As the editor of this site, I get many questions, rants, and opinions by comment and email. Some of them are interesting. Some of them are racist. Some do not warrant a response, others do. I received a very logical question about the relationship of the United States and Israel pertaining to an Iranian nuclear threat.

The Question

In response to your statement “The balance of power in the Middle East is at risk, and it is vital that Israel not wait until it is too late to keep Iran from having nuclear weapons. The United States is fully able to prevent this path, but it seems unwilling to make any solid steps today.” I am confused. Please explain to me just how the US is “fully able to prevent”anything between these 2 country’s when 1 of these country’s has publicly declared their full unwavering intentions are to wipe out the other? How could the US do anything positive?Negotiations won’t work, other than muddying the waters, and drawing the US into another war, by being forced to declare a side and fight on their behalf. The Muslim country’s do not want the US “Butting in” to negotiate and will not come to any agreement the US were to propose. History has proven that the US “Political Intervention” is not wanted, welcomed, nor tolerated. Only scoffed at and used for political and financial gain of the other country via various aid, (Military/Financial, etc.) Thanks.

My Response

The United States can prevent Iran from wiping out Israel by taking proactive steps to protect its ally. While I agree that the Muslims, such as those in Iran, do not want the United States trying to influence negotiations, the US has become a leader in diplomatic affairs in the Middle East. As an important strategic ally, it is in the best interest of the United States to help Israel survive the existential threats posed by Iran. In the same sense, Israel is reliant on its fellow Democracy, the US, for military support.

This is a symbiotic relationship for both countries. While negotiations will not working, moves like freezing the assets of the Central Bank of Iran and working to arrange international embargoes of Iranian oil may help. If not, a swift military intervention would certainly do the trick. While Israel is the primary focus of Iranian hatred, they are not too fond of the United States either. Preventing a nuclear Iran is in the best interest of the United States, Israel, European Union, and the rest of the Middle East.

Your Response

I am not the only Israel expert that reads this blog. I would appreciate if you would chime in as well. I am interested to see what you all think when it comes to the United States intervening against a nuclear Iran in the comments below.

Image by futureatlas.com

Reader Question: United States and a Nuclear Iran is a post from: The Israel Situation

Related posts:

1. UN Report: Iran Building Nuclear Weapons
2. United States Talking with Iran
3. The Prospect of a Nuclear Iran

Israel is back on strike after an announcement last week by the main workers’ union, the Histadrut, that it has ordered its workers to stay home.  The Histadrut is an umbrella organisation for hundreds of thousands of workers across Israel, and a strike by its members has the ability to paralyse the Israeli economy.  It is estimated that this strike is costing the economy more than NIS 300 million a day, the equivalent of almost US$100m.

For the average Israeli who is not a member of the Histadrut and is trying to get on with his daily life, the strike is a gross inconvenience.  Banks, public transport, government ministries, municipal services and Ben Gurion airport are all suffering closures, disruptions and delays arising from this strike.  Prime Minister Netanyahu has called upon the Histadrut to cancel the strike, and has said that he believes that it is possible to find a responsible and just solution to the problem.  I believe that he is right that a solution is within the hands of the relevant authorities.  But who has the responsibility to take the first steps in finding the solution?  Despite the fact that many people on the streets of Israel blame the strikers for inconveniencing their lives, are the strikers the ones at fault in this case?

The strike revolves around the terms and conditions upon which temporary workers in the public sector are employed.  There are an estimated 250,000 temporary workers whose working conditions are under the spotlight in this strike, many of whom fulfil roles as cleaners and security guards at their places of employment.  It is common practise for these types of workers to be “temporary workers” on a permanent basis.  The employees are usually provided by agencies, which are hired by the government and other companies to provide appropriate staff.  Even though there is sometimes an attempt by the agencies to rotate staff between different locations, it is quite common for individuals to serve in the same job at the same location for many years – essentially acting in the capacity as a permanent member of staff.  The only difference between these individuals and permanent members of staff, is the fact that the agency staff continue to earn their money on an hourly basis for indefinite periods of time.  Not only does this affect their rights to take sick leave or to go on holiday without having go be concerned about paying their rent, it also has a substantial impact on their social benefits during the time that they are working and when they finally leave their positions.  The main beneficiary of this combination deal is the government, which saves substantial amounts of money as the largest employer of these temporary workers.

This is not the first time that the Histadrut has raised this issue.  A short-lived strike was already held during the middle of last year.  This strike was called off on the promise that the issue would be resolved.  Needless to say, no substantial progress has been made towards rectifying the status and the rights attached to these workers.  Although I am not a great supporter of all actions taken by the Histadrut in the past, it is my view that the union would not be fulfilling its obligation towards its members if it did not take a strong stand on this issue.  If the Histadrut does not act decisively where this is concerned, what is its main role in our society?

Naturally and unsurprisingly, there are ulterior motives at play which serve to partially cloud the matter.  The temporary workers are not actually members of the union.  This is one of the rights that is denied them in their capacity as temporary workers.  If the Histadrut is able to succeed in convincing the government to change the status of these employees to give them a permanent contract, the Histadrut stands to gain a substantial number of new members.  Additional members bring additional membership fees to the coffers of the union, and additional strength in the political arena.  Whereas the Histadrut is presenting its actions as entirely altruistic in the interests of the temporary workers, there is another side to their actions which needs to be considered.

Israel’s “summer of discontent” saw strikes and protests against increasing economic hardship for the average Israeli.  The cost of living continues to soar, while earnings levels fail to keep pace with these increases.  Ironically, the vast majority of protestors who camped for months in public areas across Israel came from the middle class.  The main population of lower paid workers were not well represented at all in these protests.  The reasons are clear.  Many of them are new immigrants, coming from countries where this type of social protest is unheard of, and they still feel some fear in raising their heads too far about the parapet.  More to the point, they are largely unable to take even one day off work to protest, for fear of not being able to feed their children at the end of the month.  The message from the social protest movement to the government is that Israelis of all levels are finding the already tough economic conditions increasingly unmanageable.  When unscrambling the myriad of messages that the government received from the social protests, the loudest message should relate to the weakest members of society, particularly those who could not even afford to be involved to express their hardship and suffering.  I see the latest strike as representing these people.

One of the messages of humility that I have learned since moving to Israel, has come from watching people strive to make ends meet.  Witnessing people who are accustomed to living in sprawling comfortable homes in their countries of origin choosing to adjust their lives to live in small apartments and work unbelievably long hours for little pay, shows an incredible level of commitment to this country.  Equally, seeing people who are highly educated unable to find jobs in their own professions and willing to take on menial low-paying tasks to feed children and assure their education, has been a humbling life-lesson for me.  These people, many of whom don’t even have a moment to raise their heads in order to protest for fear of foregoing an hour which can produce a little more family income, need every protection that our society can offer them.  While I support the right of everybody to have a roof over their head and food to eat, I feel the need to give greater support to those who are working two and three jobs to do this.  These are unsung heroes of modern Israel, and there numbers are greater than any of us wish to believe.  This is why I do support the strike that is currently causing enormous economic damage to our country.

Prime Minister Netanyahu should make his haughty statements about causing economic damage into a nearby mirror, for he is the one who should be taking further action to bring the strike to an end.  In so doing, he should be taking active steps to help and protect our society’s most vulnerable people who are working so hard to support themselves.  We all understand and appreciate the fact that the government is under immense pressure to reduce its spending, and that cuts need to be made across the board.  These cuts should also be felt by those interest groups who Netanyahu is trying to court in anticipation of a general election later in the year.  The message from the country is clear.  The correct solution is not to spend more, but to spend more responsibly.  Take money that is being diverted to secure victory in the next election, and help those who really need it.

If the social protest movement really believes in the message that it has been sending to the government, most Israelis will support this strike.  Although there is always a political undercurrent to social actions, this strike could bring about substantial and sorely-needed changes to those who really need it.  It is for this reason that I am willing, albeit reluctantly, to suffer the consequences of the strike.  It is my hope that others will join in this view.

Postscript:  Not long after this blog was written, the strike was called off.  No details are yet available of the deal that was agreed upon.  Despite this fact, I feel that the statements made in the blog are still worthwhile publishing.

Image by Omer Simkha

A Worthwhile Strike is a post from: The Israel Situation

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Image of the Week: Men and Women

Photo of the Week: Men and Women is a post from: The Israel Situation

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When one thinks of the early days of Israel and Zionism, the images that typically come to mind are those of agriculture, of pioneers working the land and kibbutzniks struggling to make the desert bloom. Planting trees has been a way for Diaspora Jews to feel a part of the building of the State of Israel, by contributing to the growth and development of the country. The bond created when one plants a tree is a physical one that is seemingly permanent, as though the planter leaves behind a bit of themselves along with the new tree.

Today is Tu B’shevat, the “New Year of the Trees.” Often referred to as “Jewish Arbor Day,” this minor holiday on the Jewish calendar is a major one in terms of its relationship to Israel and Zionism. In Israel, large-scale tree planting efforts and ceremonies take place across the country, with children and families alike taking part in the continuing effort to build the State. In North America, in addition to Tu B’shevat seders and tree-planting events, Tu B’shevat is the flagship of the Green Zionist movement.

Evoking the image of pioneers and the physical transformation of the land of Israel from desert and swamp into a viable agricultural environment. It is this pioneering spirit that has lead to Israel’s place as a leader in the field of agricultural technology and particularly drip irrigation. Tu B’shevat is representative of the emphasis that Israel has placed on agriculture, and its key place in the development of Israeli society and culture. The kibbutzim, although in a period of transition, still remain an enduring image of Israel to Diaspora Jews. For many the image of Israelis working the land is representative of the new kind of Jew that emerged with the Zionist movement, of a Jew who is strong and self-sufficient, and capable of taking on the world.

Tu B’shevat, the day that Jews around the world take the time to celebrate and appreciate nature, should be used as a time to reflect as well on the tremendous impact that trees and environmentalism have had on the shaping of the modern State of Israel. Such things have been integral to Israel’s development into its current society, and will only continue to serve as such in the future.

Image by goldberg

A Zionist Perspective on Tu B’shevat is a post from: The Israel Situation

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This is a post from contributor Andyboy. You can visit him at the Andyboy blog.

The second in a series of anecdotes relating some of my experiences in the air, having a connection to Israel or things Jewish.

Boeing 707 – London/Tel Aviv

This concerns an incident on a flight in the early 1970′s. I was seated at the very rear of the plane in the smoking section – even though I have never been a smoker. Hard to believe today that there was once a world in which smoking was permitted in enclosed areas. Even a Luddite like me can grudgingly accept that not ALL change is for the worst. But I digress (as usual).

We landed at Ben Gurion airport, but were detained far from the terminal building for the “security inspection.” I should explain that after the hijacking of 3 planes by Palestinian terrorists in 1970 (and the graphic images of the planes being blown up at Dawson’s Field in Jordan), airline security had been severely tightened. Planes were held in a waiting area while security officers came on board to inspect passengers and their passports.

What I had come to regard as a routine procedure became somewhat less than routine when, after checking my passport,  I was “requested” (as only Israeli’s can “request”), to accompany the security guard. This required me to walk the entire length of the plane with the officers, while being acutely aware of 200 pairs of eyes following me. A makeshift inspection tent had been erected near the plane’s steps and I was invited to enter for a full body check. I considered myself fortunate that I was not forced to completely undress, and that the procedure did not include a close inspection of various orifices.

Apparently satisfied that I had no evil intentions, I was released, and allowed to enter a bus of intensely curious people, to whom I could offer no explanation. It transpired the problem was my passport that contained numerous stamps from Far Eastern countries which I had visited on business. In those days,  few visitors to Israel had been to Hong Kong, Japan,Taiwan and South Korea. This was also the time in which most of the world was relatively friendly towards us. Were the same procedure, and criteria, in place today, even carrying a British passport would be dangerous!

Hercules C-130 Transport – Tel Aviv/Egypt (Suez Canal)

It’s the first week of November 1973, and I’m being jolted about in the belly of a Hercules C-130 belonging to the Israeli Air Force, en-route to the Suez Canal. How and why, I shall now explain.

In the days immediately following the end of the Yom Kippur War a decision was taken by the JNF to update its senior volunteers on the situation. The purpose was for leaders of the overseas elements of the organisation to witness for themselves the momentous events of the recent weeks. Thus we quickly put together a group and flew to Israel. The main thrust of the various briefings and meetings we attended was to provide us with information that we could use to encourage our supporters and main donors to give their maximum financial support to the fund.

Unlike our Arab “cousins” the JNF was not an organisation to “miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity!” And there’s nothing like a war to open pockets. Forgive the cynicism, but it’s the reality. I know, because the same thing happened in 1967, and I was a part of it then. Having been refused permission to come as a volunteer, I was chosen for the task of selecting others who could come. I temporarily abandoned my business to the mercies of my brother-in law (another story) and spent the next few weeks travelling the UK raising funds for the JNF. So I knew the score.

Of course, nothing could be a greater adrenaline boost than a visit to the front line. The “protexia” inherent in the Israeli political  system was utilised, and so we became the guests of the IDF spokesman’s office for a day. There was only one way to get to the front line of the Suez Canal, and that’s how I ended up in a Hercules C-130. Even cattle class on a commercial airliner was luxurious in comparison to the cargo area of a Hercules. Seated on benches made from rope, we struggled to stay upright as the plane bumped and rattled through the turbulence of low altitude flight. After landing, the huge ramp at the rear of the plane was lowered, and we walked out. Now THAT’S a unique feeling, and a sensational way to exit an aircraft.

We had landed at an airstrip not far from a temporary bridge that IDF engineers had hastily built to cross the canal. The area was bustling with troops, trucks,jeeps, APC’s and tanks. Supplies and ammunition were everywhere. After a briefing we were allowed to walk on the bridge – but not all the way to the other side. At least I can say that I partially crossed the canal; anyway it’s a nice story for my grandchildren.

Eventually, we climbed back up the ramp and were transported back to our civilian lives, leaving the excitement of the day behind us. Of course, after this trip we understood better what had happened, and had a small taste of the horror of war in general, and this war in particular.

The group that returned to the UK was much more sombre than the one that had left a few days earlier, but also more determined to do whatever it could to advance the cause of the Jewish state.

Eventually, some of us ended up living here!

Images from Wikipedia

Fear of Flying – Part Two is a post from: The Israel Situation

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1. Fear of Flying

I have been watching the recent events in Egypt with growing concern and confusion.  The people are clearly far from satisfied despite the fact that the hated Mubarak regime is long gone.  The sight of former President Hosni Mubarak being wheeled into a Cairo courtroom on a stretcher, and seemingly in a comatose state, has not been enough to satisfy the protest movement’s calls for revenge.  Continued protests on the streets of Cairo, and the death of over 70 supporters at a soccer match in Port Said late last week has confused me even further.  I am desperately tying to understand what the protest movement in Egypt and the rest of the Arab world is truly seeking.  More importantly, I am trying to figure out how this connects with the actions undertaken by extremist Muslims around the world.

Over the years, extremist Muslim countries have rejected western ideas and cultures.  They have done all that they can to show abhorrence to technological developments, political systems and popular cultures that the western world has embraced.  In many countries in the Muslim world, alcohol is prohibited, TV and Internet content is restricted and strictly policed and the participation of women in society is very limited.  Of course, these facts have never stopped citizens and even leaders of Muslim countries from touring abroad to enjoy the “vices” that are prohibited in their home countries.  It has also not stopped vast numbers of Muslims from departing the shores of their Muslim countries to set up home in the western world.  Despite this, the message has continued to be loud and clear, that the western world has it wrong when permitting such policies and behaviours.  Even extremist groups who have moved to live in western countries continue to preach this approach, almost like a subversive message from within the Muslim society that is trying to change the nature of the hosting country.  Although other groups such as ultra-Orthodox Jews and Bible Belt Christians have also rejected certain popular cultures in western countries, the type of actions undertaken by extremist Muslims have been on a much greater, and often violent scale.  These actions  frequently represent a threat to the government of the country, and the safety of its citizens.

Ironically, the message that I see coming out of Egypt, Syria and other Arab Spring countries is exactly the opposite of the one that rejects western cultures.  I see crowds of people turning on the traditional Muslim way of doing things, and trying to embrace western-style democracy, technology and freedoms.  It is a well-known fact that the revolution in Tunisia was fuelled by Facebook and Twitter messages, exactly the type of culture that the Muslim world has worked so hard to reject.

When the Egyptians succeeded in overthrowing the Mubarak regime a little more than a year ago, and managed to achieve their dream of having the right to vote for their chosen government, the first thing that the did was elect the Muslim Brotherhood.  It seems strange that they would support a party that is seemingly more extremist and less democratic than Mubarak ever was.  After all the protest, fighting and bloodshed to get rid of Mubarak, this is a choice for less choice.  The public has been so impatient for the new extremists to take over, that they have taken to the streets again in a bid to topple the military leadership that is temporarily running the country.  The act of football fans turning on each other at the end of a game in Port Said, all in the name of political protest, is even more difficult to understand.

Trying to make sense of all the mixed messages is fairly tough.  The only conclusion that I can reach, is that this is not a battle about the rights of individuals, or the ability to live a regular, safe life.  This is all about power.  In the first instance, it is about power over the individuals who live in the local country.  The less freedom of choice there is, the greater the power.  The less education and exposure to events and facts in the outside world, the greater the ability of the leadership to lie convincingly and to retain absolute power.  Having gained control and power in a local way, this can then be utilised to confront the seemingly larger powers of the world – the great western powers.  Being prepared to stand up to the international community and to the west is something that creates further power in the local country.  There is nothing more impressive than the leader of a relatively small or insignificant country being seen to hold great western powers to ransom.

The Palestinians have achieved this, especially Hamas in Gaza, where the general population has been kept in abject poverty and uneducated while their leaders live in relative luxury, and frequently keep their families living abroad.  The misery of the man in the street is blamed on the Israelis and the Americans, and on evil western culture.  These tactics have also been successfully deployed by Hezbollah, Al Qaeda, the Taliban and the Muslim Brotherhood as well as by individuals like Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Colonel Qaddafi, Arafat and many others.  Muslim leaders over the years have trained their people to live in this way, and have taught them to feel some level of comfort and security in the style of leadership which leaves little room for freedom and choice.  The Arab Spring, it seems, is not a protest against this style of leadership, but rather against those who have been the leaders.  Attempts to implement western-style democracy in places like Iraq and Afghanistan have left these countries riddled with violence, and in politically unstable situations.

Muslims seem to respect those who are prepared to assume control and power, and who are willing and able to talk tough.  They also seem to revere those who are prepared to kill innocent civilians, especially if these civilians are Israeli, Jewish or come from western countries.  Shows of weakness in the form of sensitivity and understanding earn little respect.  Those with the audacity to commandeer aircraft that crash into the World Trade Centre, or strap bombs to themselves to blow up restaurants and night clubs are regarded as heroes, and their families proclaim them as martyrs of the cause.  To those of us who have been educated in a different system of values, these actions seem warped and misguided.  This is the form of power that Muslims respect.  Launching missiles in a haphazard fashion into populated areas is power, and threatening to use military force to wipe a country off the face of the earth is power.  Allowing people the right to live in peace and security, when they wish the same for you, is weakness.

On this basis, the Arab Spring is simply a show of power against those who have held it for so long.  If the west believes that this is a process of implementing new political systems or an indication that values are changing, a surprise is on the way.  Those who make up the new leadership in the post-Spring period are more than likely to be the same as those who went before.  This will bring a new cycle of clinging onto power at all costs, and for extended periods of time, until the next power-hungry group displaces them.  If one uses these assumptions to explain behaviour in the Muslim world, many things fit into place.

It would be great to find a formula that is based on the giving and receiving of respect that allows citizens in Muslim and non-Muslim countries to live their daily lives without feeling physical or religious threat.  It would be good to find a formula that allows citizens in Muslim countries the right to political self-expression, and facilitates the smooth transition from our government and leader to another.  These formulae have been found and implemented in many western countries, alas they are lacking in the Muslim world.  With no indication that they can be achieved anytime soon, prospects for more than 2 billion of the world’s population is not optimistic, and will continue to contribute to high levels of instability around the world.

Photo by Vancouver Sun.

What Extremist Muslims Really Want is a post from: The Israel Situation

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Welcome to the newest edition of Haveil Havalim, the Jewish and Israel blog carnival. In this carnival, we highlight some great Jewish and Israel blog posts from the recent weeks from great blogs around the web. If you are interested in participating, be sure to visit our group on Facebook.

Putting this carnival together, I kept thinking about the importance of community. While I have made attempts in the past to create a more formal community structure through the Kehila, Haveil Havalim is the one steadfast place to visit for a weekly round up of the top Israel and Jewish focused blogs. Through Haveil Havalim, I met friends like Ya’akov Ben Yehuda from Esser Agaroth and Benji Lovit from What War Zone. I have been encouraged when in a blogging rut and been able to encourage when I saw other writers struggling.

Most bloggers would tell you that writing online can occasionally feel very solitary. In the years of writing my finance blog, Narrow Bridge Finance, I often struggled to find new readers and define myself as a writer online. It was not until I found a community at the Yakezie that my site really took off and turned from a fledgling hobby into a viable business.

Blogging and Judaism are very similar that way. In the time that I have spent alone, away from a community, my participation and activity has often waned. However, when I am surrounded by a vibrant and supportive community like that at the Denver Kollel, my past university Chabad houses, or my wonderful friends from my time at Hebrew University in Jerusalem, I found my religious involvement blossoming and inspiring me in my everyday day life.

Those who participate in Haveil Havalim are like my synagogue community for my Israel blog. Thanks for being a part of it for over five years.

Here is some history about the carnival:

Founded by Soccer Dad, Haveil Havalim is a carnival of Jewish blogs — a weekly collection of Jewish & Israeli blog highlights, tidbits and points of interest collected from blogs all around the world. It’s hosted by different bloggers each week and coordinated by Jack. The term’Haveil Havalim,’ which means”Vanity of Vanities,”is from Qoheleth, (Ecclesiastes) which was written by King Solomon. King Solomon built the Holy Temple in Jerusalem and later on got all bogged down in materialism and other ‘excesses’ and realized that it was nothing but’hevel,’ or in English, ’vanity.’

Israel

Samantha wrote about Israel’s first astronaut Remembering Ilan Ramon at The Israel Situation.

Betya gives us her view on Obama’s friendship with Israel at Shiloh Musings. She also discusses an Israeli court’s decision to prevent blowing the shofar at the Kotel.

The Real Jerusalem Streets presents a unique photo essay of an IDF swearing-in ceremony in the Old City of Jerusalem.

Ya’aqov Ben-Yehudah gives his Ten Agarot about bringing religion back into the IDF at Esser Agaroth.

Judaism

Miriam shares her thoughts on welcoming Shabbos each week at Miriam’s Words.

Ariel Ben Yochanan ponders following military orders that break halacha at The Torah Revolution.

The food pyramid is now a thing of the past and we have other suggestions for a healthy, balanced diet. Find a Kosher version at Beneath the Wings.

Wrap Up

Hosting and participating in Haveil Havalim can be rewarding for bloggers and hosts. It gives you a chance to show off your best writing and make new friends in the blogosphere. Please be sure to submit your best posts in the future and consider hosting it on your blog. Next week, Haveil Havalim will be hosted by Ya’aqov Ben Yehuda at Esser Agaroth, be sure to stop by for a visit.

Photo by RonAlmog

Haveil Havalim #346: The Community Edition is a post from: The Israel Situation

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On February 1, 2003, the Space Shuttle Columbia was moments away from completing its 28th mission when it disintegrated over Texas, killing the seven crew members on board. Amongst the crew members of the Columbia was Colonel Ilan Ramon, Israel’s first astronaut. That day marked a great loss, for science, the NASA program, and also for Israel, as a lauded national hero was killed in the tragic accident of the Columbia.

Ilan Ramon did not journey into space as an individual, but rather as the representative of Israel and the Jewish people as a whole. He carried with him the pride of his people as he flew into history by becoming the first (and to date only) Israeli astronaut. Recognizing that he had become a symbol of Israel, Ilan Ramon strove to acknowledge this during his mission. Although he was a self-described secular Jew, he also saw himself as representing all Jews and Israelis, and out of respect for this, submitted the first request for kosher food in outer space. In addition, he carried with him several pieces of Holocaust memorabilia, including a drawing by a sixteen-year-old Auschwitz victim and a miniature Torah scroll given to him by a Bergen Belsen survivor. By bringing these relics with him on his mission, Ramon symbolically carried the dreams children who had not been able to reach their own potential, as well as hope for the future of the Jewish people as respected members of the global community.

It has been nine years since Ilan Ramon and his crew members died in a tragic accident. His continued impact on Israeli society is indicative of the uniqueness of Israel and the Israeli people. Ramon has been honored as a hero of Zionism, with schools, streets, and other institutions named after him. But even greater than his impact as measured by the honors done to him in the public forum is his impact on the hearts and minds of the Israeli people. Ilan Ramon represented, and continues to symbolize, the success of the Zionist movement. The inspiring symbol of an Israeli flag sewn on to a flight suit reverberated with Jews around the world, instilling in them a sense of pride, of acceptance, and of nationalism. Ilan Ramon was a pilot, an astronaut. But he recognized that in representing Israel, he was more than that. He was a hero of the Zionist movement, embodying its success. Israel, an innovator and leader in technology and business, joined the ranks of thirty-seven other countries that have had astronauts in space with Ilan Ramon’s mission. His mission was a chance for Israel to literally reach for the stars, exceeding the expectations of the founders of Israel and the Zionist movement yet again. Today, as Israel remembers Ilan Ramon, it is as a hero, a role model, and a symbol of Israeli potential.

Photo by Suzan Marie

Remembering Ilan Ramon is a post from: The Israel Situation

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The most recent round of peace talks held between the Israelis and the Palestinians has been declared a failure by the Palestinians,  Even though the talks were held at a low level, involving only negotiating representatives from each side, there always somehow seems a little more hope when a dialogue is taking place.  In hindsight, it seems quite clear that there was never really any prospect that this round of talks would go anywhere.  For the Palestinians, it was always a case of simply going through the motions to get safely to the next trigger point.

Following the unsuccessful attempts by the Palestinians to gain recognition from the UN Security Council and General Assembly in the summer of 2011, the Palestinians had promised the Quartet that they would give another round of talks a chance until the 26th January 2012.  Having promised this, the Palestinians had no way of escaping from the commitment.  Despite the fact that a total of 5 meetings were held in the current round between the parties in a very short period of time, all of which took place under the sponsorship of the Jordanian government in Amman, it became clear very early in the process that there was little intent on the part of the Palestinians to make this round work.  Having seemingly exhausted its alternatives by making little progress at the UN, however, the question arises as to why the Palestinians were trying to torpedo these talks?  With few alternatives to allow them to make progress towards their objective, it would appear that talks seem to be the best alternative for Mahmoud Abbas and the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority.

In order to better understand why the Palestinians sabotaged the latest talks, it is important to the sub-plots that are going on behind the scenes, and which are having more of an influence on the actions by President Abbas and chief negotiator Saeb Erekat.  The first issue to address concerns the PA’s alternatives at the UN.  Even though the UN Security Council and General Assembly seemingly had little interest in promoting the cause of the Palestinians at their meetings last year, the UN is quite a disparate organisation with many different tentacles that are often disconnected from each other.  This was demonstrated when, soon after the failure at the General Assembly, the Palestinians did manage to win support for full membership to the UN cultural organisation UNESCO in October 2011.  Although this was a poor consolation prize for main objective, it did demonstrate to the Palestinians that they could use a slower and indirect approach in order to work their way into the UN organisation.  This includes the possibility of making use of the UN-sponsored International Court of Justice to charge Israelis with crimes against humanity arising from events in the recent Gaza War, Operation Cast Lead.  The Palestinians have repeatedly threatened to make use of this avenue in their battle against Israel.  Even if charges that they may bring through this court are ultimately dismissed, such actions could tie individual Israelis and the Israeli government up in legal proceedings for many years.  By bringing the latest round of peace talks with Israel to an end, the prospect of stepping up actions through these UN organisations is placed firmly back on the table, and exactly where the Palestinians wish it to be.

The second sub-plot concerns the evolution of the relationship between Fatah and Hamas.  The Palestinian Authority is controlled by Fatah, and with Mahmoud Abbas already serving his 8th year of a 4-year term, there is a great deal of pressure for elections to be held.  Fatah is clearly reluctant to call elections when there is a real prospect of them being routed, even in their perceived stronghold of the West Bank.  Many of these issues were taken care of, when a deal was signed between Hamas and Fatah to create a unity government for the Palestinian Authority.  This deal is a typical attempt to extend the longevity of politicians on both sides of the divide, by denying the electorate the right to express its will through the ballot box.  With Hamas being absolutely opposed to holding any negotiations with Israel at all, the establishment of the unity government was put on hold while the latest talks were held.  Now, with the talks dead and buried, the blockage has been removed.  For Fatah, entering into a closer relationship with Hamas may allow it to share in some of the popular support that Hamas continues to enjoy following recent prisoner exchange deal.  It may also extend the political lives of some of the bigger names.

A further sub-plot in play concerns the ongoing events in the Arab World, and the events which have resulted from the “Arab Spring”.  Mahmoud Abbas has announced that he will be taking the issue of the failed talks with the Israelis to the Arab League, to get direction as to what should happen next.  With the Arab League occupied with events in Syria, Abbas may have a created a smokescreen under which to operate.  Interestingly, the effects of the Arab Spring also seem to have created something of a split within Hamas, which may yet have an impact on the Palestinian Authority via the inclusion of Hamas in the unity government activities.  The leadership that was formerly based in Damascus (reports suggest that Khaled Meshal and his team have fled the Syrian capital) feel that non-violent protest against Israel may be effective as a “Palestinian Spring”, after having seen the impact of the popular uprising in Syria and Egypt first-hand.  The Gaza leadership is quite clear that it has no intention of adopting a new non-violent approach against Israel, and this issue may yet cause further internal conflict within the Palestinian camp.

The way in which the Palestinians went through the motions in the recent peace talks seemed a little more transparent than usual.  Despite the fact that the talks were primarily addressing the issues of borders and security, an Israeli official was prevented from fully presenting Israel’s position on borders to the Amman meeting.  An Israeli document setting out 21 points of principles needed to reach a peace agreement was not considered, and was then dismissed as being “just an outline”.  These attempts to dismiss Israel’s honest efforts in the talks seem clearly designed to sabotage the talks.  In the press, Israel’s border proposals have been labelled as “preventing a Palestinian state from being established”, and have been blamed for the breakdown of the talks.

In spite of the obvious reasons for the breakdown, the stale mate somehow seems still to have produced a slight edge for the Palestinian side.  The breakdown of the talks has been presented by the international community by saying that the Palestinians have at least fulfilled their commitment to continue to try until the pre-agreed date of 26th January.  Having tried and failed, all bets are off the table, but the rewards due to the Palestinians are triggered.  European foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton even had the audacity to call upon Israel to deliver “confidence-building concessions” to encourage the talks to continue.  We have already learned that this means delivering confidence to the international community, and concessions to the Palestinians.  The Palestinian side seems not to be expected to deliver confidence nor the concessions.  The international community would be better off understanding that any such concessions on Israel’s part, would amount to rewards to the Palestinians for bad behaviour.

It seems clear to me that a lasting peace will only be possible via a negotiated settlement.  This was also recognised by Fatah strongman Marwan Barghouti, who remains in an Israeli jail serving five life sentences for murder of Israeli citizens.  He made a rare court appearance during the last week, and managed to send out a message indicating that he believes in a negotiated settlement based on the 1967 borders.  The precise terms of the negotiated settlement remain a large outstanding issue, but it is interesting that the person believed to be the instigator of both the first and second intifadas is talking about a negotiated settlement at all.  The problem right now, is that there appear to be few Palestinians who believe that this is the correct route to take, and who are prepared to make the painful concessions necessary to bring this to reality.  Until this happens, the Palestinians will be going through the motions, and the cycle of violence will continue.

Going Through the Motions is a post from: The Israel Situation

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Some of the most frequently used party lines of Israel advocates are words that highlight Israel’s diversity. Supporters and defenders of Israel, and Israelis themselves, constantly reference the incredible diversity of the population of the State of Israel when singing its praises. When one visits Israel, it is common to be struck by the image of Jews of every race, every color, of Jews whose religion is marked in their dress and Jews who are veritable fashion plates, indistinguishable from Americans or Europeans. Interspersed in this multitude are a plethora of non-Jews who call Israel home-Muslim Arabs, Christian Arabs, Ba’hai, Orthodox Christians, African refugees, and so many more, are integral parts of the multifaceted society that comprises modern Israel.

While Israel’s strength is in its diversity, many Israelis take issue with their fellow citizens on a variety of issues. Lately, it has been these clashes between various groups that have marked Israeli news. With ultra-Orthodox Jews and secular Israelis clashing over issues including the status of women in society and who should be required to serve in the army, it is clear that the Israeli public has to figure out how to live with the diversity of Israel, not just physical but ideological as well.

The Zionist experiment worked because of its inherent diversity. From the beginning of the formal movement to establish the State of Israel, there were various streams of Zionist thought and ideology. While they clashed at times and contradicted frequently, the multiple forms of Zionism, joined together, created the modern State of Israel. In a vacuum, Religious Zionism, Cultural Zionism, and Labor Zionism, could not have created a functioning nation. Israel’s strength comes from the varying ideologies that served to create it. It is due to the fact that from the beginning, Zionism and the State of Israel have been products of the efforts of individuals from a wide range of backgrounds that Israel is a champion of diversity and democracy today.

It is easy to be intolerant. It would be easy for Israeli government and society to exclude individuals and groups that disagree with its mission or beliefs. But then, Israel would not be able to honestly uphold its democratic character and progressive nature. Promoting Israeli values is made easier by the knowledge of advocates that Israel is the only country to airlift blacks out of Africa into freedom, that Israel is a pioneer in the rights of women and homosexuals, that the Israeli parliament and Supreme Court contain Arabs, Jews, and Christians. While certainly this provides for a great deal of internal turmoil and conflict within the halls of Israeli bureaucracy, and leads to interpersonal conflicts in society in general, it is far preferable to the alternative.

The diversity of Israel is what enables supporters of Israel to hold their heads high when facing the international arena. It is the indisputable fact that Israel has such ethnic, religious, and ideological diversity that flies in the face of the apartheid accusations so often thrown at it. Israel’s diverse composition is the source of its power and its ability to bring together individuals from so many different backgrounds under the banner of Zionist life and expression.

Image by Or Hiltch

Embracing Israel’s Diversity is a post from: The Israel Situation

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