respect. He recalled as example the leading role Vandy played in the embassy’s celebration of Sierra Leone’s independence golden-jubilee last year, saying he was moved by the deep sense of duty and patriotism that Mr. Vandy demonstrated before and during the celebration, and to everything Sierra Leonean he is involved in.

The award plaque holds an engraved gold-colored Sierra Leone Coat of Arms symbol. On it the following words are inscribed:

In recognition of your personal achievements especially

in the field of Drama, Arts, Music and your invaluable

service to the Sierra Leonean Diaspora community in the

United States of America…

David Vandy now works for the Washington DC-based Voice of America radio as host of Africa Beat, a daily disc jockey musical that broadcast throughout Africa.

Some three hundred guests including representatives of Sierra Leone related organizations were in attendance. Voice of America’s Day Break Africa host, James Butty, said David Vandy is a man of many talents whose experience has helped to enhance the standards of the international broadcaster.

David Vandy had worked for a number of radio/TV news outlets in Sierra Leone including the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service before coming to the US. A former co-host of a music show on SLBS TV, Kumba Brewah, described Vandy as a uniquely talented man.

The USA-based Sierra Theatre Production, a drama group he helped established in the United States, performed a short skit titled: There’s is a Hole in the Bucket. It is scripted from Harry Belafonte and Odetta’s musical lyric of the same title. David Vandy is himself a seasoned and talented dramatist and playwright.

Three of Sierra Leone’s celebrated women in the Washington DC metropolis, Mary Kamara, founder and CEO of Mary and Daughters Decorations; gospel musical superstar and founder of the Sierra Leone Association of Artists and Musicians, Giileh Kebbie Scholz, and former Sierra Leone national football (soccer) captain and track and field athlete, Ekundayo Williams-Bangura, were part of the group that organized the birthday dinner and dance.

By Aroun Rashid Deen

New York

Muzzling of the Press by Governments

2014-02-13T20:25:00.000+00:00

New governments often come into office touting their intent to be media-friendly. But such announcements are frequently followed by efforts to undermine the freedom and independence of the press for officials’ own benefit, creating an atmosphere in which journalists who refuse to succumb become targets for harassment and intimidation.

Kenya's President, Uhuru Kenyatta, last July invited members of the Editors Guild of that country to a media breakfast at the State House. He told journalists the "relationship between government and the media need not be adversarial." Yet five months later, Kenya's Parliament passed anti-press legislation, the Kenya Information and Communication (Amendment) Act and the Media Council Act, a move designed to effectively silence critical reporting, says the Committee to Protect Journalists. The new anti-press freedom bill "will enable a new government-controlled regulatory board to fine journalists up to US$5,500 and media companies up to US$230,000 if the board finds them in breach of a government-dictated code of conduct ..."

The Sierra Leone All People’s Congress Government came into office in 2007 promising to be the most media-friendly government the country has ever had. Notwithstanding that, journalists who are deemed to be critical of the government have come under intense scrutiny including arrests and detentions.

Law enforcement personnel, weeks ago, ransacked the offices of the Independent Observer newspaper, arrested one of its reporters and took away computers. This followed the arrests of the managing editor of Premier Media Consultancy, Julius Spencer, and the editor of his Premier News newspaper, Alusine Sesay. The police raids and arrests came after the publication of articles relating to the Information Minister, Alpha Kanu’s, dealings with some of the country’s Internet service providers.

Be it a standard democracy or not, no government should be in the good books of journalists, nor should journalists be seen establishing any such relationship with authorities. Even though journalists would have an opinion on a government, it isn't their duty to express such opinion by way of performance evaluation and grading. The press, though, can report the failures and accomplishments of government or someone occupying or seeking election or re-election. This isn't the same as expressing personal opinion as news reporting. So a desire by any government or politician to entice the press is suspect. Of course, journalists must establish some contact or connection with those they report on, particularly those occupying public office, but such connections must not be extended beyond what is reported. An independent press is sure to report accurately because responsible journalists and the media organizations they represent have a standard to uphold and wouldn't want to tarnish their credibility.

Press freedom organizations have been busy since the first week of January addressing attacks on the media and on journalists themselves in many countries. The Committee to Protect Journalists on Jan. 13 sent a letter to Adly Mahmoud Mansour, the acting President of Egypt, expressing concern about the climate of press freedom in the country and requesting the release of all journalists held behind bars.

At the start of the Syrian peace talks in Geneva last month, the Global Forum for Media Development issued a statement calling on participants to include the protection of media freedom and development of a free and independent media as central in finding a solution to the crisis in that country. Some 60 journalists have been killed and about 80 abducted since the war began in 2011.

Such organizations have reason to be concerned. In January alone four press workers were killed, three in Karachi, Pakistan, where gunmen on motorcycles shot at a TV crew, and one in Iraq, in a roadside bomb explosion in Anbar province.

From the United States where broad electronic surveillance programs deter government sources from speaking to journalists and New Zealand where the government has been tracking the phone records and movement of at least one journalist following an article he wrote about probable illegal government surveillance, to the Ukraine, where at least two international journalists have been abducted, and the equipment of others damaged by government agents following a rally to protest attacks on the press, to Venezuela, where the government instructs Internet service providers to act as Internet police in an effort to curtail press freedom, attacks on the free press have become a daily occurrence.

This article is not to decry what has become the practice of particularly in-coming governments in many parts to the world to appoint members of the press to cabinet or diplomatic positions. Many such appointees have performed diligently. Some though become their government’s torchbearers of attacks on the press.

With financial support from politicians, the power of the propaganda press could not be underestimated. Nonetheless, a credible independent press is what captures the public's attention rather than government or politicians' editorials.

When journalists allow themselves to be trapped in politicians' structured government-media-friendly gestures, they are allowing the government to entice at least some of them into becoming its mouthpiece. By offering wayward press payroll "packages" for favorable reporting, politicians inevitably elevate themselves into directing editorial decisions.

In countries where the press struggles to operate and where some journalists are not adequately trained, such an attempt on the part of those in authority comes as a blessing. When this happens, politicians become both corrupt and complacent and pay little heed to the public's call for accountability.

Journalists who refuse to accede to the so-called media-friendly gesture, on the other hand, are regarded as enemies of the government and the people. They are likely to face constant harassment, intimidation and detention, as well as attacks of vitriolic fabrications tweaked in lies and character assassinations by those media practitioners on the government payroll.

While officials may think otherwise, independent reporters view themselves as neither favorable nor unfavorable to government activities. They seek neither to build friendships with government officials nor act antagonistically. Their objective is merely to report the news accurately and impartially. Politicians and officeholders likewise should focus less on trying to win over journalists. Any such attempt is a recipe for journalists to go yellow and for the government to muzzle the press.

Aroun Rashid Deen

New York City

Africa: A brief introduction to the study of bureaucracies in Sub-Saharan Africa

2014-01-17T12:39:00.002+00:00

By Mathew K Jallow

For democratic systems and institutions of democracy to flourish, it is necessary and imperative to have an efficient and effective public bureaucracy. This research paper discusses at length the failures and opportunities of African bureaucracies, and what governments there need to do to achieve social and economic empowerment for their citizens. It is clear from all available research that effective public policies cannot be defined, articulated and implemented in the absence of bureaucratic systems that are transparent, competent and accountable. Efficient and competent public bureaucracies are a prerequisite for the effective administration of the rule of law, unbiased dispensation of justice, empowerment of the people, the equal treatment, and affording equal opportunities to all citizens without regard to tribe or political or religious affiliation. Since the attainment of political independence over sixty years ago, countries in Sub-Saharan African have experienced an overwhelming increase in the number of public bureaucrats (First, 1972). Newly independent African governments moved rapidly to replace the departing colonial administrators with native-born bureaucrats.

For the most part, newly installed administrators had only secondary level education and the majority held junior and middle level administrative positions under the colonial administrations. Most, therefore, lacked the knowledge and the skills of the departing colonialists (Ayittey, 1998). The process of hiring these native-born bureaucrats to replace the departing colonial administrators became widely and suitably referred to as Africanization. The rapid growth of the bureaucracy throughout Africa gave rise to an influential new class who, like their colonial predecessors, also aspired to a higher social and economic status. They, therefore, soon began to acquire corporate interests in positions they held, and moved rapidly to consolidate their hold on power in order to acquire and accumulate capital and wealth. In time, this self-interest caused a wide chasm to develop between the governing and the governed, which in the process, redefined the Weberan theory of bureaucracy from one in which the public was the beneficiary of public goods and services, to one that benefited only a small privileged class. The result is that even today, in most Africa countries, the government is perceived by the ruling elites as a vehicle to rob and terrorize the citizenry (Ayittey, 1998).

African bureaucrats have been described by Professor Ayittey as artificial and comprising degreed and non-degreed bandits, who are out of touch with the people, operate through deception and abuse of power, and are perennially locked in combat with them. The new administrative system that emerged out of post-independence African defined new governance rules that observed no rule of law, no accountability, and presided over chaotic governments. Professor Ayittey observed that the tragedy in which government institutions became virtual properties of the ruling class, precluded institutionalization of good governance and ensured that government bureaucracies ran predatory states, which subverted the agenda of social and economic development for the majority poor. A consequence of this system of governance is the emergence of corruption, embezzlement, capital flight, increased poverty, and tribalism, which continue to suck the continent deep into the vortex of internal conflicts, administrative failures and increasing violent political implosions. The absence of accountability in government has exacerbated the problems of good governance, while the lack of skilled, knowledgeable and dedicated public administrators has ensured that open and endemic corruption is bankrupting African countries and creating a climate that continues to cause widespread social upheavals across the continent.

In an effort to put corruption in Africa in the proper perspective, Transparency International, in its 2005 survey, lamented the poor performance of African countries on the Corruption Progress Index (T I Report, 2005). The survey implicated endemic corruption as the primary cause of poverty in Africa and the major impediment to good governance, the establishment of democratic institutions, and social stability. The Global Forum on Fighting Corruption, another good governance watchdog, declared that corruption threatened democracy, economic growth and the rule of law (Global Forum on Fighting Corruption Report, 2005). The major problem in Africa is that the governing elites lack the sense of patriotism, focusing instead on their own self-interest, as they loot the resources meant to bring change and economic development in their countries. This brought about the widespread social and economic malaise facing the African continent. This research study also attempts to understand the reasons behind the continued failure of Africa to establish fully functioning democratic institutions and systems of governance with a view to promote good governance and social and economic development.

It should be noted that in the first decade of African independence, democratic institutions were established, but the social disconnect that emerged between the governing and governed led to the abandonment of these democratic experiments. As a result, widespread discontent and civil unrest began to manifest in various forms until finally successive military coups swept the continent leading to the ousting of democratically elected governments. The ascendancy of the military regimes at first caused hopes to rise, but reality soon set it as the new rulers began to purge the ranks of the government and competent and experienced civil servants whose loyalties they questioned. The reality of military rule began to gradually unfold as the military regimes, threatened by their tenuous hold on power, began systematic arrest, detention, torture and murder of opponents of the regimes; both real and perceived. The democratic experiment, in its infancy under elected civilian governments, were abandoned or dismantled to the chagrin of the people. And human rights protocols, to which African countries are signatories, were abrogated with impunity, leading to the further erosion of civil society rights. And with these abuses, came the repression of the press, corruption and lack of accountability, which have become the hallmark of military rule.

This study will also attempt to address issues which could facilitate a better understanding and acceptance of democratic processes and systems of governments in Africa and for its people. The findings of the report may help reduce the prevailing culture of corruption and enable the establishment of democracy across Africa. Already, several authoritative studies have established that the failure to institutionalize good governance in Africa is the direct consequence of to the almost criminal lack of accountability, the rampant corruption, and abuse of human rights, the politicization of the military and the civil service, and the repression of the independent media. It is my hope that the report will benefit African readers and other information consumers by helping identify the causes of failure to establish good governance, while offering solutions for ways to establish democracy in Africa. Additionally, it is hoped that the report will help to educate readers about the pervasiveness of bureaucratic corruption in Africa as the primary cause of the poor governance across the continent. Sub-Saharan African countries have descended into lawless anarchies over the past five decades, at a time when the rest of the third world is experiencing dramatic changes in the way governments operate and manage their human and natural resources.

Finally, over the past decades since political independence, Africa has taken a path that has only brought misery and social alienation among its population. Military rules, which began four decades ago, have establishment dictatorships that prevent people from realizing their full potentials, and their hopes and aspirations. Democracy is imperative in the quest for justice, equity and social and economic development, and hopefully researchers, students of Africa, the African’s political leadership and citizens, will acquire information in this study that could be useful in advancing good governance and democracy in Africa. In order to understand how African governments have administered more than half-century of poor governance, the study examines the way in which African bureaucracies have functioned in the past. The failure of Africa’s government to bring about social and economic development is, therefore, directly related to the deviation from Max Weber’s ideal-type bureaucracy, and its substitution in Africa with a system of organization that promotes paternalism, self-serving individualism and diverts public resources for private purposes

Sierra Leone: Calls for the protection of Women in Politics

2013-08-30T19:30:00.005+01:00

Chadia Talib-Bo, Southern Sierra Leone

If we (Sierra Leone) as a nation are serious about realizing the Millennium Development Goals and also about the general wellbeing of our country, we collectively must make a millennial offer. A key step in that direction is giving women due access to every sphere of society particularly so at the political arena.

Such a move will not only make women feel safe and secured, but it also will open the way for them to contribute effectively by showcasing their talents as equal partners in nation advancement.

Women must be let to exercise their God-given rights to associate, assemble and participate. They must, above all, be respected.

A core principle of democracy demands the unhindered participation of all, including women. Women’s involvement in politics does not mean merely supporting one party or the other or voting for this or that candidate. It also means having women, too, vying for political positions alongside men, and not being discriminated against based on their gender, either by the electorate or in the process of appointments to political positions.

Elections after elections we see Sierra Leonean women being relegated to performing menial chores for politicians such as cooking, singing and dancing at political rallies, campaigning and organizing meetings.

In conflict situations such as civil wars, women become primary targets for all forms of abuses, specifically because combatants viewed them as the cohesive force of society that should be crushed if they should invoke terror, weaken and defeat their enemies.

However, whenever there is genuine desire for peace-making following conflicts, warring parties consider it important to get women involved as mediators and peacemakers, knowing that they bring to the process the deep sense of humanity that is lacking in the mindset of the warring parties.

This speaks to the fact that even those who are bent on suppressing women, always, are very much aware that women’s inputs are equally essential to the success and vitality of every human community. Notwithstanding, the male-dominating political class of the world continues to ignore this fact just so to keep women at the bottom and discard them once their goals have been achieved.

Instead, the derogatory term of women being the ‘weaker sex' - structured in bogus definitions -continues to be used to classify womanhood. And, there is little effort to free the world of that patriarchal-grip, which still keeps women dependent on men, economically and otherwise.

It will be unfair not to credit the country for taking steps in empowering women especially lately with the appointments of some into leadership positions. However, that has not translated much into addressing the problems that plaque their full entry into the political realm.

A series of resolutions have been passed at various International conventions. The Elimination of all forms of Violence against Women (CEDAW-1991) and the Convention on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR) are two examples. But we are yet to see full enforcements of many of these laws. The bulk of them remain mere color-scribbling on white papers.

The United Nations defines violence against women as any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.

But words in themselves are not enough to deliver. Sierra Leone must establish a separate parliamentary committee on women’s affairs; one that also guarantees their involvement in politics. We must let actions speak.

Countries like Rwanda, Pakistan, Spain and Sweden have made tremendous strides in addressing the issue. We owe it to ourselves, to our country and to future generations. We must take the lead.

The many difficult challenges our women contend with, daily, have been sending negative signals to a great number of them particularly those who want to venture into politics.

All we need to do is ensure that women get the freedom and protection due them to participate fully in politics. And NOW is the time to act. We cannot afford to prolong the effort any further

Chadia Talib is a writer, Women’s right advocate and entrepreneur. She lives in Bo. Southern Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone: Charles Margai violates basic tenet of the rule of law

2013-05-26T08:43:00.000+01:00

(By Aroun R. Deen,

New York)

Charles Margai violates basic tenet of the rule of law

For any practicing lawyer, professional codes of conduct and canons of ethics dictate that compliance with the law - at all times and under every circumstance - is not a matter of choice. Any member of the legal profession who conscientiously fails to heed not only to the letter, but the spirit of the law violates this basic tenet, whether or not he is regarded as forthright, reliable, eloquent or cunning in the discharge of his duties. This – in my opinion – is exactly what a veteran lawyer in Sierra Leone, opposition politician, Charles Margai, has done in the course of an apparent land dispute with Sia Koroma, wife of the country’s President.

Specifically, Mr. Margai, a seasoned and respected member of the bench, has engaged in conduct that completely disparages the rule of law, to wit, threatening to mobilize over a thousand kamajors, members of a now disbanded civil defense militia, he claims are at his disposal, to defend him and protect the property at the heart of the dispute with the First Lady should the need arise.

The kamajors were local hunters who banded together at the beginning of the civil war to protect defenseless villages and towns in the countryside that were being brutally attacked by the ruthless Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels and renegade soldiers of the government known as sobels. During the course of their efforts in that campaign, the group also engaged in conducts against perceived enemies as well as civilians deemed to be gross human rights violations. These included summary executions, making them as equally feared as the RUF. The group was disbanded following the end of the war in 2002.

Leaving aside the undeniable departure from the professional conduct and probity demanded of all legal practitioners, Mr. Margai’s statement is exceedingly reckless and inflammatory at best and liable to instigate violence at the worst. Given the known excesses of the kamajors during the civil war and the unspeakable brutality and horrors visited upon Sierra Leoneans by all sides to the conflict, it is difficult to imagine that Mr. Margai did not appreciate that his comments would cause nervousness in a war-scarred population still in the process of healing; nor can one fathom how an erudite lawyer such as Mr. Margai did not recognize such comments could undermine state security.

This article is not concerned with the question of who owns the disputed land. And while it is fair to ask questions about the involvement of the First Lady in this particular row, both Mr. Margai and Mrs. Koroma are citizens of Sierra Leone with equal rights under the law, including the right to own property.

According to Mr. Margai, as a consequence of the ongoing land dispute, he has lost confidence in the legal system to protect his right to the property he claims ownership to and to defend him, should that need arise. This he claims is the reason he may need to resort to the kamajors. However, Mr. Margai is himself an active member of the bar and frequently appears in courts of the law to represent clients. Such participation in the legal system would tend to suggest some level of faith in its efficacy and the dispensation of justice.

The justice that Mr. Margai seeks via the kamajor route clearly represents gross recklessness, anarchy and lawlessness, and is liable to enflame partisans. Indeed, it has resulted in equally untenable reactions from some who are opposed to Mr. Margai’s stance. In some quarters, it has generated arguments seeking to tie the main opposition party, the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) to Mr. Margai’s attitude and conduct. Of course, his position has nothing to do with the SLPP. After all, he is considered the kingmaker of the APC government, having virtually assured their victory in the 2007 elections by breaking away from the incumbent SLPP.

Given the brutal nature of the civil war in Sierra Leone, there is little doubt Mr. Margai’s comments have brought back painful memories and caused uneasiness in the minds of those who survived the dark period of the 1990s.

If anything, Mr. Margai’s cavalier statement leads to the question: is there an organized kamajor presence still in the country? This is something the nation deserves to know.

Even with the obvious challenge of securing a judgment in his favor in a court of law, against the spouse of the President, there is no reason for a learned and senior lawyer to eschew the rule of law and resort to what amounts to “bush justice. Moreover, in an era of increasing globalization, there are also legitimate sources at one’s disposal to seek justice outside the one’s own country. Kamajor justice, unfortunately, is not one of them.

It is now up to the laws of the land to determine whether Mr. Margai’s utterances are punishable crimes. However, it was appropriate for the police to arrest and detain him because the authorities themselves would be grossly irresponsible if they had remained silent in the face of Margai’s statement. But the authorities also must ensure that the ongoing land dispute that gave rise to this episode is properly addressed, particularly given the involvement of the First Lady. This it must do in a transparent manner without interference or threat of punishment or reprisal. Accordingly, the rights of the true owner of the property in dispute must be protected by the court in its determination so that justice is done and seen to be done, especially because of the high visibility of the case.

Aroun Rashid Deen is a freelance journalist in New York.

This article is entirely the opinion of the writer. It does not represent the general view to this media.

Gambia: Another April 10th anniversary – still waiting for justice

2013-04-10T12:38:00.002+01:00

(By D. A. Jawo)

As Gambians and people of conscience all over the world mark the 13th anniversary of the April 10 and 11 student demo which was brutally suppressed by the security forces, resulting in the deaths of more than 14 innocent Gambian children and the maiming of several more, the aggrieved relations and friends of those innocent young souls are still waiting for justice for their loved ones.

We can all recall those fateful two days in April 2000 when such brutality was unleashed on innocent Gambian children while their only crime was to insist on staging a peaceful demonstration in order to protest against certain grievances, including the alleged killing of one of their colleagues by the fire brigade personnel in Brikama.

Even though it is 13 years since that most dreadful event in the history of The Gambia, yet still, it seems as if it happened yesterday as it is still fresh in the minds of most Gambians, especially those who lost their loved ones and those who are still nursing the wounds of their offspring who had been abandoned to their fate.

Certainly, the memories of those little souls who were brutally shot and killed in cold blood for merely coming out to exercise their most fundamental rights to peacefully match and show their grievances, will never fade away from the hearts and minds of those people of conscience who care about humanity and the crave for justice.

Therefore, the only way that such naked injustice against the innocent children and indeed the people of this country at large can be mitigated is for those who perpetrated the crime to be brought to justice and punished for their crime, which, unfortunately, this regime does not appear to ever intend to do.

We can all vividly recall the morning of 10 April 2000 when students in the Greater Banjul Area, under the leadership of the Gambia Students Union (GAMSU) decided to stage a peaceful demonstration against a host of grievances, including the alleged killing of their colleague, Ebrima Barry by personnel of the Brikama Fire Brigade as well as the alleged raping of a girl student by a member of the security forces. Despite giving enough notice to the security forces about their intention to hold a peaceful procession to vent out their grievances, the responsible authorities, no doubt out of their arrogance and intoxication with power, apparently ordered the security forces to prevent the march at whatever cost, including the use of live bullets, which eventually led to the deaths of the 14 young people and maiming for life of several of their colleagues.

Apart from the widespread condemnation of the unprovoked shooting to death of the innocent students in the Greater Banjul Area on the 10th April, the security forces still went ahead to repeat that same brutality the following day in Brikamaba and other parts of the country, shooting to death several more children. It is even alleged that some of those who escaped death were subjected to untold brutality in the hands of the security forces while under detention, resulting in some of them being maimed for the rest of their lives.

However, despite the unanimity of the national and international condemnation of the brutality unleashed on the defenseless Gambian children by the security forces, resulting in the deaths of many and the maiming of some, the Gambian authorities have since been trying to wipe out that memory from the minds of the people of this country. Not only is any commemoration of the event totally forbidden, but the government has also done virtually nothing to assist the families who lost their loved ones or those children who were maimed. They are instead abandoned to their fate and their families are left with no choice but to continue to take care of them with the meagre resources at their disposal, and with no input from those who gave orders to the security forces to open fire with live bullets, and then went on the public media to tell big lies about it.

Therefore, instead of ensuring that justice was done in order to at least help ameliorate the psychological suffering of the affected families, the government decided to instead indemnify all those who were found culpable of unleashing such violence on innocent Gambian children. There is indeed enough indication that the authorities not only did not have any remorse about what happened, but that they would not hesitate to do it all over again against anyone who challenges their hegemony.

The regime did not only stop at indemnifying the perpetrators of the unprecedented violence against the children, but they also went ahead to launch a systematic programme to annihilate GAMSU by creating their own surrogate student body, the National Patriotic Students Association (NAPSA), using money and other incentives, and even coercion to entice students to become members of that puppet body, eventually making it the only legal student body in the country, enjoying unlimited financial and moral support from the authorities.

Therefore, through various overt and covert tactics, the authorities succeeded in transforming NAPSA into a formidable student union whose members were given all kinds of privileges and used them as proxies to control the activities of the students and ensure that they (students) not only will never again challenge the authority of the government, but they were also instead left with no alternative but to submit to the dictates of the NAPSA leadership who had been imposed on them by the authorities.

What have we seen since then is that most of the original leadership of NAPSA have been absorbed into privileged positions in the government, including some of them being nominated as Members of Parliament and several other prominent positions in the public services. This is apparently as compensation for their role in helping to pacify the students and make them not only forget the brutalities that were meted out to their colleagues a few years ago, but NAPSA was also effectively used to neutralize GAMSU and all other student bodies that had existed prior to the April demonstrations.

It is indeed hard for anyone to imagine that a government which makes so much noise about its concern for the welfare of its people would allow those who have committed such heinous crimes against the children of this country to not only continue to roam the streets with impunity, but for some of them to still continue to occupy important public offices and being paid from the public coffers.

There is however no doubt that most concerned Gambians are anxiously looking forward to the day when the names of all those innocent young children whose lives were cut short by bullets of our own security forces, will be engraved in gold in a fitting memorial to be erected in a prominent place in the Greater Banjul Area, and those found culpable for unleashing such brutality on them would finally be brought to book.

ENDS

Women’s Empowerment: Are We Holding Ourselves Back?

2013-03-23T13:42:00.003+00:00

In Women’s Empowerment...Don’t Push Us Around, (February 2013); I focus on the ideology of patriarchy and its undesirable consequences on women’s rights and freedom. The practice of down-grading our being, is as old as the human race itself. There is no known time throughout the history of humankind during which women, in any community, experienced a life unfettered. That being said, women must take some responsibility – minimal as it may be - for the many entrenched and perennial problems that we face every breath of our existence.

This is not to blame any of us for our participation in the patriarchal-structured world, for there is no way we can live otherwise, but for what is clearly our lack of interest in fighting our own course.

How long can we continue to tread the snail pace, with all the tools at our disposal? For how long can we as women, allow erroneous and twisted societal norms to hinder our progress, and tradition to define our destiny? Many of us suffer in silence because we believe there is no way out of it. For some of us, the mere discussion of our feelings, our pains, our troubles, even with other women, is taboo in our own conscience. By allowing this to go on and on, we solidify the status quo and accept, as natural and as right, our place in the chain of doom. The only answer to all of this is a resounding No!

Some of us, women, are perpetrators of abusive actions against other women, though, not the kind of beastly behaviors common of some men abusers. Women abuse other women in so many ways. In the workplace for example, some women managers, without justifiable causes, victimize their junior female workers, causing them much trauma. Such abuses are no less painful. Some junior workers, on the other hand, show little respect for their female superiors just because they are women. How many times have we not heard a woman say she prefers a man to be the president or the manager, etc.? Abuses of women by other women, take place everywhere: in college campuses, in gatherings and even within our localities, causing emotional pains on their victims. We must ensure we stand up against such behaviours.

Our role in every aspect of nation-building and sustainable growth is no less important as men’s. Our role in every history has been nothing less than success, and we should not relent any longer to help improve conditions from the local to the global.

Society’s mindset of womanhood is skewed. We must work towards changing that prejudicial perception. The first step is ciphering our self-worth, our values and how we can use those qualities to enhance our communities and the world at large. We must know it is our right to be heard at all times, and to express freely, our feelings, our needs, and our opinions whenever we choose to do so. The responsibility is ours, and we must be ready to make the necessary change; to come out of the cocoon in which we have been trapped just because we are who we are, women. We must step out of the shadows and say to the world, ‘this is me!’

As human beings, we have what it takes to define the real ‘us’; that vision and resourcefulness that drive our mere humanity. Every woman has to have a vision of self, a vision of who she actually is; the vision to un-tap her God-given strength and ability.

We must be determined. We must persevere and believe in ourselves, that is; our skills and values. All of this should empower us to step out of our comfort zones and break down those walls of uncertainty and fear, of doubt, inhibition and self-pity. We need to be futuristic-oriented and to try to develop definite ideas of a preferred destination and a strong desire to communicate and portray ourselves as equal to our compatriots of the other sex.

A number of studies have negatively portrayed us as the so-called weaker sex, mainly so because of the way we express ourselves emotionally. It’s all part of society’s skewed thinking of who we actually are. Scientific studies, on the other hands, have proven that one of the differences of the male and female sexes, by way of emotional responses, is nothing other than biological. That does not qualify or disqualify us as inferior to men in anyway. It only tells us that we as women react differently and that should not hinder our progress and our will to join the mainstream.

Much progress has been made since the signing of the United Nations Women's Treaty. We, women, however, need to do more to meet the Millennium Development Goal, which promotes gender equality and women’s empowerment.

My personal experience as a married woman and of the Muslim faith, a faith observed in my family circle with some level of orthodoxy, has been one of a holdback for years. I gave 30 years to marriage, nurturing a home and trying to be the ‘perfect wife,’ as demanded by culture and tradition. But there has always been the burning desire in me to listen to my inner voice, a desire that urges me to make a difference and reach out to our womenfolk. The problem, though, was that I first had to make a change in my own life if I should reach out to others. However, discussing my feelings with my family was met with strong opposition. There was the constant reiteration that ''women should be seen and not heard.'' I was determined to break the taboo. My reaction has always been a composed, non-aggressive but assertive and determined voice of No.

My urge has always yearned to feel fulfilled, productive and alive. That was a big step forward, but I was determined, and I was able to tear down the walls of co-dependency and relationship addiction. I stepped into a future of growth and personal transformation. I decided to turn my attention inward and listen to my heart and go for what I believe in, express myself and be heard! Culture and traditional taboos are transformed into ‘Me' and 'Now.’

Millions of women are suffering in silence, holding back in fear of making that first step and in fear of being judged by their families and communities. Why remain silent and continue to endure that which will lead to more pains, anger, frustration, resentment and eventually depression? Such feelings can overshadow our mortality, our career and our personal relationships too. Empowering ourselves as women is our basic right. It is a God-given right. No one, not even ourselves, should take that away from us.

We should increase our capabilities to make purposeful choices and transform those choices into beneficial outcomes. But whatever move we make should be done within the context of the love that defines our relationship with our family, our loved-ones and our homes.

Cultivating a positive attitude goes a long way in empowering ourselves. It starts from within. It should start by telling that negative voice within, 'I can,’ and ‘I will.’ But we must break free and make the necessary sacrifices that most men make. We must step into the social structure that our menfolk have dominated for too long. We must develop and cultivate the appetite to be who we are. We need to push for opportunities and volunteer for the hard assignments that come with empowerment. We have to balance that commitment with our home responsibilities and bridge the gender-gap.

Every government that is serious about development has an answer: Involvement of the women component. We as women must push to sit on the other side of the boat to row the paddle of government, of unity and of sustainable growth. It’s time we stop blaming ourselves for the shortcomings of society. It’s time we take the lead. I am confident if we do, our men will come along.

For the first time this year, Sierra Leone observed International Women's Day by declaring it a public holiday. That says a lot. Women are being urged into the public domain and being accepted and called on. Can we afford to lose the opportunity? Do we want to continue to hold ourselves back?

Chadia Talib is a writer, women’s right advocate and entrepreneur. She lives in Bo, southern Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone: Celebrating Democracy

2013-02-21T12:06:00.001+00:00

(Chadia Talib)

As Sierra Leone prepares for the Presidential Inauguration on Friday, February 22nd, the final process that puts in motion the Ernest Koroma Administration, following the elections of November 17, 2012, there have been criticisms in some quarters, questioning the essentiality of the inauguration process. Much of the criticism is based on what the cynics claim is going to be unnecessary spending on the part of the government to host the event. Such criticisms do not have merits and must be stopped.

Inauguration of an elected President is a conventional practice. It is a significant function of modern democracy everywhere. It goes back to the first ever inauguration of a democracy, that of the first President of the United States, George Washington.

After a long and bitter campaign period, the inauguration, provides the elected President, being the father of the nation, an opportunity to reunite all again, as one country.

President Earnest Koroma

During the inauguration Sierra Leone will be ushering in another five years of the Ernest Koroma Government. It will be another moment for the entire country to celebrate the administration’s victory and plans for the future with a President, who appears determined to serve the nation and to take the lead to solidify the democracy that the entire country craves.

As he promised, President Ernest Koroma is resolute to exert policies for the kind of transformations that would see the country overcome hardships and achieve the impossible, as he leads the nation forward in the next five year.

Sierra Leone will, on Friday, celebrate the declaration of its belief in the freedom and rights of all people. It will bring together leaders, both from within and abroad, who would interact with people from all walks of life, be they cleaners or messengers, teachers or media practitioners. For some, it is going to be a rare moment to experience history in the making, and sense the collective strength and soundness of the foundation on which the nation, and its hard-won and cherished democracy is built.

For critical minds regarding the importance of the inauguration, it should be known that the process also propels optimism, and an unflinching will, to continue in the transformation from what was the Agenda for Change to what is now the Agenda for Prosperity. It is important because it will provide an opportunity to showcase the strength and importance of the institutions of society that have been put in place within the past years, and the new pathway to the future. The inauguration gives the entire nation an opportunity to listen to the President as he explains, publicly, in details, his visions and future plans for the country as a whole and outline what he wants his legacy to be.

There are those inaugural addresses that will forever be remembered. President Barack Obama's first inaugural address was one of the most memorable in the history of the United States because of its historic significance; the first American of African ancestry was becoming President of the United States. Another was President Franklin Roosevelt’s, also of the United States in 1933 when he inherited a nation in the midst of a woeful economic crisis, confronted by rising fascism and communism in Europe, and some skepticisms at home about the future of capitalism and representative democracy. Roosevelt reassured his countrymen and women that the nation will forever endure. In May, 1994, South Africa’s first democratic elected President, Nelson Mandela, in his inauguration, called for a united country when he said: “The South Africa we have struggled for, in which all our people, be they African, Colored, Indian or White, regard themselves as citizens of one nation is at hand.“

As were with Presidents Roosevelt’s, Obama’s and Mandela’s, President Ernest Koroma’s Inaugural Address is going to leave an indelible imprint in the political history of the country. He is going to stand front and centre with his policy of audaciousness, defined by courage, boldness, honesty, enthusiasm and the determination to succeed, an undertaken never before seen in Africa, the crusade that is the Agenda for Prosperity. Undoubtedly, the address will be dominated by what he has in stock as the Agenda for Prosperity.

It would be disingenuous for anyone to deny that significant changes have taken place in the country during the past five years under the Agenda for Change; from agriculture to infrastructure to private investments, health care, energy, as well as the enhancing of the mineral and marine sectors and improvements on education and the general wellbeing of the ordinary Sierra Leonean. Also there have been transformations in the armed and police forces, bringing those two institutions to standards. Local councils have seen huge flows of funds from the central government, for the implementation of sound projects. Women are now taking leadership roles in every sector of society and youth participation has been a record high in development programmes throughout the country.

In the information and communication sector, the media, in particular, is allowed to practice freely without fear of government’s interference. The human rights records of the government have been impeccable, realizing that the observance of human rights is fundamental if democracy is to flourish.

One of the most important sectors that have demonstrated the Agenda for Change a success is the National Revenue Authority. With its remarkable performance in revenue collections, the NRA stands as an important lever that smoothly steers the machinery of government in an effective way. As democratic measures introduced in the country since 2007, are gradually paying off, there is now reason for celebration and for welcoming the second chapter of the Koroma Administration.

The inauguration of an elected President is significant, particularly so for a budding democracy like Sierra Leone that is rebuilding from the ashes of a long war - which requires such moments of coming together again.

The inauguration will symbolise a rare moment as the entire country stand together with the newly elected President notwithstanding political differences, because it expounds the unity and strength of Sierra Leone’s democracy by way of smooth transfer of power.

This week’s event will put in motion the new challenge of the day, Agenda for Prosperity, as the First Gentleman of the nation, takes an oath to fight corruption and weed out the ills of society, among other things. The inauguration is about celebrating the country’s hard-earned Democracy, which Sierra Leoneans well deserved. Let the skeptics understand!

Chadia Talib is a writer, women’s right advocate and entrepreneur. She lives in Bo, southern Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone: Women’s Empowerment... “Don’t Push Us Around”

2013-02-11T10:52:00.000+00:00

Women in Sierra Leone are stepping on center stage in a steady but slow pace to play their part as equal partners in national development. That movement, precedes roles by leaders the likes of educationist Dr. Talabi Lucan; Chief Justice, Hawa Tejan-Jalloh; Chief Electoral Commissioner, Dr. Christiana Thorpe; university professor and former Vice Presidential candidate, Dr. Kadi Sesay and women’s right advocate, Nemata Majeks-Walker, to mention a few. But women are far from accomplishing their target for equality. More has to be done to pave the path. Women lag far behind men in decision making institutions, employments and access to education. This trend must change fast.

Throughout history, women have been relegated to the roles of ‘mothers’ and ‘wives,’ with duties that revolve within the confines of home-related chores: cleaning, cooking, babysitting and rocking the cradle. But that was then. Times have changed. This is the 21st century. Politics, education, employment or any other human endeavours are not exclusively for men, or for them to dominate. Even though women account for more than half the country’s population, they only account for a trifling 15 percent in the political arena at both national and local levels.
The idea of ‘being seen and not heard,’ no longer holds. The ideology of patriarchy, structured as a means to dominate and oppress particularly womanhood through so-called norms of society, have no place in society anymore. The meaning of patriarchy was ill-conceived as a tool to determine what shall or shall not be women’s role in society. Such ancient-inherited mentality is what is responsible for the state of affairs of women all over the world. It structures society as we know it today. As such, blames for the state of affairs should not be levied on governments alone. But governments have the biggest stakes in seeing women through.
The claws of patriarchy have gone rusty beyond repairs, and women are now saying a big ‘No’ to male dominance, and ‘Empowerment Now!’ But women themselves must do more. Much has been done over the decades for women to now realize that they ought to be regarded as equal partners in every sphere of life. The future depends on their display of courage and determination. More women, particularly the young, should get into party politics, starting by being active in their local communities as volunteers, organizers, leaders, councillors, educators, etc., and strengthening their advocacy and engaging in all civic activities.
That women are now occupying leadership roles in politics and other areas, should serve as stepping stone for their advancement. Those in other walks of life must also push for more women involvement and empowerment. In doing so, women would be recognised and appreciated, not just by their male counterparts, but by society at large.
Sierra Leone, like every other country has a responsibility to meet the challenges of the Millennium Development Goals. Whether those goals could be achieved sooner or later is another question. The fact remains, however, that there is no way it will be, without the full and unhindered participation of women. In that regard, education of more women and girls is of vital importance.
Education builds confidence and the will power to forge ahead. Education is power. It gives people the ability to make informed choices. It helps in a significant way to halt abuses of women such as their being regarded as sex tools. Now is the time for women to grab the moment.
Leading women all over the world have cracked open and cruised through the iron gates of oppressions to take the lead. Examples of such women are Sierra Leone’s UN Under Secretary General on Sexual Violence, Zainab Bangura; Prime Ministers: Indira Ghandi of India, Golda Meir of Israel and Margaret Thatcher of the UK; Sierra Leone’s first female political figure, Ella Koblo Gulama; Presidents Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of Liberia and Malawi’s Joyce Banda, and Russian cosmonaut, Valentina Tereshkov, the first woman ever in space, and a host of other women revolutionaries.
These women fought doggedly to free themselves from the chain of oppression to take the world by storm. And for the women in Sierra Leone and women everywhere, there should be no holding back. It was with that spirit of determination that America’s lighting rods, slavery abolitionist and pioneer of the Underground Railroad, Harriet Tubman and Rosa Parks, known as the first lady of civil rights and the mother of the freedom movement, changed the course of mankind, a time when suppression of minorities let alone women, was law.
Sierra Leone has made great strides in accepting women in governance. Also, women now head some of the leading institutions in the country and making positive decisions in the President Ernest Koroma's Government. But women deserve more. We want to see women coming out from behind those closed doors and exercising their God-given prowess.
If women can take the lead in raising Presidents, judges, ministers, scientists, lawyers, teachers, journalists, among other career persons, then there is nothing they couldn’t do. Women have been proving their mettle since the advent of the human race.
More women should be allowed to take their places - shoulder to shoulder - alongside their men counterparts. Society can’t push them around anymore.

Chadia Talib is a writer, women’s right advocate and entrepreneur. She lives in Bo, southern Sierra Leone.

The Fiscal Cliff: Understand It.

2012-12-30T06:20:00.001+00:00

By Aroun Rashid Deen, New York City

If you live in Africa and have been following news on the United States lately, you may have heard the phrase 'fiscal cliff' or 'falling-off-the-fiscal-cliff.' You may not understand what this means. If so, this article is an effort to explain it, simply, and why you should be concerned. ‘Fiscal,’ according to The Associated Press Style Book, applies to budgetary matters. The Free Dictionary, describes ‘Cliff’ as a high, steep, or overhanging face of rock.
Fiscal cliff has a negative connotation in the United States. It’s used to describe a series of tax increases and budget cuts that are set to take effect simultaneously at the beginning of 2013. ‘Falling-off-the-cliff,’ is a term for the assumed economic problems that would occur should the two main political parties in the country, the Democrats, and the Republicans (also called the Grand Old Party or GOP), fail to reach agreement on a new tax plan before the beginning of the new year. Democrats are for tax increases for the rich, while Republicans want spending (budget) cuts. These two issues are key to this economic jargon.
During his presidency, George W. Bush introduced across-the-board tax cuts for almost all income earners, including the country’s wealthiest. The theory was that such tax breaks, particularly for the business community and the middle-class, would boost economic growth. The Bush tax breaks vary, depending on the kind of tax and the level of a tax payer’s income. The Democrats saw things differently. They believed that the Bush tax plan was meant to appease the wealthiest who, the Democrats claimed, will benefit from it more than low income earners. The Bush plan was to expire in 2010. However, when President Barack Obama took office, he reached a deal with the Republicans to extend the tax cuts plan until December 31 of this year.
Given that the United States, like other advanced nations, is facing its own financial crisis, the worst since the Great Depression, 1929 to 1941, and that the current U.S. national debt stands at $16.3 trillion, both the Democrats and Republicans have been looking at ways to at least reduce the debt and boost investments to help the economy. With the Bush cuts expiring, both parties saw an opportunity to push for adjustments they believe would help the economy and shrink the budget.

The Republicans believe that a major way forward is to reduce, drastically, government spending on domestic programs. The Democrats, on the other hand, want the new tax plan that would come into effect this January, to include the Bush tax breaks for lower income earners only, not for those making $400,000 and above. That’s compromise from their earlier target of $250,000.
The Democrats say that if the Republicans refuse a deal by December 31, tax rates for everyone, including those in the middle-class bracket will rise to pre-Bush levels. That would hurt economic growth because consumer spending will fall and in turn hurt other parts of the economy.
Obama and the Democrats also believe, that if the government cut ended domestic spending in such areas as military health care ($16 Billion annually), employment retirement program ($11 Billion), agricultural subsidies ($30 -36 Billion), food assistance ($4 Billion), home health care ($50 Billion), higher education ($10 Billion) and Social Security ($112 Billion), this will not only affect the middle-class but also will lead to massive job cuts in those areas.
The Republicans’ position was simply that raising tax rates on anyone, rich or not is not the way forward. They blame the country’s economic problems on excess spending by the government. However, like the Democrats, they too have so far given up some ground. They now say a new tax plan should target only those making above one million dollars.
The Bush-era tax cuts aren’t the only taxes that are scheduled to go up. A 2 percentage point cut in payroll taxes that employees pay is due to end. So are a series of business taxes. At the same time, government spending on domestic programs and the military would be cut drastically. While this would mean savings for the government, this combination could, according to many economists, eventually plunge the US into a recession because millions of jobs in the government and private companies would be lost. It would affect US military defense as well. Unless they reach a compromise by December 31st, America goes off the ‘fiscal cliff’!!

What does this mean to you?

It is no secret that the global economy, meaning that of almost every country of the world, including your home country in Africa is going through terrible times. Though the European Union has now replaced the US as the world’s biggest economy, it is, nonetheless, not as integrated as that of the US. The US economy is structured in such a way that it could withstand many of the challenges facing the EU, China and Japan and other countries. Take Germany, for example. It’s the EU's biggest economy and the only one that has not suffered because of the continent’s financial woes. Germany’s biggest consumer market is the US. Should the US fall off the fiscal cliff, it will significantly affect the German economy, and thus, the entire EU's, placing the EU in an even bigger financial mess. The same is true for China which is fast becoming Africa’s biggest trading partner. Again, the US is presently China’s biggest export market, according to a November 20, 2012 Agence France-Presse report, quoting China’s Commerce Ministry source. The report states that for the first 10 months of 2012, China's exports to the United States totaled $289.3 billion, while shipments to the EU came to $276.8 billion.

If the United States should fall off the cliff, it would mean fewer imports from China. This might force China to hold back on some of its dealings in Africa. Also, in order to make up for export revenues it would lose, China could raise the prices for essential items it exports elsewhere, such as medicines, foodstuffs and toiletries, to Africa. The outcome of this is that African countries would end up spending more for fewer imported items. You must know the math: the fewer the goods, the higher the prices. Again, if the government in your country provides subsidies on such items as petrol to food, it might stop doing do. Members of the public would have to pay more purchasing such items.

Although the effects of ‘falling off the cliff’ would not be felt immediately, they are, nonetheless, inevitable in the months that follow. So, as the saying goes in Europe, “when America sneezes, you catch the cold.”

Fight Against Impunity In the Gambia

2012-12-17T17:04:00.001+00:00

Sierra Leone:SLPP REVERSES DECISION

2012-12-09T11:16:00.001+00:00

(By Aroun Rashid Deen NYC)

The only opposition party in Sierra Leone, the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), has reversed its decision that had ordered its lawmakers and local councilors to “stay away” from parliamentary and council proceedings.

The decision to reverse the call for a boycott was announced Thursday, December 6, following a meeting earlier in the week at State House between President Koroma and leaders of the SLPP, including Mr. Julius Bio, the party’s presidential candidate for the November 17, 2012, elections. An umbrella body of different denominations of the Christian faith, in Sierra Leone, the Body of Christ, had facilitated the meeting between the two groups in an effort to bring an end to what was becoming a political stalemate. The announcement on Thursday came about a week before the official opening of the new Parliament in the capital, Freetown, following national elections on November 17.

The party, on Tuesday, November 27, 2012, ordered the boycott, days after incumbent President, Ernest Koroma of the All People’s Congress (APC) Party, was declared the winner of the Presidential race. The SLPP had alleged election malpractices by the APC, despite an existing wide consensus among international observers that the elections were well conducted. The party had called on its deputies to stay away as a means of protest and also called for an external review of the whole electoral process. 42 SLPP MPs were elected in the poll.

SLPP’s National Secretary General, Suliaman Banja Tejan-Sie, who announced the party’s decision to rescind the planned boycott, said that in light of what he called government’s “commitment and assurance to address” their concerns, the party’s executive “direct its Members of Parliament, Mayors and Chairpersons and Councilors to take part in all Parliamentary and Local Council proceedings unless otherwise directed.”

Sources from Freetown suggest that elements within the leadership of the SLPP prevailed on the party to reconsider its stance and respond to the mediation efforts undertaken by the Body of Christ. Speculation was rife as to what was discussed when Mr. Bio and the President met privately, and rumors fueled both by the public, and the national press still persist.

This writer had argued a week ago, that the call for the boycott had little chance to hold. More so because the conduct of the election was deemed to have met internationally acceptable standards and the results recognized globally. Moreover, SLPP MPs, particularly first-timers, were, understandably, eager to get to work, as evident on Wednesday, December 5, when SLPP representatives attended a briefing session at Parliament Building, in Freetown.

The SLPP’s reversal of its call for a boycott will provide some welcome relief to the APC. Given the ruling party’s sweep in the Presidential and Parliamentary contests, it would be hard to ignore the chilling effect such a boycott would have on governance if not the entire democratic process.

One can speculate for a moment as to what next move by the SLPP will be. Certainly, the party will soon go back to the drawing board to evaluate its election’s strategies and its performance in this year’s elections, followed by what is likely to be early preparations for the next race in 2017.

It is perhaps too early to speculate meaningfully about the likely SLPP contestants for the party’s presidential ticket in 2017. Clearly, Mr. Bio cannot be ruled out as a possibility. The 48-year-old would still be in his prime and would have presumably built upon the experience gained from the 2012 race.

For the APC, 2017 may prove to be more challenging. The likable and politically savvy Ernest Koroma will step down after completing his second term. Besides, the APC will likely find some difficulty selecting from among its crop of current leaders a natural successor or at least someone whose record can match the President’s accomplishments after serving two terms in office.

Sierra Leone opposition party calls on lawmakers to boycott Parliament

2012-11-29T09:57:00.001+00:00

By Aroun Rashid Deen

The Sierra Leone People’s Party, whose candidate, Julius Maada Bio, came
in a distant second to the incumbent President in a crowded field in the
just-concluded Sierra Leone presidential election, has called on its members
of parliament and other elected officials, to “stay away” from
parliamentary and all other local council proceedings.

A statement from the party’s secretariat issued Tuesday, just four days
after the National Electoral Commission NEC of Sierra Leone declared
incumbent President Ernest Koroma, of the All People’s Congress, the
winner of the presidential election held on November 17, stated that its
National Executive Committee strongly “condemns the refusal of the
National Electoral Commission (NEC) to address the electoral irregularities
including fake and unstamped Reconciliation and Result Forms, pre-marked
ballot papers, ballot stuffing and over-voting in Kono, the Western Area and
the Northern Province and more other instances of malpractices which
undermined the credibility of the results.” The party had hinted - just a
day after the result was announced - that it was going to contest the
presidential result, claiming electoral wrongdoings.

The SLPP national and local lawmakers are among the hundreds also elected
during the November 17 polling. Although the party has also – in a
separate statement - indicated that the elected officials have reaffirmed
their firm commitment to the resolution to stay away, pundits speculate that
few of them will adhere to their party’s call for the boycott. And if they
do, it will not be for long. Among them are first-timers, some of whom,
notwithstanding the party’s position regarding the results declared by the
NEC, are anxious to take up their seats for which they had worked hard, if
not to begin serving their constituents.

The call to stay away from parliamentary and other council proceedings may
be a signal that the SLPP is running out of options or strategies to reverse
the election result. In its press release, the party prevailed on the
international community to consider its claims of election fraud, demanding
“an independent international assessment” of the whole election process
involved, including the presidential result.

It is not clear which sector of the international community the SLPP wants
to intervene, since key players and leading decision makers in world
affairs, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, China, Russia, the
United Nations, the European Union ECOWAS, the West African regional bloc
and the African Union, among others, have all recognized the election of
President Koroma. They have done so by way of statements of approval of the
election process and congratulatory messages to Koroma.

However, a reliable source from Freetown has indicated that frenetic
diplomatic efforts, led by the United Nations, are under way to bring
together President Ernest Bai Koroma and Julius Maada Bio, to find a
resolution to the SLPP’s alleged election fraud. It is not known what, if
anything, Mr. Bio would gain out of it, following his dismal performance,
other than to be coaxed to accept the election result. Representatives of
the two groups are to meet in Freetown shortly.

Further, in its press release, the party demanded the “unconditional
release” from police custody, those of its members and supporters who are
still being held. And in what it described as in the spirit of
reconciliation, the SLPP called on the government to “nolle prosequi all
pending political matters in our local courts.” It did not specify the
political matters in question nor indicate how the request is related to the
allegations of electoral fraud and irregularities.
Nolle prosequi is a term used in the context of the legal profession. It
means that either a prosecutor or plaintiff in a legal matter already in
proceeding has declared that he or she will not proceed any further.

Aroun Rashid Deen is a freelance journalist. He lives in New York City
646 645-1857

Sierra Leone Elections- U.S Congratulates Earnest Bai Koroma

2012-11-27T09:28:00.004+00:00

(By Aroun Rashid Deen)

The United States government has congratulated Sierra Leone's President
Ernest Bai Koroma, following his reelection, noting the democratic progress
the country has made since the end of a civil war a decade. President Koroma
was re-elected to serve another five-year term in the West African nation.
White House spokesman, Jay Carney said in a statement: "The people of Sierra
Leone have made their voices heard."
Mr. Koroma of the ruling All People’s Congress, APC, was Saturday declared
the winner by the chairperson of the National Electoral Commission (NEC),
Christiana Thorpe, a week after voting on November 17th. The President
secured 58.7% of votes to defeat and avoid a run-off with his closest rival,
Julius Maada Bio, of the Sierra Leone People’s Party, SLPP. Bio got a mere
37.4% of votes during the November 17 polling. In Sierra Leone, the winning
candidate for the presidency must secure at least 55% of votes cast to avoid
a run-off. The election also included voting for parliamentary seats and
local council offices. Some 87.3% of the country’s electorate voted,
making it one of the highest recorded in the country’s national election
history.
The election itself was conducted peacefully, amid concerns about violence
due to heightened pre-election rhetoric, including sharp attacks on the
records of particularly Koroma and Bio, and incidents of violence in the
weeks preceding polling. Aside from the congratulatory statement from the
United States Government, international and local observers have described
the election as meeting the internationally-recognized threshold for
democratic elections.
UN Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, in a statement, commended the high voter
turnout and the remarkable calm displayed by the electorates during voting.
He maintained that that was a clear manifestation of Sierra Leoneans’
“desire for peace, democracy and development.”
The Head of the EU observer mission, Richard Howitt, in an earlier briefing,
said the election on Saturday, November 17, was well organized, smooth,
conducive to democratic consolidation and largely peaceful, though he
expressed concerns over what he regarded as financial bribery of paramount
chiefs by the APC. Paramount chiefs are traditional leaders who head their
various chiefdoms throughout the country. They maintain enormous influence
over their chiefdom subjects. Paramount Chiefs are supposed to remain
neutral during electioneering. The APC denied the allegation.
Another international observer group, the US-based Carter Center, in its
preliminary reports described the election process as peaceful, orderly,
transparent, and in general accordance with Sierra Leone’s legal framework
and obligations for democratic elections. Though the group raised concerns
over what it called some limited administrative shortcomings, it said that
NEC officials “performed admirably in difficult conditions, and that the
people of Sierra Leone turned out in high numbers to cast their ballots
freely.”
The West African regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) also gave its stamp of approval to the election. It
described it as well conducted, and that the few isolated incidents of
irregularities do not affect the credibility of the entire process.
At the national level, the Political Parties Registration Commission (PPRC),
a group set up to monitor the activities of all registered parties for the
elections, commended the performances of both the parties and NEC for their
role during and after the November 17 poll. Its chairman, Justice Tolla
Thompson, said political parties conducted their affairs in a peaceful and
lawful matter that respected the Code of Conduct for Political Parties.
Nonetheless, Koroma’s main rival, Bio, and his SLPP party – prior to the
NEC’s announcement – had expressed concerns over what they saw as
wide-scale fraud by the APC in several polling centers in the northern
andwestern regions, and in the diamond-rich Kono, home to Vice President Sam
Sumana which is in the eastern region of the country.
NEC disputed much of the SLPP claims of fraud. Thorpe, in an earlier
statement suggested that evidence of such claims should be reported to the
police.
The SLPP has meanwhile indicated it intends to contest the results announced
by the NEC and Koroma’s re-election. In a radio broadcast, a day after the
result was announced, Mr. Bio alleged “electoral irregularities including
fake and unstamped Reconciliation and Result Forms, pre-marked ballot
papers, ballot stuffing and over-voting in Kono the Western Area and the
Northern Province....” He promised his party will soon contact members and
supporters on their official line of action. They can challenge the validity
of the election of the President by petitioning the Supreme Court of Sierra
Leone, but must do so within seven days following the NEC’s declaration.
President Koroma took the oath of office just hours after he was declared
the winner. He appealed for calm. He promised to work in the interest of all
Sierra Leone regardless of party affiliations. He also called on his former
opponents to join him “in moving the country forward.”
Umaru Fofana, a Sierra Leonean reporter for the BBC, and head of one of the
nation’s independent newspapers, Politico, said it appears the
President’s call for calm is being heeded. Fofana who drove around the
central and west end of Freetown after the announcement reported relatively
subdued celebrations in those areas. Freetown was one of the strongholds of
President Koroma.
With Bio being a former leader of the National Provisional Ruling Council
(NPRC) military junta that overthrew the APC from power in 1992, the APC was
more than determined not to have him unseat them from power again. With some
former members of the NPRC now members of the APC, Bio took the brunt of the
APC’s loathing of the junta he previously headed.
The dismal performance of the SLPP in this year’s elections stemmed from a
number of factors, chief of which were poor organization and leadership
going back to the start of their search for a possible presidential ticket.
Some, even within the hierarchy of the party believe Maada Bio was the wrong
choice at this time. The party has also been hampered with divisions within
its ranks, with some of its members, including some who vied for the
presidential nomination, jumping ship to the APC.
Bio’s poor performance has been the worst by the SLPP since 1996, when the
country was returned to democratic rule. It was Maada Bio himself, who, as
outgoing junta ruler, ushered in the Ahmad Tejan Kabbah-led SLPP government
that won the presidency that year. Tejan Kabbah secured 59.49% to beat his
run-off rival, John Karefa-Smart of the United National People’s Party.
Over 50% of the electorate voted in that election.
Kabbah was reelected in 2002 with a landslide of more than 70% of the votes,
beating then APC challenger, Ernest Koroma. Koroma quickly conceded defeat.
Five years later, in 2007, Ernest Koroma defeated then SLPP Vice President,
Solomon Berewa, 54.6% to 45.4%. Berewa, too, conceded defeat.
This year’s election was the third since the end of the country’s civil
war. However, it was the first organized by the country itself without the
help of the United Nations. The first two – conducted by the United
Nations – were held in 2002 and 2007 respectively. The admirable
performance of the electorate on November 17 was a reflection of what
happened in 2002 and 2007.
SLPP supporters are sure to grieve their loss. However, despite the tense
campaign bickering and acrimony that defined pre-election relations between
some of the supporters of both parties, the drive for national unity, peace
and progress is deep-seated in the cultural psyche of the ordinary citizen
in present-day Sierra Leone. One ardent SLPP supporter here in the United
States, Alimamy Rassin Kamara, in his courageous response to Koroma’s
wins, says: “We owe it to our country and the people to accept the results
for what they are and conduct ourselves in the most peaceful and law-abiding
way.”
It is expected that those feelings of despondency, and elation, on the part
of the winning side, will soon give way to one that puts the collective
interests of the nation above all else.

Aroun Rashid Deen is a freelance journalist. He lives in New York City
646 645-1857

SIERRA LEONE REELECT PRESIDENT KOROMA

2012-11-27T09:24:00.002+00:00

(By Aroun Rashid Deen)
Sierra Leone’s incumbent President, Ernest Bai Koroma, has been re-elected
to serve another five-year term in the small West African nation. Mr. Koroma
of the ruling All People’s Congress, APC, was Saturday declared the winner
by the chairperson of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), Christiana
Thorpe, a week after voting on November 17th. The President secured 58.7% of
votes to defeat and avoid a run-off with his closest rival, Julius Maada
Bio, of the Sierra Leone People’s Party, SLPP. Bio got a mere 37.4% of
votes during the November 17 polling. In Sierra Leone, the winning candidate
for the presidency must secure at least 55% of votes cast to avoid a
run-off. The election also included voting for parliamentary seats and local
council offices. Some 87.3% of the country’s electorate voted, making it
one of the highest recorded in the country’s national election history.
The election itself was conducted peacefully, amid concerns about violence
due to heightened pre-election rhetoric, including sharp attacks on the
records of particularly Koroma and Bio, and incidents of violence in the
weeks preceding polling. International and local observers have described
the election as meeting the internationally-recognized threshold for
democratic elections.
UN Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, in a statement, commended the high voter
turnout and the remarkable calm displayed by the electorates during voting.
He maintained that that was a clear manifestation of Sierra Leoneans’
“desire for peace, democracy and development.”
The Head of the EU observer mission, Richard Howitt, in an earlier briefing,
said the election on Saturday, November 17, was well organized, smooth,
conducive to democratic consolidation and largely peaceful, though he
expressed concerns over what he regarded as financial bribery of paramount
chiefs by the APC. Paramount chiefs are traditional leaders who head their
various chiefdoms throughout the country. They maintain enormous influence
over their chiefdom subjects. Paramount Chiefs are supposed to remain
neutral during electioneering. The APC denied the allegation.
Another international observer group, the US-based Carter Center, in its
preliminary reports described the election process as peaceful, orderly,
transparent, and in general accordance with Sierra Leone’s legal framework
and obligations for democratic elections. Though the group raised concerns
over what it called some limited administrative shortcomings, it said that
NEC officials “performed admirably in difficult conditions, and that the
people of Sierra Leone turned out in high numbers to cast their ballots
freely.”
The West African regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) also gave its stamp of approval to the election. It
described it as well conducted, and that the few isolated incidents of
irregularities do not affect the credibility of the entire process.
At the national level, the Political Parties Registration Commission (PPRC),
a group set up to monitor the activities of all registered parties for the
elections, commended the performances of both the parties and NEC for their
role during and after the November 17 poll. Its chairman, Justice Tolla
Thompson, said political parties conducted their affairs in a peaceful and
lawful matter that respected the Code of Conduct for Political Parties.
Nonetheless, Koroma’s main rival, Bio, and his SLPP party – prior to the
NEC’s announcement – had expressed concerns over what they saw as
wide-scale fraud by the APC in several polling centers in the northern and
western regions, and in the diamond-rich Kono, home to Vice President Sam
Sumana which is in the eastern region of the country.
NEC disputed much of the SLPP claims of fraud. Thorpe, in an earlier
statement suggested that evidence of such claims should be reported to the
police.
The SLPP has meanwhile indicated it intends to contest the results announced
by the NEC and Koroma’s re-election. In a radio broadcast, a day after the
result was announced, Mr. Bio alleged “electoral irregularities including
fake and unstamped Reconciliation and Result Forms, pre-marked ballot
papers, ballot stuffing and over-voting in Kono the Western Area and the
Northern Province....” He promised his party will soon contact members and
supporters on their official line of action. They can challenge the validity
of the election of the President by petitioning the Supreme Court of Sierra
Leone, but must do so within seven days following the NEC’s declaration.
President Koroma took the oath of office just hours after he was declared
the winner. He appealed for calm. He promised to work in the interest of all
Sierra Leone regardless of party affiliations. He also called on his former
opponents to join him “in moving the country forward.”
Umaru Fofana, a Sierra Leonean reporter for the BBC, and head of one of the
nation’s independent newspapers, Politico, said it appears the
President’s call for calm is being heeded. Fofana who drove around the
central and west end of Freetown after the announcement reported relatively
subdued celebrations in those areas. Freetown was one of the strongholds of
President Koroma.
With Bio being a former leader of the National Provisional Ruling Council
(NPRC) military junta that overthrew the APC from power in 1992, the APC was
more than determined not to have him unseat them from power again. With some
former members of the NPRC now members of the APC, Bio took the brunt of the
APC’s loathing of the junta he previously headed.
The dismal performance of the SLPP in this year’s elections stemmed from a
number of factors, chief of which were poor organization and leadership
going back to the start of their search for a possible presidential ticket.
Some, even within the hierarchy of the party believe Maada Bio was the wrong
choice at this time. The party has also been hampered with divisions within
its ranks, with some of its members, including some who vied for the
presidential nomination, jumping ship to the APC.
Bio’s poor performance has been the worst by the SLPP since 1996, when the
country was returned to democratic rule. It was Maada Bio himself, who, as
outgoing junta ruler, ushered in the Ahmad Tejan Kabbah-led SLPP government
that won the presidency that year. Tejan Kabbah secured 59.49% to beat his
run-off rival, John Karefa-Smart of the United National People’s Party.
Over 50% of the electorate voted in that election.
Kabbah was reelected in 2002 with a landslide of more than 70% of the votes,
beating then APC challenger, Ernest Koroma. Koroma quickly conceded defeat.
Five years later, in 2007, Ernest Koroma defeated then SLPP Vice President,
Solomon Berewa, 54.6% to 45.4%. Berewa, too, conceded defeat.
This year’s election was the third since the end of the country’s civil
war. However, it was the first organized by the country itself without the
help of the United Nations. The first two – conducted by the United
Nations – were held in 2002 and 2007 respectively. The admirable
performance of the electorate on November 17 was a reflection of what
happened in 2002 and 2007.
SLPP supporters are sure to grieve their loss. However, despite the tense
campaign bickering and acrimony that defined pre-election relations between
some of the supporters of both parties, the drive for national unity, peace
and progress is deep-seated in the cultural psyche of the ordinary citizen
in present-day Sierra Leone. One ardent SLPP supporter here in the United
States, Alimamy Rassin Kamara, in his courageous response to Koroma’s
wins, says: “We owe it to our country and the people to accept the results
for what they are and conduct ourselves in the most peaceful and law-abiding
way.”
It is expected that those feelings of despondency and elation, on the part
of the winning side, will soon give way to one that puts the collective
interests of the nation above all else.

Aroun Rashid Deen is a freelance journalist. He lives in New York City
646 645-1857

Gambia:The National Transitional Council Gambia sets up Government In Exile

2012-10-15T11:57:00.001+01:00

Source :The Gambia News

The Gambian National Transitional Council, headed by one Sidia Bayo held a press conference this morning in the French capital Paris. According to the statement received , the CNTG has given Yaya Jammeh 30 days to vacate power and has also published a list of names as ministers in next transitional government. Listed Below are the names of persons chosen by the National Transitional Council.

President and commander in chief of The Gambia Armed Forces,
Minister of Natural Resources and Energy:
Mr Bayo Sidia Sheikh

General Secretary Office of the President: Mr Ousman Jammeh

Vice President and head of Government: Mr Jallow Babucarr

Minister of Defence : Mr Mohamed Kora

Minister of Interior and Home Affairs: Mr Sanyang Ablaye

Minister of Justice, Equalities, National Religious affairs and reconciliation
Lawyer Darboe Yankuba (spokesman)

Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs: Mr Touray Suntu

Minister of Agriculture and food production; Mr. Falai Baldeh

Minister of Youths and Sports: Mr Sada Njie

Minister of Tourism and Culture: Mr Landing Nyassi

Minister of Media and Communications: Mr Bamba Serign Mass (spokesman)

Minister of Local Governments and Lands: Mr Mahawa Cham

Minister of Health, Social Welfare and Women’s Affairs: Mrs. Sarata Jabbi

Minister of Foreign Affairs: Mr Darboe Manding

Minister of Basic and Secondary Education: Mr Alajie Nyabally

Minister of Forestry and Environment: Mr Abdul Karim Sanneh

Source: http://thegambianews.eu

The Gambia Report On Human Rights Practices 2011 by U.S State Department

2012-09-18T21:34:00.001+01:00

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The Gambia is a multiparty democratic republic. On November 25, voters reelected President Alhaji Yahya Jammeh to a fourth term in a peaceful, orderly election that was neither free nor fair. President Jammeh’s party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC), continued to dominate the political landscape. There were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control.

The Gambia continues downward slide on governance ladder

2012-09-18T19:24:00.000+01:00

By D. A. Jawo

It is indeed hard for any right thinking Gambian to imagine why President Yahya Jammeh, who is already under intense local and international scrutiny over his unwise decision to execute nine death row prisoners under very cloudy circumstances, would yet still go ahead to arbitrarily close down media houses simply for not singing his praises. Any reasonable person would have thought that under the circumstances that he presently finds himself in, he would have done everything possible to deflect rather than attract more negative attention on his regime.The arbitrary decision to send NIA operatives to both The Daily News and The Standard on Friday afternoon and verbally ask them to immediately cease publication, without any court order or yet still without any document to that effect, tantamount to the worst form of arbitrariness ever seen in a country that claims to be practicing modern democracy. That was exactly what they did to the Gambia’s most popular radio station, Teranga FM, about three weeks ago.

This action by the Gambian authorities and the crude manner it was done shows how far down the governance ladder this country has degenerated and the almost total lack of adherence to the most basic tenets of the rule of law being practiced by those in authority. It is hard to understand how in this 21st century, any government can just send people to legally registered media outlets and verbally ask them to cease operations without any legal document to that effect. This is indeed the height of arbitrariness ever witnessed in our sub-region, and a clear manifestation of the almost total lack of regard for the welfare of ordinary Gambians.

It is now quite evident that such arbitrariness and lack of regard for the rule of law has become a daily occurrence in The Gambia, often done in complete disregard of the provisions of the law and natural justice. Just a few days prior to the arbitrary closure of The Daily News and The Standard, for instance, we had seen how two journalists were detained for more than the legal limit of 72 hours for merely applying for a police permit to demonstrate, which is quite a normal occurrence in any civilized society.
As if that was not enough violation of the law, we were also told that rather than going through the legal channels of arresting and detaining them, the two journalists were tricked into reporting to the police station when they were told that their application for permit had been approved and that they were required to report to the police for it, only to be detained when they went to report. It is hard to imagine that a responsible government would be engaged in such amateurish behavior.

We are also told that the police had to search the homes of those two journalists, no doubt without any search warrants, and that they even had to break open the door to the room of a brother of one of the journalists, which is not only illegal but tantamount to burglary, which would have been a big scandal in any civilized society.

While the arbitrary closure of Teranga FM, The Daily News and The Standard seems to have robbed the masses of ordinary Gambians their most reliable sources of news and information, it has also rendered several people out of employment. It is quite hard to justify the decision by this regime, which makes so much noise about its concern for the welfare of Gambians, to use their arbitrary powers to close down media houses which action has suddenly rendered so many Gambians unemployed without any justifiable reasons.
The question on everyone’s lips is whether President Jammeh indeed has any advisers or whether he listens to any advice. He does not seem to know that by using arbitrary powers to close down genuinely registered media houses, he is forcing more and more Gambians to turn to the online publications for news and information about The Gambia. There is no way that he can force Gambians to consume lock, stock and barrel the propaganda and deception being churned on a daily basis by the GRTS and his other propaganda outlets when they can easily get the correct information from other sources.
Therefore, by using arbitrary powers to deny them access to the correct information through the local media outlets, Gambians will now resort to the online media and other sources to get the information they need and there is nothing the government can do about it. We have certainly passed that stage in our country’s development when the regime can determine for the people what information they should consume as if the regime is dealing with robots.

We have all heard the defensive posture adopted by members of the regime in the aftermath of the prisoner executions, with the Attorney General even saying that he would resign if anyone showed him any errors in the way and manner the executions were carried out. However, it is hard to see how anyone can prove to him the illegality of the executions when his regime has clearly shown that they have no tolerance for divergent views and opinion. We are however now waiting to see how he and all those who were making such noises would react to this arbitrariness and lack of adherence to the basic rule of law to close down these media houses. As the legal adviser to the government, this arbitrary and illegal action is enough reason for him to resign if it is not reversed; otherwise, his own credibility as a legal luminary is at stake.

It is therefore quite an embarrassment to most Gambians to see our once peaceful dear country rapidly slide down to a bastion of mal-governance with little regard for the rule of law, and gradually transformed into the laughing stock of the sub-region.
Another big embarrassment to most Gambians is the submissive behavior of our traditional and religious leaders, who are always in a haste to rally round the regime’s actions without regard to the wishes and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of the people, apparently in return for the crumbs and other generous gifts that President Jammeh often lavishes on them on such occasions like Ramadan and similar events. Therefore, until our religious leaders, in particular, muster the courage to tell President Jammeh the truth, in accordance with their religious mandate, this country’s governance profile will continue its downward slide.

Opinion:No light at the end of the tunnel of fear in the Gambia

2012-09-17T19:51:00.001+01:00

Extrajudicial executions betray its commitment to human rights

Alagi Yorro Jallow

NEW YORK — In the Gambia, there seems to be no light at the end of the tunnel of fear. Recent extrajudicial executions, nocturnal killings and beatings have reinforced the powerlessness of the population to fight and expose corruption and other heinous acts.

In this tiny country, democracy takes one step forward, one step back. What can we do? And what can the international community do to rescue the Gambia from chaos?Last April and May, the Gambia was host to the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights where the country’s position as an advocate for human rights was on display. Soon afterward, the government brazenly contradicted its position through extrajudicial executions in a tragic betrayal of the Gambia’s international obligations.

The Gambia is the custodian of the African Commission not only because the African Charter had been adopted in Banjul and is now headquartered there but because the Gambia’s adherence to international political and human rights norms was seen, at the time, as exemplary. It was thought that this would ensure the Gambia as a good place to serve as headquarters to both the charter and commission.

In accepting the invitation to host the African Commission, the Gambian government agreed to guarantee the conditions and sustain an environment that would enable the norms and values of human rights and democracy to flourish.

Unfortunately, Gambia is not a place where democracy and human rights are upheld. Over the years, President Yahya Jammeh has become ever more dictatorial—some might even say, crazy. DeWayne Wickham, a columnist for USA Today, rightly pointed out that “Yahya Jammeh could well be Africa’s biggest psychopath.” Jammeh’s regime currently has 47 people on death row, and dozens serving life sentences. Officials confirmed the execution of nine inmates on August 24, the first in the Gambia since 1985. Although Gambia reinstated the death penalty in 1995, shortly after Jammeh took power in a military coup, no prisoners are believed to have been executed until recently.

The nine prisoners were reportedly dragged from their prison cells without warning. They were not allowed to say good-bye or given the opportunity to have their last meals and prayers. They were lined up and shot by a firing squad; and now the remaining 38 are at risk of the same fate.

Family members claim they were not aware of the executions until they heard the news broadcasts. They do not know when the killings took place, how they were killed, where they are buried and whether they were buried according to Islamic rites.

Speaking in a televised broadcast to mark the Muslim festival of EID, Jammeh said, “All those guilty of serious crimes and who are condemned will face the full force of the law. All punishments prescribed by law will be maintained in the country to ensure that criminals get what they deserve; that is, those who killed are killed—by the middle of next month, all the death sentences will have been carried out to the letter.” Jammeh vowed to execute them, and swore that, if they were not executed, he would “drink alcohol and eat pork,” in violation of Islamic law.

In the days that followed 18 were killed in a second round of brutal executions. President Jammeh had announced during August that all prisoners on death row would be executed by mid-September to tackle a rising crime rate and to dissuade people from committing “heinous crimes.”

Before Jammeh’s takeover, the Gambia was viewed as an “exception” on a continent where authoritarianism and military regimes have been the norm since the colonies gained independence. Apart from an aborted coup in 1981, the Gambia had enjoyed relative peace and stability since it attained independence in 1965. Unfortunately, all of that changed in July 1994, after the coup led by Jammeh. Most Gambians genuinely fear the 45-year-old autocrat, and there is little opposition to him.

Jammeh’s government has tortured and killed journalists and forced into exile those who dared criticize him. He has cowed the rest into self-censorship. The Gambia’s prisons are filled with political prisoners, and rivals to the regime often disappear or turn up mysteriously dead in the night.

With the recent executions, we find ourselves asking anew: Is it possible to act courageously as a citizen in the Gambia today? Perhaps, although it is surely true that our experiences have taught us that there are limits to what Gambians are able to endure, especially when we are not able to truly speak out against the madness and anarchy that prevail. As years of intimidation build, stress finds less and less relief as every possible effort to push on, report and publish is exhausted. And when, time and time again, those efforts are foiled by government intervention, when personal safety is threatened, perhaps only the courage to seek another way, from another place, can become the force of change. Until that time there is little hope; no light at the end of the tunnel of fear.

Alagi Yorro Jallow is the founding managing editor of the banned newspaper, Independent, in the Gambia. He was a Nieman Fellow at Harvard University and holds a masters degree from Harvard’s Kennedy

Gambia: Ecowas, AU Must Stop Jammeh's Human Rights Abuses

2012-09-17T17:45:00.001+01:00

BY NANA SIKABA KING, 14 SEPTEMBER 2012

OPINION

On 22 July, Gambia celebrated its so-called "Freedom Day" - a day introduced by Gambia's President of 18 years, Yahya Jammeh. "Freedom Day" marks the anniversary of Jammeh's rise to power through a military coup in 1994. What it neglects to reflect, however, is the subsequent deterioration of the human rights of Gambia's people under President Jammeh's regime.

The "Freedom Day" has therefore been turned into the "Global Day of Action" for Gambia by civil society organisations in order to highlight the lack of political freedom in Gambia and to draw attention to the widespread human rights violations in the country. Since his rise to power, President Jammeh has issued a series of decrees which has systematically removed all human rights provisions from Gambia's laws, resulting in the restriction of freedom of expression. Shortly after coming to power, he re-introduced the death penalty - on paper to begin with.

Unlawful arrest and detention of perceived and real opponents, in particular since the March 2006 failed coup attempt, are common practices in Gambia. Detainees are rarely informed of their rights or the reason for their arrest or detention and are often held for more than 72 hours without charge, in violation of the country's Constitution. Torture has been reported to be used routinely both to extract confessions and as punishment. Other incidences of human rights violations include enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions and unfair trials as well as deaths in detention and unlawful killings.

Gambia is described as "one of the most repressive countries for journalists in Africa" by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), with three independent radio stations banned and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) involved in extrajudicial detentions and torture of journalists. Many journalists and human rights defenders have been harassed, threatened (including death threats), unlawfully arrested and detained, if suspected of providing information to on-line news sources or foreign journalists or publications.

Dr Amadou Scatred Janneh, a former Gambian Information Minister, who also used to work as the political and economic affairs officer of the United States Embassy in Banjul, was sentenced to life imprisonment for plotting to overthrow President Jammeh - a claim that raised serious doubts amongst human rights defenders. In June 2011, Dr Janneh was arrested for possessing T-shirts bearing "End Dictatorship Now" slogans. Two Gambians and a Nigerian were convicted and sentenced, alongside Dr Janneh, to six years imprisonment with hard labour. It is widely believed that the harsh punishments for Dr Janneh and his co-defendants were politically motivated.

President Jammeh has vowed to turn his tiny West African nation into an "economic superpower" over the next five years by "wiping out almost 82% of those in the workforce" who are 'lazy". His instructions to the security forces in May 2012 to "shoot first and ask questions later" to rid the country of all criminals, including "armed robbers, drug dealers, paedophiles and homosexuals, etc" as part of the so-called "Operation Bulldozer" give yet another reason for concern.

But Jammeh seems to think that he is above the law. In an exclusive interview with BBC's correspondent, Umaru Fofana, at the end of last year, the President stated that his critics could "go to hell" because he feared "only Allah". And maybe he is right, since he has not had to put up with any real obstacles to his de-facto dictatorship. For how much longer will the international community, and in particular, Gambia's West African neighbours stand by and watch Jammeh's "in your face" - displays of disrespect of human rights and his own people?

Gambia has signed up to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights and the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. President Jammeh can, and should, therefore, be held responsible for violating these international laws. Even more so as the African Commission on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR) is located in Gambia's capital, Banjul. What an ironical circumstance. Jammeh's blatant neglect of the circumstance is cynical - but it also shows that he does not have much to fear from the Commission. No wonder none of the manifestations of his dictatorship and human rights abuses has so far resulted in any fruitful action by the ACHPR. And for that matter, by any other international body. Instead, Jammeh feels so immune that on August 16, he had Taranga FM, an independent radio station, shut down, a few days after it had aired the opposition leader's statement that the President had a worse human rights record than his predecessor. The radio station, which had broadcast news in local languages from independent English language newspapers, used to generate a lot of attention from the mainly illiterate public.

Then, in a televised broadcast on this year's Muslim feast of Eid-ul-Fitr on August 19, Jammeh announced that by the middle of September, 2012 all those who have been sentenced to death will be executed. This would have left less than three weeks for the international community and in particular the ACHPR to wake up and meet its obligation to prevent further human rights obligations. But just to prove that he can, Jammeh decided to speed up things and already had nine (of the 47 persons on death row) prisoners executed one week later by firing squad!

It is high time the Ghanaian Government, in its role as the leading beacon of democracy and peace in West Africa, together with the members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Union (AU) and the International Community finally stood up and helped put an end to the outrageous human rights violations which took place, and continue to occur, right under their noses. Jammeh's brutal human rights abuses with impunity must be stopped immediately. Let's re-install the rule of law in Gambia and allow the call of Dr Janneh to be heard worldwide: "End Dictatorship in Gambia Now"!

The writer is the Programme Officer, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, Africa Office.

CSAG PRESS STATEMENT --- DISCLAIMER: RE – FORMATION OF NATIONAL TRANSITIONAL COUNCIL FOR THE GAMBIA (NTCG)

2012-09-14T21:53:00.002+01:00

PRESS RELEASE

Friday, September 14, 2012

DISCLAIMER: RE – FORMATION OF NATIONAL TRANSITIONAL COUNCIL FOR THE GAMBIA (NTCG)

Reference is made to the publication in various media outlets and a press conference in Senegal announcing the formation of a National Transitional Council for The Gambia (NTCG).

Some founder members of the CSAG are named as members of the NTCG namely:

Alh. Boubacarr Baldeh
Ndey Tapha Sosseh

The CSAG is not aware of this organization and has had no contact with the person purporting to be its leader. Their names have also been illegally appended to the publication as none of the named persons gave permission for their names to be used.

CSAG is a civil society organization with set aims and objectives and will not be detracted from its mission by such publications which are designed to misinform and create misunderstanding among people who are genuinely working towards bringing about change in a country that is currently living under the rule of fear. Such publications do more harm than good and are mischievous and baseless.

The CSAG hereby informs the Gambian public and the world at large that it has no connections whatsoever with the NTCG. It condemns the illegitimate use of the names of its members without authorization and calls for the immediate removal of their names from this publication. CSAG bases its partnerships on consultation, consensus, mutual respect and understanding and cannot and will not work with individuals or organizations that do NOT operate with the same principles.

CSAG seizes this opportunity to inform all individuals, organizations and partners that it will not tolerate the use of the name of its organization, symbols and or members for any publicity or cause without due consultation and authorization. CSAG has the right to take the appropriate actions against perpetrators of such actions.

Signed:

Banka Manneh, Chairman

Ndey Tapha-Sosseh, Secretary General

Gambia News: Gambian activist goes missing ahead of planned protest over executions

2012-09-08T18:38:00.000+01:00

(Africa Review) - The Gambian government appears to be cracking down on opposition to its much-criticised spate of executions after reports that its intelligence agency had picked up an activist planning to lead a protest.

Mr Baboucarr Ceesay, a vice president of the Gambia Press Union and a former journalist with the opposition Foroyaa newspaper, was Friday arrested after he went to pick a permit for the planned march.

The demonstration was being planned in secret as President Yahya Jammeh's authoritarian government does not tolerate internal criticism or displays of dissidence.

But demonstrations in Gambia are illegal without police clearance, and this forced the activists to apply for a permit from the authorities.

Sources say Mr Ceesay, also a correspondent for the Nairobi-headquartered regional media house Nation Media Group, was detained by the secret police when he went to collect the permit for which he had applied in his name.

Details of his whereabouts remain unclear but he was reportedly escorted to his house for a search Friday morning before being taken away.

There has been heavy police presence at strategic places after reports of planned demonstrations against more executions following the Gambian government confirmation that it had executed nine death row inmates two weeks ago.

The US embassy last week warned its citizens to be vigilant while travelling to the tiny west African nation of 1.8 million and which had not executed a prisoner since 1981.

The Gambian government has been under huge international pressure following the executions with the AU, EU and UN all having called for a halt to the killings.

The Gambia: Gambians abroad want sanctions against Jammeh's Government

2012-09-06T13:36:00.000+01:00

Dakar, Senegal - Gambians, based abroad, on Tuesday petitioned the British Government, calling for 'targeted' sanctions against President Yahya Jammeh and certain officials of his government. This followed their protest marches on the streets of United Kingdom over the execution of nine death row prisoners. The protesting Gambians were said to have also delivered another petition to the Commonwealth Office in London.

According to them, the UK Government should 'urgently initiate processes within the European Union' that will lead to the imposition of targeted sanctions like 'travel bans'.

The petition also called for other forms of sanctions such as 'global freezing of economic and financial assets' of President Jammeh and some of his government officials, suspension of technical cooperation and budgetary support to Gambia's security and judiciary sectors.

On the other hand, the petitioners want active diplomatic, logistics, financial and economic support for Gambian opposition and civil society movements.

They accused President Jammeh's government of 'systematic and persistent violations of both domestic and international laws' that guarantee and protect human rights and basic freedoms of the people.

Pana 06/09/2012

Gambia:Yahya Jammeh’s countless murder, torture, exile victims - Updated List

2012-09-04T11:10:00.003+01:00

By Mathew K Jallow, Wisconsin, USA

As Gambians remember seventeen years of unprecedented human and civil rights abuses, we endeavour to put names to the many Gambians who have lost their lives or suffered injustices under the regime of Yahya Jammeh. The updated list of the executed, murdered, disappeared, those being tried, facing charges, exiled or languishing in Yahya Jammeh’s prison system and jail houses around the country tell the story of the brutal legacy of Yahya Jammeh’s and his regime over the past seventeen years. But this list is by no means complete, since the multiple forced disappearances in the Fonis are not near completely documented yet and other crimes by the regime are still to come to light.

Prisoners execute in Mile 2 Prisons August 23, 2012

1. Lamin B. Darboe

2. Alieu Bah

3. Lamin Jarju

4. Dawda Bojang

5. Malang Sonko

7. Lamin F Jammeh

8. Gibril Bah (Senegalese)

9. Tabara Samba, raped multiple times before her execution (Senegalese, female)

Gambians recently murdered on orders of Yahya Jammeh

Abdoulie Colley, Abuko Village

Musa Badjie, collapsed and died in Mile 2 Prison, August 25, 2012

Wuyeh Colley, Kanunorr village, murdered August 22, 2012

Enor Colley, Kanunorr village, murdered August 22, 2012

Regime’s witching-hunting Kangaroo Trials

GAMCOTRAP’s Dr. Isatou Touray and Co. trials

GNOC’s Beatrice Allen and Co. trials

Suruwa Wawa B. Jaiteh and Dr. Loum’s trials

Dr. Amadou Jallow and Co. trials

Dr. Alasan Bah and Co’s trials

Recent arrest, detention and charged with treason

Amadou Scattred Janneh, former minister of Information

Ndey Tapha Sosseh, former president of the Gambia Press Union

Mathew K. Jallow

Famara Demba

Modou Keita

Ebrima Jallow

Michael C. Uche Thomas (died in prison)

Torture and Yahya Jammeh’s convoy related deaths

Demba Sibey of Numuyel village

A third grader from Saaba Primary School

A young girl killed Yahya Jammeh’s motorcade/Gunjur prayer fest

Paul Bass NIA operative killed by Jammeh’s convoy

Arab businessman dead in collided with Jammeh’s convoy

A soldier from Sintet village killed escorting Jammeh’s convoy

A little girl killed by convoy during Mauritanian President’s visit

A child killed by stampede for Jammeh’s biscuits at Sere Kunda market

In total since 1994 nearly twenty people; children and adults have died as a direct result of Yahya Jammeh’s speeding convoys and biscuit throwing to crowds.

Recent Arrests of journalists

Sports Editor Nanama Keita, facing witch-hunting/Kangaroo Trial

Ahmed Alota, arrested, detained, released

Executed and Murdered Civilian and Military

Ousman Koro Ceesay
Deyda Hydara
Sidia Sanyang
Ebrima Chief Manneh
Omar Barrow
Lamin Sanneh
Ousman Ceesay
Sarjo Kunjang
Ebrima Barry
Ousman Ceesay
Saja Kujabi
Haruna Jammeh
Yaya Jammeh
Daba Marena
Staff Sergeant Manlafi Corr
Sergeant Major Alpha Bah
Lieut. Ebou Lowe
Lieut. Alieu Ceesay
Sgt. Fafa Nyang
Lieut. Basiru Barrow
Cpt. Sadibou Hydara
Lieut. Almamo Manneh
Lieut. Abdoulie Dot Faal
Lieut. Bakary Manneh
Lieut. Buba Jammeh
Lieut. Momodou Lamin Darboe
Cadet Officer Sillah
Lieut. Basiru Camara
Corpl. Mendy
Lieut. Gibril Saye
Sergeant Dumbuya
Momodou Sowe

Gambians detained, released in Jail or murdered between 1994-2012

RSM Alpha Bah (exected
Major Ebrima Bah
Lt Momodou Alieu Ba
Corporal Samba Bah
Tijan Bahoum: Power Supply Director NAWEC
Kemo Balajo: ex-National Intelligence Agency
Foday Barry: ex-NIA; director of Intelligence
Ourani Barry: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Lamin Bojang: Medical Research Council
Ebrima Camara: ex-police officer
Omar Barru Camara: ex-MP APRC
Captain Wassa Camara
2nd Lt Alieu Ceesay
Lamin Ceesay: Politician
Madi Ceesay: President, Gambia Press Union
Awa Darboe Cham: wife of alleged coup leader Ndure Cham
Lamin Cham: ex-Daily Observer, BBC correspondent
Lamin Cham: Politician
Momat Cham: former minister
Momodou Cadi Cham: former politician
Superintendent Abdoulie Colley: ex-police officer
Retired Colonel Abdoulie Conteh: former KMC Mayor
Staff Sergeant Manlafi Corr
Captain Bunja Darboe
Lamin R. Darboe: Politician
Lamin Saiba Darboe
Captain Yaya Darboe
Adama Deen: former Managing Director Gambia Ports Authority
Demba Dem: ex-MP APRC
Momodou Demba: Politician
Mariam Denton: Human Rights Lawyer
Raif Diab: Businessman
Ramzia Diab: former nominated MP, APRC
Musa Dibba: ex-NIA Director of Finance
Sheriff Mustapha Dibba: ex-Assembly Speaker
Baba Drammeh: ex-Independent Electoral
Commission (IEC) officer
Omar Faal: Marabout
Ansumana Fadera: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Jerreh Fatty: Politician
Lamin Fatty: journalist, The Independent newspaper
Mariama Fatty: Politician
Kebba Faye: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Tamba Fofana: Head Master
Abdou Gafar: journalist, Daily Express newspaper
Lamin Gassama: Security Manager, Banjul International Airport
Antouman Gaye: Lawyer
Pa Njie Guirigara: General Manager, VM
Sarane Hydara: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Captain Abdoukarim Jah
Karamo Jaiteh: former Managing Director, Gambia Roads Authority
Suruwa Wawa B Jaiteh: former Permanent Secretary
Staff Sergeant Buba Jammeh
Haruna Jammeh. Villager
Kebbaringo Jammeh: Councilor
Marcel Jammeh. Villager
Lance Corporal Babou Janha
Amie Jarju. Villager
Cherno Ndure Jarju: Politician
Lamin Jarsey: Politician
Tamsir Jassey: ex-Deputy Inspector General Police, Director of Immigration
Dudu Kassa Jatta: Politician
Ousman Rambo Jatta: Councilor
Colonel Vincent Jatta: ex-Chief of Defense Staff (deceased)
Momodou Jaw: ex-IEC officer
Abdoulie Kanaji Jawla: MP, APRC
Baboucarr Jobarteh: ex-Protocol Officer
Maimuna Jobarteh: Politician
Abdou Jobe: Managing Director, NAWEC
Alieu Jobe: ex-Accountant General
Duta Kamaso: ex-MP, APRC
Kanyiba Kanyi: Politician
Lamin Keita: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Nato Keita: Politician
Abdoulie Kujabi: ex-Director General, NIA
Jasaji Kujabi
Dr. Badara Loum: ex-Permanent Secretary
Lt Ebou Lowe
Mustapha Lowe: College student
Bamba Manneh: ex-NIA operative
Chief Ebrima B. Manneh: journalist, Daily Observer newspaper
Fatou Jaw Manneh: journalist
Kebba Yorro Manneh: Politician
Daba Marena: ex-Director General, NIA
Malick M’boob: ex-Daily Observer, RV
Sulayman Sait M’boob: ex-Minister, IEC Commissioner
Sergeant Buba Mendy
Captain Pierre Mendy
Omar Ndow: former Managing Director of Gamtel/Gamcel
Ndondi S.Z. Njie: former Chairman of IEC
Alhagie Nyabally: ex-President, Gambia Student Union
Alassan Nyassi
Balla Nyassi

Dr. Badara Loum: Former Permanent Secretary, Agriculture
Private Alagie Nying: Gambia National Army
Sam Obi: Daily Express, RFI correspondent
Baba Saho: ex-NIA director, External Security
Musa Saidykhan: former Editor-In-Chief, The Independent newspaper
Betrand Sambou
Dodou Sanneh: former journalist, GRTS
Ebrima Sillah Sanneh: ex-IEC officer
Lamin Sanneh: former Permanent Secretary
Sergeant Abdoulie Sanyang
2nd Lt Pharing Sanyang: Gambia National Army
Commander MB Sarr: Gambia National Army
Lt M. Savage: Gambia National Army
Ebou Secka: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Nourou Secka: ex-NIA operative
Momodou Senghore: ex-Senior Civil Servant
Ousman Sey: Marabout
Musa Sheriff: journalist, Gambia News & Report magazine
Amie Sillah: journalist, women activist
Alieu Singhateh: ex-NIA operative
Kebba Singhateh: Politician
Modou Sonko: journalist, Daily Observer newspaper
Private Ebrima Sonko
Juldeh Sowe: journalist, The Independent newspaper
Issac Success: journalist, Daily Express newspaper
Azziz Tamba: Politician
Ebou Waggeh

Arrest and Detention of Journalists

October 2005: Abdoulie Sey
2005: Musa Saidykhan
March 2006: Musa Saidykhan
March 2006: Madi Ceesay
April 2006: Lamin Fatty

Journalists on Exile in Senegal, Europe and the US

Pa Ousman Darboe
Alieu Badara Sowe
Pa Ousman Darboe
Musa Saidykhan
Sulayman Makalo
Omar Bah
Alhagie Mbye
Ebrima Sillah
Augustus Mendy
Bankole Thompson
Papa Colley
Sulayman Darboe
Fatou Jaw Manneh
Pa Omar Jatta
Momodou Thomas
Musa Saidykhan
Ansumana Badjie
Pa Samba Jaw
Sarjo Bayang
Pa Nderry Mbai
Cherno Baba Jallow
Ebrima Ceesay
Baba Galleh Jallow
Ebrima G. Sankareh
Yankuba Jambang
Mathew K. Jallow

Military/Security mysterious deaths

Captain Tumbul Tamba
Captain Musa Jammeh
Colonel Vincent Jatta
Lieut. Solomon Jammeh
Pa M. Jallow
Manlafi Sanyang
Boye Bah
Momodou Bah
Illo Jallow

Military/Security/Civilian recently detained

Lang Tombong Tamba
Bore Badjie
Omar Bun Mbye
Demba Njie
Lamin Fatty
Yankuba Drammeh
Malamin Jarju
Kawsu (Bombardier) Camara
Ngorr Secka, NIA
Ensa Badjie
Bun Sanneh
Sarjo Fofana

Military/Security/Civilians: detained, released, fled

Captain Bunja Darboe
Capt Yahya Darboe
Capt. Wassa Camara
2nd Lt Pharing Sanyang
Alieu Jobe
Tamsir Jasseh
Omar Faal
Demba Dem,
Col. Ndure Cham
Abdoulie Kujabi
Kemo Balajo
Alieu Singhateh
Foday Barry
Landing Sanneh

Executed Military and Security officers 2006
Alieu Ceesay
Alpha Bah
Manlafi Corr
Ebou Lowe

Daba Marenah

Students Massacred April 11th. 2000

Reginald Carrol
Karamo Barrow
Lamin A. Bojang
Ousman Sabally
Sainey Nyabally
Ousman Sembene
Bakary Njie
Claesco Pierra
Momodou Lamin Njie
Ebrima Barry
Wuyea Foday Mansareh
Bamba Jobarteh
Momodou Lamin Chune
Abdoulie Sanyang
Omar Barrow
Burama Badjie

Gambians Missing and Disappeared Since 2005

Ebrima (Chief) Manneh: arrested July 2006
Kanyiba Kanyi arrested September 2006
Haruna Jammeh arrested in 2005
Marcie Jammeh arrested in 2005
Alfusainey Jammeh arrested in 2005
Momodou Lamin Nyassi arrested in 2005
Ndongo M’boob arrested in 2006
Buba Sanyang arrested in 2006
Alieu Lowe arrested in March 2006,
Sgt. Sam Kambai arrested in 2006
Bakary Gassama arrested in 2007
Kebba Secka arrested in 2007
Ebrima Dibba arrested in May 2008,
Ebrima Kunchi Jammeh arrested in May 2008

Cases of Regime ordered Arsons against media personals.

August 8th. 2001, Radio Station 1 FM, was set ablaze around 2 a.m. in the morning, after proprietor George Christensen and his watchman were doused with hazardous chemicals in the hope of incinerating them. The two victims survived the ordeal, but the station was a total loss.

August 10th. 2001, the home of Alieu Bah, Radio I FM journalist, who moderated debates and discussions between prominent personalities, was set ablaze around 3 a.m. while he, his wife and children were asleep. The family narrowly escaped death, but the house was gutted to the ground.

October 17th. 2003, The Independent Newspaper premises were set on fire around 3 a.m in the morning when three unidentified masked men stormed the building, assaulted the night watchman and then sprayed him with fire hazard chemical in the hope he would burn to death. But he luckily survived the assault. The premises were destroyed beyond recognition.

April 13th. 2004, the Kanifing printing facilities of the Independent Newspaper was set on fire around 2 a.m. by six individuals dressed in military fatigue. The printing machinery and other hardware equipment were completely destroyed.

August 15th. 2004, the home of B.B.C reporter, Ebrima Sillah was set on fire as he slept. He narrowly escaped.

Arrests and Detentions of Journalists

September 19th. 2003, around 6 p.m. Abdoulie Sey, the Editor-in-Chief, The Independent Newspaper was arrested from his office by intelligence agents and held incommunicado. He was released four days later.

September 2005, Musa Saidykhan, Editor-in-Chief, The Independent Newspaper, was detained for interrogation for a brief period of time shortly after returning from a South African journalist conference.

March 27th. 2006, Musa Saidykhan, Editor-in-Chief, The Independent Newspaper, was arrested again by security agents a few days after publishing an article critical of Yahya Jammeh’s reactions in the wake of an alleged coup attempt on March 21, 2007. He was released after three weeks in detention.

March 2006, Madi Ceesay, The Independent General Manager, arrested by the regime’s agents, was released after three weeks of detention.

April 10th. 2006, Independent reporter, Lamin Fatty was arrested from his home by NIA agents and released after two months in detention and charged with false publication.

April 25th. 2006, Independent receptionist, Juldeh Sowe, was arrested and released after several hours.

July 7th. 2006, Daily Observer journalist, Ebrima Chief Manneh, was arrested by NIA officials from the Observer premises, was seen in public once after two years detention, at the Royal Victoria Hospital, sick and emaciated. Six powerful U.S Senators; Edward Kennedy, Richard (Dick) Durbin, Russell (Russ) Feingold and Joe Lieberman among others wrote to Yahya Jammeh asking him to release Journalist Manneh after being held for nearly three years. Manneh has since been confirmed murdered by Jammeh’s agents.

May 24th. 2006, following the hacking of the online, Freedom Newspaper, five Gambian journalists whose names appeared on the paper’s readers list were arrested and detained for different lengths of time. After several months they were released. They are:

Musa Sheriff
Pa Modou Faal
Lamin Cham
Sam Obi
Malick M’boob

Other arbitrary arrests against journalistSeptember 2006, a Gambia Radio and Television Services reporter, Dodou Sanneh, was arrested and detained, and later fired, rehired and fired again from his job government job.

March 28th. 2007, Fatou Jaw Manneh, a U.S. based Gambian journalist, was arrested at the airport, her traveling documents seized and charged with sedition. Her Kangaroo trial lasted more than a year. Her heavy fine was paid with donations from family and friends from all around the world.

December 16th. 2005, police ruffed Ramatoulie Charreh up after the participants in a conference she attended, attempted to visit the spot where journalist Deyda Hydara was gunned down.

2006, Njaimeh Bah, Point Newspaper reporter, attacked by unknown assailants, was severely beaten.

December 12. 2006, Baron Eloagou, reporter for the Daily Express, was severely beaten by unknown assailants.

December 2006, Abdougafar Olademinji, reporter for the Daily Express, was attacked by unknown assailants and beaten severely.

June 14th. 2009, seven journalists and members of the Gambia Press Union (GPU), were rounded up from various locations by heavily armed paramilitary agents and detained at NIA headquarters before being transferred to the notorious Mile 2 prison outside Banjul. The group listed below, were granted bail and charged with publishing seditious material and their case is ongoing despite protestations of regional and international organizations such as Media Foundation for West Africa, Amnesty International, Community to Protect Journalists.
Emil Touray, Secretary General Gambia Press Union
Sarata Jabbi Dibba, Vice President, Gambia Press Union
Pa Modou Faal, Treasurer, Gambia Press Union
Pap Saine, Managing Director, The Point Newspaper
Ebou Sawaneh, Editor, The Point Newspaper
Sam Sarr, Managing Editor, The Foroyaa Newspaper
Abubakr Saidy-Khan, journalist, Foroyaa newspaper.

June 16th. 2009, Abdulhamid Adiamoh, Publisher of Today Newspaper, was arrested for false publication and detained at National Intelligence headquarters. Forced to plead guilty or face deportation back to Nigeria, he was fine an extortive amount of money or face six months jail time.
June 22nd. 2009, Augustine Kanja, a reporter for The Point Newspaper, was arrested and detained by security agents. He was released June 25th, 2009.

Attempted Murders: Fled Gambia
Ousman Sillah: Attorney/Lawyer
Mai Fatty: Attorney (Attorney/Lawyer

Foreign nationals executed in Gambia
44 Ghanaians
2 Senegalese
1 Togolese
2 Nigerians

72 Ministers: Appointed and Fired

Mass Axi Gai
Angela Colley
Kanja Sanneh
Neneh Macdoual-Gaye
Therese Ndong-Jatta (resigned)
Maba Jobe (hired & fired before taking office)
Momodou Lamin Sedat Jobe (resigned)
Joseph Henry Joof (resigned)
Satang Jow (retired)
Yankuba Kassama
Margaret Keita
Ousman Badjie
Samba Bah
Lamin Kaba Bajo
Musa Bittaye
Amie Bensouda
Fatou Bom Bensouda
John P. Bojang
Momodou Bojang
Nyimasata Sanneh
Bojang Mamat Cham
Ebrima Ceesay
Momodou Nai Ceesay
Ousman Koro Ceesay (murdered)
Sulayman Massaneh Ceesay
Bakary Bunja Dabo
Fasainey Dumbuya
Samba Faal
Omar Faye
Sadibou Haidara (murdered)
Sheikh Tijan Hydara
Blaise Jagne
Balla Garba Jahumpa
Momodou Sarjo Jallow
Dr Amadou Scattred Janneh
Manlafi Jarju
Tamsir Mbowe
Dominic Mendy
Alieu Ngum
Bakary Njie
Omar Njie
Susan Waffa-Ogoo
Hawa Sisay Sabally
Sana B. Sabally
Abdoulie Sallah
Hassan Sallah
Momodou Sallah
Sidy Morro Sanneh
Kebba Sanyang
Samsudeen Sarr
Cheyassin Secka
Musa Sillah
Edward Singhatey
Raymond Sock
Amina Faal Sonko
Baboucarr Jatta
Famara Jatta
Kumba Ceesay-Marenah
Mustapha Marong
Fafa Mbai
Musa Mbenga
Sulayman Mboob
Bolong Sonko
Bai Mass Taal
Fatoumatta Tambajang
Bemba Tambedou
Yankuba Touray
Crispin Grey Johnson
Antouman Saho
Lamin Bojang
Marie Saine Firdaus

Edward Gomez

Mamburay Njie

Compiled by Mathew K Jallow

Gambia: Yahya Jammeh admits to 9 executions, but is the real number 18 or 26 massacred

2012-09-04T11:03:00.000+01:00

By Mathew K Jallow

The oldest inmate, Lamin Darboe, had his death sentence commuted to a life in prison years ago by former President Dawda K Jawara. The youngest, Buba Yarboe of Busumbala village, suffered severe mental illness and was totally incapable of making rational decisions, much less have the capacity to understand his surroundings. And beautiful Tabara Samba, the female in the group, with little children at home, tried and sentenced for murder in an apparent manslaughter case, was gang raped by her captors. This is not a preamble of the opening chapter of an Agatha Christie crime novel, it is real, and it happened in The Gambia. What all three individuals shared in common was their cruel, mind-numbing execution at Mile Two Prisons, an act of brutality so unimaginable, it left an entire nation numbed by grief, disgust and utter disbelief. On that fateful August night last week when nine inmates were led out of their concrete-walled and steel door cells and executed in cold blood with such willful disregard for human life, the Gambia descended further into new depths of mindless barbarity.

Yahya Jammeh has finally dug his own grave. This time around, his fate will not be determined by the primitive superstitions and customary devil worship that have dictated the way he ruled Gambia with bewildering ignorance; instead his life now rests in the hands of the Gambian people. For the first time in seventeen years, Gambians both at home and abroad cry out in deadly rage with a united voice and a determination never before seen in all these years of tyranny and political madness. For seventeen years, Yahya Jammeh has ruled The Gambia with an extraordinary cruelty and mean-spiritedness, in the process turning himself into an object of hate and scorn, but it is his extremely vexing detachment from reality that has locked him into a perpetual state of delusion and illusionary grandiosity. The relationship between Yahya Jammeh and the Gambian people is a marriage that has never worked well, not even for a single day, and the time for it to end came and went with each extraordinary abuse of power that has included the deaths of fellow citizens. But the recent execution of as much as twenty-six helpless prisoners is the straw that broke the camel’s back and sealed Yahya Jammeh’s fate.

The executions in Mile two Prisons of so many innocent Gambians is more than anyone can bear, and if Yahya Jammeh thinks this egregious act of violence will just go away like the massacre of the sixteen students or the execution of forty-four Ghanaians, he is clearly underestimating the resolve of the Gambian people. But more baffling still, while the regime admitted to the execution of nine inmates, the real number could be as many as twenty-six people executed on the orders of Yahya jammeh and unless the regime can produce all the inmates to the public, Gambians and the international community will continue to assume that twenty-six were inmates executed. This case is similar to the Ghanaians massacre ten years ago when the regime admitted to eight murders instead of forty-four who were really executed. To make matters even worst, rumors of the use of the body parts of the executed in ritual sacrifice are rife. Given Yahya Jammeh’s extreme dependence on primitive African belief systems, these rumors are not all that far-fetched. But if the ritual sacrifice rumors are proven true, this will further aggravate Gambians and animate even more violent outrage among Gambians and the international community.

Today, ten days after Yahya Jammeh executed as much as twenty-six Gambians and Senegalese, lost in the conversation is the issue of burial of the dead. So far, families of the executed have not received the bodies of their loved ones in order to give them decent burials according to local customs and Islamic tradition. The relatives of the executed are urged to go to the Banjul mortuary and demand to be given the bodies of their executed family members for burial. In the same vein, the Gambian public is urged to support the quest by family members to retrieve the dead bodies of their relatives from Yahya Jammeh. The Senegalese community in The Gambia should also congregate at the Banjul mortuary to demand the surrender of the bodies of Tabara Samba and Gibbi Bah for repatriation to their villages in Senegal for burial. This effort should be supported by the Senegalese government, and besides, President Macky Sall must independently demand the return of the bodies of his citizens to accord them the proper burials they deserve in Senegal. Yahya Jammeh has no authority under any law to continue to detain the bodies of the executed. The family members of the dead have the rights to demand the return of their dead relatives and not let irrational fear of Yahya Jammeh force them to abandon their obligation to their deceased relatives.

This week, Gambians across the globe will express outrage with demonstrations, a move complemented by Senegalese demonstrations for the execution of their compatriots. In stark contrast, in The Gambia, even the media appeared timid in their reporting, but it is the outrageously tepid “so-called” Group of 6 (six) letter that is so aggravating to the Gambians public. And more puzzling still, the cowardly “so-called” group of six’s letter to Yahya Jammeh arguing the legal basis for the executions is completely misguided, out of line and irrelevant to the situation. The illegality of the executions is an established face, and besides Yahya Jammeh does not respond to legalities or simple common sense. Time and again, he has shown unwillingness to respect our Constitution and the laws of the land and scores of letter from politicians over the years have been ignored with reckless abandon. As it is, the time for the politicians to overcome their fears is now and what Gambians expect from Ousainou Darboe is to call the country out in a massive show force to demonstrate until Yahya Jammeh leaves. Today, hundreds, if not thousands of Diaspora Gambians are ready and willing to join nation-wide demonstrations seeking the forced removal of Yahya Jammeh. We can no longer afford to be held back by fear, and besides if such blatant acts of violence against fellow citizens do not embolden us with resolve, it will mean the acceptance of the devaluation of Gambian life,

With the massacre of as many as twenty-six Gambians and Senegalese a done deal, the broader debate has to shift focus to the removal of Yahya Jammeh by hook or by crook. After the latest act of unprovoked violence against innocent citizens, Yahya Jammeh has shown himself unqualified to continue breathing God’s air, and Gambians urge members of our military to show they care by mustering the courage to dispatch Yahya to a state of perpetual darkness. It is hoped that soon a united Diaspora front will seek to work hand in hand with the political establishment in order to force Yahya Jammeh’s removal from power. It is unconscionable and outrageous that our military and fellow citizens to continue to wallow in a senseless fear of a handful of MFDC Cassamance rebels who have no business whatsoever being in our country. The rebels who provide Security for Yahya Jammeh do not have a monopoly of mean-spiritedness or the determination to fight. Each one of us has that reptilian cruelty in us that can manifest in extraordinary violent acts. Besides, the more than half million young patriotic young Gambians under thirty years age who can be mobilized to take up arms to free their beloved country are no match for the mere hundred fifty Cassamance rebels. Today, Senegal and the broader international community are also ready for Yahya Jammeh’s departure from the face of the earth. For, apparently, Yahya Jammeh did not get the memo from Liberia’s Samuel Doe, Libya’s Mumar Khadaffi and many other tyrants of the past. Those who live by the gun will die by the gun.