Apropos the letter by P Naik, “Population, myth and reality” (ST May 20, 2013) I congratulate the state machinery the officers and the staff of the Directorate of the Census Operations and especially the Supervisors and Enumerators who have shouldered the grave responsibility of enumerating the people. They have performed a responsible national duty! With regard to Mr Naik’s letter, I fully agree with his argument about the state population scenario as a whole. Since Meghalaya is inhabited largely by Scheduled Tribes, therefore the composition of the Scheduled Tribes to the total population as per the 2011 Census is 86.1percent. The data presented by him is absolutely correct where he quotes that only 13.9% of the population is non-tribal and that therefore there is no cause for alarm. But what I would like to point out here is the urban distribution of population. In Meghalaya, out of the total urban population of 5.95 lakhs as per 2011 Census, the percentage of Scheduled Tribes is 70.4 % and that of General category (plus SC) is 29.6% respectively. The urban growth rate recorded during 2001-2011 in the state is 26.5% among Scheduled Tribes and a little less than this in the General category respectively. I would prefer to use the words Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes and General Category, rather than tribal and non-tribal which are not used in census terminology.

To get a clear view of the urban population scenario, I present below the percentage population distribution in Shillong Urban Agglomeration (SUA) extracted from 2011 Primary Census Abstract. Shillong Cantonment Scheduled Tribes 3.5% General category (plus SC) 96.5 %, Shillong Municipality – Scheduled Tribes 51.2% General category (plus SC) 48.8%, Nongmynsong – ST 51.3%, General + SC 48.7%, Madanrting- ST 52.2%, General + SC 47.8%, Pynthorumkhrah – ST 54.2% , General + SC 45.8%, Nongthymmai – ST 65.1%, General + SC 34.9% and Mawlai – ST 96.9%, General+ SC 3.1% respectively. The five new towns which have been included in SUA for the first time in 2011 Census are more rural hence the percentage population of General category against Scheduled Castes varies between 20-30%. It may be noted that the population of Scheduled Tribes in the above includes Khasi and Garo and the other 15 Scheduled Tribes who are residing in these towns and who have been included as per the list of SC/ST Amendment Act 1987.

In the late seventies, late Prof. M. N. Majaw, the then MLA of Mawhati had pointed out in the Assembly about increased immigration and had stated that the population of Scheduled Tribes (Khasi and Garo particularly) were reduced to a minority in certain parts of Shillong. At that juncture the then Chief Minister, late Capt W. Sangma agreed with Mr. Majaw and assured the House that he would introduce measures to check immigration. Later, what was pointed out by Majaw was confirmed by the 1981 Census report in which the population of Shillong Municipality, Shillong Cantonment and Pynthorumkhrah, showed that the General Category had outnumbered the Scheduled Tribes.

It is incumbent on the present chief minister to take the facts and figures seriously and not listen to officers who explain things by looking only at one side of the report. I also thank and congratulate Mr K.L. Tariang, IAS who had retired in 2012 and his team of officers for conducting the 2011 Census successfully. In the past decades, except for the 1971 and 1981 censuses, the state government failed to depute officers from the State cadre to function as Director. The Central Government had to depend on the services of IAS officers from Karnataka cadre to function as Director while conducting 1991 Census. Similarly, for the 2001 Census they had to engage the services of an officer from the Arunachal Pradesh State Civil Service as Director. Considering that census data is the basis for articulating most developmental programmes in the state, it is important to entrust our own officers with the onerous task.

Your etc

L.R. Lyngdoh

(Retired Census Employee)

Shillong – 1

Barely two days after the JD(U) severed ties with the BJP and dissolved the NDA in Bihar, workers of both parties clashed in Patna as the BJP observed a state-wide shutdown to observe Vishwasghat Diwas (Betrayal Day). This was inevitable. The BJP knows that Nitish Kumar brings with him a certain strength because of his secular credentials. Nitish Kumar also has a substantial Muslim vote bank he has to appease. Meanwhile the trading of charges between the JD(U) and the BJP is taken to a feverish pitch. Each one is trying to outdo the other in proving who is at fault for the break-up. Nitish Kumar’s relations with Modi are not unknown. Before the Bihar state assembly elections, Kumar had publicly stated that Modi was not welcome to campaign in Bihar. Since then the differences have been simmering. The break-up was just a matter of time. But even as political parties play their politics the voters are perplexed about who and which party or coalition to repose their faith in. The alternatives to the UPA seem far worse. Now that Modi is effectively crowned the NDA’s prime ministerial candidate it is time to recall the horrors of Godhra – the state sponsored genocide against Muslims. Modi’s brand of politics will lead to complete polarisation of India’s electorate. This does not bode well for the country.

A fortnight back there was a landslide in the heart of Aizawl, the capital of Mizoram claiming 17 lives and injuring many. The landslide had swept away dozens of houses including a PWD office building and the toll may well rise since a number of people still remain untraced. The story was hardly visible in the national media and was relegated as a brief in the inside pages with hardly any follow up. Television channels often going berserk with stories and playing them up repeatedly in bulletins had not picked up the tragedy. There were other important prime time agendas and panel discussions which could perhaps be a rating point booster and grab more eyeballs. Neither did the north eastern satellite channels really pay as much importance to a human tragedy or headline it in their rundowns as they would have had in case the incident had occurred in a metro city. Can a state which may be geographically far flung remain a blurry distant dot in the national mindspace that too of the mainstream and regional media? Only local dailies cared to report on a landslide tragedy that struck the most peaceful north eastern state and the fact that cyclone Mahasen has lost steam sparing Mizoram.

Many would justify the ignorance suggesting that what followed the recovery of bodies and damaged vehicles from the rubble would be the obvious. Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla has ordered a magisterial inquiry into the incident, an ex-gratia payment to the families of the deceased and kin of those injured. He has also set up a committee of state government officials to probe the disaster and take concrete measures so that such calamities do not recur. And the principal opposition party in Mizoram, Mizo National Front (MNF) has demanded an independent judicial inquiry into the tragedy and the resignation of Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, who also holds the PWD portfolio. MNF has held the Chief Minister and his younger brother Lal Thanzara who is the Secretary, PWD responsible for the incident. Former Chief Minister and MNF Chief Zoramthanga has called for a judicial probe and wants those responsible to be punished.

We often hear the phrase – lack of sensitisation about the North East – in various quarters. Even as Aizawl overcame a human tragedy, not many in the other north eastern states, leave aside New Delhi, were abreast of the massive landslide and its aftermath. However in an age of social networking it takes seconds to upload photos or information about natural calamities. Thus Facebook and Twitter were abuzz with information and updates on the Aizawl landslide and the rescue operations, the extrication from rubble and the human dimensions of the tragedy. Mizos settled elsewhere and those interested in the state could connect with the tragedy via the social network. The underlying message that emanated from many Mizos settled in metros was that the national media in most cases simply ignores Mizoram. With internet and social networking the geographical isolation has been reduced to a large extent but the media mindset is yet to change. The North East does not mean only Guwahati and there are vast tracts beyond which are important states. It is time the regional and national mainstream media bridge the gap and establish a positive reconnect.

When it comes to the North East, the national media mostly like to report stories on insurgency and conflicts. Mizoram which has largely been peaceful since the accord signed in June 1986 by then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi has witnessed calm and tranquillity in the last three decades. The Mizoram accord has worked because New Delhi came to a settlement with the then entire Mizo insurgent leadership and not with any splinter group. Peace has been durable and the MNF, despite factionalism, has had three stints in governing the state. What is most important is that no breakaway group or faction has taken to the jungles again or emerged after regrouping. The sporadic disturbances which erupt off and on are caused by outfits representing ethnic tribes, the Hmars and the Brus demanding autonomy. However these tribal militias have also reached agreements with the state government though the exodus of Brus to Tripura and their repatriation is still in abeyance.

For many people in Mizoram the ignorance is more painful and flabbergasting owing to the state’s position in national literacy. Mizoram is the second most literate state after Kerala where the Church wields enormous influence till this day. Though there have been complaints of religious persecution on ethnic minorities like Reangs, Maras, Chakmas, Lais et al, alienation has never escalated into major flare ups in the last two decades in this predominantly Christian state. The recent landslide tragedy has also not seen much of a response or reaction from the rest of the country even after those domiciled updated developments and posted pictures of crumbling houses and salvaging on social media platforms. Some attribute this isolation to the fact that people in the state are disciplined and prefer to remain closeted.

While it is true that Mizos follow certain tenets which are distinct from even other corners of the North East. But that cannot justify the regional and national disconnect. Most mainstream journalists have stereotyped mindsets in the sense that they believe Mizoram has only select coverage to offer be it bamboo flowering, turmoil engulfing Brus and other ethnic sub-sects and the Mizo Jews migrating to Israel. Thus the explosion ripping through a temple inside the premises of the 26th battalion Assam Rifles in Aizawl is widely reported.The other deterrent to assimilation could be that the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) and Young Mizo Association (YMA) have been at the forefront of the movement to expel illegal migrants. For some, these student-youth groups are saviours of the community and defenders of their interests but for many these outfits represent the fountainhead of parochialism and extra-constitutional forces in state politics.

The other reason could be that the media in Mizoram is itself a cocoon which retreats into a shell. Notwithstanding logistic bottlenecks, the image of a sleepy, peaceful state has often been a cause of apathy. Mizoram achieved full statehood in February 1987 as a culmination of the Union Territory of Mizoram coming into existence in January 1971. But as a precursor to statehood, Mizoram witnessed insurgency and violence for many years. The MNF was formed in October 1961 under the leadership of Laldenga with the specific aim of achieving sovereign independence and resorted to armed insurrection till it was banned in 1967. The Mizo District Council delegation met then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1971 reiterating its demand for statehood but the government converted it into a Union Territory with the assurance that statehood would follow.

Statehood was a pre-requisite to the accord signed by Laldenga on behalf of MNF and the Union Government in June 1986. And by then the MNF had also realised that bidding farewell to arms and assimilating into the political mainstream as respectable citizens would be best for the development of the state. Hence MNF went into an interim power sharing agreement with the Congress after Mizoram became a state. Leading analysts have argued that the Mizo insurgency would have ended earlier in the late 1970s if the then military regime of Bangladesh did not allow the MNF to reactivate their lost bases in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). Historically a state born out of turmoil and insurgency but has developed economically and remained free of conflicts.

Thus it may be a question of the mindset changing that will allow the rest of the country or even the other parts of the North East to connect to Mizoram. It is scarce to find any mention of the history of the North East, its tribes or culture in school level text books. Hence the younger generations are also oblivious of happenings in Mizoram or other neighbouring states. So a landslide resulting in many casualties in the capital Aizawl is hardly worth taking note of whereas the IPL spot fixing saga may fill up pages in leading dailies. Or the fact that the only instance of the Indian Air Force bombing within its own territory was in Mizoram in March 1966 to quell insurgents. Hence sensitisation and erasing the detachment would be the sure recipe for a close knit state like Mizoram to turn from a blip on the radar to a bright light.

(The writer is a commentator on South Asian affairs.)

During the run-up to the BJP-JD(U) breakup, a sentence in a TV news programme which crawled along with others at the bottom of the television screen, said that Narendra Modi has asked Rajnath Singh to talk to Nitish Kumar.

That was the only occasion when the BJP’s poster boy showed signs of interest in the ongoing drama. Perhaps, he had realised that his prime ministerial ambition may not come true if the NDA fails to form a government because of a paucity of allies.

Before or since that appeal to Rajnath Singh, Modi was a silent spectator to the unfolding crisis. Yet, as a front-ranking leader, he might have been expected to play a more active role even if he himself was in the eye of the storm. No one can say what might have happened if he had made a personal call to Nitish Kumar to keep the alliance intact. Even if the Bihar chief minister had turned down his request, the episode would have shown Modi in a mellower light.

But, it isn’t in his character to be seen reaching out in a friendly manner to others, especially those who he perceives as his adversaries. Instead, his habit is to be scathing in his diatribes against personal and political targets, as his “Miyan Musharraf” jibes during the 2002 and 2007 Gujarat elections, and the Ahmed Miyan Patel taunt in 2012, showed. As did his mocking of Muslims with his “hum panch, hamare pachis” dig at Muslim families with their supposed disregard for family planning norms. In the same callous category was his heartless description of the camps of the riot victims in Gujarat as child-producing factories.

At the conference of chief ministers in New Delhi before the rupture in the NDA, television cameras pointedly showed how Modi walked past Nitish Kumar without looking at him. The Gujarat chief minister was then still in the same alliance as his Bihar counterpart. Yet, he pretended not to see him. Arguably, it was this blatant show of disrespect which might have helped Nitish Kumar to make up his mind to bid goodbye to the JD(U)’s ally of 17 years.

Apart from the suspicions of his complicity in the 2002 riots, the one factor which can be said to have undermined Modi is his arrogance, which apparently convinces him that a conciliatory gesture is a sign of weakness. Hence, his refusal over the years to apologise for the Godhra riots. There are two reasons, of course, for this adamancy. One is that it is against his nature to be placatory. The other is that he knows that any such gesture, especially towards the minorities, will undermine his USP among the communal Hindus, his main base of support, who see him as someone who taught the Muslims a lesson in 2002 and will do so again if the need arises.

A perusal of the abusive comments of the netizens, whose word for “secular” is “sickular” and for Congress – run by the “Maino mafia” – is “Khangress”, will convince anyone of the kind of vitriol which sustains Modi. There is no place in his politics of the “charter of commitments” which L.K. Advani wanted the BJP to offer to the minorities at the party’s national council meeting in March when he called for a change in the “mutual equation” between the party and the minorities. The veteran leader said at the time that he was in favour of converting the alliance into NDA-plus. But, now, it has become NDA-minus.

With Modi’s rise, a groundswell of communalism, reminiscent of the Ramjanmabhoomi movement, must have convinced Nitish Kumar that any further continuance of the alliance with the BJP will amount to playing into Lalu Prasad Yadav’s hands where the support of the Muslims is concerned. The outcome of the Maharajganj by-election, where Lalu Prasad’s RJD won by a huge margin, was the stark message which the JD (U) leadership could not but heed.

Although Modi has sanitized his image by talking of development, the bush telegraph at the ground level must have detected how enthused the saffron cadres are at the prospect of the “modern-day Nero”, the Supreme Court’s phrase for Modi, entering the national stage with a decisive say in his party’s affairs. It is not without reason that the RSS, the “cultural” organization which used to be wary of Modi earlier because of his haughty individualism, is now backing him at the expense of the old warhorse, Advani, who has committed the crime of becoming a moderate a la Atal Behari Vajpayee.

The diminution of the NDA from a 24-party group under Vajpayee to one of three at present comprising avowedly sectarian parties – the pro-Hindu BJP and Shiv Sena and the Sikh-dominated Akali Dal – means a decline in its chances of success in 2014. Besides, not only has the alliance shrunk, its dwindling prospects cannot but intensify the rumbles within the BJP, as Advani’s comments on an adverse fallout from Modi’s elevation have shown. (IPA Service)

Both sides, aiming to end a frustrating wait for a major one-day title, are fortunate to make the last four in the eight-nation tournament, saved either by the weather or their rivals’ bad luck.

South Africa sneaked a tie – and gain a valuable point – at Cardiff last week when rain forced the game to end with the West Indies on the exact Duckworth-Lewis par score of 190-6 in 26.1 overs.

If Keiron Pollard had not been dismissed off what turned out to be the last ball of the match, the West Indies would have won the game and qualified for the semifinals after being ahead of the D/L target at that stage.

England were lucky the weather favoured them in Cardiff on Sunday as the hosts squeezed out a 10-run win over New Zealand in a game reduced to 24-overs-a-side due to rain.

A washed-out match or a defeat would almost certainly have knocked England out of the race and lifted the Black Caps into the semi-finals along with either Sri Lanka or Australia.

Eventually, England topped group A by virtue of a superior net run-rate over Sri Lanka, who drew level on four points following a 20-run win over defending champions Australia at the Oval on Monday.

Last year, England and South Africa drew a one-day series 2-2 after the Proteas came back from a 2-1 deficit to win the final game at Nottingham by seven wickets.

South African captain AB de Villiers said he expected another close contest between two “world-class” sides.

“England will be the favourites because they are playing at home and know the conditions well,” de Villers said on Tuesday. “But I think it is pretty much 50-50.

“It’s up to the team which rocks up with the right attitude that can take that momentum early on and run with it. We’ll be looking to do exactly that and adapt to conditions as quickly as possible.

“England are a world class team and so are we. It’s going to be a great game.”

The South African captain said the only way his team can get rid of the label of ‘chokers’ was to win the tournament.

“I believe all teams choke in certain situations,” he said. “It’s just that somehow we managed to get that tag behind our names. Unless we win this tournament, people will continue to say we are chokers. But it is not something that bothers us.”

De Villiers said premier fast bowler Dale Steyn, who missed two of the three games due to a side strain, was “close to 100 percent” fit, but insisted his team can win even without him.

England skipper Alastair Cook said his team was excited about playing in a major semifinal.

“It’s such an exciting place for a player to be,” he said. “We have come here to try and win the tournament. We have got an amazing opportunity to try and do that and both sides will be excited about that.

“It’s another day tomorrow. It’s another game. What’s gone on in the past has no relevance.

“It’s whichever side handles the pressure well tomorrow, and people in that side – in your own side, put your hand up and deliver, and that’s what you have to do in these big games.”

Cook did admit that the target will be to dismiss opposition’s main batsman Hashim Amla quickly in order to get an upperhand.

“We know he’s (Amla) a fantastic player, but as all players are vulnerable early, we have to try and strike early, and if he gets in it’s a danger for us. Certainly a key man, but if we can get him out, that does put pressure on other players.”

In the batting department, negotiating Steyn will be critical to how England can build a total, feels the skipper.

Group B winners India and Sri Lanka meet in the second semifinal in Cardiff on Thursday in a repeat of the 2011 World Cup final in Mumbai, which the Indians won. (AFP)

 South Africa have done very well to come back after their loss to India in the opening encounter of the Champions Trophy.

The return of Dale Steyn to the attack certainly gives them a sharper edge than in the first couple of games when he was absent.

Morne Morkel’s injury is also a blow because they do not have the experienced Jacques Kallis to back them up in case one of their bowlers is getting a hammering.

The performance of Ryan McLaren with both bat and ball has been the highlight of their campaign and it shows what an extended run in the playing eleven can do to the confidence of a player.

McLaren’s left-handed batting at the top of the tail is taking the Proteas to scores that did not look possible earlier.

The South African batting still depends on their skipper AB de Villiers and Hashim Amla. But they have a good supporting cast in Colin Ingram, David Miller Faf Du Plessis and JP Duminy.

Ingram has grabbed the opportunity of the opening spot to play some commanding innings, but the others have still not quite fired. When they get going South Africa will have a formidable total on the board.

Run outs are part and parcel of the limited-overs game as batsmen try to steal the extra run but Duminy’s judgement has not always been good in this tournament and another misjudgment from him could well prove costly.

De Villiers has used the spinners quite well and rotated the bowling between Peterson and Duminy. South Africa’s fielding remains top class and so they will always be making the opposition struggle for runs.

England have also recovered well after the loss to Sri Lanka despite putting a near 300 total. Jimmy Anderson remains their main weapon and when he bowls well England looks a completely different team.

The batting at the top of the order is a little bit of a concern since they do take their time and overs to get going and down the order they have some handy hitters who don’t always get the number of overs that would help them make an impact.

England are still a batting unit that approaches the 50 overs game in the old fashioned way of looking to keep wickets in hand till the final overs and that’s why they sometimes end up 30 or 40 runs shorter than they should have.

Their big advantage is that they have bowlers who are no rabbits with the bat and so they bat deep and that should stand them in good stead when a few runs are required.

If the weather holds it should be a game to watch out for.

Chesterpaul scored an 83rd-minute goal to help his side clinch a tight win against Langsning, who, despite earning a penalty, were unable to capitalise on several scoring opportunities.

Earlier, Enestar Malngiang scored the first goal of the match in the 39th minute to give Nangkiew the lead.

However, Langsning earned a penalty in the 50th minute, with skipper Leningstar Kynter taking the shot to beat Nangkiew Irat’s keeper Sophi-wa-o Law for the equaliser.

Chesterpaul’s goal, following a counterattack, broke the deadlock to give his side a crucial victory.

After a late attack launched by Nangkiew, Langsning’s defence were struggling to cope with the pressure, which proved expensive in the end.

This was Langsning’s second loss, following their 2-5 defeat to Royal Wahingdoh FC in the tournament opener. They also have one victory, a comprehensive 8-1 showing against Mawlai SC.

By contrast, Nangkiew Irat have now won two games and drawn one.

On Wednesday, Rang-dajied United FC are scheduled to play Mawlai SC at the JN Stadium at 4:00pm.

Rangdajied have so far played two matches (one win, one draw) while Mawlai are desperate to turn their fortunes around.

They have played three matches, losing all of them.

In their last match they were routed 21-0 by Wahingdoh.

“We are looking forward to another tough match in the semifinal,” Jayawardene, who was adjudged the Man-of-the Match for his unbeaten 84, said.

A disciplined Sri Lanka set up a semifinal date with India as they knocked out holders Australia, with Jayawardene and Nuwan Kulasekara playing key roles.

During the course of his innings, the elegant Jayawardene crossed 11,000 runs in this form of the game.

“It felt really good (to complete 11,000), but winning this was the icing on the cake. We are playing hard and passionate cricket, but we need to enjoy the cricket.

“That has been the mantra of our success in the past and hope it continues in the future. Seniors have a responsibility and it is our job to help Angi (skipper Angelo Mathews) out, that makes us a happy camp,” Jayawardene said.

After setting a target of 254, Mathews said he knew it was going to be tough as Australia managed 233 before being bowled out.

“We knew it was going to be tough, defending 253,” said Mathews.

“Thirimanne and Jayawardene batted well to get us to that score. I have never seen a crowd like this in the Oval before, and it was good to have the support. Our first target was the semis. Will enjoy tonight and see how it goes after that,” he added.

Australia’s stand-in skipper George Bailey felt his side never got going.

“It would have been nice to get over the line in the end. Our goal was to do it in the 29 overs (in order to qualify for the semifinals based on net run rate), but we never got going.

“There was no value in the result as such, semis was our main aim,” Bailey said.

Talking about regular captain Michael Clarke, Bailey said he “is still improving and there is still a big series ahead. There are plenty of positives around and it was good to see the last two (Clint McKay and Xavier Doherty) fight it out.” (PTI)