Tropaion

Gods sacrificing: iconography and divine ritual praxis

2011-12-29T00:00:00.000Z

Libation of Artemis and Apollo at the omphalos.
Master of Shuvalov (?), ca. 440 BC.
Pushkin Museum.
Ⓒ Wikipedia user Shakko 2009

I had the immense pleasure to read the book by Kimberley Christine Patton, entitled Religion of the Gods; Ritual, Paradox, and Reflexivity published back in 2009 (OUP). The book examines the numerous iconographic depictions of Gods and Goddesses performing a libation or acting towards performing a sacrifice. One example is the attached picture: a libation of both Artemis and Apollo at the omphalos. In this red-figure lekythos, the poured liquid is visible from the Apollo’s phiale. It is logical that looking closely at those pictorial evidences makes you wonder and immediately questions arise. One of the questions is the following: what these depictions mean?

Patton explores the possibilities with an impressive theoretical investigation. It is one of the very few such scholarly material, which methodologically brings a far-reaching change towards the established presumptions of ancient Greek religiosity and religiousness. Via the use of Hegelian reflexivity; this is revealed through the function of the principle of Being-for-self (Fürsichsein) throughout the various processes of Logic – a needed methodological tool in the course of speculative discourse analysis. This fundamental re-evaluation of the established theoretical hypothesis on divinities performing ritualistic praxis brings a well balanced theoretical answer. It also provides a theoretical escape rout from the established theoretical hypothesis that caused the problem: the premise that the sacrificing Gods’ depictions replicate a particular ‘religious idea’. An ‘idea’ that produces a position towards ritual, which is not completely clear to us today, for the simple reason, that the Greeks did not felt the need to clarify their actions and thoughts.

The author includes a list of documented iconography of sacrificing Gods. The research gives also comparative examples from the Zoroastrian, Jewish, Christian and other polytheistic and monotheistic religions. Patton is, therefore, very near to provide an answer to my initial question: what these depictions mean? The answer surely is a surprising revelation: “high gods pour out wine, they are in fact acting religiously through, on behalf of, and because of themselves” (p.13) The question that follows is how that is possible as all sacrifices need a recipient; a recipient who stand higher than the donor so that could be propitiated or worshipped. The author gives a remarkable, but at the same time, simple answer: the sacrificing Gods and, thus, their religious praxis is not directed towards a higher being than themselves, because simply religion itself belongs to the Gods. Accordingly, They perform libations and sacrifices as Gods, and this divine practice does not intend to venerate the ‘other’ – as a human worshipper will do – but, on the contrary, the god’s ‘self’ as the source of religion and not the participants – a clear proof of Their omnipotence.

Patton beautifully put it in one phrase, which reads “as the gods, so religiousness” (p.314), these depictions of divinities’ ritualistic performance were, for the ancient Greeks, a “deliberate portrayal of the omnipotent gods as ritually self-sufficient and paradigmatic” (p.315). Finally, I am confident that the author provided a theoretically valid explanation, an answer to this problem; an answer that is both derived by a radical methodological approach, and falsified by the boundless use of sources and iconographical evidences. With a rich conclusive remark, Patton, ends the book: “[a]nomalous, selftransmuting, and utterly real, they bring rather an iconic challenge to our limited imaginations” (p.316). This book, unquestionably, is one exhilarating, thought-provoking and extremely informative scholarly literature that I read on this subject.

Plato In A Nutshell

2011-12-16T12:42:00.000Z

For TROPAION readers with an interest in all things Socratic and Platonic:

In this essay Tim Addey of the Prometheus Educational Trust suggests that:
'Of all the philosophers whose writings have survived more or less intact, Plato is, I think, the most difficult to feel one has him and his meaning properly netted and secure.'
Addey then proceeds to give an excellent succinct overview (as far as that is posible with Socrates and Plato!) for experienced general readers or students of Plato - covering the main areas of metaphysics, psychology, and ethics.

http://socrates4today.webs.com/platoinanutshell.htm

Angels in Greco-Roman Religion and Polytheism

2011-12-14T14:43:00.002Z

Lekythos with Winged Victory
with Incense Holder at
Metropolitan Art Museum.
2009 © Sharon Mollerus.

I had the pleasure to read through the Rangar Cline’s book entitled Ancient Angels: Conceptualizing Angeloi in the Roman Empire (2011) which discusses in great detail the concept of angelos (angel) in non-Abrahamic religions (namely Judaism, Christianity and Islam) in the Roman era. It is an incredibly interesting theme of scholarly debate from the early 20^th century. It is also a contemporary issue of discussion and debate for modern Hellenic polytheists: what was the nature of angels in ancient Greek religion, how it was involved and presented in the Late Greco-Roman religion, and how it could be differentiated from its Christian understanding? Cline gives immensely beautiful answers with the use of literary, inscriptional, and archaeological evidences. Cline focuses to the study of the Greco-Roman understanding of angels and how they have been worshiped. For Cline, the Christian authorities reacted to this unorthodox characteristic of Roman religion. The author does not “attempt to trace religious influence in one direction or another” (p.xvii), and seek to bring a holistic view of the popular beliefs about angels in Greco-Roman religion, equally providing the prevalent assumptions about and veneration of them in the Late Antiquity, Roman Empire.

It is quite straightforward from the archaeological and literary evidences that angelos (the Greek term for ‘angels’) was a noteworthy feature of the Late Antiquity’s Greco-Roman religion (p.2). An interesting first attempt for scholarly evaluate the non-Christian conception of angles in the ancient World was in Cumon, F., (1915) “Les anges du paganisme,” Revue de l’histoire des religions, 12, pp. 159–182 and later in Sheppard, A. R. R., (1980/1981), “The Pagan Cult of Angels in Roman Asia Minor,” Talanta, 13-14, pp. 77–101. The term appears in Homer (a messenger, envoy, Il.24.292,296.) later in Herodotus (Hdt.5.92); all ancient Greek literary sources identifying angelos as a term which defines a specific responsibility or assignment that labelled the function of a particular deity or a ‘semi-divine’ (celestial) being. For Gentiles as well as for the first Christians throughout the antiquity, angelos means a messenger of divine communication (generally, one that announces, of birds of augury, Il.2.26.; Μουσῶν ἄγγελος, of a poet, Theogn.769; Διὸς ἄγγ., of the nightingale, Soph. El. 149.; c. gen. rei, ἄγγ. κακῶν ἐμῶν id=Soph. ; in LSJ, ἄγγελος , ὁ, ἡ).

Though angelos in its origin does not ineludibly represent a ‘semi-divine’ (celestial) being, it will eventually be used to identify a special class of ‘semi-divine’ (celestial) beings. Angelos, would be eventually, especially in the second and third century AD, described as a “semi-divine being or a lesser god in the service of a supreme god, a manifestation of a supreme god, the soul after death, or even a guardian spirit” (p.3).

For that specific reason the Christian Apologetics tried to outline a distinction between the Christian and non-Christian use of the term. In the Origen versus Celsus debate, it is evident that the focus on the division of meaning was based on the sematic relation between the terms angelos, daimon and theos. Origen identified the theological problem founded in the scriptures, which is the use of the term angelos as a reference to theoi (the gods). Immediately, in this point the rhetorical fallacy can be clearly viewed: as the Gentile theoi where daemons (evil spirits), also mentioned in the scriptures as angeloi, thus angelos could be a malevolent spirit too. Resulting to confusion in the early Christian writings, Origen stated that Christians should not venerate angels but straightforwardly pray and worship God (Contra Celsum, 5.4). In similar lines of argumentation Augustine suggested that the term daimon can be used only for malevolent spirits and angelos could be both be God’s “boni angeli” as well as an evil spirit. He further argued that the Neo-Platonic philosophers (namely Porphyry; see Civ. Dei., 10.26) theosophical rituals and their worship of angeloi were actually venerating daimones, evil spirits, or angels of Devil (Civ. Dei., 9.19). The Augustine’s argumentation is a good example to an alternative reading of the already existent terminology for the divine.

In fact there was a term used for the ‘evil angel’ – or in a similar approach – in the Hellenic Polytheistic World, which according to LSJ is ἀλάστωρ, (ορος, ὁ, ἡ) is an avenging spirit or deity, with or without δαίμων, (freq. Trag., A.Pers.354, Ag.1501, 1508, cf. Men.8); “ἀ. οὑμός” (S.OC 788); “ἐξ ἀλαστόρων νοσεῖν” (Id.Tr.1235); “ἀλάστορας ἔχειν” (Hp.Morb.Sacr. 1); “Ζεὺς Ἀ.” (Orph.H.73). he who does deeds which merit vengeance, wretch, (A.Eu.236, S.Aj.374); μιαροὶ..καὶ “κόλακες καὶ ἀ.” (D.18.296); “βάρβαρόν τε . . καὶ ἀ. τὸν Φίλιππον ἀποκαλῶν” (Id.19.305); “ἄνθρωπ᾽ ἀλάστωρ” (Bato 2.5, cf. Men.7D., Pk.408); “Διονύσιος ἁπάσης Σικελίας ἀ.” (Clearch.10). It was, therefore, a fact that different polytheistic cults of the Greco-Roman World used the term angelos to pray and venerate the divine which according to Cline “reveals the role of Hellenism in allowing distinct and divergent religious traditions to express similar ideas about angeloi in a common religious vocabulary” (p.167).

Ancient Angels: Conceptualizing Angeloi in the Roman Empire (2011) is an excellent source for readers and scholars interested on the concept of angels within the Greco-Roman polytheistic religion.

Apuleius - Tales of Truth (Lecture - London - Jan. 2012)

2011-11-26T14:01:00.000Z

Apuleius - Tales of Truth
A lecture by Tim Addey, 24th January 2012 – London.Apuleius (125-180 AD) was a Platonic philosopher of some note: two Platonic works of his survive – On the God of Socrates and On the Philosophy of Plato. However, he is best known for his authorship of the first extant novel of the West, The Golden Ass – and it is in this wonderful work that his grasp of Platonic ideas is seen at its best and most subtle. In its kaleidoscope of stories within stories, he weaves tales of remarkable beauty and charm, of which that of Cupid and Psyche is central. Apuleius was an initiate of at least two mystery cults (Isis and Dionysus) and a priest of Aesculapius – and he brings to his writings many insights which must have derived from his experiences within these institutions. After a brief look at his own dramatic history, the lecture will explore the philosophy of this unique writer.

Details of the lecture and others in the series can be found at:
http://www.prometheustrust.co.uk/html/lectures.html

The offering for the Gods: plakous cooking recipe

2011-09-23T16:22:00.003Z

Phineus defending himself from the Harpies,
the second Harpy from the right
holds in her right hand a cake
that can be identified as plakous.
Collection of The J. Paul Getty Museum,
Malibu, California: Malibu 85.AE.316
© Perseus Project.

This post will answer the friendly demands of our readers for something more practical concerning offerings for the Gods and Goddesses. In this post I will give you a successful reconstruction of the well know offering cake for ancient Greeks and Romans based on my personal experience cooking it. Brumfield (1997) in his well researched article that presents a full analysis of the terracotta votives from the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in the Acrocorinth, points that plakous is one of the commonly identified "thick single-knobbed cake". Athenaios compared it with the seed pod of mallow (58b-e) and Hesychios also notices that (s.v. πλακοῦς · ἐκτὸς τοῦ πέμματος καὶ ὁ σπερματικὸς τύπος τῆς ἡμέρας μαλάχης). According to Athenaios, the plakous was a baked, large and round, sweet and thick "child of Demeter" (137b-c). Suidas clearly indentifies the plakous as filed with cheese (s.v. πλακόεις · καὶ τὸν πλακόεντα πίον τυρόφορον). Plakous, of course, was not used only for offering to Demeter and Kore, but also commonly seen in the Athenian Agora (identified in Thomson, 1952), an offering to Apollo (Anth. Pal. 6.55) and to others (Brumfield, 1997: 170).

The problem with the plakous is that, although it was commonly cooked and used for offerings and consumption, there is only one main source that provides clues of how we today can cook it; that source is the Roman Cato in his De agri cultura, 76 who provides a step by step recipe for placentum, which was recognized by the scholars as the Greek plakous (good discussion in Grandjouan, Markson, and Rotroff, 1989: 57-62):

[76.1.1] Placentum sic facito. Farinae silig[i]neae L. II, unde solum facias, in tracta farinae L. IIII et alicae primae L. II. Alicam in aquam infundito. Ubi bene mollis erit, in mortarium purum indito siccatoque bene. Deinde manibus depsito. Ubi bene subactum erit, farinae [5] L. IIII paulatim addito. It utrumque tracta facito. In qualo, ubi arescant, conponito. Ubi arebunt, conponito pariter. [2.1] Cum facies singula tracta, ubi depsueris, panno oleo uncto tangito et circum tergeto unguitoque. Ubi tracta erunt, focum, ubi cocas, calfacito bene et testum. Postea farinae L. II conspargito condepsitoque. Inde facito solum tenue. Casei ovilli [5] P. XIIII ne acidum et bene recens in aquam indito. Ibi macerato, aquam ter mutato. Inde eximito siccatoque bene paulatim manibus, siccum bene in mortarium inponito. [3.1] Ubi omne caseum bene siccaveris, in mortarium purum manibus condepsito conminuitoque quam maxime. Deinde cribrum farinarium purum sumito caseumque per cribrum facito transeat in mortarium. Postea indito mellis boni [5] P. IIIIS. Id una bene conmisceto cum caseo. Postea in tabula pura, quae pateat P. I, ibi balteum ponito, folia laurea uncta supponito, placentam fingito. [4.1] Tracta [i]n singula in totum solum primum ponito, deinde de mortario tract linito, tracta addito singulatim, tem linito usque adeo, donec omne caseum cum melle abusus eris. [5] In summum tracta ingula indito, postea solum contrahito ornatoque focum deverrito temperatoque, tunc lacentam inponito, testo caldo operito, pruna insuper et circum operito. Videto ut bene et otiose percoquas. Aperito, dum inspicias, bis aut ter. Ubi cocta erit, eximito et melle unguito. [10] Haec erit placenta semodialis.

There are a great number of good translations of this passage - if you wish to follow Cato word-by-word - one is by Ricotti (2007: 109-110) that offers also provides a recipe for its reconstruction. Personally I find the pastry a difficult task, because following Cato's measurements of the dough's ingredients, I end up with 60gr semolina and non-absorbed 120gr flour however (I measured 2oz as 60gr), I will agree with Dalby and Grainger (2000: 102-105) that you need more flour to mix with 60gr semolina for the layers. The base is not a problem. Dalby and Grainger use the following measurements 60gr semolina, 170gr of flour, 340gr of soft or creamy cheese, in this case offers ricotta (the same suggestion follows Ricotti), but I did not follow it, I used a soft goat cheese, I squeezed and brake it in small pieces and add 3 spoons of honey. The inside layer dough was made by first adding water and semolina and leave it for an hour. I swollen the semolina as much as possible and I added it with a mixed 1/3 cup of flour - it needs to be mixed as good as possible so to look like a uniformed mix. The base dough was made with 3/4 cups of flour mixed with 2 spoons of cold water. Now it was time to start making the plakous; I place in an oiled baking dish fresh laurel leaves (not bay leaves as Ricotti uses - or probably was meant 'bay laurel leaves') and above them the big dough of flour - that is the base - above it I add a layer of the semolina and flour dough and then some of the mix of the cheese and honey; that continued up to the point that the cheese and honey mix finished and its final mix was covered with the remaining dough. The folding of the plakous, I have to confess, is an interesting process; it needs to be knobbed by taking one side of the circular plakous and folded towards its middle. I baked it in 220 degrees Celsius for 45 minutes to 1 hour. I left it to get a bit cold and pour heated honey on top.

I have to note that the process above is from Dalby and Grainger with the only difference that instead of ricotta cheese I used soft goat cheese. Ricotti suggests that frozen puff pastry my get you the best result - I am sure, though, that the use of ready made frozen puff pastry will result into a cheese-pie with honey, not a plakous.

References:

Allaire Brumfield, Cakes in the Liknon: Votives from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth, Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 66,No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1997), pp. 147-172.

Andrew Dalby, Sally Grainger, The classical cookbook, British Museum Press, (2000).

Clairève Grandjouan, Eileen Markson, Susan I. Rotroff, Hellenistic Relief Molds from the Athenian Agora, Hesperia Supplements, Vol. 23.

Dorothy Burr Thompson, Three Centuries of Hellenistic Terracottas, Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1952), pp. 116-164.

Eugenia Salza Prina Ricotti, Meals and recipes from ancient Greece, Getty Publications, (2007).

The ritual boundaries of household worship

2011-09-22T14:00:00.362Z

In between two columns that represent
the interior of an oikos
stands a woman, reaching to an altar;
a wreath is hung on the wall behind her.
A scene comparable with Menanders
discription of a domestic ritual boundary.
Musée du Louvre CA 1857. © Perseus 1992

For a number of brief posts, the past six years, I discussed elements of the commonly known 'household' worship, supported with primary and secondary sources. In the post with the title Ancient Greek Superstitious Religiosity, the point was made that the religious act within the private space of one's house could easily share the religious feelings as well as the realisation of the ritual's importance of those practised in public. In Purify My Haunted House, discusses a good example of lex carthatica of a common pollution-to-purifcation ritual schema of Greek ritual logic (I am using the term 'schema' after Sourvinou-Inwood, 2011) within the private sphere. In Rural Dionysia for the Aristophanic household religion there is a clear example of how the 'public' festival schemata reinforced the 'private' ritual schema and vice versa. In this brief post I will examine the ritual boundaries of household worship by taking analogically the connection of the sanctuary's creation of 'sacred space'.

As noted above, there is a connection of the 'private' and 'public' religious practice; both reinforced the other with structural principles and modalities. On the issue at hand, the ritual boundaries within the oikos premises could be addressed by the use of the Greek ritual logic and in this case is the pollution-to-purifcation ritual schema. In Morgan (2007) there is a marvellous examination of the creation of 'sacred space' within the domestic spaces. An example via primary sources is Menander's Phasma (20-25); a young man's stepmother, who before she married his father, has had by a neighbour a daughter. The mother wishes to have continual near her the daughter and for that reason she is brought her secretly in the adjoining house, and the party wall between the neighbour's and her husband's house is pierced by a passage with its entrance made to resemble a shrine which she covered with garlands and ribbons. Thus, under the pretext of ritual practice the young man's stepmother was able to enjoyed regular visits by her daughter. The twist in the story is when the stepson saw her daughter and thought that she was a ghost. What we know from scholiasts is that further encounters change terror to love that resulted into a happy marriage. Although a 'romantic' comedy - which I suspect can easily compete all the modern ones - it gives us a good sense of how Greek ritual logic has been used effectively within the oikos - as we can see in Aristophanes' Rural Dionysia at the above URL - for creating a private 'sacred space':

20 [...] πεπόηκεν ἡ γυνὴ
     διελοῦσα τὸν τοῖχον διέξοδόν τινα
     ὅπως ἂν οἷαί τ' ὦσι πάντ' ἐπισκοπεῖν.
     ἡ γὰρ διέξοδος κεκάλυπται ταινίαις
     θαλλοῖς θ' ὅπως μήτις προσελθὼν καταμάθῃ.
25 ἔστιν δὲ καὶ βωμός τις ἔνδον τῆς θεοῦ

Morgan notes that for the ribbons (ταινίαις) was a convenient way for offering the means to underline the 'sacred space'. In this respect ribbons that are covering the oikos' shrine / altar are "creating a visual and symbolic separation of divine from mortal space within an internal room" (p. 116 n.14). However, how can we validate oikos' 'sacred space' in respect of the 'public' one? For Morgan, "private ritual boundary has the same validity and serves the same purpose as the public one." It is obvious that as in the 'public' sanctuaries the 'sacred space' needs to be marked (see Pedley, 2005: 57) and as the civil and sacred 'public' space was inextricable (ibid., 38) the same can be argued for the oikos' 'sacred space'. An example of space distinction can be seen once again in our beloved Aristophanes when tapestries were used to create a dining space for a symposium its required functions in Wasps (1215), "τὰ γόνατ᾽ ἔκτεινε καὶ γυμναστικῶς | ὑγρὸν χύτλασον σεαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς στρώμασιν".

However, the creation of a domestic ritual boundary, which is reserved for household worship requires the, as mentioned above, the pollution-to-purifcation ritual schema or consecration by purification. Morgan states that "[i]n the private context, a family might create boundaries by ritual behaviour rather than physical demarcation," (p. 116) and this ritual behaviour is of purification. The ritual of consecrating an oikos' altar is evident in Euripides, Heracles, (923-930):

       ἱερὰ μὲν ἦν πάροιθεν ἐσχάρας Διὸς
       καθάρσι᾽ οἴκων, γῆς ἄνακτ᾽ ἐπεὶ κτανὼν
925 ἐξέβαλε τῶνδε δωμάτων Ἡρακλέης:
       χορὸς δὲ καλλίμορφος εἱστήκει τέκνων
       πατήρ τε Μεγάρα τ᾽: ἐν κύκλῳ δ᾽ ἤδη κανοῦν
       εἵλικτο βωμοῦ, φθέγμα δ᾽ ὅσιον εἴχομεν.
       μέλλων δὲ δαλὸν χειρὶ δεξιᾷ φέρειν,
930 ἐς χέρνιβ᾽ ὡς βάψειεν, Ἀλκμήνης τόκος
       ἔστη σιωπῇ.

This could have been the common ritual logic of a household worship scene: the circling and purification of the oikos' altar indicates not only a ritual schema but also points to the participants that this area is now marked as sacred.

Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood and Robert Parker (2011). Athenian Myths and Festivals; Aglauros, Erechtheus, Plynteria, Panathenaia, Dionysia Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592074.001.0001

Janett E. Morgan (2007). Space and the notion of final frontier; Searching for ritual boundaries in the Classical Athenian home Kernos, 20, 113-129 DOI: http://kernos.revues.org/175

John Pedley (2005). Sanctuaries and the Sacred in the Ancient Greek World Cambridge University Press : 10.2277/052100635X

Telesphorus, a cult hymn from Epidaurus

2011-08-09T16:17:00.004Z

Frieze from Roman Philippopolis (3rd AD),
from left to right: Luna, Iaso, Telesphorus, Asclepius,
Panacea, Epione, Machaion, Padaleirios.
© Archaeological Museum in Plovdiv,
Bulgaria (RAM – Plovdiv)

Hellenic Polytheism is not just about the worship of the Twelve Olympians, but, on the contrary of a great number of divinities capable to have a straightforward and personal contact with the supplicant. One such divinity is Telesphorus, son of Asclepius. The interesting element of the God is that still today there is a debate of His origin, which is been discussed briefly at the Genius Cucullatus Exhibition online presentation here. In short there are two main hypotheses for Telesphorus origins; the Gallatian and the Greco-Roman hypothesis. Unfortunately, this online presentation - which of course provides a great amount of information, mainly in favour of Telesphorus Gallic origin - overlook the 1976 archaeological report by James Wiseman and Djordje Mano-Zissi in Journal of Field Archaeology, where Telesphorus terracotta figurines have been discovered in graves, dated on the 2^nd century BC (p. 278-279). An additional artefact depicting Telesphorus is available at the Science Museum London collection dated in between 500 to 200 BC possibly originated from Boeotia (see here). Regardless of the scholarly debate, the worship and ritualistic importance of the Hero, Telesphorus, is very interesting.

Telesphorus' cult established a place of worship with Asclepius in Epidaurus, as an important deity of ritualistic healing in the 2^nd to 3^rd century AD. We know that because of the two inscription found in Edpidaurus (IG IV²: 1, 421-561), as well as a hymn for the Hero as part of a collection of ritual hymns of Asclepius and Hygieia (IG, II², 4533), recorded by Nilsson (1945) from Athens. Although, His was attested, as pointed above, in Macedonia and in Boeotia from the 2^nd century and probably as early as the 3^rd century, in Athens and Epidaurus we have no record prior of the 2nd century AD. His name was, for the first time, recorded in Pergamon, 100 AD, (Inscr. Perg. VIII 3, 125). One of his famous suppliant was Aelius Aristides (AD 117 - 181) a popular Greek orator. Aelius wrote of his healing experience in what is known as Hieroi Logoi or Sacred Tales, which in fact were presented as Orations (47-56) all first published in Aelii Aristidis quae supersuni omnia by Keil, Bruno (Berlin, 1898) for more detail discussion and bibliographical reference see Pearcy (1988).

Telesphoros was depicted as a small cloaked child usually standing next to Asclepius legs in Roman art. In the Macedonian tombs His was seen with young children - a connection with His role as protector of infants and young children - see Wiseman and Zissi (1976). Etymologically, His name means 'bringing fulfilment' (LSJ) which suggest that He involved in the process of dream healing. The hymn as seen below was recorded by Furley and Bremer, Greek Hymns. Volume II. Greek Texts and Commentary (7.7.1):

Νέ<ον> ὦ θάλος ἄφθιτον [ ]
] Τελεσφόρε σὰς ἀρετὰς [ ]
] πάνσοφε λυσιπόνοι[ο θεοῦ υἱέ]
[κλει]νὲ δ<ά>ημον ...
... γένη μερόπων                                                                                  5
ἀνεγείρατε ἐκ <κ>αμάτων
βαρυαλγέα νοῦσων ἀπωσαμένω.
Παιὰν δὲ γέγηθεν ἀκειρεκόμης
νέον ἔρνος ἔχων σε, Τελεσφόρε, τὸν περὶ κῆρι φιλεῖ
καὶ πολλάκις ἐ[κ β]αθέος καμάτου                                                         10
βροτὸν ἐς φ[άο]ς εὔδ[ι]ον αὐτὸς ἄγων
μετὰ σοῦ, βαρυαν[... Λ]ητοΐδη
-χαῖρέ μοι ὦ ἰώμενος, ὦ
πολύ[τιμ]ε Τελεσφόρε- παίζει,
σὺ δὲ γηθοσύ[νοις ] περὶ φαιδρὰ πρόσω-                                                15
πα γέλωτα χέεις ἱεροῖ[σιν].

The hymn above, it may have been used, as suggested by Nilsson, as an element of the healing ritual procedure at the Asclepieion in Epidaurus, similar to that of Athens, "wake up Asclepius, ruler of the peoples, cast the sleep from thy eyes [...]" (IG, II², 4533). An additional point is Telesphorus connection with epithets commonly used for Apollo, such as Παιὰν and ἀκειρεκόμης, which can be explained with the fact that the cult of Asclepius is closely connected with this of Apollo. I will continue with Telesphorus in a future post and His connection to a broader elements of ritual practice in Epidaurus.

Martin P. Nilsson (1945). Pagan Divine Service in Late Antiquity The Harvard Theological Review, 63-69

Pearcy, L. (1988). Theme, Dream, and Narrative: Reading the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristides Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), 118 DOI: 10.2307/284178

Wiseman, J., & Mano-Zissi, D. (1976). Stobi: A City of Ancient Macedonia Journal of Field Archaeology, 3 (3) DOI: 10.2307/529437

The Facebook and Hellenic polytheism: a list of current groups and pages

2011-05-22T19:28:00.000Z

Facebook logo.

Facebook is currently (as of 1st April 2011) the largest Word Wide Web Social Network. From the moment that hit the public domain, the creation of Mark Elliot Zuckerberg, generated an overwhelming interest, which is still growing, and at the same time gathers a great number of criticism. Hellenic Polytheism, as a topic for discussion and / or as a 'religious movement' holds a well established interest within the enlisted members of Facebook. Although, I am a member of Facebook myself, I am familiar with technical details concerning the differences in between Pages and Groups; I have the impression that Groups accept discussion boards, and the Pages can hold only information on products, services, corporations and institutions. I also lately hear that Facebook decided to remove the 'discussion board' from its Groups' functionality; will it be enough for drawing away the interest from the Facebook Groups?

I am familiar with two major Groups with an interest towards Hellenic Polytheism and ancient Greek religion in its contemporary practical sense: The Hellenic Polytheistic Community (Ελληνική Πολυθεϊστική Κοινότητα) with an impressive 1,181 members. In the Group's description we read: "this group is for all those that practice or wish to practice Hellenic Polytheism or whether you just believe in the Hellenic gods. All are welcome here." The second Group which I am well familiar with is the The Greek Gods UK with 95 members. "This facebook group is designed for those people who follow the Olympic Gods (Hellenic Polytheist Gods) and who live in the U.K. to be able to get in touch with each other easily. It may also be of interest to people who would like to find out more about the Olympic Gods as a living faith in our modern world." Below I have included two lists of Pages available in Facebook:

As personalized Facebook Pages are the following available:

Divinities and communities:

Please note that Tropaion and its authors have no responsibility for the content of external internet sites and we may not consent with their content. As of 22 of March 2011 the above links were live. If you have your Page and / or Group newly created, or you know one which is not listed above, please send me a message and I will edit the above list.

Rural Dionysia for the Aristophanic household religion

2011-05-18T21:03:00.005Z

A satyr balances a Kantharos,
signed drinking cup (kylix)
of the potter Kachrylion, 520/10 BC,
Antiquities Berlin / Altes Museum.
Marcus Cyron © 2007.

I was always a great fan of Aristophanes works. But Aristophanes should be something more than a highly appreciated ancient comedian; he is a remarkable source for the ancient Greek day-to-day life and Athenian 'communal' culture, as well as for the Classical era's Athenian household religious praxis. It should be, therefore, an interesting case to examine further Aristophanes' importance in reconstructing Hellenic Polytheism. Aristophanes is the brightest example for written sources that 'transmitted' to us today the ancient Athenian religious festivities, rites and rituals of genos and the city as well as the household religious practice. However, as rightfully argued by Mikalson (1987: p. 10), all readers of ancient Greek 'popular' religion should be cautious when read Aristophanes as they are when read tragedians and philosophers. Aristophanes characters are caricatures of the Athenian reality; it is the sarcasm and irony of those caricatures that makes satire an effective tool of social criticism. The question is how much can we trust Aristophanes on matters of religious praxis? Riu (1999) in the book entitled Dionysism and Comedy (p. 229) is states that "[c]omedy [...] plays on reality" and although to "expel the traditional -i.e. real- gods from the field of comedy is good and Aristophanes does so very often; to expel them from reality is not, and Aristophanes never does so". Satira wishes to present our real self through a 'distorted' reality which represents our 'worst self'. The purpose of satira, as in tragedy. is katharsis but by employing the opposite means: laughter. Satira in my view represents the 'real' truth through its distortion and critique. The characters may be caricatures though their actions are real and well-acknowledged as such from the audience. For an example we can read the Acharnians (445-260) and the story of Dicaeopolis. He is preparing for the Rural Dionysia of 427/6 (see Bowie, 1988) with his own household made Rural Dionysia:

Δικαιόπολις
εὐφημεῖτε, εὐφημεῖτε.
προΐτω σ᾽ τὸ πρόσθεν ὀλίγον ἡ κανηφόρος:
ὁ Ξανθίας τὸν φαλλὸν ὀρθὸν στησάτω.
κατάθου τὸ κανοῦν ὦ θύγατερ, ἵν᾽ ἀπαρξώμεθα.

Θυγάτηρ
ὦ μῆτερ ἀνάδος δεῦρο τὴν ἐτνήρυσιν,                                            245
ἵν᾽ ἔτνος καταχέω τοὐλατῆρος τουτουί.

Δικαιόπολις
καὶ μὴν καλόν γ᾽ ἔστ᾽: ὦ Διόνυσε δέσποτα
κεχαρισμένως σοι τήνδε τὴν πομπὴν ἐμὲ
πέμψαντα καὶ θύσαντα μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν
ἀγαγεῖν τυχηρῶς τὰ κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς Διονύσια,      250
στρατιᾶς ἀπαλλαχθέντα: τὰς σπονδὰς δέ μοι
καλῶς ξυνενεγκεῖν τὰς τριακοντούτιδας.
ἄγ᾽ ὦ θύγατερ ὅπως τὸ κανοῦν καλὴ καλῶς
οἴσεις βλέπουσα θυμβροφάγον. ὡς μακάριος
ὅστις σ᾽ ὀπύσει κἀκποιήσεται γαλᾶς                                                255
σοῦ μηδὲν ἥττους βδεῖν, ἐπειδὰν ὄρθρος ᾖ.
πρόβαινε, κἀν τὤχλῳ φυλάττεσθαι σφόδρα
μή τις λαθών σου περιτράγῃ τὰ χρυσία.
ὦ Ξανθία, σφῷν δ᾽ ἐστὶν ὀρθὸς ἑκτέος
ὁ φαλλὸς ἐξόπισθε τῆς κανηφόρου:                                               260
ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἀκολουθῶν ᾁσομαι τὸ φαλλικόν:
σὺ δ᾽ ὦ γύναι θεῶ μ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους. πρόβα.

Dicaeopolis (Δικαιόπολις), the 'father' of this Athenian family starts his own offering few days prior of the Rural Dionysia. He loudly declares silence (εὐφημεῖτε) and calls his daughter (θυγάτηρ), the basket-bearer, to come forward, which in the civic festive is the maiden who carried the basket filled with fruits. He requests from his slave named Xanthias to hold up above the basket the phallus, the ritualistic symbol of the god in this specific festive. The basket that the Dicaeopolis' daughter carried was filled with a cake which needed to be spread with a sauce. Dicaeopolis after was satisfied for the preparations started the offering to Dionysus with a special prayer, then orders the small procession in front of his house to start. Could have been the 'reality' for an Athenian to perform a household made civic festival? Aristophanes wished to situate his caricatures in a commonly accepted and recognizable reality based on his audience experience. For that reason, the Aristophanic imaginative characters are acting truthfully. Accordingly, I believe that it was a common household practice to 'reproduce' civic festivities especial those that have been celebrated in local rural communities and demes (Mikalson, 1977: p. 434).

Bowie, E. (1988). Who Is Dicaeopolis? The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 108 DOI: 10.2307/632639

Mikalson, J. (1977). Religion in the Attic Demes The American Journal of Philology, 98 (4) DOI: 10.2307/293807

Zeus the King of the Gods; A Documentary

2011-05-14T19:17:00.001Z

First, I would like to give thanks to Βίκυ (theTempestAhead1110) at YouTube for uploading the very beautiful and successful documentary series entitled Paths of the Gods (1995). I can still remember as a child been impressed by the documentary's impressive narration and presence of Sir Peter Ustinov.

The documentary series Paths of the Gods seek a presentation of Greek mythology, while highlighting the beauty of the Greek landscape and archaeological sites.

This episode of the series ponders on the "erotic nature" of Zeus.

According to the prevalent myths, Zeus was the leading God of the Olympian pantheon and supreme God of the ancient Greeks, and the absolute divine symbol of masculinity. It was first broadcast on Sunday, January 1st, 1995.

The first part is available here, the second part is at http://youtu.be/AStgZGufOvM

Source: Youtube, 13 Mar 2011.

Legal vacuum for the Altar of 12 Gods

2011-04-27T17:49:00.000Z

The Banner of the Citizen's initiative
to preserve the Altar of the Twelve Gods
and of Mercy

Another Court decision further entangles the stage for the re-burial work of the Altar of the Twelve Gods in the section of Metro line, Monastiraki - Thissio. The new Court decision accepted the request of the consortium Aktor SA and Mochlos SA to withdraw the temporary injunction that was issued on 15th April for the "freezing" of the re-burial work but at the same decision rejected the application for injunction's withdrawal that had been submitted by Metro, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Culture.

The application submitted by the Aktor SA and Mochlos SA, to resume the work, was accepted but on the grounds that in the injunction's decision back in April the 15th had not been invited representatives of the consortium. On the other hand, the application for the continuation of project by Metro and the ministries, etc. has been rejected.

Work had stopped after the civil action in Court, seeking to avoid re-burial of the archaeological monument of the Alter of the Twelve Gods.

Source: Enet.gr, 26/04/2011

Centre for Neoplatonic Virtue and Ethics presents Plotinus on Happiness

2011-04-24T12:12:00.004Z

Plotinus, Ostiense Museum, Ostia Antica - Rome, Italy

The Centre for Neoplatonic Virtue Ethics at the Department of Philosophy, University of Copenhagen, presents a series of public annual lectures. In April the 27th it will host a lecture entitled 'Plotinus on Happiness' by Professor E. K. Emilsson (Philosophy, University of Oslo, Norway). The lecture's abstract provided by the Centre reads as follows:

Plotinus wrote two treatises on happiness: a longer and later one entitled by Porphyry simply 'On happiness', Ennead I. 4 (46 on Porphyry's chronological list), and an earlier, shorter one called 'On whether happiness increases with time', Ennead I. 5 (36 on the list). Plotinus here advances several arguments against the view that happiness increases by lasting longer. In this he is in agreement with both the Epicureans and the Stoics. His account of why this is so, however, differs from theirs. While the Hellenistic schools appeal to the completeness of the present moment with respect to happiness' provided, of course, that it is a moment of sheer pleasure for the Epicureans and, for the Stoics, that the person living in this moment is completely virtuous' Plotinus accounts for this by insisting that happiness really is outside time. In the first part of this paper I shall consider Plotinus's arguments in favour of the claim that happiness does not increase with time and his invocation of timelessness. In the second part, I shall address Plotinus's view on happiness with a focus on the relation of happiness to time in his other treatise. Here we are faced with a certain puzzle: Plotinus seems to hold, and has been understood as holding, (1) that happiness is the life of Intellect, (2) that every human being in asense lives the life of Intellect, and (3) that only those who have turned to Intellect (philosophers) are happy. These statements seem to be incompatible. I shall argue for an interpretation that amounts to rejecting (2) at least as unqualifiedly stated. I finally seek to bring the two parts of the paper together in two concluding remarks.

When? Time: April 27, 2011, 2:00 - 4:00 p.m.
Where? Place: University of Copenhagen, KUA, Lecture room 27.1.47, Njalsgade 128, 2300 Kbh S. The lecture is open to the public. No registration is needed.
By whom? Organized by The Centre for Neoplatonic Virtue Ethics, University of Copenh=
agen: http://www.virtueethics.ku.dk/

If you attend the lecture please send me your thoughts and post your comments. There are also a number of good reads out there for Plotinus and neoplatonism; my small Amazon book collection is below.

Hellenic Polytheists against archaeologists

2011-04-16T15:49:00.005Z

Athens, Agora; Altar of the Twelve Gods
© American School of Classical Studies at Athens

With the above title the Greek newspaper To Vima presented the protest of a handful Athenians in the archaeological site of Agora due to the on going work for reburying the Altar of the Twelve Gods' foundations in Monastiraki. The protest was held in the section between the Metro stations of Monastiraki and Thissio. The Metro line stopped to prevent any casualties "as some people may have jumped on the train lines from the route of Hadrian and the Roman Agora's side [...]. For this reason, the [corporation Attiko Metro SA which owns the Metro of Athens] has requested intervention by riot police." Additionaly the Attiko Metro SA filed a lawsuit for obstructing execution of public work and in return the protesters submit an application for interim measures against the Attiko Metro SA.

Following the story the Kathimerini, adds that the protesters were members of the Citizens' Initiative for the preservation and enhancement of the Altar of the Twelve Gods, who until Monday were continuously in the altar's site to deter teams from Attiko Metro SA to get down to business. As reported on the evening of the 12th of April they left the site, having first received a commitment from the government that the monuments of the Agora as a whole will be protected and re-emerged over the next decade. "Members of the Initiative for two months, struggled around the clock to rescue and promote the altar and we have nothing to do with what happened this morning," the Initiative representative said.

The Kathimerini story did not claim that Polytheists were the 'troublemakers' in contrast of what To Vima clearly states that "members of polytheistic organizations, which had occupied the site where archaeological reburying work was undergoing for the antiquities." It is important to note the language used by the newspaper To Vima which is clearly biased. It is also important to underline what Kathimerini notes that the reburying has been called "emerging" - Central Archaeological Council has approved the reburial of the altar, faithful to the notion that the monuments are better protected hidden - as part of a renovation of the Metro line exactly were the altar exists which is one of the greatest archaeological discoveries of recent years. According to reports, citizens formed a cordon around the monument, which was split violently by the riot police who up to now patrol the site. The work had continued.

It only remains to see if the monument is indeed 'reburied' under the new lines of the Metro when the times comes "over the next decade" to be re-emerged.

Sources: To Vima 14/04/2011 and Kathimerini, by Lina Giannarou, 14/04/11

The household hero in ancient Greek cult practice

2011-03-08T19:27:00.009Z

As promised, I continue my 'investigation' on the ancient Greek household religiosity with my second brief note on the ἥρως οἰκουρός, my translation which seems it is extremely formal, 'household hero'. The formality of my translation has its basis in the use of the term 'hero' derived from the LSJ's entry for ἥρως = heroes, as objects of worship - as part of my conception for 'hero's worship' was to generate a cultural stimulus (not just only in the defence of the city and encouragement of the soldiers but also within the sphere of arts and philosophy) Farnell (1921) clearly identifies it as such. Within the conception of the household religious practice, the hero, "was deemed to help his people". It may Farnell's claim seems outdated but regardless of whether a household hero is regarded a formal presence of ancestor's cult practice or a ghost which haunts that receives worship equals to state's divinities one fact remains unchanged: the 'objects' of private worship can multiply and acknowledged with sacral significance.

In reality as correctly was pointed on Rose (1957), ἥρως οἰκουρός is effectively "a friendly and worshipful ghost" (my underline). Rose believes that an household hero was a common element within the household religious culture. Rose's attention has being drawn by Babrius (Fab. LXIII) and Theophrastus' δεισιδαίμον (Char., 10, 13) where, in the later, the over reacted pietist perceives the presence of a snake as the manifestation of the Sabazios. Within the same lines Lucian has to offer his story of Πέλλιχος ὁ Κορίνθιος στρατηγὸς in Philopseudes (18-20). The story is clearly a 'ghost story' in which the Corinthian general's spirit not only uses his bronze statue to interconnect with the physical word but also to perform cures from diseases. As a result He received gifts and offerings from these healed patients. However, what Lucian underlines is that when a Lydian slave tried to steal the offerings, was beaten to death by the offended divinity:

καὶ τότε μὲν πληγὰς οὐκ ὀλίγας ἔλαβεν ἁλούς, οὐ πολὺν δὲ ἐπιβιοὺς χρόνον κακὸς κακῶς ἀπέθανεν μαστιγούμενος, ὡς ἔλεγεν, κατὰ τὴν νύκτα ἑκάστην, ὥστε καὶ μώλωπας εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν φαίνεσθαι αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ σώματος.

Following the above example, once again in Lucian, a doctor had his personal household cult of 'Hippocrates' (Philops. 21). The doctor's household hero was getting extremely upset by creating an uninhabited house - as the doctor complained - up to the moment He was appeased:

Ἱπποκράτης ἤδη ὁ ἰατρὸς θύεσθαι αὑτῷ, καὶ ἀγανακτεῖ ἢν μὴ κατὰ καιρὸν ἐφ᾽ ἱερῶν τελείων ἑστιαθῇ; ὃν ἔδει ἀγαπᾶν, εἴ τις ἐναγίσειεν αὐτῷ ἢ μελίκρατον ἐπισπείσειεν ἢ στεφανώσειε τὴν στήλην.

All the above occasions can be grouped within a specified family of cult practice - categorized by Farnell - the 'cults of real or historic persons'. At this specific moment, it can be clear, that the concept of worshipping and therefore the inclusion of deceased 'real' persons within the divinity sphere was in fact a healthy practice visible in the Roman religion's paterfamilias to Apollonius of Tyana and even to Jesus of Nazareth as the central figure of Christian's worship and doctrine. In Babrius Fables (LXIII), there is a fabulous statement of the commonly accepted perception towards personalized cults of household heroes:

Ἦν τις κατ' οἴκους ἀνδρὸς εὐσεβοῦς ἥρως
ἔχων ἐν αὐλῇ τέμενος. ἔνθα δὴ θύων
στέφων τε βωμοὺς καὶ καταβρέχων οἴνῳ
προσηύχετ' ἀεί ' χαῖρε, φίλταθ' ἡρώων,
καὶ τὸν σύνοικον ἀγαθὰ δαψιλῆ ποίει. ' 5
κἀκεῖνος αὐτῷ νυκτὸς ἐν μέσαις ὥραις
' ἀγαθὸν μέν ' εἶπεν ' οὐδ' ἂν εἶς τις ἡρώων
ὦ τᾶν παράσχοι· ταῦτα τοὺς θεοὺς αἴτει·
κακῶν δὲ πάντων ἅτε σύνεστιν ἀνθρώποις
δοτῆρες ἡμεῖς. τοὶγαρ εἰ κακῶν χρῄζεις, 10
εὔχου· παρέξω πολλά, κἂν ἓν αἰτήσῃς. '

Babrius is clear: the heroes give to humans only evils; only the Gods alone give good things (ἀγαθὰ). Babrius sounds strict and even authoritative; possibly it is true to call him - as Rose nicknamed him - "zealous servant of the Olympians". Regardless of how much effort and importance the ancient Greeks gave to their individual household hero's worship, the reality is that all had their personal hero and accordingly a private cult which offered the appropriate offerings. No one - except in this example Babrius - had any objections towards anyone's privately worshipping what gods he or she chose, as long as it remained within the private sphere of the household and the family and not discussed publicly.

Farnell, L. (1921). Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 41 DOI: 10.2307/625523

Rose, H.J. (1957). The religion of a Greek household Euphrosyne, 1, 95-116

Elaphebolion - 9th Month of Athenian Calendar

2011-03-08T14:18:00.003Z

I post below some traditional information about the 9th ancient Athenian month of ELAPHEBOLION and which Gods were honoured during this month in ancient times. ELAPHEBOLION started this year (2011) at sundown on Saturday 5th March. There is also a footnote with some practical points for modern day worshippers.[Thanks once again to Bob Clarke of the Hellenic Recon Yahoo chat group for supplying the traditional information.]

Elaphebolion - 9th Month
2nd Year of the 697th Olympiad (2011)

Beginning at sundown on Saturday the 5th of March 2011, is the Noumenia, the new month and Noumenia kata Selene - the first crescent moon which marks the beginning of Elaphebolion which is the ninth month of the second year of the 697th Olympiad. Each Olympiad lasts four years.

Noumenia kata Selene, Agathos Daimon

On the first day of Elaphebolion, the day of the first crescent moon, beginning at sundown on Saturday the 5th of March, the Noumenia kata Selene is celebrated in honor of Selene, Apollon Noumenios, and the household Gods. For every month, on the second day the Agathos Daimon (spirit of abundant goodness, usually Zeus as the bringer of abundant goodness) is honored.

On the third day, Athena is honored, and on the fourth day, Aphrodite, Herakles, Hermes, and Eros are honored. On the sixth day, Artemis is honored and, on the seventh day, Apollon is honored. On the eighth day, Poseidon and Theseus are honored and, for this month, the Asklepieia is celebrated in honor of Asklepios. It is a time to seek His blessings in guiding doctors as well as bringing healing and Hygieia (Health).

The Elaphebolia

This month, the Elaphebolia, a festival of honoring Artemis as the shooter of deer, was likely held on the sixth day of Elaphebolion beginning at sundown on Thursday, 10.March when Artemis is normally honored. Cakes in the shape of deer were prepared in homes with likely a modest sacrifice made to Artemis.

The Asklepieia

The Asklepieia was held on the eighth day of Elaphebolion beginning at sundown on Saturday, 12 March six months apart from the Epidauria which also honored Asklepios. The two festivals were likely the time when public doctors made their twice yearly sacrifices to Asklepios. Today, we should be reminded that doctors take the Hippocratic Oath and we should honor Asklepios and seek His guidance for all doctors and those in the medical profession.

Paean of Erythrae ((380-360 B.C.E. - P.M.G. 934)

Sing youths, of Paean, skill-famed, Leto's son,
Far-shooter –
ië Paean! -
who fathered a great joy for mortals
when he mingled in love with Coronis
in the land of the Phlegyae -
ië Paean! -
Asclepius, the most famous god -
ië Paean!
By him were fathered Machaon and Podalirius
and Iaso (Healer)-
ië Paean! -
and fair-eyed Aegle (Radiance) and Panacea (Cure-all), children of
Epione, along with Hygieia (Health), all-glorious,
undefiled;
ië Paean! -
Asclepius, the most famous god –
ië Paean!
Greetings I give you: graciously visit our
wide-spaced city -
ië Paean! -
and grant that we look on the sun's light in joy,
approved with the help of Hygieia, all-glorious,
undefiled;
ië Paean! -
Asclepius, the most famous god -
ië Paean!

Inscribed copies of the paean with some textual variation are known from Ptolemais in Egypt (97 C.E.), Dium in Macedonia (2nd c. C.E.), and Athens (2nd or 3rd c. C.E.).

The Dionysia

The Dionysia begins at sundown on the 14th of March (10 Elaphebolion) and lasts for eight days. The Dionysia included competitive performances of tragedies. The great classic tragedies we treasure today for their revelation of the human condition represent only the winning plays, and of those winning plays less than one percent survive. There are profound religious understandings exemplified in the tragedies such as piety and right action. Although the Gods bring only goodness, the plays provide dramatic realization that what Fate provides in life is not always kind or fair and life is often filled with hardship. It is how we respond to events that the Fates bestow upon us and how we practice right action even under the most difficult of circumstances that cultivates our own agathos daimon, our spirit of goodness and provides examples of right action for others.

The Galaxia

The Galaxia honoring the Mother of the Gods was held at the Vernal Equinox, beginning at sundown on 20.March. Rhea is honored with a dish of barley boiled with milk and likely sweetened with honey and flavored with cinnamon.

The Pandia

Immediately following the Dionysia on the last day (beginning at sundown on 21st March), the Pandia was held in honor of Zeus.

But may Zeus grant that it go well with us. For Zeus' desire is hard to trace: it shines everywhere, even in gloom, together with fortune obscure to mortal men.

Aeschylus - Suppliant Maidens

But whoever willingly sings a victory song for Zeus, he shall gain wisdom altogether,- Zeus, who sets mortals on the path to understanding, Zeus, who has established as a fixed law that "wisdom comes by suffering." But even as trouble, bringing memory of pain, drips over the mind in sleep, so wisdom comes to men, whether they want it or not. Harsh, it seems to me, is the grace of gods enthroned upon their awful seats.

Aeschylus - Agamemnon

Hekate's Deipnon

Hekate's Deipnon will be celebrated on the thirtieth of Elaphebolion beginning at sundown on 3rd April.

Footnote for Modern Day Worshippers:

(Here are some extra practical points from Melissa Gold:)

Elaphebolion - 9th Month of Athenian Calendar

Festivals for modern worshippers during this month, although all are
relatively minor, include:

* Elaphebolia –sundown on Thursday, 10 March to sunset 11 March, a
holiday when Artemis Shooter of Deer is honoured. If you wish to observe
this one, prepare Elaphoi, cakes in the shape of deer – made of dough, honey
and sesame seeds – as offerings and read Homeric hymn #27 to Artemis and
perhaps Orphic hymn #36 to Artemis.

* The Asklepieia - Held on the eighth day of Elaphebolion beginning at
sundown on Saturday, 12 March to sundown 13 March; a time to honour
Asklepios and seek His guidance for all doctors and those in the medical
profession. Read the Orphic Hymn #67 to Asklepios and #68 to Health.

* The Galaxia – An occasion to honour the Mother of the Gods, held at
the Vernal Equinox, beginning at sundown on 20 March. Rhea is offered a
dish of barley boiled with milk and likely sweetened with honey and
flavoured with cinnamon. Read Homeric hymn #30, to Mother of All or Orphic
Hymn #14, to Rhea.

Note: these hymns are suggestions; there is nothing prescribed about which
hymns to read. Also, the reading of hymns is usually part of some ritual
involving incense, fire (candle or other), libations and offerings as noted
above.

Kadiskos the symbols of Zeus Ktesios

2011-01-31T19:05:00.002Z

The stone made kadiskos from the Hellenistic Halos.

With a growing demand, I would like to start a series of brief posts that will present in detail the ancient Greek household worship and religious practice. One, major, problem that exists when a research is been conducted for the ancient Greek world and especially the ancient Greek religion is generalization. As it has been identified by a great number of scholars for every aspect of ancient Greek religious practice, generalization is in fact an error which has been occurred as soon as omissions and over-simplifications entered the falsification of facts. It is even more difficult to produce a generalized opinion for the ancient Greek household religion or household cults. Another issue that must be addressed is that the private religious practice that includes the household of the ancient Greeks has not been described in any detail in literature. Why? As it is the fact today, any family prayers, even if still they remain in some households, are obsolete. Therefore modern household household piety, if recorded, leaves a great deal of details out, which then required the future researcher to fill the gap with cross referencing from other sources, using even his imagination. Something similar it needs to be said for the ancient Greek household religious practices. My purpose, therefore, is to minimize the methodological difficulties mentioned above, by pointing out the sources, date and possible region or community for which the household practice is presented.

Zeus Ktesios is the God of the storeroom. Rose (1957) in his article entitled The Religion of a Greek Household, suggests that Zeus Ktesios is the “Greek equivalent of the Panates” (p. 100). It is wise to assume that the God existed throughout the millennia of Greek religiosity with a variety of different epithets. However, we know about Him from the archaeological artefacts and the surviving literature, and more precisely from Athenaios (473 b-c), a Hellenistic writer, as quoted below:

46. καδίσκος ;. Φιλήμων ἐν τῷ προειρημένῳ συγγράμματι ποτηρίου εἶδος. ἀγγεῖον δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν ᾧ τοὺς κτησίους Δίας ἐγκαθιδρύουσιν, ὡς Αὐτοκλείδης φησὶν ἐν τῷ Ἐξηγητικῷ γράφων οὕτως ‘ Διὸς κτησίου σημεῖα ἱδρύεσθαι χρὴ ὧδε. καδίσκον καινὸν δίωτον ἐπίθημα ἔχοντα στέψαι τὰ ὦτα ἐρίῳ λευκῷ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ὤμου τοῦ δεξιοῦ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ μετώπου τοῦ κροκίου, καὶ ἐσθεῖναι ὅ τι ἂν εὕρῃς καὶ εἰσχέαι ἀμβροσίαν. ἡ δ᾽ ἀμβροσία ὕδωρ ἀκραιφνές, ἔλαιον, παγκαρπία: ἅπερ ἔμβαλε.’ μνημονεύει τοῦ καδίσκου καὶ Στράττις ὁ κωμικὸς ἐν Λημνομέδᾳ λέγων οὕτως:

Ἑρμῆς, ὃν ἕλκους᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐκ προχοιδίου,

οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ καδίσκου σ᾽ ἴσον ἴσῳ κεκραμένον.

I omitted the lacuna ἐκ τοῦ ὤμου τοῦ δεξιοῦ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ μετώπου […] τοῦ κροκίου as it makes the passage more easily to be understood. Athenaios quotes Philemon’s (of Athens) treatise for the Attic dialect (see Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities edited William Smith (1870) v. 3, page 264) which defines kadiskos as a kind of drinking-vessel. It is the vessel in which they (the Athenians) establish Zeus Ktesios. Athenaios then quotes Antikleides’ Exegetikos in whish describes the semeia (symbols) of Zeus Ktesios as a two-eared jar that its ears were wreathed with white wool – which is a customary ‘dress’ for all the holy things – from the right shoulder and its front and its woollen fillet (κροκίου - το κρόκιον: LSJ; see also Greek Popular Religion, by Martin P. Nilsson (1940) p. 68). It needs to be filled with anything you find (most probably ‘lucky’ findings) and pour in ambrosia, which is pure water, oil and some of all fruits of the earth (food-grains, παγκαρπία).

We have to first underline that the document and its sources that quotes were from the Hellenistic era and by Athenians. I am positive, though, that the custom of establishing the image of the God as the Hellenistic Athenians was in fact received and used throughout the Hellenistic Greek world. For example the Hellenistic city of Halos, where in an excavated house has been found buried in the floor of the central room, a stone kadiskos, ritual vessel, containing two replicas of snakes, one made by iron and the other by silver, a small bone and a shell and is been suggested that was a tribute to Zeus Ktesios – the Halos’ kadiskos can been seen in the attached photo and is available at the Archaeological Museum of Almyros.

My next post of the series will be on ἥρως οἰκουρός, hero of the household.

Nilsson, M., P. (1940). Greek Popular Religion Lectures on the history of religions. n.s. Other: 608793

Rose, H.J. (1957). The religion of a Greek household Euphrosyne, 1, 95-116

Talks on Socrates - London - Febuary 2011

2011-01-26T12:08:00.002Z

Talks On Socrates:

For those people near London who might be interested on some lectures on Socrates I post this link:

http://www.promethe ustrust.co. uk/html/lectures .html

They are on Tuesday evenings througout Febuary. (Details etc on weblink)

Tim Addey is a great speaker on this subject* and gives a very entertaining and infomative session. (Recommended:)

James.

* NB: The subject being the spititual and philisophical aspects rather than the purely historical.

7th Ancient Athenian Month of Gamelion

2011-01-12T15:07:00.004Z

For those interested in some concise information on the Ancient Athenian Calendar I post below soem traditional information on the 7th month of the lunar Calendar: Gamelion. (Keep in mind that since it is based on the lunar calendar - the modern dates vary each year....)

Gamelion

7th Month - 2nd Year of the 697th Olympiad (2011)

Beginning at sundown on Wednesday the 5th of January 2011, is the Noumenia, the new month, and the following day beginning at sundown on Thursday 6th of January is the Noumenia kata Selene – the first crescent moon which marks the beginning of Gamelion which is the seventh month of the second year of the 697th Olympiad. Each Olympiad lasts four years.

Noumenia kata Selene, Agathos Daimon

On the second day of Gamelion, the day of the first crescent moon, beginning at sundown on Tuesday the 6th of January, the Noumenia kata Selene is celebrated in honor of Selene, Apollon Noumenios, and the household Gods. For every month, on the second day the Agathos Daimon (spirit of abundant goodness, usually Zeus as the bringer of abundant goodness) is honored.

On the third day, Athena is honored, and on the fourth day, Aphrodite, Herakles, Hermes, and Eros are honored. On the sixth day, Artemis is honored and, on the seventh day, Apollon is honored. On the eighth day, Poseidon and Theseus are honored, and, for this month, Apollon Apotropaios, Apollon Nymphegetes, and the Nymphs. For this month, Athene is honored again on the ninth day.

Lenaea

In ancient Attica, from the twelfth through the fifteenth Gamelion (16th-20th January 2011), the Lenaea, a festival of Dionysos, was celebrated at the Lenauion with a procession, many sacrifices, and competition in tragedy and comedy.

Theogamia (Gamelia)

The month of Gamelion is noted most for the celebration of the marriage of Zeus and Hera, the Theogamia (Gamelia), on the 27th of Gamelion, beginning at sundown on the 31st of January. Ge (Earth) is honored as Kourotrophos (Nurse of children) and Zeus Teleios and Poseidon are also honored on this day.

Gamelion was the month for marriages in ancient Greece as marriage was instituted by Zeus and Hera. It is not only a time for marriage but a time to renew marriage just as the Gamelia is renewed each year. In particular, the Gamelia or Theogamia (marriage of Gods) is a pronouncement of the joint rule of Zeus and Hera as echoed in Homeric Hymn 12 to Hera where Hera is revered and honored no less than Zeus:

Of Hera I sing,
the golden-throned,
whom Rhea bore to be queen of the immortals,
of supreme beauty,
sister and wife of Zeus the loud-booming;
glorious one,
whom all of the blessed ones on long Olympus revere and honour
no less than Zeus whose sport is the thunderbolt.

A number of early temples such as the temple to Hera at Olympia were built for Hera and Zeus with separate temples to Zeus built later. In patriarchal ancient Greece, women had powerful goddesses for protection and guidance such as Hekate and Artemis and Hera who is Goddess of Beginnings, Marriages, and Light and especially Queen of the Immortals.

Hekate’s Deipnon

Hekate’s Deipnon will be celebrated on the thirtieth of Gamelion beginning at sundown on 3rd February.

May blessings go with you, and may the Goddess watch benevolently over you and guard you with favorable fortunes. (Bob)

[Thanks once again to Bob Clarke of the Hellenic Recon
Yahoo chat list for supplying this traditional information.]

Purify my haunted house: a purification ritual from Cyrene

2010-11-27T14:34:00.009Z

The concepts of miasma and purification are troubling especially when relate to magic and ghosts. Miasma, evidently, is a substance of iniquity, or matter of wrong doing which in fact explains the need of purification from magic. It is also evident that miasma is also been considered the dead matter including spirits of the dead or the dying or dead matter. There is, as a result, a needed separation in between the conditions of life and death, which are in fact part of dissimilar realms. If these realms meet under circumstance that can be addressed only as magical interference seems that in numerous occasions are harmful for its other. The generation of miasma is the result of such encounters as in effect are generated by malevolence actions such as magic. I do wish, therefore, to underline that the contact with magic and ghosts was an important issue for the civil religion. It is obvious that matters which Theophrastus called superstition was in fact an everyday concern for a great number of Greeks.

As a result there are a number of known lex carthatica (a very much rare term used for lex sacra that are mainly focus on purification rites and rituals) that deal with purification of haunted places and magic in general. I choose to use as a good example the Cyrene’s inscription of the late 4^th c. BC. It is referred by Parker, Miasma, pp. 332-350, Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution, pp. 68-74, and commented by Rhodes and Osborne, Greek Historical Inscriptions (GHI) pp. 496-505 and the newly published Robertson, Religion and Reconciliation in Greek Cities; The Sacred Laws of Selinus and Cyrene, pp. 259-371 where the author offers an extensive analysis.

I do not wish to get into a great length discussing the inscription per se, however, I have to mention briefly a number of important facts; it has been discovered in two pieces in the Small Baths at Cyrene, first published by Ferri, 'La ‘lex cathartica’ di Cirene,' Notiziario Archeologico 4 pp. 91-145, it is attested that the inscription was initially situated in the sanctuary of Apollo which was shared with Artemis. The inscription, therefore, regulates certain purifications and public sacrifices required for Apollo’s oracle on the sanctuary’s boundaries. It also includes laws for worship outside the sanctuary that of Akamantes and Tritopateres as well as several notes of how a suppliant can be kept pure and the purification of a haunted house. Although, I consider a methodological mistake not to include an overall account of the inscription, which essentially will provide a background of its purpose and function, I am unable to compete with the excellent work of Rhodes and Osborne as well as the newly published magnificent commentary by Robertson. The sole purpose is to identify the first of the three purification rites in lines 110-121.

The rules included within the lex carthatica are effectively three suppliant’s purifications (the usual combination of the terms suppliant and purification is an interest issue to be discussed and is underlined in Robertson) and they are exceptionally different. The first purification is for a haunted house and more precisely haunted by ghosts that have been conjured by an occupant’s enemy. The purification reads as follows:

ἰκέσιος, ἐπακτός. αἴ κα ἐπιπεμφθῆι ἐπὶ τὰν

οἰκιαν, αἰ μέγ κα ἰσᾶι ἀφ' ὅτινός οἱ ἐπῆνθε, ὀ-

νυμαξεῖ αὐτόν προειπὼν τρὶς ἀμέρας. αἰ δ[ὲ]

κα τεθνάκηι ἔγγαιος ἢ ἄλλη πη ἀπολώλη[ι],

αἰ μέγ κα ἰσᾶι τὸ ὄνυμα, ὀνυμαστὶ προερεῖ. αἰ 115

δέ κα μὴ ἰσᾶι, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, αἴτε ἀνὴρ αἴτε γυνὰ

ἐσσί. κολοσὸς ποιήσαντα ἔρσενα καὶ θήλει[ν]

ἢ καλίνος ἢ γαΐνος, ὑποδεξάμενον παρτιθ̣[έ]-

μεν τὸ μέρος πάντων. ἐπεὶ δέ κα ποιῆσες τὰ

νομιζόμενα, φέροντα ἐς ὕλαν ἀεργὸν ἐρε- 120

[ῖ]σαι τὰς κολοσὸς καὶ τὰ μέρη.

The adjective ἐπακτός clearly states that the suppliant (ἰκέσιος) has been attacked by magic in his household (ἐπὶ τὰν οἰκιαν), therefore clarifies the certain reason that the purification is needed. If the occupant knows the responsible individual for such an action, he shall name him (publicly) for three days. In the occasion that the responsible individual has died τεθνάκηι ἔγγαιος ἢ ἄλλη πη ἀπολώληι, (in land or somewhere else), and his name is known that should also been named for three days. In the case that the name is unknown the suppliant should say “ὦ ἄνθρωπε, αἴτε ἀνὴρ αἴτε γυνὰ ἐσσί” (Oh you human, whether you are a man or a woman). Thus the ritual begins with the calling of the injurer and the spirits involved. The suppliant then has to create figurines, a male and a female, from wood or from clay, and give them ὑποδεξάμενον παρτιθ̣έμεν τὸ μέρος πάντων, a full hospitality that will include an offering of everything available within the household’s walls. This part of the ritual although it sounds peculiar is not unique. We have to remember that the Athenians gave their respects to Hekate every first of the month by offering meals in crossroads, with the hope to purify their city of malevolent spirits and magic. Hekate conjures against magic as Theophrastus’ superstitious man confirmed (Characters 16). After the performed customary rites the figurines and the portions of the meals should then be carried and deposited by the suppliant to a lying fallow wood.

Rhodes and Osborne suggest -and Robertson aggress- that this specific purification rite is similar with the rite available in Selinus’ lex sacra -the purification rite from elasteroi. Additionally they argued that most possible the figurines were treated with full meals and offerings similarly as the Theoxenia rite.

Antiquity and the Future

2010-10-26T10:50:00.000Z

Every first Thursday of each month at 7 pm Professor Emm. Mikrogiannakis presents the series of Antiquity and the Future that includes the following topics:

4/11/2010: The Beautiful Thera
2/12/2010: Heroic euthanasia
3/2/2011: The deification of Demetrius I Poliorcetes by the Athenians
3/3/2011: Hellenistic Athens as a University-city
7/4/2011: The Macedonian Antigonid dynasty
5/5/2011: State of Crete and the Carthage in comparison

Source: Parnassos Literary Society 26/10/2010

Ancient Month of BOEDROMION

2010-09-11T08:23:00.002Z

For those readers of this blogg who are interested in the modern day worship of the "Olympic Gods" (for whatever reason) I post below some information about the ancient Greek month of BOEDROMION and the Gods which were honoured in ancient times. Boedromion started (this year 2010) at sundown on Thursday 9th September.

(Note for modern day followers: This information may be of interest to both those people who prefer a more traditional approach to their worship - and those who prefer a more contemporary approach. Knowing what the ancients did allows us to make more informed decisions about what we choose to do today - mainly in our own households - and occassionally in communial gatherrings.)

I thank Bob Clarke for providing the information below:

Boedromion
2nd Year of the 697th Olympiad

At sundown on Thursday the 9th of September 2010, the Noumenia in honor of Selene, Apollon Noumenios, and the household Gods begins the month of Boedromion which is the third month of the second year of the 697th Olympiad.

The Noumenia begins the new month and the following day beginning at sundown on Friday 10th of September is the Noumenia kata Selene in honor of Selene, Apollon Noumenios, and the household Gods - the first crescent moon which marks the beginning of Boedromion which is the third month of the second year of the 697th Olympiad. Each Olympiad lasts four years. For every month, on the second day (the day the Agathos Daimon (spirit of abundant goodness, usually Zeus as the bringer of abundant goodness) is honored. On the third day, for this month, Athene is honored, and on the forth day, Aphrodite, Herakles, Hermes, and Eros are honored. On the sixth day, Artemis is honored and, on the seventh day, Apollon is honored. On the eighth day, Poseidon and Theseus are honored.

Noumenia kata Selene, Agathos Daimon

On the second day of Boedromion, the day of the first crescent moon, beginning at sundown on Friday the 10nd of August, the Noumenia kata Selene is celebrated in honor of Selene, Apollon Noumenios, and the household Gods. For every month, on the second day the Agathos Daimon (spirit of abundant goodness, usually Zeus as the bringer of abundant goodness) is honored.

On the third day, Athena is honored, and on the fourth day, Aphrodite, Herakles, Hermes, and Eros are honored and for this month Basile (Queen - a divinity worshipped with Neleus and Kodros at Athens) is also honored. On the sixth day, Artemis is honored and, on the seventh day, Apollon is honored. On the eighth day, Poseidon and Theseus are honored.

The Niketeria

On the second day of Boedromion (beginning at sundown on the 10th of September) the Niketeria commemorating Athena's victory over Poseidon to become mistress of the city and mistress over the land was celebrated.

Epops and the Genesia

On the fifth day of Boedromion (beginning at sundown on the 13th of September) the ancestral hero Epops was honored and the Genesia celebrated in honor of deceased parents where sacrifice was likely made to Earth holder of the departed and libations (wine or milk and honey) poured to the deceased.

The Democratia

In ancient Attica, on the twelfth of Boedromion (beginning at sundown on the 20th of September), the Demokratia (democracy) was celebrated.

The Greater Eleusinia

Beginning on the fifteenth of Boedromion (sundown on 23rd September), the greater Eleusinia was celebrated for nine days. It was a major part of the Eleusinian Mysteries. The greater Eleusinia offered hope of immortality through initiation:

Initiation: myein, mysteria and teleia.

Ritual celebration: orgia.

Achieve a state of enthousiasmos (en theos).

Eleusinian Mysteries center around the Demeter and Persephone. Women, slaves, and foreigners, as well as citizen males were accepted.

The nine-day festival was held every year in September.

Days 1-4: arrival, purification, sacrifice and feasting in Athens.

Day 5: Procession to the Telesterion at Eleusis.

Days 6-7: Initiation at Eleusis.

--- dromena (things done).

--- legomena (things spoken).

--- deiknymena (things shown).

Day 8: Rites to the Dead.

Day 9: Return to Athens.

Despoina

Carl Kerényi in his book Eleusis writes beginning on page 31: . . . . In Arcadia she [Demeter] was also a second goddess in the Mysteries of her daughter, the unnamable, who was invoked only as Despoina, the "Mistress." But in the mysteries of Lykosoura, as in those of Eleusis, the greater of the two was surely the daughter. Was the Arcadian Persephone really different from her mother, who had also suffered the fate of the Kore?

In these figures one may ask, was the universal fate of women merely raised to a purely divine plane - what the mothers have suffered, the daughters also must suffer? Or were mother and daughter two only for the profane? For a great goddess could do just that: in a single figure which was at once Mother and Daughter, she could represent the motifs that recur in all mothers and daughters, and she could combine the feminine attributes of the earth with the inconsistency of the wondering moon. As mistress of all living creatures on land and sea she could reach up from the underworld to heaven. The mystery goddess of Lykosoura wore a cosmic mantle adorned with representations of the inhabitants of earth and sea, and she also held in her lap the cista mystica, the closed basket holding the instruments of the secret rites. Her mother sat beside her on the same throne. At Thelpousa, however, Demeter alone possessed two statues in the same temple, one of angry countenance, which bore the Mystery basket.

Sanctuary of Despoina at Lykosoura: Reconstruction of interior of Sanctuary of Despoina: from left to right Artemis, Demeter, Despoina, and Anytos.

Drawing by Candace Smith, from Andrew Stewart, One Hundred Greek Sculptors: Their Careers and Extant Works, 1990, fig. 788.

In the Homeric Hymn, Demeter says:

"For I am Demeter the honored one, who is the greatest boon and joy to immortals and mortals. Now, let the whole people build me a great temple with an altar below it, under the citadel's sheer wall, above Kallichoron, where the hill juts out. As to the rites, I myself will instruct you on how in future you can propitiate me with holy performance. "

The abduction of Kore and grief of Demeter is a poignant reminder of the death of a girl who would never become a mother. Yet, from Kore's abduction comes the ever renewal of crops and bountiful harvests. Ploutos, another name for Hades, means wealth, and Ploutos is the wealth of Earth. Kore brings that wealth to the living. She represents life, death, and the ever renewal of life. Demeter is the culmination of the renewal of life in the harvest.

The Epidauria

On the seventeenth of Boedromion (beginning at sundown on the 25th of September), the Epidauria (a festival of Asklepios) was held with sacrifices to Asklepios.

The Nymphs, Akhelous, Alokhos, Hermes, Gaia, and Athene

On the twenty-seventh of Boedromion, (beginning at sundown on the 5th of October), sacrifice was made to the Nymphs, <>Akhelous, Alokhos, Hermes, Gaia, and Athene.

Hekate's Deipnon

The next Hekate's Deipnon will be celebrated on the 29th of Boedromion beginning at sundown on the 7th of October.

When the hand palm mistakenly becomes an ancient Greek curse

2010-09-10T14:39:00.000Z

Today I wished to translate an opinion article by the well-known Cultural Editor Maria Thermou of the eminent Greek newspaper To Vima. I read the first paragraph and although I wished to continue to read and conclude the read, I decided to stop and wonder through books, indexes and dictionaries for one word: σφάκελος. According to T the term’s “interpretation is clear since σφάκελοι was in antiquity a form of curse, which in a diluted form is been used in modern era” as the gesture of insult in modern Greek μούντζες (moutzes) and / or φάσκελα (faskela).

The finding by T sounds with the first read quite impressive. Is it possible that the modern day Greek gesture of the ‘open hand palm’, known as μούντζα and / or φάσκελο is indeed derived from an ancient Greek curse gesture? I do not believe so. Please find below my exact translation of the first paragraph as seen in To Vima by T.

The marble relief may not be of highly technique, but its depiction is of great importance: a young man standing is been “confronted” with two...moutzes (sfakelous in ancient Greek, the new faskela). And its interpretation is clear since sfakela was in antiquity a form of curse, which in a diluted form is been used in modern era. The relief, within several more of the same themes, will be exhibited at the National Archaeological Museum from September 24th entitled “Wizards, spells and amulets: Magic in the ancient and Christian world,” as part of European Heritage Day.

The problem with the above interpretation is its used semantic reasoning. I cannot accept the confusion of two different terms and their meaning into one, which is obviously a modern misuse and misunderstanding of the ancient Greek language. The modern term moutza is indeed interpreted as faskela, however the one is of Byzantine origin and the other an ancient Greek word. To understand more clearly this modern confusion let us evaluate both terms separately.

Moutza according to Giannoulelli and Moysiadis is been derived by the Persian muzh which means dull, however in the Byzantine era was used as blackness or black dirt. There was a reason why the moutza has been to refer a hand palm gesture covered in black dirt: Byzantines used it for apprehend through their punishment of criminals. It is obviously a violent and offensive gesture and it seems that in Byzantium, as well as, today has no metaphysical use whatsoever.

Moreover, the term faskela (plural) or faskelo (singular) according to Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott (LSJ) is generally used for gangrene, mortification, or, of bones. There is only one reference which uses a derivative term σφάκηλος (or φάκηλος) as ‘the middle figure’ as stated in LSJ by an unpublished papyrus of the British Museum (PLond.inéd.). It is very difficult without the actual document available to accept an interpretation that the σφάκηλος or φάκηλος is been used as a gesture at all. The same can be said for the term in question: φάσκελα. All, therefore, references in literature use the above word within a medical terminology and nothing more of that.

What can be said for the relief that depicts the young man with the open hand palms or in ancient Greek παλάμη? My interpretation is as follows. According to LSJ it can be metaphorically means, cunning, art, device, either in good or bad sense (Thgn.624, cf. Hdt.8.19; esp. of the gods, θεοῦ σὺν παλάμᾳ, θεῶν παλάμαι, παλάμαις Διός, by their arts, Pi.O.10(11).21, P.1.48, N. 10.65; “ὦ παλάμαι θεῶν” S.Ph.177 (lyr.); πυκνότατος παλάμαις, of Sisyphus, Pi.O.13.52, cf. A.Pr.167 (lyr.), etc.; “παντοίας πλέκειν παλάμας” Ar.V.645.) and indeed the hand palm is a gesture used in phylakteria as "a defensive gesture against the evil eye" (see Georg Luck, Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds, 2006, pp.19).

Conclusively, I do not believe that the modern day offensive gesture of moutza / faskela has nothing to do with the ancient gesture of open hand palm which is accepted to be, on the contrary of T’s opinion, a defensive gesture against evil.

Traces of the All-highest Zeus in Kozani

2010-07-30T10:46:00.000Z

The surface findings excavated in Akrine of Kozani have been identified the surveyed are as a public building, perhaps a shrine associated with the worship of All-highest Zeus. Archaeologists of the thirtieth Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities unearthed remains of non-fluting columns shafts, bases, an altar and quoins, as well as a large under-base of one big construction or more buildings, which probably formed a single building block. Presenting the excavation's report at the recent symposium on the archaeological work conducted in western Macedonia, an archaeologist of the 30th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, Konstantinos Moschakis, connected these findings with the inscribed relief of Zeus with the inscription "Διί Υψίστω" also found in Akrine.

Source: To Ethnos, 29/07/2010

Dedications to the Gods of the Cyclades

2010-07-18T19:48:00.002Z

A "doubled house" divided into two rooms was the temple at Mantra of Despotiko in the island of Paros, since it was dedicated to Apollo and Artemis. Fragmented shells with the inscription "APOLLO" and "ARTIME" or "ARCHIME" of the 6th and 3rd c. BC were found within the temenos. The earlier discovered figurine also of a female deity of daedalic (sic.) style (680-660 BC) was probably the ritualistic statue of the temple's Goddess. Apart from the marble sculptures and fragments of Kouros, the latest excavations (March 2010 to June 2010) brought to light remains of a utensil for besprinkling (perirrantirio) with the inscription "Mardis anethiken". Also, clay figurines, statues and objects of faience, seals in semiprecious stones, copper and ivory buckles, stone, glass and gold beads, an ostrich egg, aryballoi, alabastra, kotyli, books, swords, and many farming tools.

Source: Vima, 16/07/2010 [with a picture]

In ancient Eretria with Apollo's companionship

2010-07-10T12:14:00.004Z

Within the the temporary exhibition entitled "Eretria: Insights into an Ancient City" which is been currently hosted at the National Archaeological Museum - April 26th - and will remain open up until August 25th, 2010, there is a newly planned educational program and workshop for children aged 8-12 years entitled "In Eretria with Apollo's companionship". The program will run from the 1st until the 31st of July 2010.

The children will be offered the opportunity for a creative summer which will bring them closer and understand the ancient city of Eretria and learn through mythological themes the worship of the god Apollo. The children will be 'initiated' into the basic structural features of the ancient temples by taking the example of the temple of Apollo Daphnephoros at Eretria, and via a comparative presentation will understand the main architectural differences of the Doric and Ionic orders.

Program's start date the 1st of July, 2010
Program Duration: 90 minutes
Days of event: Tuesday-Wednesday-Thursday
Time of event: 11:00 am - 12:30 pm
The program is free.
Enrolment application are necessary.
Contact Tel.: 210 8217724, 210 8217717
Contact Hours: 9:30 am - 15:30 pm

Source: The National Archaeological Museum, 10/07/2010