thewayforward by Emmanuel John

zSHARE - RE-ELECT BRF MP.mp3

2010-10-30T18:35:00.000-07:00

zSHARE - 9ICE.EKO BAJE TI RE-ELECT BRF.mp3,PLAY

zSHARE - 9ICE-RE-ELECT BRF MP.mp3,PLAY

The superlative performance of the party under Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), has shattered the PDP’s dream,” point out “even not a few members of the PDP are satisfied with Fashola’s performance.

in actual fact, PDP is non-existent in Lagos,” am wondering, how could a non-existent party dream of winning an election in a state like Lagos where the enlightened electorate value performance.

The people of Lagos were not known for playing politics of sentiment , they are the people who will pitch their tent with whoever makes dividends of democracy available to them in the real sense of it.

Electoral reform would go a long way in curbing other forms of electoral fraud ,any Nigerian who has the love of this country will support electoral reform as well as electronics voting in their entirety.
The people of lagos,infact nigeria should commend the leadership of the party under Asiwaju Bola Tinubu for its political ingenuity that made the lagos state and ACN(Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) the pride of the nation now.

Presidency: The North has had its fair share –Dokubo-Asari

2010-09-05T05:10:00.000-07:00

The Leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF) and a chieftain and leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in Rivers State, Alhaji Muhajid Dokubo-Asari, went on self exile

during rule of late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. But he returned to the country when Dr. Goodluck Jonathan took over as the President. In this interview with EMMANUEL ENYINNAYA APPOLOS, he declared that the North has had its fair share of the Presidency and that it is now the turn of his zone, the South-South. Excerpts:

What is your take on zoning?
I think that in any plural or heterogeneous society, there is a need to share political offices among the component units of that nation. I don’t believe that Nigeria is nation. It is an imposition and a fraud. But as long as we continue to maintain this fraud and false edifice called Nigeria, political offices must be shared in a way that every group must have a share in the top political offices in the country. And every group must have access to every institution in the country. Now, if we are talking about zoning, it must be equitable. Nigeria has been independent for 50 years now. In the 50 years, the North-West has produced the following as presidents of the country: Shehu Shagari, Murtala Mohammed, Sani Abacha, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Muhamamadu Buhari. That means that the North-West alone has produced five defacto rulers of Nigeria in 50 years. Still in the North, the North-East has produced Tafawa Belewa. The North-Central has produced Yakubu Gowon, Ibrahim Babangida and Abdulsami Abubakar. If you combine it, you will discover that the North alone has produced nine rulers and if considered to what other zones have had in terms of having access to the Presidency, you will see that it is disproportionate. The South-West has produced Olusegun Obasanjo twice and Ernest Shonekan. The South-East has produced Aguiyi Ironsi, while the South-South has produced Goodluck Jonathan. Let’s calculate how many years each of the political zones have occupied the presidential office of the country. So, if must talk about zoning equitably, we should be looking at the South-East and South-South because they have been disadvantaged in the number of years that their people have occupied the office of the president and other top political offices in Nigeria. So, if we are talking of zoning, it should rotate between the South-South and South-East until the number of years that the South-West and North have ruled Nigeria. When that happens, we can then start to rotate the presidency again.
How will you reconcile your position with the agitations from the North that the presidency should return to the North in 2011?

By convention, Goodluck Jonathan should automatically run in 2011 because he is a sitting president. And he has tenure of two terms of four years each. It is laughable to hear somebody say that Jonathan was not elected. Jonathan and the late Yar’Adua were elected as equal candidates on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) platform, on the same mandate. It is only that the constitution made Yar’Adaua, who was president then, above Jonathan. But they were equal candidates. In fact, Jonathan had more goodwill than Yar’Adua and he brought more votes that made him vice-president to Yar’Adua. Yar’Adua did not bring enough votes to the mandate because Buhari won most of the Northern states. Let me say that nobody zoned the presidency to the North. He who comes to equity must come with a clean hand. The hands of the North in the zoning thing are not clean because they have taken more than their fair share and they should allow others to take their own share to balance it up. Zoning or no zoning, the North can’t stop Jonathan.

But the North is insisting that Jonathan should not run in 2011. Do you support this?

They don’t have the right to ask Jonathan not to run. The constitution allows him to run and by convention, the fact that he is the sitting president gives him more entitlement to run more than any other person.
If Jonathan bows to pressure and does not run, what do you think will become the fate of the South-South?

If Jonathan decides not to run, there are other political parties in the country. The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which I am a member, is open to any South-South person to run if Jonathan capitulates, which I think he will not. But if he does, good for us in ACN.
Some people said you have abandoned the Niger Delta struggle because Jonathan is now the president. Is that true?

I don’t know who is saying that and why will anybody say that. Am I occupying any office in Jonathan’s government? Or did you hear that they have given me one of the jetties to be importing fuel that we refine here in Nigeria. Jonathan’s presidency has not solved any problem of our people. Instead, it has compounded our problems. The only thing is that Jonathan’s presidency has solved some of my personal problems. I am moving around Nigeria freely. Yar’Adua wanted to kill me. He chased me out town, killed my people. But Jonathan cannot kill me. I am moving freely, jumping from one place to another, looking for the good things of life. That is the only thing I can say he has solved for me. Apart of from that, he has done nothing. Even the diluted, watered-down Niger Delta technical committee report, Jonathan is too afraid to accept the White Paper and implement the report because he does not want to offend some people.
How close are you to Jonathan now?
I am not close to Jonathan at all now.
Why?
I don’t know. Our father, Governor Melford Okilo, then when he sees you he will say this man is a very dangerful man. So, when a man becomes a king, he becomes a very dangerful man and you have to avoid him. So, a president has all the powers, especially in a fraudulent country like Nigeria where everything goes. So you have to be careful. Jonathan, though he is my brother, he is now president, so I must accord him that respect. I don’t need to see Jonathan before I survive because I have been surviving. For me, the only joy I have is that when I see those who used to think that me, an Ijaw man that I am a rag and foot mat, when I see them prostrate for an Ijaw man like me, it gives me that sense of satisfaction. I say chai, e sweet o, so na Ijaw man dem dey do dis thing to? That is it. Apart from that, there is nothing.

It is about one year now that the amnesty programme has been on. Has progress been made?
I am not part of the amnesty and I am not a criminal.

But is the amnesty working?
How can you ask me of something I don’t know? I am not part of the amnesty. But if I will have to give a word of advice to those who took amnesty, I will remind them that they have an opportunity. They are not working but they are paid N65,000 and they want to train them. So my advice to them is that they should take the opportunity and use it very well. I know that the man handling the amnesty programme is capable of handling it if he is allowed to do it because I have a one on one relationship with him and I know what he can do. So, it is the best opportunity for those who took amnesty to revamp their lives because opportunity does not come always. Today, it is available. Tomorrow, if Jonathan is no longer there, it might not be available. That is the truth. Yar’Adua did not do the amnesty because he loved Niger Delta. He did it grudgingly. And if Jonathan cancels it, they will say it is our brother that cancelled it. So, it is good for them to take the opportunity instead of rioting today, tomorrow they beat up somebody. If they continue doing that, somebody will wake up one day and say there is no amnesty. I know that if Jonathan is not there and another person comes, they will not implement the amnesty programme where some people will be paid N65,000 while graduates are roaming the streets looking for jobs. Even some graduates in public service don’t earn up to N30,000 monthly while somebody who is not working is paid N65,000 because he said he is a militant. So, it is an opportunity for them, so they should use it well.

Are you going to use your structure, which is at the grassroot, to support Jonathan in 2011?
That is a decision Ijaw people will have to take. I am a member of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). That is the party I belong and I am a good party man and my party members trust me and I will not like to be a black leg in my party.

Outside the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the ACN, as an Ijaw leader, will you use your Ijaw platform to support Jonathan in 2011?

I don’t know what you want me to tell you. But it will be very wrong for me, being a member of the ACN, to do anything contrary to what my party wants me to do. But members of my Ijaw organisations are not my slaves. I don’t own them. They are free to decide and do whatever they believe is best for our people.
Now that things are like this, have you left the struggle?
I can’t leave the struggle because the struggle for the people of Niger Delta is my life. So I can never leave the struggle.

Nigeria will be 50 in October, do you think the desired independence has really been achieved?
As far as I am concerned, I don’t know if anybody is independent. I am an Ijaw man and I know that Ijaw nation has been independent. Rather, it is under a very primitive, cruel and evil occupation of the Nigerian state. For that, I know that we, the Ijaw people, must fight to free ourselves. But for Nigeria, I have not seen any development and I don’t think there will be any development.

CULLED from NIGERIA COMPASS

Wenger - Cesc's decision has clear the air (football)

2010-08-07T03:34:00.000-07:00

The decision of Cesc Fabregas to stay at Arsenal is a ‘huge lift for everyone', according to Arsène Wenger

On Thursday, the Spanish midfielder trained with his club-mates for the first time since winning the World Cup in July. A day later, he declared his intention to stay at Emirates Stadium despite intense interest from Barcelona. Later that same day in Poland, Wenger outlined the importance of that decision.

"He is our captain, he is our leader," said the Frenchman ahead of Saturday's friendly at Legia Warsaw.

"You could see yesterday in the training session how much a lift it is for everybody who loves Arsenal. When I was at the World Cup I met so many people in South Africa and the first thing I heard was ‘don't let Fabregas go'. That means it is a huge lift for everybody who loves the Club.

"The situation is as it is," Wenger added. "I believe it is important in my job that I do not come out with private conversations I have with the players. That would be unfair.
"But Cesc has come out today to clear the air. It was very important for us that Cesc did that clearly and that we can move on from now.
"We are one week away from the start of the season so just we want to be focused and settled now."
Cesc Fabregas Statement
Cesc Fabregas has today released the following statement:

"Firstly I would like to apologise to all the Arsenal fans for not speaking sooner about my future but I have not known what I was going to do until this moment.
"I cannot deny that joining a club like Barcelona was not an attractive move for me. This was the club where I learnt my football, it is my home town where my friends and family are and a club where I have always dreamed of playing. There are not many players in this world who would not want to play for Barcelona.

"I have had many conversations with Arsène Wenger both in person and over the phone over the last few months and although the content of those conversations will remain private, the conclusion is that Barcelona have had two formal offers rejected by Arsenal.

"I am a professional and I fully understand that it is Arsenal's prerogative not to sell me.
"I owe a lot to the Club, manager and the fans and I will respect their decision and will now concentrate on the new season ahead with Arsenal.

"I can assure all the fans that now the negotiations have ended I will be 100 percent focused on playing for Arsenal.
"I am an Arsenal player and as soon as I step out on to the pitch, that is the only club I will be thinking about.
"I am looking forward to the start of the season and putting this speculation behind me."

Theo Walcott has vowed to “get out there and show people what he can do” this season.

By his own admission the Arsenal striker suffered the biggest disappointment of his career over the summer when he was omitted from England’s squad for the World Cup.
After a head-clearing holiday in America and a solid pre-season, the 21-year-old is now raring to go again. And, apart from missing out on South Africa, Walcott is also motivated by a stop-start campaign in 2009/10.
It’s all going well, I’m all smiles,” he said.

“The full pre-season will definitely help. It was an on-off season last season and it’s difficult to come back from that. I would just get back and I’d get another injury.

“I was in double figures last season with injuries. Maybe last year I was thinking about it too much and I was being a bit too timid in games because I was thinking about injury. This year I’m just going to get out there and show people what I can do. It’s all I can do really.
“Not making the World Cup this year and not playing the last one, even though I didn’t deserve to be there, it’s one of those things - what can I do to improve myself to be there next time?
“There are always disappointments in football, this was my biggest one yet.

“But when I found out about not making the England squad, the Arsenal players were really supportive. The first player I had a text from was Nicholas Bendtner and the manager was very supportive too.

“I was obviously very disappointed not to have made it, but now for the first time in a long time,
I have been able to have a rest and a proper pre-season.
“I am really excited about the season ahead – we were pleased with winning the Emirates Cup last weekend and it’s good to see players like Jack Wilshere coming through and playing so well. It is also exciting to see new players like Marouane Chamakh joining the squad.”
Capello’s decision came as a massive surprise and dominated the back pages for days.

“I had the day off so I was on the golf course and I got the phone call,” said Walcott. "I actually missed Mr Capello’s phone call. But I had a voicemail and I had to phone him back.
“He just said, ‘I’m sorry. I’m not going to bring you to South Africa, but I’ll see you in 2012 for the Euros.’
“I didn’t know what to say at all. He said, ‘have a good break and good luck. I’ll see you soon’. I wished him all the best.
“Obviously I was disappointed but I wanted the lads to do well because I am an England fan as well. I said good luck and that was it.
“I will always respect the manager’s decision. If the boss at Arsenal leaves me out of a game, I am always disappointed and I show that. You can’t be happy when you are not there. I always want to be there, no matter what happens.
“Actually, I did have a tear to be fair with my cousin and my mate.
“Then I played the best golf ever.”
Now, Walcott’s intention is to follow suit for his football club this season.

Day Nigerians in the Diaspora stunned Bankole

2010-08-05T06:27:00.000-07:00

SPEAKER Dimeji Bankole had a tough time with Nigerians in the Diaspora, who came from China, United Kingdom, United States and Singapore. ONYEDI OJIABOR reports the stormy session

ABOUT 50 of them came from America, the United Kingdom, Singapore, China and some African countries under the aegis of Nigerians in Diaspora Organisation on a courtesy visit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Dimeji Bankole.
The July 29 meeting was not however, the usual favour-seeking courtesy visit Nigerians are used to; neither was it organised to give a thump-up to the Speaker for doing a good job.

It was, simply put, a forum for the foreign-based Nigerians, to express misgivings about the spate of corruption allegations in the country. A woman asked why Bankole is still retaining his seat when he is facing allegations of corruption. Bankole struggled not to lose his cool in the face of the tricky question.
Ms. Stella Okereke, a Nigerian resident in America, looked Bankole in the eye and threw the bombshell to the discomfort of not only Bankole but other members of the House. She demanded to know why Bankole had continued to keep his seat when a former speaker of the House, Patricia Etteh, was forced to vacate office for a similar accusation.
Okereke was not done yet. The woman said she watched the events of June 22, 2010, in the House, when 11 lawmakers were suspended for their role in the call for Bankole to step down over corruption allegations.
Her words: “When Patricia Etteh was accused of committing crime against the House, it didn’t take a long while before you people pushed her out. Since what is good for the goose is also good for the gander, we are asking why was Etteh punished when we are having the same thing now. Why are you still retaining your seat when you played a leading role to push Etteh out on allegation of corruption.”

The question might have underscored the depth of concern by Nigerians at home and in the Diaspora over rising cases of corruption in country.

Apart from Okereke, others who spoke at the event organised by the Abike Dabiri-Erewa-led House Committee on Diaspora were Mr. Akin Awofolaji, Mr. Ganiyu Dada and Mr. Jonathan Obaje.
While some members of the group demanded a conclusive investigation of all corruption allegations involving members of the National Assembly others insinuated that Nigerian laws appeared to respect some highly-placed persons, a reason probe into cases involving them were always open ended.

One of them cited the N9 billion capital vote crisis in the House, which led to the suspension of 11 members for their leading role in the issue. The group was also not comfortable with the open display of “excessive wealth by Nigerian politicians often beamed to the outside world by international media networks.
Bankole had initially attempted to rush the programme due to his other engagements, especially the inauguration of the controversial Ota Bridge . But he thought otherwise, apparently due to the barrage of questions directed at him.
He first re-directed the questions, especially Okereke’s query to the chairman, House committee on Ethics and Privileges, Sani Sale Minjibir, whose committee is charged with the responsibility of the House’s self-scrutiny. Minjibir was quick to say that Etteh’s case and the allegation of misuse of N9 billion capital vote were not similar. He said a probe committee, which he was a member of, found Etteh guilty of not following due process.
He said: “The conclusion we reached, which has stood the test of time and adjudged alright by my colleagues, established that the former speaker was the person who was driving the procedures and in all the procedures, due process was not followed.”
Minjibir juxtaposed Etteh’s case with the allegation of mismanagement of N9billion spearheaded by Dino Melaye and said, “When we come to the Melaye case, we must always understand that until proven guilty, one is still innocent. As the ethics committee chairman, I have not taken sides with any party. I don’t attend meetings of any of the sides, and my colleagues know that, as I will do justice.”
He continued: “The Melaye’s case pains me. The rule is that members exhaust internal mechanism dictated by the House rule before anything, but these people did not. However, we are already investigating the issue and there is the presumption of innocence until guilt is established.”
The Kano State born lawmaker added, “I am not anybody’s boy; I will do my work thoroughly.” Whatever that means.
Bankole took over even before Minjibir hanged the microphone and admitted that the House position on Etteh was not a judicial indictment. “I will be as frank as possible” he said.
He added, “For the records, Etteh was never indicted by any court, and was not impeached and remains a former Speaker.” He however pooh-poohed over the allegation of misuse of N9billion capital vote because “the matter is already before the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission” but chose to dwell on the N2.3 billion Peugeot car scandal.
Bankole did not only say that the lawmakers who raised the issue forged the Peugeot price list to give a misleading impression of him, but added that it is curious that the same group of legislators who were behind the car scam allegation made the N9billion allegation.
He said Peugeot Automobile of Nigeria price list of 2006 was superimposed on the 2007 price list, so as to give the public the erroneous impression that the prices were tampered with. “They did not know that Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Limited, which supplied the cars, had their official price list.
“PAN was invited and they came with the actual prices of the cars.
“Why would a member of the House go to the extent of forging documents just to accuse Dimeji Bankole?” he wondered.
“And then the issue of payment into Zenith Bank; we don’t even have an account with Zenith Bank,” he said. The speaker wondered why allegations of corrupt practices spring up whenever the House took decision to probe alleged fraud like the N64 billion airport runway project and the N236 billion Abuja expressway contracts. The visitors, Bankole said, should be mindful of distortions and misinformation about the goings-on in Nigeria , orchestrated to paint the House black.
The speaker said there was no doubt that certain forces who felt threatened by some high profile investigations conducted by the House were persecuting him.
He cited, for instance, that the House under him took steps to stop abuse of public funds and ensured that funds appropriated to projects were accounted for. He specifically mentioned the controversial $16billion power sector probe in 2008, which he said, touched on the toes of some powerful and influential Nigerians and asked “did you expect these people to be happy or sit down and watch?
“Why are these allegations coming up each time we are about to conduct a major probe?” he reiterated rhetorically. Bankole also sought to know why issues were always made out of how much the National Assembly spent and not the “positive outcome” of the work of the legislature. According to him, out of a budget of N4.6trillion passed this year, only about N60bn or 1.3 per cent of it was earmarked for the services of the House.
“If you spend 1.3 per cent to ask questions on how the remaining 98.7% is spent, come on, is that asking for too much”, he queried. Bankole reminded that the visitors that enquiries by the House led to the recovery of over N450 billion in 2007 and N350 billion in 2009. He concluded, “I expect Nigerians to ask what happened to the funds budgeted in previous budgets; but positive things don’t make good news in Nigeria.”

The origin of EYO (Adamun-Orisha)

2010-08-05T05:05:00.000-07:00

Badagry Market Day, that is known as the "ABO AGBADAEGI",Orisa Ogunran Adimu were originally brought to Lagos by Alase Odu, Chief Olorogun Agan while Elegba Opopo was brought by Segbeni, Chief Olorogun Igbesodi form Benin during the reign of Oba Ado, over 350 years ago. While Orisa Ogunran is a male Adamu on the other hand is a female.

Both Chief Olorogun Agan and Chief Olorogun Igbesodi settled at Oju-Olokun Street, Chief Olorogun Agan towards the mater side and Chief Olorogun Igbesodi at the beginning of Oju-Olokun Street, which is today known as Abegede, where the Elegba Opopo's shrine is installed.

The origin of Adamun-Orisha play according to findings showed that the genesis of Eyo masquerade public performance must be rooted in legend.
It was also gathered that origin of Eyo masquerade could be traced to two areas in the South-west part of the country. While people of Iperu, Ogun State, claim that Eyo masquerade originated from their town, the people Apa coastal area of Badagry also claimed that the masquerade originated from Badagry where Eyo masquerade play used to take place on market days in the olden days. The Badagry origin seems more agreeable.

However, Eyo masquerade parade began on Lagos Island by traders from Badagry long time ago. The point of performance then was known as Oke-Ita which was later found to be the lagoon end of Glover Road, Ikoyi, Lagos. This was the site where successive kings in Lagos and their chiefs used to visit to watch the Adamun-Orisha play in those days.

Further research into origin of Adamun-Orisha play in Lagos revealed that about the middle of 19th century, the then British Governor could not tolerate long absence of those who matter in the running of affairs of Lagos colony who are fond of going for days from Lagos Island to watch Eyo parade in Ikoyi that was by then could take about three days journey. The British Governor complained that absence of concerned officials was serious enough to disrupt the affairs of Lagos colony. Thus, he ordered that the idea of going to Ikoyi should be stopped.

The British Governor’s directive prompted the elders, chiefs and prominent indigenes of Lagos to invite the maskers of Adamun-Orisha from Ikoyi to relocate to Lagos Island and the maskers agreed to the suggestion. Thereafter, they settled on Lagos Island and became part of the people till date. Hence, (from its original appearance in 1750),: the first performance of Adamun-Orisha on Lagos Island took place on February 20th, 1854 and it was staged in memory of late Oba Akitoye of Lagos.

On that day on Lagos Island, the general public of Lagos saw what they never saw before and witnessed the performance with an exceedingly tumultuous turnout which had remained a characteristic of Eyo masquerade parade till today.

Eyo masquerade parade used to last all day long and it is staged as the funeral obsequies of a King or Chief, and in honour and memory of a deceased eminent Lagosian, who had contributed to the progress and development of Lagos during his or her life time. The festival is only staged for this reason.

Eyo masquerade speaks a ventriloqual voice, suggesting that he was not human and also that he represents the spirit of a departed person. The Eyo symbolizes the arrival on earth of the spirit; in view of this believe, when one meet an Eyo and greet him with the words :‘Agogoro Eyo’ , he is expected to respond thus: Mo yo fun e, mo yo funra mi
On the order of events, a full week before the festival (always a Saturday), the ‘senior’ eyo group, the Adimu (identified by a black broad-rimmed hat), goes public with a staff, when this happens it means the event would take place on the following Saturday. Each of the four other ‘important’ ones — Laba (Red), Oniko (yellow), Ologede (Green), Agere (Purple) — in this very order take their turns from Monday to Thursday.

There are also revered special outings like that led by the Olori Omobas, the leader of the Princes currently Prince Michael Omoyele Ajose, a Prince of the royal house of Oba Ologun-kutereof Lagos (1749-1775), who himself was a direct descendant of King Ado, the founder of Lagos dynasty (1630-1669). Prince Ajose is from Igaa Suenu, to which the ancestral home of the current Lagos State governor, Raji Fashola could be traced.
Eyo Festival is unique to Lagos area, and it is widely believed that Eyo is the forerunner of the modern day carnival in Brazil. On Eyo Day, the main highway in the heart of the city (from the end of Carter Bridge to Tinubu Square) is closed to traffic, allowing for procession from Idumota to Iga Idunganran.
Here, the participants all pay homage to the Oba of Lagos. Eyo festival takes place whenever occasion and tradition demand, but it is usually held as the final burial rites for a highly regarded chief. Among the Yoruba, the indigenous religions have largely given way to Christianity and Islam, but the old festivals are still observed. The traditional leaders of the Yoruba are the Obas, who live in palaces and used to govern along with a council of ministers.
The Obas’ position is now mainly honorary, and their chief role is during the observance of the festivals. Yoruba festivals honour their pantheon of gods and mark the installation of a new Oba. The Engungun (“en-GOON-gun”) festival, which honours the ancestors, lasts 24 days.

Each day, a different Engungun in the person of a masked dancer dances through the town, possessed by one of the ancestors. On the last day, a priest goes to the shrine of the ancestors and sacrifices animals, pouring the blood on the shrine. The sacrifices are collected, and they become the food for the feast that follows.
Group of Eyo masquerades‘Agogoro Eyooo” (meaning what a tall an imposing Eyo),“Mo yo fun e, mo yo funra mi”(I, Eyoo Masquerades, rejoice with you for seeing this day and I rejoice with myself), is a statement that normally ring out loud all over Lagos, during the Eyo festival masquerade festival.
Eyo masquerades in their white regalia with different hats made of various colours from the five groups, Adamu Orisa, Laba Ekun, Oniko, Ologede and Agere.

Federal Character Blessing or curse?

2010-08-02T06:09:00.000-07:00

Federal Character Blessing or curse?
QUOTA system, federal character and educationally disadvantaged were words envisioned by the proponents of one Nigeria, having taken into consideration the multi-variety of Nigeria’s ethnic groups, religious diversities and sectional divisions. There is no doubt that these words have proved effective in resolving the dichotomy in the development and education of the different regions and have worked to forge a path of unity for the country. But when looked at from the more recent perspective of the debates about zoning, which have pervaded the polity in recent time, these words may appear not only to have lost their relevance but also put great inhibition on standards, competence and quality of human beings.

The federal character policy was entrenched in the 1979 and 1999 constitution of the country with the sole aim of guarding against the monopolisation of public service institutions and agencies by a particular ethnic group or religion, its main dictates being the promotion of national unity and command of national loyalty. Related to the quota system and federal character policy is the educationally disadvantaged states clause, which allows indigenes from certain states to be considered for admission into educational institutions at a grade that is slightly lower than others’. At a point in the life of the country, these provisions were important to ensure equal opportunities and platforms for development among the states of the federating units, since the public service and educational institutions belong to the government, they were made to follow these directives. The policy became popular in the activities of the federal civil service, the military and the federal institutions.

According to the proponents of federal character and quota system, the policy encourages unity among the federating units, as every region and states are represented in public service agencies, this they say gives them a voice in policy formulation and implementation in the country. The case for the concession in admission for certain states that have been called educationally disadvantaged was also to encourage learning and pursuit of academic endeavours by the states which have been discovered to have little passion for such.
Without doubt, quota system and federal character have served the country effectively well, as Barrister Paul Adujie, a passionate advocate of federal character wrote in an opinion, years back, “All states, but especially the educationally disadvantaged states, need special provisions and protections in the admission process in Nigeria’s educational system, especially in higher education and the professions! All Nigerians and Nigeria will be the beneficiaries of such good policy, that encourages the grooming and nurturing of opportunities for every Nigerian from every community in Nigeria, and particular effort should be made, in order that Nigeria does not live anyone behind, economically, socially, educationally and developmentally, this is in our national interest.” He compared federal character to the American’s policy of affirmative action which aimed at encouraging Blacks who had been segregated and discriminated against, to embrace formal education. A strong case was also made for federal character by Barrister Nzeribe Egwim, a gubernatorial aspirant from Imo State.
According to him, federal character is a noble idea that should remain preponderant in the nation’s streams of policies. “The fact that Nigeria is multi-ethnic leaves us with the need for federal character, we need something to unite us, and that is what federal character seeks to do. I am in support of federal character and zoning because you will discover that if the North and the South were to contest for positions in a credible election, the North will continue to get the positions because of their population and that is why we need the federal character policy to stay united,” he averred.
The policy has enjoyed consideration in several spheres of Nigeria’s life, suffice to point out how it has been established in university admissions and federal appointments but it is left to be proven if all ethnic groups and regions have become equal in development, education and social exposure.

Given the propositions that were meant to underpin federal character and quota system, the current debate over the zoning formula of the PDP on the position of the president of the country gives rise to the need to revisit these issues, as the same principle of distributing offices to all the federating units has been cited by supporters of Jonathan presidency in 2011. People have been holding different opinions about whether it will be right to tamper with the PDP’s zoning arrangement for Jonathan to contest. The people from the Niger Delta and in fact other Nigerians have criticised the standpoint of zoning, saying that it discourages merit and shuts doors against qualification. Inasmuch as the attention here is not to make a submission on zoning, it is expedient to prove that federal character and quota system have the same toga with zoning, as they also seek equality of office and opportunity distribution rather than merit. The whole idea of federal character, though a mechanism for unity has negated the principle of merit and roundly affected the morale of the people who are qualified but cannot get access into public service agencies because the quota of their states have been filled. People with skills and abilities that can help in building the nation are annually denied the opportunity to offer their service to fatherland, while places are reserved for states that may not have people of equal skill, qualification or willingness to serve or even fill their quota. A case in point is that of university admissions where slots are reserved for candidates from educationally disadvantaged states, when these slots are not filled as they always are not, they become wasted in that academic year when in actual facts thousands of qualified candidates were denied admission for the fact that they were from ‘educationally advantaged’ states.
According to an admission officer in a federal university who spoke on a condition of anonymity, “the slots we reserve for candidates from the supposed educationally disadvantaged states are always wasted because they still won’t fill their quota. How do you expect to encourage people whose interests are not in education to go to school by leaving spaces for them in universities that are far away? I really think the educationally disadvantaged clause has outlived its usefulness, which state is not disadvantaged now with the skyrocketing increase in school fees and the fact that less people have opportunity to be admitted into federal universities yearly? And if I can talk about quota system in federal employments, there is no way you can achieve that balance because in Nigeria it is who knows who, I know of an indigene of a state who was offered appointment in a paramilitary organization from the slot of another state, in fact cases like this abound, so how can all the states be well represented?.”
The federal character policy was also criticised by Mr. Nnaji David, a political commentator, he stated that“despite its having been in operation for some time, it has not effectively taken care of the imbalance in development and appointments, can you tell me that number of people from all states who are in the military and federal civil service are equal? How many federal permanent secretaries do we have and how many are from your region or mine? See, I think we should not overheat the polity, but federal character is an aberration where there is no federalism. Our federalism is too strong at the centre and too fake to take care of the interest of ethnic minorities and in fact all the divisions. Until we redefine this misnomer system we call federalism, there can be no character in it.”

Having considered the differing opinions about quota system and federal character, the fact remains that the country needs a generally accepted arrangement for opportunity sharing and up till now, the closest to effective means of achieving unity is through the federal character.
It is however, expedient for the government to review the federal character policy and especially the educationally disadvantaged clause and ensure that talents and opportunities are not wasted on the platform of equal opportunity. Suffice to say that merit and quality of experience, records and abilities should be given due recognition in the country far above ethnic, religious or linguistics inclinations.
A nation may not necessarily progress based on how well represented its units are federal employments and ministries but how able and empowered they are in moving the country forward. This brings to the fore the need for the country to recognise the strengths of each of the federating units and explore such for positive ends rather than force quota system on places where people may be redundant.
Written by Moses Alao

June 12: Why Ooni Betrayed MKO Abiola BY OBA SIKIRU ADETONA

2010-07-25T15:56:00.000-07:00

The Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuade’s role in the aftermath of the annulment of the 1993 presidential election is widely thought to have been less than noble. In Awujale, the recently released autobiography of Oba Sikiru Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, Sijuade’s connivance with those who annulled the election is brought into sharp focus.

His position as the most revered traditional ruler in Yorubaland has not innoculated Oba Okunade Sijuade Olubuse 11, the Ooni of Ife, from public scorn. Since 1993, much of the mystique around him has been eroded, largely through the carnage sparked by the controversial annulment of the 1993 presidential election, aka June 12. Oba Sijuade came out of the annulment saga with grave reputational injuries from which he is yet to, and may not, recover, given the decision of Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, to re-invite public attention to Sijuwade’s role in one of the most grotesque episodes in Yoruba and Nigerian history.

The medium chosen by Oba Adetona is Awujale, his recently released autobiography, in which the 11th chapter is dedicated to the annulment and the struggle for the de-annulment of the election won by the late Chief M.K.O Abiola.

In Awujale, Adetona presents what can hardly be described as a worm’s eye view. And in the book, the Ooni does not come out smelling like roses. As one of the most prominent Yoruba traditional rulers, Adetona was regularly invited to meetings with General Ibrahim Babangida, the military president that annulled the election and installed an Interim National Government, ING, headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan.

As the widespread anger provoked by the annulment and Babangida’s ING contraption raged, the former military president hoped to limit the damage to his reputation and that of his government, appealing to leaders from all the country’s geo-political zones, especially the South-West, which felt wounded because of Abiola.

For one of those meetings in Abuja, writes Adetona in Awujale, he arrived on a Thursday. The meeting was to hold the next day. While in his hotel room on the day of arrival, Adetona called the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, to say that there was a need for a meeting of Yoruba traditional rulers, where they could arrive at a common position to be presented at the next day’s meeting with Babangida. Adeyemi agreed. Adetona then suggested that there was also a need to inform the Ooni and asked Adeyemi to accompany him to Sijuwade’s room.

Adeyemi, however, was not keen because of the rivalry, over superiority, between him and the Ooni. Eventually, he gave in. The late Oba Adeyinka Oyekan, Oba of Lagos, was also informed. He agreed that a meeting was required, but refused to accompany them to the Ooni’s suite. However, he said he would support whatever position the meeting adopted.

In the Ooni’s suite, Adetona and Adeyemi met the Ife monarch dining with Alhaji Ado Bayero, Emir of Kano. Another Yoruba monarch, Oba Frederick Aroloye, the Owa of Idanre, writes Adetona, sat in a corner. When the two dining monarchs finished their meals, they went into the Ooni’s room for a discussion, after which the Ooni came out to meet Adetona and Adeyemi.

“When we told the Ooni the purpose of our meeting, he said he had met the Northern Emirs. Their position was the same as ours. We asked how and he said that they wanted a fresh meeting to be called of the Council of State along with us. The Council of State, as enshrined in the constitution, has powers to advise the President,” Adetona writes.

But what the Northern traditional rulers wanted was not exactly what the Yoruba monarchs wanted

“Our mandate from the Yorubas was that the election had been concluded and our son was clearly the winner. So, all we wanted was that they should just simply release the results,” the author explains

Adetona then insisted that if a Council of State meeting was to be called, it should be for the purpose of ensuring that the election was de-annulled and the wish of the people respected. The Ooni agreed. But the Alaafin, writes Adetona, said there was no need for another meeting because the key members of the Council had already expressed their opposition to the annulment.

When Adetona and the Alaafin left the Ooni, they went to discuss seating arrangements for the next day’s meeting with the other Yoruba traditional rulers. Apparently suspicious that the Ooni could switch positions, the monarchs agreed that they would sit in a way that would ensure that the Ife monarch was hemmed between two of them “so as to forestall any wavering of position.”

The planned sitting arrangement was foiled. As the traditional rulers walked into the venue of the meeting, they found seats that bore each attendee’s name. Babangida came in, explained the position of the government and sought reactions from his audience. The first came from Ibrahim Dasuki, then Sultan of Sokoto, who said very little apart from accusing the government of using traditional rulers to quell crises brought upon the nation by the government itself.

He suggested that Babangida should invite members of the Council of State to join the traditional rulers in the discussion of the annulment. The Ooni was the next to speak and presented the position of the Yoruba obas: declaration of Abiola as the winner.

It was something the meeting had not expected. “You could have heard a pin drop,” writes Adetona. Next was Bayero, who expressed no opposition to what the Ooni said, but called for a fresh Council of State meeting. After him spoke the Oba of Benin, who condemned the annulment and rejected calls for a Council of State meeting

The natural rulers continued turning the heat on Babangida. According to Adetona, Gbong Gwon Jos, the late Chief Fom Bot, told the meeting that he could not return to his domain if Babangida did not to de-annul the election, as his subjects had demanded, and asked the former president to find accommodation for him in Abuja. A traditional ruler from the South-East, Adetona writes, was more dramatic, telling Babangida to quit as president. “Please go. Please go,” he shouted.

Then Babangida cut in, explaining that the decision to annul or de-annul was not solely his, but that of the military heirachy. He kept on calling on others to speak, but the obas observed that he was calling only people who sat to his right. The obas sat to his left. This drew a protest from the Alaafin, who Babangida was forced to ask to speak.
The Oyo monarch insisted that another Council of State meeting was needless because the late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, a member, was out of the country, while some other key members had expressed their disapproval of the annulment in the media. Other traditional rulers told Babangida that he should save the country from a huge crisis by respecting the wishes of Nigerians.
Then, Babangida attempted one more throw of the dice. In a somewhat emotional tone, he told the meeting how close he and Abiola were. His government, he added, had paid Abiola hefty debts owed him by previous regimes. The sum, Babangida said, was about $600million. The scent of money scrambled a particular royal head–the Ooni’s.
“When he heard this piece of information, the Ooni became angry and said something to the effect that if Babangida paid him (Ooni) that much, he would be living on the Island of Capri in Italy,” Adetona writes.
Sijuade then got up to go to the toilet. Adetona followed, spewing criticisms at his fellow oba for going against what the Yoruba traditional rulers had agreed on. After the meeting, watched by Uche Chukwumerije, Information Secretary in the Interim National Government, the Ooni told journalists that he was in support of Babangida’s position that a fresh election should be held and that the obas should return to their domains and tell their people to prepare for the election.
Adetona thought he had not heard Ooni right. “To assure myself that what I heard was true, I invited one of the reporters, who was there when the Ooni was speaking to my room. This was a reporter from The Nigerian Tribune. Fortunately, the Alaafin was with me when the reporter played the tape for us. We were stunned,” the Awujale writes.
From his hotel room, the Ooni called Adetona on the intercom and announced gleefully that he had told the world (through the media) of the Yoruba position. Adetona replied that he was not sure that Sijuwade’s claim was correct. Adetona, accompanied by the Alaafin and the reporter, went over to Sijuade’s room. The Ooni repeated his claim that he presented the Yoruba position to the press.
He was instantly put to shame, when the reporter was asked to play his tape, which contained the opposite of Ooni’s claim. Adetona and the Alaafin then pressured Ooni into granting another interview, restating the position of the Yoruba. He did and the reporter was asked to take the interview to media houses for publication the next day. The interview was published by newspapers the next day, but Chukwumerije had caused the first interview to be used on the network news of the Nigerian Television Authority, NTA.
In the book, the Awujale was unsparing in his attack on former Nigerian leader, Olusegun Obasanjo. He described him as a Judas, “who would betray his people,” who lacks credibility and squandered “the enormous goodwill,” which he carried into office “with a performance that left him with a second term short of tangible achievements.”
Oba Adetona recalled an event on 24 July 2002, the late Abraham Adesanya’s 80th birthday in Ijebu-Igbo, Ogun State, when in a ride with Obasanjo to a makeshift helipad he told Obasanjo how disappointed he had become over Obasanjo’s pussy-footing on the issue of federalism. “This was the dividing line for me in our relationship,” Awujale recalled and Adesanya’s birthday presented an opportunity for him to tell Obasanjo how he felt about him, when they rode together in a Mercedes Benz limousine, with former Ogun governor, Olusegun Osoba, as witness. “It was going to be a short trip but I had something to say and so it had to be said quickly enough while the three of us shared some privacy. I said there was a time when I had trusted Obasanjo so much so that I could swear by his name, but that the trust was now gone. Obasanjo asked why. I answered that Obasanjo was no longer credible.” The Oba recalled further in the book, that at another time when he visited Obasanjo in Aso Rock, Obasanjo revisited their earlier conversation during which he told the Awujale, accusatorily, that he painted him a Judas. Awujale reconfirmed the labeling according to his account.
“I told him that I not only remembered but still maintained that he was a Judas who would betray his people…I had no qualms about speaking plainly to him. In high office, people who surround leaders tend to skirt around the truth,” Awujale wrote.

The Awujale was clearly not impressed by Obasanjo’s tenure as Nigeria’s leader. ‘‘Eight years in office was ample time to put electricity on a very strong footing. Eight years was enough to put down a strong foot against corruption and make a clear difference. Eight years was adequate for orderliness and the rule of law to triumph in every facet of our society. These were the basis upon which I gave my support for the office,” he submitted.

CULLED FROM SAHARA REPORTS NEWS.

Oyo Empire

2010-07-22T01:53:00.000-07:00

The Oyo Empire was a West African empire of what is today southwestern Nigeria. The empire was established by the Yoruba in the 15th century and grew to become one of the largest West African states encountered by colonial explorers. It rose to preeminence through wealth gained from trade and its possession of a powerful cavalry. The Oyo Empire was the most politically important state in the region from the mid-17th to the late 18th century, holding sway not only over other Yoruba kingdoms in modern day Nigeria, Benin, and Togo, but also over other African kingdoms, most notable being the Fon Dahomey (located in modern day Benin).
The mythical origins of the Oyo Empire lie with Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), the second prince of the Yoruba Kingdom of Ile-Ife (Ife). Oranyan made an agreement with his brother to launch a punitive raid on their northern neighbors for insulting their father Oba (King) Oduduwa, the first Ooni of Ife. On the way to the battle, the brothers quarreled and the army split up. Oranyan's force was too small to make a successful attack, so he wandered the southern shore until reaching Bussa. There the local chief entertained him and provided a large snake with a magic charm attached to its throat. The chief instructed Oranyan to follow the snake until it stopped somewhere for seven days and disappeared into the ground. Oranyan followed the advice and founded Oyo where the serpent stopped. The site is remembered as Ajaka. Oranyan made Oyo his new kingdom and became the first "oba" (meaning 'king' or 'ruler' in the Yoruba language) with the title of "Alaafin of Oyo" (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba), leaving all his treasures in Ife and allowing another king named Adimu to rule there.
Oranyan, the first oba (king) of Oyo, was succeeded by Oba Ajaka, Alaafin of Oyo. Ajaka was deposed, because he lacked Yoruba military virtue and allowed his sub-chiefs too much independence. Leadership was then conferred upon Ajaka's brother, Shango, who was later deified as the deity of thunder and lightning. Ajaka was restored after Shango's death. Ajaka returned to the throne thoroughly more warlike and oppressive. His successor, Kori, managed to conquer the rest of what later historians would refer to as metropolitan Oyo.
The heart of metropolitan Oyo was its capital at Oyo-Ile, (also known as Katunga or Old Oyo or Oyo-oro).^[ The two most important structures in Oyo-Ile was the 'afin' or palace of the Oba and his market. The palace was at the center of the city close to the Oba's market called 'Oja-oba'. Around the capital was a tall earthen wall for defense with 17 gates. The importance of the two large structures (the palace and the Oja Oba) signified the importance of the king in Oyo.
Oyo had grown into a formidable inland power by the end of the 14th century. For over a century, the Yoruba state had expanded at the expense of its neighbors. Then, during the reign of Onigbogi, Oyo suffered military defeats at the hands of the Nupe led by Tsoede. Sometime around 1535, the Nupe occupied Oyo and forced its ruling dynasty to take refuge in the kingdom of Borgu.The Nupe went on to sack the capital, destroying Oyo as a regional power until the early 17th century.
Oyo went through an interrugnum of 80 years as an exiled dynasty after its defeat by the Nupe. Oyo then reemerged, more centralized and expansive than ever. It would not be satisfied with simply retaking Oyo but with the establishment of its power over a vast empire. During the 17th century Oyo began a long stretch of growth, becoming a major empire.Oyo never encompassed all Yoruba-speaking people but it was by far the most populous kingdom in Yoruba history.
The key to Yoruba reconquest of Oyo would be a stronger military and a more centralized government. Taking a cue from their Nupe enemies (whom they called "Tapa"), the Yoruba rearmed not only with armor but cavalry.Oba Ofinran, Alaafin of Oyo, succeeded in regaining Oyo's original territory from the Nupe.A new capital, Oyo-Igboho, was constructed, and the original became known as Old Oyo. The next oba, Egunoju, conquered nearly all of Yorubaland. After this, Oba Orompoto led attacks to obliterate the Nupe to ensure Oyo was never threatened by them again. During the reign of Oba Ajiboyede was the first Bere festival, an event that would retain much significance among the Yoruba long after the fall of Oyo. And it was under his successor, Abipa, that the Yoruba were finally compelled to repopulate Oyo-Ile and rebuild the original capital.Despite a failed attempt to conquer the Benin Empire sometime between 1578 and 1608, Oyo continued to expand. The Yoruba allowed autonomy to the southeast of metropolitan Oyo where the non-Yoruba areas could act as a buffer between Oyo and Imperial Benin.By the end of the 16th century, the Ewe and Aja states of modern Benin were paying tribute to Oyo.
The reinvigorated Oyo Empire began raiding southward at least as early as 1682. By the end of its military expansion, Oyo's borders would reach to the coast some 200 miles southwest of its capital.It met very little serious opposition after its failure against Benin until the early 18th century. In 1728, the Oyo Empire invaded the Kingdom of Dahomey in a major and bitter campaign.The force that invaded Dahomey was entirely composed of cavalry.Dahomey, on the other hand, possessed no cavalry but many firearms. These firearms proved effective in scaring the horses of Oyo's cavalry and preventing them charging. Dahomey's army also built fortifications such as trenches, which forced the Oyo army to fight as infantry. The battle lasted four days, but the Yoruba were eventually victorious after their reinforcements arrived. Dahomey was forced to pay tribute to Oyo after the latter's hard-fought victory. This would not end the fighting, however, and the Yoruba would invade Dahomey a total of seven times before the little kingdom was fully subjugated in 1748.

Oyo's cavalry enabled them to launch campaigns of conquest and suppression over great distances. The Oyo army also proved capable of surmounting fortifications but had to withdraw when supplies ran out to feed the army.It is also notable that Oyo didn't use guns in its major conquest. Furthermore, guns were little use against Oyo's army, which is possibly why they waited until the 19th century to adopt them. In 1764, a joint Oyo-Dahomey force crushed an Asante army.The Oyo victory would define borders between the two states. Oyo led a successful campaign into Mahi territory north of Dahomey in the late 1700s. The Yoruba also used the forces of their tributaries. A striking example of this is the 1784 naval blockade by an Oyo-Dahomey-Lagos force of Badagri.
The original incarnation of Oyo consisted of metropolitan Oyo and little more. But with the advent of its imperial expansion, Oyo was reorganized to better manage its vast holdings within and outside of Yorubaland. It was divided into four layers defined by relation to the core of the empire.These layers were Metropolitan Oyo, southern Yorubaland, the Egbado Corridor and Ajaland.

Metropolitan Oyo corresponded, more or less, to the Oyo state prior to the Nupe invasion. This was the hub of the empire where the Yoruba spoke the Oyo dialect. Metropolitan Oyo was divided into six provinces with three on the west side of the Ogun River and three to the river's east.Each province was supervised by a governor appointed directly by the Alaafin of Oyo.
The second layer of the empire was composed of the towns closest to Oyo-Ile, whom were recognized as brothers. This area was south of metropolitan Oyo, and its Yoruba inhabitants spoke different dialects from that of Oyo.These tributary states were led by their own rulers titled Obas.These vassal courts were headed by their native leaders (according to local custom) but had to be confirmed by the Alaafin of Oyo.
The empire's third layer was the Egbado Corridor southwest of Yorubaland. This area was inhabited by the Egba and Egbado and was very valuable in respect to Oyo's trade with the coast. The Egba and Egbado tributaries were allowed, like their Yoruba counterparts, to rule themselves. They were, however, supervised by Ajele. These were agents appointed by the Alaafin of Oyo to oversee his interest and monitor commerce. The lead representative of Oyo in the corridor was the Olu, ruler of the town of Ilaro.
Ajaland was the last layer added to the empire and also the most restive since tribute could only be exacted by threat of far-flung expeditions.This territory extended from the non-Yoruba areas west of the Egbado Corridor far into Ewe controlled territory in modern Togo.This area, like all tributary states, was allowed a fair degree of autonomy as along as taxes were paid, the orders from Oyo were strictly followed and access to local markets was made available to Oyo merchants. Tribute was often taken in slaves, and if that meant the tributary had to make war on someone to get them (as with Dahomey), so be it. To disobey commands sent from Oyo meant wholesale slaughter of the community, as occurred in Allada in 1698.
The Oyo Empire developed a highly sophisticated political structure to govern its territorial domains. It is unknown precisely how much of this structure existed prior to the Nupe invasion. Some of Oyo's institutions are clearly derivative of early accomplishments in Ife. After reemerging from exile in the early 17th century, Oyo took on a noticeably more militant character. The influence of an aggressive Yoruba culture is exemplified in the standards placed on the oba (king) and the roles of his council.
The oba (meaning 'king' in the Yoruba language) at Oyo who was referred to as the Alaafin of Oyo, (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba), was the head of the empire and supreme overlord of the people.He was responsible for keeping tributaries safe from attack, settling internal quarrels between sub-rulers, and mediating between those sub-rulers and their people. The Alaafin of Oyo was also expected to lavish his subordinates with honors and gifts. In return, all sub-rulers had to pay homage to the Oba and renew their allegiance at annual ceremonies.The most important of these was the Bere festival marking the acclimation of successful rule by the Alaffin.After the Bere festival there was supposed to be peace in Yorubaland for three years.
The Oyo Empire was not a hereditary monarchy, nor an absolute one.The Alaafin of Oyo was carefully selected by the Oyo Mesi and was not always directly related to his predecessor, though he did have to be descended from Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), a son of Oduduwa (also known as Odudua, Odua ) and to hail from the Ona Isokun ward (which is one of the three royal wards).At the beginning of the Oyo Empire it was usually the Alaafin's oldest son that succeeded his father to the throne. However, this sometimes led to the oldest son i.e. the first born prince, the Aremo, hastening the death of his father. Independently of the possible succession to his father, the Aremo was quite powerful in his own right. For instance, by custom the Alaafin abstained from leaving the palace, except during the important festivals, which curtailed his power in practice. By contrast, the Aremo often left the palace. This led noted historian Johnson to observe: "The father is the king of the palace, and the son the King for the general public".The two councils which checked the Alaafin had a tendency to select a weak Alaafin after the reign of a strong one to keep the office from becoming too powerful.
Certain religious and government officials, usually eunuchs, were appointed by the Alaafin of Oyo. These officials were known as the ilari or half-heads because of the custom of shaving half of their heads and applying what was believed to be a magical substance into it. There were hundreds of Ilari divided evenly among the sexes.Junior members of the Ilari did menial tasks while seniors acted as guards or sometimes messengers to the other world via sacrifice. They had titles referencing the king such as oba l'olu ("the king is supreme") or madarikan ("do not oppose him").They also carried fans of green or red as credentials.
All sub-courts of Oyo had Ilari who acted as both spies and taxmen Oyo appointed these to visit and sometimes reside in Dahomey and the Egbado Corridor to collect taxes and spy on Dahomey's military successes so that the Alaafin of Oyo could get his cut.Similar, though far older, officials existed in Ife as attested by terracotta art depicting them.
While the Alaafin of Oyo was supreme overlord of the people, he was not without checks on his power. The Oyo Mesi and the Yoruba Earth cult known as Ogboni kept the Oba's power in check.The Oyo Mesi spoke for the politicians while The Ogboni spoke for the people backed by the power of religion.The power of the Alaafin of Oyo in relation to the Oyo Mesi and Ogboni depended on his personal character and political shrewdness.

The Oyo Mesi were seven principal councilors of the state. They constitute the Electoral Council and possess legislative powers close to that of America's Congress. The Bashorun, Agbaakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku and a Ashipa are the seven members of this council. They represent the voice of the nation and on them rests the chief responsibility of protecting the interest of the empire. The Alafin must take counsil with them whenever any important matter affecting the state occurs. each of them has a state duty to perform at court every morning and afternoon and a special deputy, attached to them whom they send to the Alafin at the other times when their absence is unavoidable.
Their political power was tied to their control of the military. The head of the council, The Bashuron, consulted the Ifa oracle for approval from the gods. Thus, new alafins of Oyo were seen as appointed by the gods. They were regarded as "Ekeji Orisa" meaning "companion of the gods." The Bashuron was a sort of prime minister. He has the final say on the nomination of the new Alafin. The Oyo Mesi was organized in order to have a check on the Alafin's power. Before making a political decision, the Alafin was required to consult first with the Oyo Mesi. The control of the Oyo Mesi was so great that the Bashorun's powerrivaled that of the Alafin himself. For example, the Bashorun served as the commander in chief of the army and orchestrated many religious festivals, positions which granted him both militaristic and religious authority above the king.
The most important job of the Oyo Mesi was the selection of the Alafin.
The Oyo Mesi does not enjoy an absolute power or influence, and while the Oyo Mesi may wield political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion backed by the authority of religion, and therefore the view of the Oyo Mesi could be moderate by the Ogboni. And most interestingly, there are checks and balances on the power of the Alafin and the Oyo Mesi and thus no one is arrogated absolute power. The Ogboni was a very powerful secret society composed of freemen noted for their age, wisdom and importance in religious and political affairs.Its members enjoyed immense power over the common people due to their religious station. A testament to how widespread the institution was is the fact that there were Ogboni councils at nearly all sub-courts within Yorubaland. Aside from their duties in respect to the worship of the earth, they were responsible for judging any case dealing with the spilling of blood.The leader of the Ogboni, the Oluwo, had the unqualified right of direct access to the Alaafin of Oyo on any matter.
Chief among the responsibilities of the Bashorun was the all important festival of Orun. This religious divination, held every year, was to determine if the members of the Mesi still held favor with the Alafin. If the council decided on the disapproval of the Alafin, the Bashorun presented the Alafin with an empty calabash, or parrot's egg as a sign that he must commit suicide. This was the only way to remove the Alafin because he could not be legally desposed. Once given the parrot's egg, the Bashorun would proclaim, "the gods reject you, the people reject you, the earth rejects you." The Alafin, his eldest son, and the Samu, his personal counselor and a member of the Oyo Mesi all had to commit suicide in order to renew the government all together. The process and suicide ceremony took place during the Orun festival.
There was a high degree of professionalism in the army of the Oyo Empire. Its military success was due in large part to its cavalry as well as the leadership and courage of Oyo officers and warriors.^] Because its main geographic focus was north of the forest, Oyo enjoyed easier farming and thus a steady growth in population. This contributed to Oyo's ability to consistently field a large force. There was also an entrenched military culture in Oyo where victory was obligatory and defeat carried the duty of committing suicide. This do-or-die policy no doubt contributed to the military aggressiveness of Oyo's generals.
The Oyo Empire was the only Yoruba state to adopt cavalry; it did so because most of its territory was in the northern savannah.The origin of the cavalry is disputed; however, the Nupe, Borgu and Hausa in neighboring territories also used cavalry and may have had the same historical source.Oyo was able to purchase horses from the north and maintain them in metropolitan Oyo because of partial freedom from the tsetse fly.Cavalry was the long arm of the Oyo Empire. Late 16th and 17th century expeditions were composed entirely of cavalry. There were drawbacks to this. Oyo could not maintain its cavalry army in the south but could raid at will.
Cavalry in highly developed societies such as Oyo was divided into light and heavy.Heavy cavalry on larger imported horses was armed with heavy thrusting lances or spears and also with swords.Light cavalry on smaller indigenous ponies was armed with throwing spears or bows. Oyo's cavalry forces included not only nobles, the norm in West African warfare, but foreign slaves from the Hausa, Nupe and Bornu states.
Infantry in the region around the Oyo Empire was uniform in both armor and armament. All infantry in the region carried shields, swords and lances of one type or another. Shields were four feet tall and two feet wide and made of elephant or ox hide.A three foot long heavy sword was the main armament for close combat. The Yoruba and their neighbors used triple barbed javelins which could be thrown accurately from about 30 paces.
The Oyo Empire, like many empires before it, used both local and tributary forces to expand its domains. The structure of the Oyo military prior to its imperial period was simple and closer aligned to the central government in metropolitan Oyo. This may have been fine in the 15th century when Oyo controlled only its heartland. But to make and maintain farther conquest, the structure underwent several changes.

Oyo maintained a semi-standing army of specialist cavalry soldiers called the Eso or Esho.These were 70 junior war chiefs who were nominated by the Oyo Mesi and confirmed by the Alaafin of Oyo.The Eso were appointed for their military skill without regard to heritage and were led by the Are-Ona-Kakanfo.
After Oyo's return from exile, the post of Are-Ona-Kakanfo was established as the supreme military commander.He was required to live in a frontier province of great importance to keep an eye on the enemy and to keep him from usurping the government. During Oyo's imperial period, the Are-Ona-Kakanfo personally commanded the army in the field on all campaigns.
Since the Are-Ona-Kakanfo could not reside near the capital, arrangements had to be made for the latter's protection in case of emergency. Forces inside metropolitan Oyo were commanded by the Bashorun, leading member of the Oyo Mesi.As stated earlier, Metropolitan Oyo was divided into six provinces divided evenly by a river. Provincial forces were thus grouped into two armies, under the Onikoyi and the Okere for the east and west side of the river respectively.Lesser war chiefs were known as Balogun, a title carried on by the soldiers of Oyo's successor state, Ibadan
Tributary leaders and provincial governors were responsible for collecting tribute and contributing troops under local generalship to the imperial army in times of emergency^. Occasionally, tributary leaders would be ordered to attack neighbors even without the backing of the main imperial army. These forces were often utilized in Oyo's more distant campaigns on the coast or against western states like Asanteman or the Mahi.
Oyo became the southern emporium of the Trans-Saharan trade. Exchanges were made in salt, leather, horses, kola nuts, ivory, cloth and slaves. The Yoruba of metropolitan Oyo were also highly skilled in craft making and iron work. Aside from taxes on trade products coming in and out of the empire, Oyo also became wealthy off the taxes imposed on its tributaries. Taxes on the kingdom of Dahomey alone brought in an amount estimated at 638 thousand dollars a year.
Oyo's imperial success made Yoruba a lingua franca almost to the shores of the Volta.Toward the end of the 18th century, the Oyo army was neglected as there was less need to conquer. Instead, Oyo directed more effort towards trading and acted as middlemen for both the Trans-Saharan and Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Europeans bringing salt arrived in Oyo during the reign of King Obalokun.Thanks to its domination of the coast, Oyo merchants were able to trade with Europeans at Porto Novo and Whydah. Here the Oyo Empire's captives and criminals were sold to Dutch and Portuguese buyers.
By 1680, the Oyo Empire spanned over 150,000 square kilometers. It reached the height of its power in the 18th century. And despite its violent creation, it was held together by mutual self-interest. The government was able to provide unity for a vast area through a combination of local autonomy and imperial authority.
Unlike the great savannah empires, of which Oyo may be called a successor, there was little if any Muslim influence in the empire. It is known that at least some Muslim officials were kept in Metropolitan Oyo, and men capable of writing and calculating in Arabic were reported by French traders in 1787.
The end of the 18th century marked the beginning of the Oyo Empire's downfall. In around 1789, Oba Abiodun is believed to have been killed by his son and successor, Awole.^[30] A series of constitutional upheavals, dynastic intrigues and local particularism weakened the empire.^[30] In 1796, Oba Awole was ousted by the government in an Illorin-centered revolt initiated by Afonja, the Are Ona Kakanfo. The revolt led to the secession of Ilorin, a Yoruba state that would play a crucial role in the destruction of Oyo. At his rejection by the council, he is said to have cursed the empire as he prepared to commit suicide.^[39] After firing arrows in all directions he proclaimed:

"My curse be on you and your disloyalty and your disobedience, so let your children disobey you. If you send them on an errand, let them never return to bring you word again. To all points I shot my arrows, you will be carried as slaves. My curse will cary to the sea and beyond the seas. Slaves will rule over you, and you their masters will become slaves. Broken calabash can be mended but not a broken dish; so let my words be irrevocable.".

As Oyo tore itself apart via political intrigue, its vassals began taking advantage of the situation to press for independence. The Egba, under the leadership of Lishabi, massacred the Ilari stationed in their area and drove off an Oyo punitive force.
When Dahomey's King Gezo ascended the throne in 1818, he offered only a tiny piece of cloth and 2 bags of cowries to the Oyo tax collector saying that anything else would be disproportionate to Dahomey's wealth. When four more envoys were sent from Oyo, Gezo had them beheaded. An Oyo army was deployed and decisively defeated, ending Oyo's hegemony over Dahomey.After gaining its independence, Dahomey began raiding the corridor.
After Awole's rejection, Afonja, now master of Illorin, invited an itinerant Fulani scholar of Islam called Alim al-Salih into his ranks. By doing this, he hoped to secure the support of Yoruba Muslims (mainly slaves taking care of the Empire's horses) and volunteers from the Hausa-Fulani north in keeping Ilorin independent. Torn by internal struggle, Oyo could not defend itself against the Fulani.Oyo-Ile was razed by the Fulani Empire in 1835 and the Oyo Empire collapsed in 1836,once Afonja had been killed by the Fulani. Up to this day, the Illorin traditional ruler is an emir, whereas in the rest of Yoruba towns the kings are called oba or baale (Baale or Baba Onile meaning "father of the land" or "lord of the land").
After the destruction of Oyo-Ile, the capital was moved further south, to Ago d'Oyo. Oba Atiba sought to preserve what remained of Oyo by placing on Ibadan the duty of protecting the capital from the Ilorin in the north and northeast.He also attempted to get the Ijaye to protect Oyo from the west against the Dahomeans. The center of Yoruba power moved further south to Ibadan, a Yoruba war camp settled by Oyo commanders in 1830.
Atiba's gambit failed, and Oyo never regained its prominence in the region. It became a protectorate of Great Britain in 1888 before further fragmenting into warring factions. The Oyo state ceased to exist as any sort of power 1896. Oba Atiba died in 1905, ending the Oyo monarchy forever. An increasing number of Yoruba war captives were subsequently transported to the coast for export as slaves to the new world (Brazil, Cuba, and Puerto Rico). After fleeing the Fulani jihad, many concentrated around hills for military purposes. During the colonial period, the Yoruba's were one of the most urbanized (living in city-like areas) group in Africa. About 22 % of the population lived in large areas with population exceeding 100,000 and over 50 % lived in cities of made up of 25,000 or more people. The index of urbanization in 1950 was close to that of the United States, excluding Ilorin. The Yoruba continue to be the most urbanised African ethnic group today. Old Oyo linked cities such as Ibadan, Osogbo, and Ogbomoso, which were some of the major cities that flourished after the collapse

Brief History of Lagos Island

2010-06-29T07:26:00.000-07:00

One oral tradition states that Lagos was originally called Eko, which means "cassava farm", and that it was founded by a Benin royal family. The founding king was Ado. Ado's children were Gbaro, Akinsemoyin, and Erelu Kuti. Eko was the land area where the king's palace was built. The indigenous people settled down in the southern part of Eko called "Isale Eko", meaning "South Lagos".
Erelu Kuti's son was Ologun Kutere, who became king of Lagos, and Shokun his brother was given a Chieftaincy house behind the king's palace called "Onile-gbale" which means "land owner-sweeps your land". The Lagos monarchy is said to have started henceforth and the king's brother started his own chieftancy family behind the palace building.
However, there is another account of Lagos before 1603 that comes from a Western visitor. In 1603, Andreas Joshua Ulsheimer, a German surgeon, aboard a Dutch merchant ship, visited Lagos. According to his accounts, Lagos was a large frontier town surrounded by a strong fence and inhabited by "none but soldiers and four military commanders, who behave in a very stately manner."
The Lagos visited by Ulsheimer and his trading colleagues nearly four centuries ago was in many ways highly developed. Each day its four commanders came together as a court and each day two envoys were dispatched to take decisions back to their ruler in Benin. To do so, Ulsheimer wrote, was a common practice in all towns under the suzerainty of Benin. Food in Lagos was plentiful: handsome fish, good wildfowl", meat fruits, yams and a host of other foodstuffs. The town was by water and by land, and many traders who brought their wares by water and by land, and who conducted their transactions in cowries or trade goods, amongst which brass was highly prized. Ulsheimer was struck by the beautiful, colourful cloth, the ivory, elephant tails that were traded in Lagos, and by the large amount of pepper that was available.
Ulsheimer's accounts seem to confirm Benin oral traditions of conquest and occupation of Lagos during the sixteenth century. How Oba Orhogbua of Benin (1550-1578) occupied the island of Lagos, established a military camp there and from that base waged wars on some people described as rebels against his authority, in the immediate interior. Orhogbua, according to Benin traditions, left Lagos when he learnt of a coup against him at home. But he left behind in Lagos, a military camp under three generals. His son and successor, Ehengbuda (1578-1606) on his journey to Lagos, is said to have drowned in a river mid-way between Benin and Lagos, when his boat capsized.
Ulsheimer gives the first account, documenting the transformation of Lagos from fishing camp to a trading centre, and from an autonomous settlement to a Benin tributary. Lagos Lagoon was known to European traders by 1485, when it first appeared on maps, but the town of Lagos was not included.

Oral traditions indicate that Benin found pre-existing settlement on Lagos and nearby Ido Islands. Ulsheimer also confirmed this. Some of the inhabitants in the Lagos interior lived in towns walled for defensive purpose and Ulsheimer's group armed with two cannons helped the local Benin army to conquer and completely destroy one of such towns described as dissident.
Accordingly to some oral traditions, Benin forces settled at a strategic place on the northwest tip of Lagos Island where they could easily mount a defensive garrison and still overlook the lagoon which narrows suddenly at this point between Lagos and Ido Island.

The Ogun was an important waterway leading to inland trade. The large number of colonies established by Benin throughout the Ogun basin (west from Lagos to Badagry, and north from the coast to (latter-day) Ilaro Division boundaries, attests to its interest. Ido was surrounded by water and given the palisades Ulsheimer found around Lagos, it was quite likely that Ido was also fortified against Benin invaders. Whether Benin was initially unwilling or unable to take Ido is unclear. Certainly it did so later, for its refugees founded a new settlement nearby, especially along the southern side of the lagoon in today's Eti-Osa. In contrast to Ido, Benin established a firm base across the lagoon on Lagos Island with little resistance. At the time, Lagos Island had one known settlement, founded by the legendary Aromire, "lover of water", as a fishing camp.
Ido, according to traditions, was a centre of local activity. It was the seat of Olofin, a strong leader who appears to have dominated a group of villages that were thought to exist prior to Benin conquest and to be Awori Yoruba ancestry. In mythological language, Olofin was said to have had many "sons" amongst whom he divided the area's lands. These sons and the settlements they represented were the early settlers met by Benin forces. At the time, they probably represented a village group, allied for governmental, protective and perhaps economic reasons. Later as Lagos grew and its government expanded. Olofin's sons became known as Idejo, landowning chiefs. The number of chiefs in the Olofin alliance is usually remembered as a formulaic eight, ten, sixteen or thirty-two. Twelve of them are today recognized by government: Aromire, Oloto, Ojora, Onitolo, Onitano, Onikoyi, Oniru, Oluwa, Onisiwo, Eleguishi, Ojomu and Lumegbon. The Olofin title disappeared while the Olumegbon is now the leader of the Idejo class and presides over its installation ceremonies.
Traditional administration
According to the early historians of Lagos, the settlements represented by Idejo chiefs were not established simultaneously, but in stages. Traditions in Idejo families confirm that this was, indeed, the case and furthermore that not all Idejo families were of Awori descent. As indicated, the people of Ido did predate Benin conquest. Warfare had driven them from the mainland area of Ebute-Metta, "three wharfs" to Ido Island where they established two small settlements; Oto village, facing the mainland, and Ido, a fishing camp facing Lagos Island, which eventually disappeared or were absorbed into the larger village.

These two settlements were governed together under a chief who became known as Oloto and whose family controlled a large stretch of land on the mainland behind Ido. The southwest part of Ido Island was settled by a group of migrants whose origins were traced to Aramoko in the Ekiti area. This group's first headman, Kueji, married an Ido woman, one Isikoko by name, and they settled at Ijo-Ara (Ijora) where Kueji took the Ojora titles, Aro and Odofin, eventually arose within the Ojora line. Whether or not this occurred before the Benin era is not clear.

There were other chiefs in the Ido group. The Elegushi of Ikate and Ojomu and Ajiran have traditions stating they fled Ido to escape Benin raids and settled in Eti-Osa area in the south shore of the lagoon east of Lagos Island. This being the case, their settlements and independent chieftaincies came after, not before, Benin. The Ojomu title, however, is not entirely explained by the refuges tradition, since until recently it was not included in the Idejo, but in the Akarigbere class of chiefs, that is in the administrative line of Lagos chiefs that, for the most part, claim Benin origins. Another Ido chief, the Opeluwa, also became a Lagos chief. Eventually, then the Lord group gave birth to four Idejo chiefs (Oloto, Ojora, Elegushi and Ojomu) and one Ogalade chief (Opeluwa). At least one (oloto) and possibly three chiefs (Oloto, Ojora, and Opeluwa) were in existence at Ido before the arrival of Benin.
The members of the Aromire settlement gave land to Benin conquerors on Lagos Island, as they, like the Oloto People, existed prior to conquest. Armoire again did not represent a single group. One section of the family settled at Tolo on the western tip of Lagos Island, and it became headed by the Onitolo, a descendant of the Aromire family. Another Idejo title holder, the Onitano, was said to be the grandson of Oshoboja's daughter. Still another Idejo chief, the Onikoyi, was brought into Lagos by Aromire family through marriage.

The founder of Onikoyi family lived at Oke-Ipa on Ikoyi Island, named after his ancestral home, which was believed to have been in Old Oyo. Adeyemi a leader of the Oke-Ipa settlement married Efunluyi, daughter of Meku Armoire, who was believed to be the sixth title holder of the Aromire line. In honour of her deliverance of a son, called Muti, Chief Meku allocated to his daughter and son-in-law a plot of land near Iga Aromire "Aromire Court", on Lagos Island. The house built on that plot became Iga Onikoyi and Aromire's son-in-law the first holder of an Idejo title in Lagos, the Onikoyi title. All in all, four related Idejo chieftaincies came out of the Aromire line: armoire itself, Onitolo, Onitano, and Onikoyi.

The remaining four Idejo titles clearly came into existence after the invasion of Benin. If Ulsheimer's account is correct, then it appears that the daily gathering of Lagos governors was one of military commanders from Benin, and not heads of local settlement. Gradually, however, additions were made to that body. The vehicle via which accretion took place eventually was called Ose Iga a ceremonious meeting of Lagos held at the palace every seventeen days. The Osega was attended by a body of chiefs whose agenda was devoted to proposing and debating community policy. Before discussions at each meeting, sacrifices were performed. After each meeting the assembled chiefs were fed and entertained by the Oba. Rights to sit on his highest decision making body of the community were extended to all recognized chiefs. Indeed, the culmination of investiture ceremonies took place in the Ose chamber of the palace.

Until a chief was brought into Osega, he was effectively not a functioning part of the larger policy. It does appear, however, that leaders of surrounding villages who saw themselves as clients of the Oba could attend the Osega. Village settlement in and around Lagos Island were of several types: those powerful enough to be represented by their chiefs on the Osega; those that were clients (and the nature of the tie differed markedly among settlements. Ranging from complete dominance and overlordship to a loose control or dependency); and those that retained autonomy, foregoing the political and protective links that representation at the Lagos Osega could offer them.
The number of chiefs with rights to attend the Osega grew slowly and fluctuated. Olumegbon, leader of the Idejo class was said to have been brought into Lagos and given a title by Ado, one of the early Bini rulers. The first Olumegbon came from Aja, east of Lagos toward the Lekki Lagoon.
The reasons for his inclusion among the chiefs who attend the Osega seem unknown. It is possible that the Benin warriors found him and his people located at a vital position on their east-west trade corridor and therefore wished to control that position themselves by alleviating its headman to a chieftaincy title in Lagos rather than subjugating him. It is also possible that he was originally a part of the Ido alliance and brought in as its senior representative. In any case, Olumegbon was allocated a plot for an Iga in the Iduntafa area of Lagos and thus within the portion of land originally allocated by Aromire to the Benin rulers.

Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther (c. 1809 – 31 December 1891)

2010-06-24T10:36:00.000-07:00

Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther (c. 1809 – 31 December 1891) was a linguist and the first African Anglican bishop in Nigeria. Born in Osogun(in today's Iseyin Local Government, Oyo State, Nigeria), Rev. Dr. Samuel Ajayi Crowther was a Yoruba man who also identified with Sierra Leone's ascendant Creole ethnic group.
Ajayi was 12 years old when he was captured, along with his mother and toddler brother and other family members, along with his entire village, by Muslim Fulani slave raiders in 1821 and sold to Portuguese slave traders. Before leaving port, his ship was boarded by a Royal Navy ship under the command of Captain Henry Leeke, and Crowther was taken to Freetown, Sierra Leone and released. While there, Crowther was cared for by the Anglican Church Missionary Society, who taught him English. He converted to Christianity, was baptized by Rev. John Raban, and took the name Samuel Crowther in 1825. While in Freetown, Crowther became interested in languages. In 1826 he was taken to England to attend Islington Parish School. He returned to Freetown in 1827 and attended the newly-opened Fourah Bay College, an Anglican missionary school, where his interest in language found him studying Latin and Greek but also Temne. After completing his studies he began teaching at the school. He also married Asano (i.e. Hassana; she was formerly Muslim), baptised Susan, a schoolmistress, who was also on the Portuguese slave ship that originally brought Crowther to Sierra Leone.
In 1841 Crowther was selected to accompany the missionary James Frederick Schön on an expedition along the Niger River. Together with Schön, he was expected to learn Hausa for use on the expedition. The goal of the expedition was to spread commerce, teach agricultural techniques, spread Christianity, and help end the slave trade. Following the expedition, Crowther was recalled to England, where he was trained as a minister and ordained by the bishop of London. He returned to Africa in 1843 and with Henry Townsend, opened a mission in Abeokuta, in today's Ogun State, Nigeria

Rev. Dr. Crowther began translating the Bible into the Yoruba language and compiling a Yoruba dictionary. In 1843, a grammar book which he started working on during the Niger expedition was published; and a Yoruba version of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer followed later. He also began codifying other languages. Following the British Niger Expeditions of 1854 and 1857, Crowther produced a primer for the Igbo language in 1857, another for the Nupe language in 1860, and a full grammar and vocabulary of Nupe in 1864.

In 1864, Crowther was ordained as the first African bishop of the Anglican Church. That same year he also received a Doctor of Divinity from Oxford University. Bishop Crowther was on the island of Madeira in the Atlantic Ocean west of Morocco for a conference. He was accompanied by his son, Dandeson, an archdeacon, on church business in March 1881.

Bishop Dr. Crowther's attention was directed more and more to languages other than Yoruba, but he continued to supervise the translation of the Yoruba Bible (Bibeli Mimọ), which was completed in the mid-1880s, a few years before his death. In 1891, Crowther suffered a stroke and died on the last day of that year.
His grandson Herbert Macaulay became one of the first Nigerian nationalists and played an important role in ending British colonialism in Nigeria.

Babangida: Insensitivity carried too far

2010-06-22T02:34:00.000-07:00

The sun rises in the East and sets in the West. Adolf Hitler declared a costly war on the United States on December 11, 1941. Saddam Hussein invaded and annexed Kuwait on August 2, 1990 and sparked off international crises that left his country in ruins. Ibrahim Babangida annulled in June 1993, what is widely regarded as Nigeria‘s fairest and freest election and plunged his country into needless, disastrous crises that consumed many precious lives and invaluable property.
Also, the belief is yet to diminish that under his regime (1985-1993), corruption became free, fair, transparent and effectively institutionalised, and the economy, despite huge earnings from oil exports, was successfully grounded. These are abiding facts that will always be with us.
In his favour, there is this perennial belief out there that IBB is a moving huge bag of money. This bag, though horribly stained and very unattractive to people with any sense of decency, contains billions of naira and has very generous holes ready to ”drop” at any time. And so as rotten meat easily attracts numerous flies, so does this moneybag draw hordes of greedy followers any time there are some hints in the air that it might ”drop.”
Now, Babangida knows this very well, and has learnt to always fully exploit it to give the false impression that he enjoys some popularity in Nigeria. But show me a single individual following Babangida any time and singing his praises on housetops and I will show you a man motivated by raw greed striving to get his own slice of the fabled Babangida billions. And that is why Babangida, the self-confessed evil genius of Nigeria, could muster the effrontery to say in public that he wants to rule Nigeria again.
It is easy to see that Babangida is, perhaps, more interested in sustaining the debate raging around him today than ruling Nigeria again. He appears unduly excited that Nigerians still take him serious enough to deploy energy and time to discuss him and his obnoxious ambition. At the end of the day, this may just be all he intended to achieve.
But let‘s not be too optimistic, however, because Babangida is seeking to actualize his ambition through a party famed for its disdain for the feelings of the populace and whose determination to always allocate political offices to anointed candidates despite the verdict of voters at the polling booths has become legendary; a party where one man can sit in his house and choose a presidential candidate and impose him on the party and the whole country.
Already, Babangida has paid a useful visit to Ota Farm where this formidable ”Kingmaker” holds court, and must have extracted assurances of support from him. I am sure he may have also had very useful discussions with other sworn enemies of Nigeria‘s progress who do nothing else than sit in their bedrooms and plot the perpetual stagnation of the country. They, too, must have given him their word, hence the revolting confidence he is radiating today.
And, moreover, Babangida has the large heart and deep pocket to seduce the countless jobless ‘prominent‘ Nigerians scattered across the country whose political clout in the face of a confused and self-emasculated populace cannot be easily dismissed. These, too, must have underlined their assurances to impose him on Nigerians despite the bitter resentment the mere mention of his name still evokes across the country today.

Babangida will be 70 by 2011. This, certainly, is not an age to advertise the kind of insensitivity and remorselessness that he is flaunting today. It is only in Nigeria, where successive rulers are always too guilt-ridden to investigate the (mis)deeds of their predecessors in office that characters like Babangida, with huge, unresolved doubts around them can walk the streets free and even talk of ruling the country again.

No doubt, many Nigerians would be interested to know what Babangida has been doing since he lost power 19 years ago to accumulate the boundless wealth that funds the incredibly lavish lifestyle he and his family members are leading today. Well, this is Nigeria where no questions are ever asked about the sources of wealth of persons, especially the mighty and very influential. And while other nations are deploying their best brains to achieve progress and development, we are only content here to continue recycling expired drugs and fielding our diversely challenged and parasitic tenth elevens, while those with genuine visions, sound character and sterling commitment to steer the country out of the woods are edged out with filthy billions. What one finds most annoying is the feeling of helplessness among the impoverished citizenry!
That is why Babangida in his recent BBC interview could dismissively say with ”bold face” that he has ”seen signs that [younger people] are not capable of leading this country,” and that is why he is stepping forward ”to help them ... [because] a country like Nigeria cannot be ruled by people without experience.”

And why does he think the younger generation is not capable? ”…They [were] not given the proper education, that is why!”, Babangida said. Yes, Babangida said that!
What an insufferable insult! Well, what can one say? We deserve all the insults we get from the likes of Babangida. This is because instead of ensuring that a heavy searchlight is beamed on his eight years of mindless misrule and the source of his current boundless resources, given the kind of morally bankrupt regime he is believed to have supervised, Nigerians outside a lunatic asylum, I mean supposedly sane human beings, are rather running after him for the clearly contaminated crumbs that might fall from his bottomless pocket.

By the way, what kind of ”education” and ”experience” is Babangida laying claim to. What did he use them to achieve in Nigeria except boundless and very costly crises and monumental decay?
It is difficult not to find Babangida‘s exaggerated view of himself very revolting.
Here was a man who came into power when the exchange rate was (by his own admission) N4.5 to a dollar (but the truth is: N1 to $1.004), but when he was forced out of power, the dollar began to exchange at N22.3.
Till today, Nigerians are yet to get any convincing explanation from him on what happened to the $12.4 billion realized from the Gulf War Oil Windfall, which allegedly developed wings under his watch. His era would proudly take the credit for the undue glamorization of corruption flourishing in Nigeria today
Under him, a wasteful and fraudulent transition programme was brazenly prosecuted, which, despite the billions it gulped, led to nowhere because it was so designed.
If Babangida failed Nigeria woefully in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when he was younger and stronger, in 2011 when he would be 70, his second coming would spell greater disaster for the country, and only a people who hate themselves so irremediably can sit still allow that happen to them.
Babangida should just retire to his palatial palace in Minna and leave Nigerians alone to pick the pieces of their lives, which he helped immensely to shatter. This country has simply suffered enough from the endless mischief and unparalleled insensitivity of unrelenting power mongers.
Culled from
Pointblanknews.com

How election tribunals’ judges become billionaires, by Eso, Babalola

2010-06-17T01:23:00.000-07:00

RETIRED Supreme Court Jurist, Kayode Eso and eminent lawyer, Chief Afe Babalola, on Tuesday opened a can of worms on unsavoury deals that sometimes occur as judicial personnel adjudicate on electoral petitions panel.

Such deals, it was said, have turned some electoral panels’ judges into millionaires and billionaires.

Speaking at the yearly President’s Dinner of Chartered Institute of Arbitrators Nigeria’s and Presentation of Certificates and Fellowship Awards in Lagos on Tuesday night, Babalola, who is the president and chairman of the Governing Council of the institute, noted: “With the spate of corruption spreading in the country, it seems that only one person cannot solve the cankerworm, no matter how transparent and efficient he may be. This is because there are still the frightening problems of poverty, ignorance, illiteracy, unemployment and indeed unemployability which pervade the grassroots and which, of course, are beyond the control of one man.”

He, therefore, called for a new constitution, which to him, would change the country’s image, adding that “desperate politicians and their wealthy sponsors, who want to win at all costs, usually find it convenient to corrupt the poor and helpless grassroots voters who sell their votes for prices as low as N200 to N1,000 or even little measures of items.”

On the corruption charge being levelled against judges, Esho said: “Arbitration is the main thing now. It is sad from what the President (Babalola) had said in his keynote address about what is happening in election petitions. He is saying, just in a twinkle of the eye that some judges are becoming millionaires. In fact, those of us who have passed through the yoke of being judges, what we hear outside shatters us, because they are not just millionaires as we were told but billionaires. I take this opportunity to call on the Chief Justice of Nigeria not to keep quiet about this indictment on the judiciary, because the judiciary is now seriously being indicted. It’s even a thing you cannot wave aside that people are just talking rubbish. When this allegation goes on, I believe that there is need for a panel to be set up.”

They tasked the National Assembly as part of the ongoing electoral reforms to abolish the setting up of electoral tribunals for settlement of election matters in the country and as a matter of urgency, replace them with arbitration tribunals.

According to them, the issue of election petitions has inflicted severe damage on both the electorate, the judiciary and the political class.

Babalola noted that President Goodluck Jonathan had demonstrated exemplary leadership qualities since he became the number one citizen, noting that he had no doubt that Jonathan was the right person who could change the face of the country.

“The fact that a Fellow of the institute has become the President of the country is a thing of great pride to us in the institute. This is an eloquent testimony, which underscores the quality and caliber of people in the institute. It will interest you to know that His Excellency became a fellow of the institute as far back as 2006, when he was the Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State.

“Having regard to his antecedents which I am proud to be acquainted with, especially his performance as a former Governor, Vice President and the very pragmatic way he has been handling the affairs of the country, I have no doubt in my mind that His Excellency is the right type of person that can change the face of Nigeria and lift the country to great heights. We in the institute wish him success and pledge our total support for him,” Babalola added.

He lauded the President’s decision in appointing Prof. Attahiru Jega as new helmsman for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), stating that he had had the opportunity of working with him closely when he was Pro-Chancellor, University of Lagos (UNILAG).

According to him, “Jega is a consummate professional, very progressive, highly objective, thorough, result-oriented and completely non-partisan. I believe that he has all it takes to transform the leadership of INEC.”
BY TAIWO HASSAN

the superlative performance of the party under Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), has shattered the PDP’s dream,” pointing out

2010-06-14T00:18:00.000-07:00

the superlative performance of the party under Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), has shattered the PDP’s dream,” point out “even not a few members of the PDP are satisfied with Fashola’s performance.

in actual fact, PDP is non-existent in Lagos,” am wondering, how could a non-existent party dream of winning an election in a state like Lagos where the enlightened electorate value performance.

the people of Lagos were not known for playing politics of sentiment , they are the people who will pitch their tent with whoever makes dividends of democracy available to them in the real sense of it.

Electoral reform would go a long way in curbing other forms of electoral fraud ,any Nigerian who has the love of this country will support electoral reform as well as electronics voting in their entirety.

the people of lagos,infact nigeria should commend the leadership of the party under Asiwaju Bola Tinubu for its political ingenuity that made the lagos state and AC the pride of the nation now.

Plight of Nigerian albinos

2010-06-09T03:16:00.000-07:00

THE recent visit to the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Chief Emeka Wogu by members of the Albino Foundation to register their displeasure over perceived societal discrimination against albinos is understandable. The estimated two million albinos, like other Nigerians, have rights under the 1999 Constitution; Section 42 thereof expressly forbids any kind of discrimination against any person due to religion, ethnicity, or circumstances of birth. Skin pigmentation should not in any way be an excuse for singling out albinos for discrimination.
A delegation of the Albino Foundation led by the Emir of Anka, Alhaji Attahiru Muhammad, a former Minister of Health, Chief Silas Ilo and the founder and Chief Executive Officer of the Albino Foundation, Mr. Jack Epelle, among others, visited Chief Wogu to solicit government’s support in improving the well-being of albinos. Among the programmes the delegation wants government to identify with is the Sunshade Programme which is designed to assist albinos whenever they stay out in the sun or wear protective covering in the work place.
The delegation used the opportunity to express their objection to the current practice whereby albinos are not allowed to enlist in the army, police and other security agencies simply on the basis of their skin pigmentation. They also pointed out that albinos are routinely attacked and abducted by ritual killers. Some evil, desperate people, who erroneously believe that making rituals with albinos’ body parts is a quick way of making money, are allegedly targeting them.
The delegation therefore appealed to the federal government to allow albinos join the army, police and other security agencies and also protect their lives. They also reportedly visited the Zone 2 Police Command in Lagos, where they made the same case before the Assistant Inspector-General of Police (AIG) in charge of the Zone, Mr. Azubuko Udah.
It is good that the Minister and the police boss expressed government’s dissatisfaction with discrimination against albinos and promised to ensure their protection. Government should take more than a partial interest in the welfare of albinos and indeed all Nigerians.
The fears that albinos are being targeted for rituals may not be unfounded against the backdrop of stories of albinos being killed not just in Nigeria, but also elsewhere in Africa. There is however across the country, a general wave of insecurity; with threat to lives and property. Ritualists not only target albinos, but also hunchbacks and pregnant women – that this is the case is a reflection of the highly superstitious character of our society. Government has a special responsibility to ensure the safety of all persons, albinos inclusive. When persons feel unsafe in their own country, they lose faith in the ability of the state and the political leadership to protect and defend their rights and interests.
With regard to the army or police, the armed forces have established criteria for enlisting anyone into the force, only those that meet such criteria are selected. Albinos are not the only group of persons considered unfit for either police or military work due to the special challenges involved, others include persons who are either too short or flat-footed. And perhaps this may be understandable. In the case of albinos, skin pigmentation is obviously an issue as regular military and police assignments may require long and extended exposure to the sun, or other difficult circumstances. But if so, is it not then possible to engage albinos, even in the Police and the Armed Forces, in the administrative cadre?
Albinos can definitely be engaged in other jobs like other people without discrimination. Albinos with appropriate qualifications should feel free to compete with others for jobs and they should be allowed to do so.
The proposed legislation by the National Assembly that would promote the rights, dignity and well being of persons with disabilities in the country is important. With such a law in place, the plight of albinos among other individuals with any form of disability would be protected, but the true test lies in promoting in the general environment respect for the dignity of the human person

Obasanjo must leave Jonathan alone

2010-06-09T03:10:00.000-07:00

RECENTLY, there were unprecedented outpourings of criticisms against ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo. The strictures concerned his alleged closeness to President Goodluck Jonathan. In the vanguard of the outbursts was the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) under its president, Mr. Abdulwahed Umar, followed by Chief Edwin Clark, the leader of the Niger Delta Leaders, Elders and Stakeholders Forum. Both inveighed against Obasanjo’s incessant hovering around President Jonathan. National dailies were awash with the news stories after inter-active sessions with journalists
In his criticisms, Edwin Clark queried rhetorically: “What again does he (Obasanjo) want at his age, at over 75 years? What is he looking for? Is he the only former Nigerian leader?”. On his part, the NLC president commented that Obasanjo’s relationship was a bad omen for the 2011 elections. The issue of closeness is debatable, and needs to be clarified. Is Chief Obasanjo’s romance meant to dictate to Jonathan, or to offer pieces of advice or suggestions? Obasanjo deserves the right to visit President Jonathan, if only to offer advice or suggestion. This is normal, as it makes for national advancement. The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo would not personally visit President Shehu Shagari in those days. He would rather write letters to him. But how can Nigerians know when Obasanjo’s visits are really to offer advice, and not to dictate for the purpose of controlling? When is an “advice” not a dictation? When such self-imposed assignment is on regular bases, it amounts to dictating to the incumbent. To dictate is unacceptable. Therefore, the ex-president must keep off Jonathan.
Ex-president Obasanjo had had enough. During his Presidency, who could dictate to him? Who could teleguide him? Here was a man who told the newly appointed Political Advisers that he was not bound to take their advice, because he could do without them, meaning that he was infallible. It is on record that Chief Obasanjo remarked, possibly with tongue in cheek, that his own daughter, Mrs Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello was old enough to be responsible for her actions. If this is really so, President Goodluck Jonathan is also old enough to take responsibility for his actions and inactions in government. It is still green in memory that Obasanjo once queried the late Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua: “Shehu, what did you forget in the Dodan Barracks?” Nigerians may as well query Chief Obasanjo: “Chief, what have you left behind in the Aso Rock, Abuja., to warrant your frequent visits?”. In the military era, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo was the Head of State from 1976 to 1979, and during civil dispensation, he ruled from 1999 till 2007. Altogether, he ruled this country for 11 years. His romance around President Jonathan is a ruse that is designed to control the Federal Government.
For the above reasons, Chief Obasanjo must leave the incumbent President alone to swim or sink---that is, to make a success or failure of his tenure. In every democracy, governments are identified by the names of the leaders in office, such as “Margaret Thatcher administration”, “George Bush tenure”, “Gordon Brown government.”, or Shehu Shagari regime”, Each of these rulers would not influence the successor in government. Every leader is left alone to paddle his or her own canoe in the way that is desirable.. In future, how shall Jonathan tenure be identified? Would it be Jonathan/Obasanjo administration? If Obasanjo’s antics and tactics are embraced by every predecessor of an incumbent, there can be no distinctions in governance-one is bound to be the continuation or the extension of the other. And so, it may be difficult to apportion blame on a bad government. Besides, elections are periodically held to effect changes of batons to allow fresh ideas and policies to flourish. Interference is unfair and impolitic. If an incumbent is controlled by a predecessor like Obasanjo is now doing, can there be the need for elections?.
One may inquire: “Why is the Chief hovering around Jonathan like a butterfly around a flower?”. Is it to suck the flower’s nectar or enhance its quality? Chief Obasanjo is not a democrat. He is a dictator by nature and professional trainings. Ingrained in him are the traits and attributes of a soldier. He is more a soldier than a politician. And a dictator must have no place in politics, because he may not be a good politician, unless be learns to adjust. Chief Obasanjo was only fortunate to be the President of this country. This nascent democracy ought not to have been placed in the hands of a dictator, because its growth is bound to be stunted. Well-meaning patriots expect him to adjust in line with hallowed democratic principles. As for President Jonathan, it is incumbent on him to be wary of Chief Obasanjo’s guile, for Nigerians shall judge his administration by performance.
The Chief must respect himself, steer clear of the Presidency, and not make himself cheap in the estimation of right-thinking Nigerians. The corollary of the unsolicited interference in Jonathan’s administration is that he is furtively enjoying a “Third Term” in government. His constant trips to the Presidency demonstrate that the much-desired tenure elongation which eluded him in 2007 is now in his grasp. There is an Igbo adage: “A masquerader who is too frequent at the village square shall no longer command respect from his admirers”. Invariably, it is self-defeating if Obasanjo always shuttles to the Presidency to ostensibly “offer unsolicited pieces of advice or suggestions” to an incumbent. This is because if an advice fails to be effectual, the offeree may eventually blame the “Good Samaritan” offeror of such “advice”. Nigerians must not be shocked if, in the event of a failure, President Jonathan tells us: “It was Chief Obasanjo who advised me to embark upon that line of action” Pride that is once wounded may not be easy to salve. Lost integrity may not re-bound. So, if there is any need for an advice, it is the incumbent who broaches it first.
In retirement, Obasanjo must be self-effacing. And of course, at the PDP’s or Council of State’s meetings, nothing stops the Chief from availing himself the opportunity to bare his heart. And like the late Chief Awolowo, Obasanjo could resort to letter writings to the Presidency. Here lies the path of honour.
• Oshisada, veteran journalist, livees in Ikorodu, Lagos State.

Can Babangida enter .

2010-06-09T03:05:00.000-07:00

Babangida cannot enter .
By Anthony Akinola Opinion - Columnists

THE luxury of being able to converse in “English” that the English person does not understand belongs to us! A Nigerian lady who was asked how she got to work on a day noted for very bad snowy weather said “I wear bus”. The same lady, apparently worried about her immigration status, also said she had been praying and fasting that the dreaded Conservative Party did not “enter” in the recently concluded British elections.
Let us forget about what would seem to have been this cross-border importation of irrationality into Britain – praying and fasting for the outcome of an election – “wear” and “enter” would be understood by a Yoruba person in the context of what the lady meant to say on those two occasions. She meant to say that she “boarded” a bus to work and she also meant to say that she did not want the Conservative Party to “win” the General Election. So, if one says Babangida cannot enter, all one intends to say is that the man is just wasting his time thinking he would be President in 2011.
General Ibrahim Babangida has been confusing us with a variety of policy positions since he declared his intention to contest the presidency in 2011. He has been telling us about the importance of Nigeria being governed as a “true federation” and he has also been talking about the need for stability in the Niger Delta region. While we may concede that he is free to advocate whatever he likes, what we are not going to concede to him is the right to insult our collective intelligence and memories. Who does General Babangida think we are in Nigeria – fools, I think - when he starts to advocate accountability in government and the importance of immortalising the late Chief MKO Abiola as an icon of our democratic struggles?
One had thought that if there were two major reasons why General Babangida is better off watching the television at home than showing his face in public it would be because we still perceive him as a thief of our collective wealth, as well as the murderer of Chief Abiola via the annulment of the presidential election of 12 June 1993. General Babangida has a lot of explaining to do; it is a measure of our tolerance and docility as a people that he is still in a position to confuse us.
Having been our military ruler or mis-ruler for eight years between August 1985 and August 1993, it is hard to understand why General Ibrahim Babangida would still want to be president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. There can only be one of a number of reasons; to continue with the good work he would want us believe he did in eight years as military leader; to repair the name honest conscience should have informed him has been badly tarnished by eight years of greed; or to continue with that greed.
There can be no doubt that General Babangida has numerous sycophants willing him on. He might not have done great things for our nation, nevertheless he had in great abundance a number of individuals who benefited from his corrupt militocracy. They include those contractors who became multi-millionaires for work they did not do and those emergency “governors” who were frequently dispersed into the various states to help themselves. This group of individuals will be hoping for the return of the good old days when corruption was accepted and condoned as an instrument of state policy.
One might have been sympathetic with General Ibrahim Babangida, even without encouraging him to put his name forward for election, if he had had the courage to admit the mistakes he made while in office. A truly repentant human being hoarding what does not belong to him or her would know what to do. There was this story about the late General Murtala Mohammed returning to the state what he acquired as spoils of war during the Civil War of 1967-70. Babangida can redeem his name by returning to the state what he acquired illegitimately as well as apologising for those deeds that can no longer be undone. It would require a truly great human being to respond to these suggestions in a positive manner.
The Americans, in perpetual pursuit of selfish interests, might have over-massaged Babangida’s ego. The special visits by their emissaries to the General’s palace in Minna could not but have mis-led him into believing that the whole world was rooting for him. This was someone who, not too long ago, was believed to have been persona non grata in the United States. Babangida must now be feeling disappointed that the same people who over-exaggerated his relevance might now have chosen to side with incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan. They say they would support Jonathan in 2011 if he conducts free and fair elections; it is as if they would still be supporting him even if he himself did not win the election.
Babangida’s hasty friends may have hurriedly dumped him, knowing he cannot enter in 2011. Of course Babangida’s monies will undoubtedly find many “Father Christmases” attempting to buy the votes of the very poor he created; hopefully, the latter would merely be more interested in having their own share of the loot than creating an opportunity for his “revenge” soon after the elections. If common sense prevails, Nigerians can demonstrate to the outside world that they do indeed have standards by humiliating General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida at the polls.if he dares their judgement.

WORLD CUP FINALS TOP SCORERS 1930-2006

2010-06-08T13:31:00.000-07:00

Year Top Scorer(s) Country Matches Played Goals Scored
1930 Guillermo Stabile Argentina 4 8
1934 Angelo Schiavio Italy * 4 4
Oldrich Nejedly Czechoslovakia 4 4
Edmund Conen Germany 4 4
1938 Leonidas da Silva Brazil 4 8
1950 Marques Ademir Brazil * 6 7
1954 Sandor Kocsis Hungary 5 11
1958 Just Fontaine France 6 13
1962 Drazen Jerkovic Yugoslavia 6 5
1966 Ferreira Eusebio Portugal 6 9
1970 Gerd Muller West Germany 6 10
1974 Grzegorz Lato Poland 7 9
1978 Mario Kempes Argentina * 7 6
1982 Paolo Rossi Italy * 7 6
1986 Gary Lineker England 5 6
1990 Salvatore Schillaci Italy 7 6
1994 Oleg Salenko Russia 3 6
Hristo Stoitchkov Bulgaria 7 6
1998 Davor Suker Croatia 7 6
2002 Ronaldo Brazil* 7 8
2006 Miroslav Klose Germany 7 5

Here is a full list of the 736 players,from 32 nations,that will be taking part in the first Fifa World Cup in South Africa 2010.

2010-06-08T13:15:00.000-07:00

Here is a full list of the 736 players, from 32 nations, that will be taking part in the first Fifa World Cup in South Africa- BY JOHN EMMANUEL.

GROUP A

South Africa
Goalkeepers: Itumeleng Khune (Kaizer Chiefs), Moeneeb Josephs (Orlando Pirates), Shu-Aib Walters (Maritzburg United)

Defenders: Matthew Booth (Mamelodi Sundowns), Lance Davids (Ajax Cape Town), Siboniso Gaxa (Mamelodi Sundowns), Bongani Khumalo (SuperSport United), Tsepo Masilela (Maccabi Haifa, Israel) Innocent Mdledle (Mamelodi Sundowns), Aaron Mokoena (Portsmouth, England), Anele Ngcongca (Genk, Belgium) Siyabonga Sangweni (Golden Arrows), Lucas Thwala (Orlando Pirates)

Midfielders: Kagisho Dikgacoi (Fulham, England), Thanduyise Khuboni (Golden Arrows), Reneilwe Letsholonyane (Kaizer Chiefs), Teko Modise (Orlando Pirates), Steven Pienaar (Everton, England) MacBeth Sibaya (Rubin Kazan, Russia) Siphiwe Tshabalala (Kaizer Chiefs)

Forwards: Surprise Moriri (Mamelodi Sundowns), Katlego Mphela (Mamelodi Sundowns), Siyabonga Nomvethe (Moroka Swallows), Bernard Parker (FC Twente, Netherlands).
Coach: Carlos Alberto Prreira

France
Goalkeepers: Cédric Carrasso (FC Girondins de Bordeaux), Hugo Lloris (Olympique Lyonnais), Steve Mandanda (Olympique de Marseille).

Defenders: Éric Abidal (FC Barcelona), Gaël Clichy (Arsenal FC), Patrice Evra (Manchester United FC), William Gallas (Arsenal FC), Marc Planus (FC Girondins de Bordeaux), Anthony Réveillère (Olympique Lyonnais), Bacary Sagna (Arsenal FC), Sébastien Squillaci (Sevilla FC).

Midfielders: Abou Diaby (Arsenal FC), Alou Diarra (FC Girondins de Bordeaux), Yoann Gourcuff (FC Girondins de Bordeaux), Florent Malouda (Chelsea FC), Jérémy Toulalan (Olympique Lyonnais).

Forwards: Nicolas Anelka (Chelsea FC), Djibril Cissé (Panathinaikos FC), André-Pierre Gignac (Toulouse FC), Sidney Govou (Olympique Lyonnais), Thierry Henry (FC Barcelona), Franck Ribéry (FC Bayern München), Mathieu Valbuena (Olympique de Marseille).
Coach: Raymond Domenech

Mexico
Goalkeepers: Memo Ochoa (America), Luis Ernesto Michel (Chivas/USA), Oscar Perez (Chiapas)

Defenders: Rafael Marquez (Barcelona/ESP), Ricardo Osorio (Stuttgart/GER), Hector Moreno (AZ Alkmmar/NED), Francisco Rodriguez (PSV Eindhoven/NED), Carlos Salcido (PSV Eindhoven/NED), Paul Aguilar (Pachuca), Efrain Juarez (Pumas UNAM)

Midfielders: Jonny Magallon (Guadalajara), Jorge Torres Nilo (Atlas), Gerardo Torrado (Cruz Azul), Israel Castro (Pumas UNAM), Andres Guardado (Deportivo La Coruna/ESP)

Strikers: Pablo Barrera (Pumas UNAM), Adolfo Bautista (Guadalajara), Alberto Medina (Guadalajara), Cuauhtemoc Blanco (Veracruz), Javier Hernandez (Guadalajara), Giovani dos Santos (Galatasaray/TUR), Guillermo Franco (West Ham/ENG), Carlos Vela (Arsenal/ENG)
Coach: Javier Aguerre

Uruguay
Goalkeepers: Fernando Muslera (Lazio), Juan Castillo (Deportivo Cali), Martin Silva (Defensor Sporting)

Defenders: Diego Lugano (Fenerbahce), Diego Godin (Villarreal), Andres Scotti (Colo Colo), Jorge Fucile (Porto), Martin Caceres (Juventus), Mauricio Victorino (Universidad de Chile), Maximiliano Pereira (Benfica)

Midfielders: Walter Gargano (Napoli), Egidio Arevalo Rios (Penarol), Sebastian Eguren (AIK Stockholm), Diego Perez (Monaco), Alvaro Pereira (Porto), Ignacio Gonzalez (Valencia), Nicolas Lodeiro (Ajax), Alvaro Fernandez (Universidad de Chile)

Forwards: Luis Suarez (Ajax), Diego Forlan (Atletico Madrid), Sebastian Abreu (Botafogo), Edinson Cavani (Palermo), Sebastian Fernandez (Banfield Argentina)
Coach: Oscar Washington Tabarez

GROUP B

Greece
Goalkeepers: Michalis Sifakis (Aris Salonika), Alexandros Tzorvas (Panathinaikos), Kostas Chalkias (PAOK Salonika).

Defenders: Giorgos Seitaridis (Panathinaikos), Loukas Vintra (Panathinaikos), Evangelos Moras (Bologna), Socrates Papastathopoulos (Genoa), Sotiris Kyrgiakos (Liverpool), Avraam Papadopoulos (Olympiakos), Vasilis Torosidis (Olympiakos), Nikos Spiropoulos (Panathinaikos), Stelios Malezas (PAOK Salonika).

Midfielders: Kostas Katsouranis (Panathinaikos), Alexandros Tziolis (Siena), Giorgos Karagounis (Panathinaikos), Sotiris Ninis (Panathinaikos), Christos Patsatzoglou (Omonia), Sakis Prittas (Aris Salonika).

Forwards: Angelos Charisteas (Nuremberg), Dimitris Salpigidis (Panathinaikos), Pantelis Kapetanos (Steaua Bucharest), Theofanis Gekas (Hertha Berlin), Giorgos Samaras (Celtic).
Coach: Otto Rehhagel

Argentina
Goalkeepers: Sergio Romero (AZ Alkmaar), Mariano Andujar (Catania), Diego Pozo (Colon)

Defenders: Nicolas Burdisso (Roma), Martin Demichelis (Bayern Munich), Walter Samuel (Inter Milan), Gabriel Heinze (Marseille), Nicolas Otamendi (Vélez Sarsfield), Clemente Rodriguez (Estudiantes), Ariel Garce (Colon)

Midfielders: Javier Mascherano (Liverpool), Juan Sebastian Veron (Estudiantes), Maximiliano Rodriguez (Liverpool), Mario Bolatti (Fiorentina), Angel Di Maria (Benfica), Jonas Gutierrez (Newcastle), Javier Pastore (Palermo)

Strikers: Sergio Aguero (Atlético Madrid), Diego Milito (Internazionale), Martin Palermo (Boca Juniors), Carlos Tevez (Manchester City), Gonzalo Higuaín (Real Madrid), Lionel Messi (Barcelona)
Coach: Diego Maradona

Nigeria
Goalkeepers: Vincent Enyeama (Hapoel Tel Aviv, Israel), Dele Aiyenugba (Bnei Yehuda, Israel), Austin Ejide (Hapoel Petach Tikvah, Israel)

Defenders: Taye Taiwo (Marseille, France), Elderson Echiejile (Rennes, France), Chidi Odiah (CSKA Moscow, Russia), Joseph Yobo (Everton, England), Ayodele Adeleye (Sparta Rotterdam, Netherlands), Rabiu Afolabi (SV Salzburg, Austria), Danny Shittu (Bolton Wanderers, England)

Midfielders: Kalu Uche (Almeria, Spain), Dickson Etuhu (Fulham, England), John Mikel Obi (Chelsea, England), Sani Kaita (Alaniya, Russia), Haruna Lukman (AS Monaco, France), Yusuf Ayila (Dynamo Kiev, Ukraine)

Strikers: Yakubu Aiyegbeni (Everton, England), Nwankwo Kanu (Portsmouth, England), Obafemi Martins (Wolfsburg, Germany), John Utaka(Portsmouth, England), Victor Obinna Nsofor (Malaga, Spain), Osaze Odemwingie (Lokomotiv Moscow, Russia), Chinedu Ogbuke Obasi (TSG Hoffenheim, Germany)
Coach: Lars Lagerback

South Korea
Goalkeepers: Kim Young-Kwang (Ulsan), Lee Woon-Jae (Suwon), Jung Sung-Ryong (Seongnam)

Defenders: Kim Dong-Jin (Ulsan), Kim Hyung-Il (Pohang), Oh Beom-Seok (Ulsan), Lee Young-Pyo (Al Hilal, Saudi Arabia), Lee Jung-Soo (Kashima, Japan), Cha Du-Ri (Freiburg, Germany) Cho Yong-Hyung (Jeju United) Kang Min-soo (Suwon)

Midfielders: Ki Sung-Yong (Celtic, Scotland), Kim Bo-Kyung (Oita, Japan), Kim Nam-Il (Tomsk, Russia), Kim Jae-Sung (Pohang), Kim Jung-Woo (Gwangju), Lee Chung-Yong (Bolton, England), Park Ji-Sung (Manchester United, England)

Forwards: Park Chu-Young (Monaco, France), Ahn Jung-Hwan (Dalian, China), Lee Seung-Ryul (Seoul), Yeom Ki-Hun, (Suwon), Lee Dong-Gook (Jeonbuk)
Coach: Huh Jung-moo

GROUP C

England
Goalkeepers: Joe Hart (Manchester City), David James (Portsmouth), Robert Green (West Ham United)

Defenders: Jamie Carragher (Liverpool), Ashley Cole (Chelsea), Rio Ferdinand (Manchester United), Glen Johnson (Liverpool), Ledley King (Tottenham Hotspur), John Terry (Chelsea), Matthew Upson (West Ham United), Stephen Warnock (Aston Villa)

Midfielders: Gareth Barry (Manchester City), Michael Carrick (Manchester United), Joe Cole (Chelsea), Steven Gerrard (Liverpool), Frank Lampard (Chelsea ), Aaron Lennon (Tottenham Hotspur), James Milner (Aston Villa), Shaun Wright-Phillips (Manchester City )

Forwards: Peter Crouch (Tottenham Hotspur), Jermain Defoe (Tottenham Hotspur ), Emile Heskey (Aston Villa), Wayne Rooney (Manchester United)
Coach: Fabio Capello

United States
Goalkeepers: Brad Guzan (Aston Villa), Marcus Hahnemann (Wolverhampton Wanderers), Tim Howard (Everton)

Defenders: Carlos Bocanegra (Rennes), Jonathan Bornstein (Chivas USA), Steve Cherundolo (Hannover), Jay DeMerit (Watford), Clarence Goodson (IK Start), Oguchi Onyewu (AC Milan), Jonathan Spector (West Ham)

Midfielders: DaMarcus Beasley (Rangers), Michael Bradley (Borussia Moenchengladbach), Ricardo Clark (Eintracht Frankfurt), Clint Dempsey (Fulham), Landon Donovan (Los Angeles Galaxy), Maurice Edu (Rangers), Benny Feilhaber (AGF Aarhus), Stuart Holden (Bolton), Jose Torres (Pachuca)

Strikers: Jozy Altidore (Hull), Edson Buddle (Los Angeles Galaxy), Robbie Findley (Real Salt Lake), Herculez Gomez (Pachuca).
Coach: Bob Bradley

Algeria
Goalkeepers: Lounes Gaouaoui (ASO Chlef - ALG), Faouzi Chaouchi (ES Setif - ALG), Raid Ouheb M’bolhi (Slavia Sofia - BUL)

Defenders: Abdelakder Laifaoui (ES Setif - ALG), Madjid Bougherra (Rangers FC - SCO), Carl Medjani (Ajaccio - FRA), Rafik Halliche (Madeira - POR), Antar Yahia (Bochum - GER), Habib Belaid (Boulogne - FRA), Nadir Belhadj (Portsmouth - ENG), Djamel Mesbah (Lecce - ITA)

Midfielders: Hassan Yebda (Portsmouth - ENG), Medhi Lacen (Racing Santander - SPA), Yazid Mansouri (Lorient - FRA), Adlene Guidoura (Wolverhampton - ENG), Riad Boudebouz (Sochaux - FRA), Djamel Abdoun (Nantes - FRA), Foued Kadir (Valenciennes - FRA), Karim Ziani (Wolfsburg - GER), Karim Matmour (Borussia Monchengladbach - GER)

Forwards: Abdelkader Ghezzal (Siena - ITA), Rafik Djebbour (AEK Athens - GRE), Rafik Saifi (Istres - FRA)
Coach: Rabah Saadane

Slovenia
Goalkeepers: Samir Handanovic (Udinese), Jasmin Handanovic (Mantova), Aleksander Seliga (Sparta Rotterdam).

Defenders: Miso Brecko (FC Cologne), Bostjan Cesar (Grenoble), Branko Ilic (Lokomotiv Moscow), Matej Mavric-Rozic (Koblenz), Bojan Jokic (Chievo), Marko Suler (Ghent), Suad Filekovic (NK Maribor), Elvedin Dzinic (NK Maribor).

Midfielders: Andraz Kirm (Wisla Krakow), Robert Koren (Unattached), Valter Birsa (AJ Auxerre), Andrej Komac (Maccabi Tel Aviv), Dalibor Stevanovic (Vitesse Arnhem), Aleksander Radosavljevic (Larissa), Rene Krhin (Inter Milan).

Forwards: Milivoje Novakovic (FC Cologne), Zlatko Dedic (VfL Bochum), Zlatan Ljubijankic (Ghent), Nejc Pecnik (Nacional Funchal), Tim Matavz (Groningen).
Coach: Matjaz Kek

GROUP D

Germany
Goalkeepers - Manuel Neuer, Tim Wiese, Hans-Joerg Butt

Defenders - Philipp Lahm. Dennis Aogo, Holger Badstuber, Jerome Boateng, Per Mertesacker, Serdar Tasci, Arne Friedrich

Midfielders - Bastian Schweinsteiger, Sami Khedira, Piotr Trochwoski, Marko Marin, Mesut Ozil, Toni Kroos, Marcell Jansen

Forwards – Cacau, Mario Gomez, Thomas Mueller, Miroslav Klose, Lukas Podolski, Stefan Kiessling
Coach: Joachim Loew

Serbia
Goalkeepers: Vladimir Stojkovic (Sporting), Bojan Isailovic (Zaglebie Lubin), Andjelko Djuricic (Uniao Leiria).

Defenders: Branislav Ivanovic (Chelsea), Antonio Rukavina (Munich 1860), Nemanja Vidic (Manchester United), Neven Subotic (Borussia Dortmund), Aleksandar Lukovic (Udinese), Ivan Obradovic (Zaragoza), Aleksandar Kolarov (Lazio).

Midfielders: Dejan Stankovic (Inter Milan), Gojko Kacar (Hertha Berlin), Nenad Milijas (Wolverhampton Wanderers), Zdravko Kuzmanovic (VfB Stuttgart), Radosav Petrovic (Partizan Belgrade), Milos Krasic (CSKA Moscow), Zoran Tosic (Manchester United), Milos Ninkovic (Dynamo Kiev), Milan Jovanovic (Standard Liege).

Forwards: Nikola Zigic (Birmingham City), Marko Pantelic (Ajax Amsterdam), Danko Lazovic (Zenit St. Petersburg), Dragan Mrdja (Vojvodina Novi Sad).
Coach: Radomir Antic

Australia
Goalkeepers: Mark Schwarzer, Adam Federici, Brad Jones.

Defenders: Scott Chipperfield, David Carney, Lucas Neill, Michael Beauchamp, Craig Moore, Mark Milligan, Luke Wilkshire.

Midfielders: Vince Grella, Carl Valeri, Jason Culina, Mile Jedinak, Tim Cahill, Brett Holman, Dario Vidosic, Mark Bresciano, Brett Emerton, Richard Garcia.

Strikers: Nikita Rukavytsya, Josh Kennedy, Harry Kewell.
Coach: Tim Verbeek

Ghana
Goalkeepers: Richard Kingson, Daniel Agyei, Stephen Aholu

Defenders: John Paintsil, John Mensah, Samuel Inkoom, Hans Adu Sarpei, Rahim Ayew, Lee Addy, Isaac Vorsah, Jonathan Mensah

Midfielders: Kwadwo Asamoah, Anthony Annan, Sulley Muntari, Kevin-Prince Boateng, Quincy Owusu-Abeyie, Stephen Appiah, Andre Ayew, Derek Boateng

Attackers: Asamoah Gyan, Prince Tagoe, Dominic Adiyiah, Mathew Amoah
Coach: Milovan Rajevac

GROUP E

Netherlands
Goalkeepers: Stekelenburg (Ajax), Vorm (Utrecht), Boschker (Twente Enschede).

Defenders: Van Bronckhorst (Feyenoord), J.Mathijsen (Hamburg), Ooijer (PSV Eindhoven), Van der Wiel (Ajax), Boulahrouz (Stuttgart), Heitinga (Everton), Braafheid (Celtic Glasgow).

Midfielders: Sneijder (Inter Milan), Van Bommel (Bayern Munich), Van der Vaart (Real Madrid), N.De Jong (Manchester City), De Zeeuw (Ajax), Schaars (AZ Alkmaar), Afellay (PSV Eindhoven).

Forwards: Robben (Bayern Munich), Van Persie (Arsenal), Kuyt (Liverpool), Huntelaar (AC Milan), E.Elia (Hamburg), Babel (Liverpool).
Coach: Bert Van Marwijk

Cameroon
Goalkeepers: Hamidou Souleymanou (Kayserispor/TUR), Idriss Carlos Kameni (Espanyol/ESP), Guy Roland Ndy Assembe (Valenciennes/FRA)

Defenders: Benoit Assou-Ekotto (Tottenham/ENG), Sebastien Bassong (Tottenham/ENG), Gaetan Bong (Valenciennes/FRA), Aurelien Chedjou (Lille/FRA), Geremi Njitap (Mke Ankaragucu/TUR), Stephane Mbia (Marseille/FRA), Nicolas Nkoulou (Monaco/FRA), Rigobert Song (Trabzonspur/TUR)

Midfielders: Enoh Eyong Takang (Ajax/NED), Jean II Makoun (Lyon/FRA), Georges Mandjeck (FC Kaiserslautern/GER), Joel Matip (Schalke 04/GER), Landry Nguemo (Celtic/SCO), Alexandre Song (Arsenal/ENG)

Strikers: Vincent Aaboubakar (Coton Sport Garoua/CMR), Eric Choupo-Moting (Nuremberg/GER), Achille Emana (Real Betis/ESP), Samuel Eto'o (Inter Milan/ITA), Mohamadou Idrissou (Freiburg/GER), Achille Webo (Real Mallorca/ESP)
Coach: Paul Le Guen

Denmark
Goalkeepers: Thomas Sorensen (Stoke City), Stephan Andersen (Brondby), Jesper Christiansen (FC Copenhagen).

Defenders: William Kvist (FC Copenhagen), Simon Kjaer (Palermo), Lars Jacobsen (Blackburn Rovers), Per Kroldrup (Fiorentina), Daniel Agger (Liverpool), Patrick Mtiliga (Malaga), Simon Poulsen (AZ Alkmaar).

Midfielders: Martin Jorgensen (AGF Aarhus), Christian Poulsen (Juventus), Jakob Poulsen (AGF Aarhus), Dennis Rommedahl (Ajax Amsterdam), Thomas Kahlenberg (VfL Wolfsburg), Thomas Enevoldsen (FC Groningen), Christian Eriksen (Ajax Amsterdam), Mikkel Beckmann (Randers), Daniel Jensen (Werder Bremen), Jepser Gronkjaer (FC Copenhagen).

Forwards: Jon Dahl Tomasson (Feyenoord), Soren Larsen (MSV Duisburg), Nicklas Bendtner (Arsenal).
Coach: Morten Olsen

Japan
Goalkeepers: Seigo Narazaki (Nagoya Grampus), Eiji Kawashima (Kawasaki Frontale), Yoshikatsu Kawaguchi (Jubilo Iwata)

Defenders: Yuji Nakazawa (Yokohama Marinos), Marcus Tulio Tanaka (Nagoya Grampus), Yuichi Komano (Jubilo Iwata), Daiki Iwamasa (Kashima Antlers), Yasuyuki Konno (FC Tokyo), Yuto Nagatomo (FC Tokyo), Atsuto Uchida (Kashima Antlers)

Midfielders: Shunsuke Nakamura (Yokohama Marinos), Yasuhito Endo (Gamba Osaka), Kengo Nakamura (Kawasaki Frontale), Junichi Inamoto (Kawasaki Frontale), Yuki Abe (Urawa Red Diamonds), Makoto Hasebe (Wolfsburg, Germany), Keisuke Honda (CSKA Moscow), Daisuke Matsui (Grenoble)

Forwards: Shinji Okazaki (Shimizu S-Pulse), Keiji Tamada (Nagoya Grampus), Yasuhito Okubo (Vissel Kobe), Kisho Yano (Albirex Niigata), Takayuki Morimoto (Catania)
Coach: Takeshi Okada

GROUP F

Italy
Goalkeepers: Gianluigi Buffon (Juventus), Morgan De Sanctis (Napoli), Federico Marchetti (Cagliari)

Defenders: Salvatore Bocchetti (Genoa), Leonardo Bonucci (Bari), Fabio Cannavaro (Juventus), Giorgio Chiellini (Juventus), Domenico Criscito (Genoa), Christian Maggio (Napoli), Gianluca Zambrotta (AC Milan)

Midfielders: Mauro Camoranesi (Juventus), Daniele De Rossi (AS Roma), Gennaro Gattuso (AC Milan), Claudio Marchisio (Juventus), Riccardo Montolivo (Fiorentina), Angelo Palombo (Sampdoria), Simone Pepe (Udinese), Andrea Pirlo (AC Milan)

Forwards: Antonio Di Natale (Udinese), Alberto Gilardino (Fiorentina), Vincenzo Iaquinta (Juventus), Giampaolo Pazzini (Sampdoria), Fabio Quagliarella (Napoli)
Coach: Marcello Lippi

Paraguay
Goalkeepers: Justo Villar (Real Valladolid, Spain), Aldo Bobadilla (Independiente Medellin, Colombia), Diego Barreto (Cerro Porteno);

Defenders: Denis Caniza (Leon, Mexico), Dario Veron (Pumas, Mexico), Julio Caceres (Atletico Mineiro, Brazil), Paulo Da Silva (Sunderland, England), Claudio Morel Rodriguez (Boca Juniors, Argentina), Antolin Alcaraz (Wigan, Eng), Carlos Bonet (Olimpia), Aureliano Torres (San Lorenzo, Argentina);

Midfielders: Cristian Riveros (Sunderland, England), Enrique Vera (LDU Quito, Ecuador), Edgar Barreto (Atalanta, Italy), Jonathan Santana (Wolfsburg, Germany), Victor Caceres (Libertad), Nestor Ortigoza (Argentinos Juniors, Argentina);

Forwards: Roque Santa Cruz (Manchester City, England), Nelson Haedo Valdez (Borussia Dortmund, Germany), Oscar Cardozo (Benfica, Portugal), Edgar Benitez (Pachuca, Mexico), Lucas Barrios (Borussia Dortmund, Germany), Rodolfo Gamarra (Libertad).
Coach: Gerardo Martino

Slovakia
Goalkeepers: Jan Mucha (Legia Warsaw), Dusan Kuciak (Vaslui), Dusan Pernis (Dundee United)

Defenders: Marek Cech (West Bromwich Albion), Jan Durica (Hannover 96), Peter Pekarik (Wolfsburg), Martin Petras (Cesena), Kornel Salata (Slovan Bratislava), Martin Skrtel (Liverpool), Radoslav Zabavnik (Mainz)

Midfielders: Marek Hamsik (Napoli), Kamil Kopunek (Spartak Trnava), Jan Kozak (Politehnica), Juraj Kucka (Sparta Prague), Marek Sapara (Ankaraqucu), Zdeno Strba (Skoda Xanthi), Miroslav Stoch (Twente Enschede), Vladimir Weiss (Manchester City)

Strikers: Filip Holosko (Besiktas Istanbul), Martin Jakubko (Moskva), Erik Jendrisek (Schalke), Stanislav Sestak (Bochum), Robert Vittek (Olympique Lille)Author: Katerina Zachovalova.
Coach: Vladimir Weiss

New Zealand
Goalkeepers: Mark Paston (Wellington Phoenix), Glen Moss (Melbourne Victory), James Bannatyne (Team Wellington)

Defenders: Ryan Nelsen (Blackburn Rovers), Ivan Vicelich (Auckland City), Ben Sigmund (Wellington Phoenix), Winston Reid (FC Midtjylland), Tommy Smith (Ipswich Town), Tony Lochhead (Wellington Phoenix), Andy Boyens (New York Red Bulls)

Midfielders: Simon Elliott (unattached), Tim Brown (Wellington Phoenix), Leo Bertos (Wellington Phoenix), Michael McGlinchey (Motherwell), Aaron Clapham (Canterbury United), David Mulligan (unattached), Jeremy Brockie (Newcastle Jets), Andy Barron (Team Wellington), Jeremy Christie (FC Tampa Bay)

Strikers: Chris Killen (Middlesbrough), Shane Smeltz (Gold Coast United), Chris Wood (West Bromwich Albion), Rory Fallon (Plymouth Argyle)
Coach: Ricky Herbert

GROUP G

Brazil
Goalkeepers: J.Cesar (Inter Milan), A.Doni (AS Roma), H.Gomes (Tottenham Hotspur).

Defenders: Lucio and Maicon (Inter Milan), Juan (AS Roma), Bastos (OL), D.Alves (Barcelona), Luisao (Benfica), T.Silva (AC Milan), Gilberto (Cruzeiro),

Midfielders: Kaka' (Real Madrid), G.Silva (Panathinaikos), F.Melo (Juventus), Elano (Galatasaray), J.Baptista (AS Roma), Ramires (Benfica), Josue' (Wolfsburg), Kleberson (Flamengo).

Forwards: L.Fabiano (FC Seville), Robinho (Santos), Nilmar (Villarreal), Grafite (Wolfsburg).
Coach: Dunga

Ivory Coast
Goalkeepers: Boubacar Barry (Lokeren), Aristides Zogbo (Maccabi Netanya), Daniel Yeboah (ASEC Abidjan)

Defenders: Souleymane Bamba (Hibernian), Arthur Boka (VfB Stuttgart), Guy Demel (Hamburg SV), Emmanuel Eboue (Arsenal), Steve Gohouri (Wigan Athletic), Siaka Tiene (Valenciennes), Kolo Toure (Manchester City), Benjamin Brou Angoua (Valenciennes)

Midfielders: Jean-Jacques Gosso Gosso (Monaco), Abdelkader Keita (Galatasaray), Emmanuel Kone (International Curtea Arges), Gervais Yao Kouassi (Lille), Christian Koffi Ndri (Sevilla), Cheik Ismael Tiote (Twente Enschede), Yaya Toure (Barcelona), Didier Zokora (Sevilla)

Strikers: Aruna Dindane (Lekhwiya), Seydou Doumbia (Young Boys Berne), Didier Drogba (Chelsea), Salomon Kalou (Chelsea)
Coach: Sven Goran Eriksson

North Korea
Goalkeepers: Kim Myong Gil (Amrokgang), Kim Myong Won (Amrokgang), Ri Myong Guk (Pyongyang City)

Defenders: Cha Jong Hyok (Amrokgang), Ri Jun Il (Sobaeksu), Ri Kwang Chon (April 25), Nam Song Chol (April 25), Pak Nam Chol (Amrokgang), Ri Kwang Hyok (Kyonggongop), Pak Chol Jin (Amrokgang)

Midfielders: Ji Yun Nam (April 25), Mun In Guk (April 25), Pak Sung Hyok (Sobaeksu), Ri Chol Myong (Pyongyang City), Pak Nam Chol (April 25), An Yong Hak (Omiya Ardija), Kim Kyong Il (Rimyongsu), Kim Yong Jun (Pyongyang City)

Strikers: Hong Yong Jo (FC Rostov), An Chol Hyok (Rimyongsu), Jong Tae Se (Kawasaki Frontale), Choe Kum Chol (April 25), Kim Kum Il (April 25)
Coach: Huh Jung-moo

Portugal
Goalkeepers: Beto (Porto), Daniel Fernandes (Iraklis), Eduardo (Braga)

Defenders: Fabio Coentrao (Benfica), Paulo Ferreira (Chelsea), Ricardo Carvalho (Chelsea), Bruno Alves (Porto), Rolando (Porto), Ricardo Costa (Lille), Duda (Malaga), Pepe (Real Madrid), Miguel (Valencia)

Midfielders: Tiago (Atletico Madrid), Deco (Chelsea), Raul Meireles (Porto), Nani (Manchester United), Miguel Veloso (Sporting Lisbon), Pedro Mendes (Sporting Lisbon)

Strikers: Simao Sabrosa (Atletico Madrid), Hugo Almeida (Werder Bremen), Liedson (Sporting Lisbon), Cristiano Ronaldo (Real Madrid), Danny (Zenit St Petersburg)
Coach: Carlos Queiroz

GROUP H

Spain
Goalkeepers: Casillas (Real Madrid), J.M.Reina (Liverpool), V.Valdes (Barcelona).

Defenders: Puyol and Pique' (Barcelona), S.Ramos, Albiol and Arbeloa (Real Madrid), J.Capdevila (Villarreal), Marchena (Valencia).

Midfielders: Xavi, Iniesta and Busquets (Barcelona), X.Alonso (Real Madrid), D.Silva and Mata (Valencia), Fabregas (Arsenal), J.Navas (FC Seville), J.Martinez (Athletic Bilbao).

Forwards: F.Torres (Liverpool), D.Villa and Pedro (Barcelona), F.Llorente (Athletic Bilbao).Switzerland
Coach: Vicente Del Bosque

Honduras
Goalkeepers: Ricardo Canales (Motagua), Noel Valladares (Olimpia), Donis Escober (Olimpia)

Defenders: Victor Bernardez (Anderlecht), Maynor Figueroa (Wigan), Oscar Garcia (Olimpia), Sergio Mendoza (Motagua), Emilio Izaguirre (Motagua), Johnny Palacios (Olimpia), Mauricio Sabillon (Hangzhou Luchen), Osman Chavez (Platense)

Midfielders: Edgard Alvarez (Bari), Julio Cesar de Leon (Torino), Roger Espinoza (Kansas City Wizards), Amado Guevara (Motagua), Ramon Nunez (Olimpia), Wilson Palacios (Tottenham Hotspur), Hendry Thomas (Wigan), Danilo Turcios (Olimpia)

Forwards: David Suazo (Genoa), Georgie Welcome (Motagua), Carlos Pavon (Real Espana), Walter Martinez (Marathon)
Coach: Rafael Ferrari

Switzerland
Goalkeepers: Diego Benaglio (Wolfsburg), Marco Wolfli (Young Boys), Johnny Leoni (Zurich)

Defenders: Stephan Lichtsteiner (Lazio), Philippe Senderos (Everton), Stephane Grichting (Auxerre), Steve von Bergen (Hertha Berlin), Mario Eggimann (Hannover 96), Reto Ziegler (Sampdoria), Christoph Spycher (Eintracht Frankfurt)

Midfielders: Valon Behrami (West Ham), Gokhan Inler (Udinese), Benjamin Huggel (Basel), Pirmin Schwegler (Eintracht Frankfurt), Gelson Fernandes (Saint-Etienne), Tranquillo Barnetta (Bayer Leverkusen), Xherdan Shaqiri (Basel), Marco Padalino (Sampdoria)

Strikers: Alexander Frei (Basel), Blaise Nkufo (Twente), Eren Derdiyok (Bayer Leverkusen), Marco Streller (Basel), Hakan Yakin (Luzern)
Coach: Ottmar Hitzfeld

Chile
Goalkeepers: Claudio Bravo (Real Sociedad), Miguel Pinto (Universidad de Chile), Luis Marin (Union Espanola)

Defenders: Pablo Contreras (PAOK Athens), Ismael Fuentes (Universidad Catolica), Mauricio Isla (Udinese), Gonzalo Jara (West Bromwich Albion), Gary Medel (Boca Juniors), Waldo Ponce (Universidad Catolica), Arturo Vidal (Bayer Leverkusen).

Midfielders: Rodrigo Tello (Besiktas), Gonzalo Fierro (Flamengo), Carlos Carmona (Reggina), Marco Estrada (Universidad de Chile), Rodrigo Millar (Colo Colo), Matias Fernandez (Sporting Lisbon), Jorge Valdivia (Al Ain).

Forwards: Mark Gonzalez (CSKA Moscow), Esteban Paredes (Colo Colo), Juan Beausejour (America), Fabian Orellana (Xeres), Alexis Sanchez (Udinese), Humberto Suazo (Real Zaragoza)
Coach: Marcello Bielsa [/b][/b][/b]

EYO FESTIVAL BY JOHN EMMANUEL

2010-06-06T13:08:00.000-07:00

eyo masqurade parade began by traders from badagry on lagos island the point of performance then was known as oke ita,Adamu Orisha play or Eyo (pronounced err-your) festival—the soul of the city’s traditional life—that many times. The truth is no one person has. In fact, from its original appearance in 1750, spectators have seen it a simple 80 times previously. And since it happens so infrequently, sometimes four or eight years apart, each occasion it does it is a must-see ‘exhibition’ for several thousands; and to observe one is enough to leave the culture tourist reminiscing for a lifetime. One came along last August. Only this time around, it would be the paramount activity that marks the final rights of passage for the deceased immediate past king of Lagos, Oba Adeyinka Oyekan 2, who passed on early in March. “If this is not done the chosen successor can’t be crowned king,” says a member of the royal family inside the palace premises to. When it isn’t to royal ends, though, the honorary version is exclusively done for visiting VIPs (international or indigenous) to the city or any late individual who had improved the lot of Lagos while he lived.What Samba is to Brazil the Eyo is to Lagos; it is one of the very few popular local customs not yet effaced by religions introduced from outside the African continent. If that has not happened already then it may never do, as the participants are practicing Christians and Muslims. Besides, “It is so intrinsically synonymous with Lagos that it can never fade out.” Importantly, the natives take the festival and their faiths as one would two opposite pages of a book. One leads to the next, and no one book—life in this case—can be complete without both.
So when indigenous Lagosians speak of the Eyo tradition, they do so with affecting pride and relish. Everyone—from the most elderly to the five-year-olds—spend quality time preparing for the big day; and when the day does finally come a major milestone is achieved.

Last year festival,25th april 2009 the eyo festival is taking place in honour of late Otunba Tos Benson.The order of events for the programme takes a full week with the following processions, the senior eyo group, the adimu(identified by a black broad-rimmed hat),goes puplic with a staff when this happens it means that the event will take place the following saturday.Each of the four important ones Laba(red),Oniko(yellow),Ologede(green),Agere( purple), take their turns from monday to thursday. Over 1000 Eyo masquerades in their white regalia with different hats made of various colours from the five groups, Adamu Orisa, Laba Ekun, Oniko, Ologede and Agere will partake in the festival ,the grand event where they all come together to parade the street of lagosAccording to the Governor of lagos,Nigeria,the eyo adamu orisa in the views of international spectators rank in the pangentory oon a higher plane than the rio carnival.

Note-The festival is making its 81st appearance since September 11, 1852 when it was first held in honour of the late Pa Dosunmu Ashogbon.This time, it is holding in honour of First Republic politician and a prominent lawyer, Chief Theophilus Owolabi Sobowale Benson, an illustrious son of the state who passed on on February 13, 2008. TOS, as the late Benson was popularly called ,was aged 90. At the time of his death, he was the Babasalu and Baba (father of the) Oba of Lagos. So far, the highest number of plays was organised in 1906. That year, the festival was held five times on May 15; August11; September 01; September 22; and December 15, in honour of Ajayi Obanikoro; Ogabi Eletu-Odibo; Iya Ojora, Princess Ibiyeye; Fasheke Olukolu and Iya Oshun respectively.
The festival was held four times in 1909 to honour Oluko Olikoyi on February 20; Aromire Aiyedun on June 5; Ojo Iniyun Kehinde on August 7; and Aromire Adesina on August 21 of the same year in that order.“It was organised three times in 1899, 1903, 1904, 1907, and two times in 1895, 1898, 1912, 1917, 1920, 1957, 1987, 2000 and 2002. The rest of the plays were held once each year. Most remarkable was the event of 1944, which was held in honour of the visit of Queen Victoria of England to Lagos. “Unlike past shows, today's play will hold at the old Race Course, Tafawa Balewa Square as part of effort to reposition it as a major tourism attraction like the Argungu Fishing Festival in Kebbi State.
The customs will not be too different however but the behavioural aspect may change.“The regalia are as super as ever: glistening white outfit, a decorated staff (Opambata) which the artistes manipulate at whims crowned with an unusual royal gait. The Eyo usually wears a distinctive headgear (aga) created quite often from materials usually found among the elites. The dramatist personae often put on a face mask made with transparent lace material for visibility.“The Eyo festival owes a root in the oral tradition of reincarnation among the Yorubas, who believe quite passionately that spirits of departed loved ones live on and ready to strike when necessary to protect the living. “The Eyo symbolizes visit of that spirit hence the usual greeting, “Agogoro Eyo (what a tall and imposing Eyo)” when sighted. In appreciation of such acclamation, the Eyo would usually respond in turn with the saying, “Mo yo fun e, mo yo fun ra mi (I rejoice with you for seeing this day and rejoice with myself)” “History, the families of Ologun-Agan and Ologun Igbesodi have sole right over performance of the Adamu Orisa play. However, actual performance can only be announced by the Akinsiku of Lagos, who is the traditional head of the Adimu cult, and other Eyo groups.