Vnuriya - Thai history blog

Behind the scene political scrabble

2012-02-22T08:09:00.000-08:00

Published by Asia Times, Feb. 18, 2012 at

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/NB18Ae03.html

Thailand's Thaksin prepares for war

By John Cole and Steve Sciacchitano

Newly appointed Thai Minister of Defense Air Chief Marshal Sukampon Suwannathat is quietly planning to activate a new "war room", or secretive unofficial command center, to direct mass pro-government "red-shirt" demonstrations planned for the coming months, according to senior Thai military sources familiar with the situation.

The war room, created at the direction of fugitive former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, will become operational by June, the same sources say. The senior military sources say that Thaksin, who lives in self-exile in the United Arab Emirates, ordered that Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, his younger sister, be kept in the dark about the war room's creation so that she may honestly deny its existence if questioned by the press.

Whether the announced red-shirt demonstrations are planned to pre-emptively take control of Bangkok's streets ahead of a possible new crisis, or plotted as a defensive strategy to counter any move by the military or anti-government protest groups, the war room's creation signals the seriousness with which Thaksin views the potential for renewed open conflict.

Two issues that could stoke new bouts of instability are already at hand. The ruling Puea Thai party has commenced a process to gain parliamentary approval to draft a new constitution, a move widely perceived among Thaksin's critics as aimed at voiding his criminal conviction for corruption and its attendant two-year jail term, and his return to Thailand as a free man.

Another initiative to give more civilian control over the promotion and assignment of senior military officers has the potential to spark a more direct military response. As currently written, the law gives de facto authority over these decisions to the three uniformed services' commander-in-chiefs. Yingluck's government, however, is driving to give more power to the government-appointed civilian minister of defense over those decisions.

Should the law be amended, Thaksin would be in a stronger position to elevate his loyalists into key command positions and remove key detractors, including current army commander-in-chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha, a known favorite of the royal palace. Such moves would aim to neutralize the army's ability to stage a coup against the elected government led by his younger sister.

Underscoring the gravity of the situation, a similar struggle over military assignments was a proximate cause of the 2006 military coup that toppled Thaksin's elected administration. In the run-up to the military reshuffle in October 2005, Thaksin attempted to place loyalists in key jobs that would have put them in line the following year for promotion to top positions, including the commanderships of the three uniformed services.

When Privy Council president General Prem Tinsulanonda, a former prime minister and army commander and current top royal adviser, learned of Thaksin's interventions he challenged the list and denied it royal endorsement until it was changed. A behind-the-scenes power struggle ensued that ultimately resulted in the 2006 coup. It was during this initial struggle that top military officers began to realize that Thaksin was vulnerable and could be overthrown.

Secret commands In the spring of 2006, prior to the coup staged in September that year, Thaksin ordered the creation of a secret operations center, a move that was not widely recognized at the time among the military establishment. (The Thaksin-created war room that oversaw the 2010 red-shirt protests that devolved into violence, however, was more widely known to senior military officials.)

In early 2006, rumors were rife about an impending army coup. In response, Thaksin's general officer classmates from the Armed Forces Prep School (Class 10) secretly proposed to create an off-the-books operations center to track coup group units and key participants. Thaksin apparently decided that the secret center should be co-located at the headquarters of the army's Anti-Aircraft Artillery Division, situated in Bangkok's Dusit district neighborhood, according to military sources.
The Class 10-led anti-coup operations center was tasked with tracking the movements and locations of all potential coup forces, thought then to be centered at the Royal Thai Army (RTA)

Special Warfare Center at Lopburi, 100 miles (160 kilometers) north of Bangkok.
Although never revealed to the media, this anti-coup operations center was very successful in tracking coup planners and was also largely responsible for eventual coup leader and then army chief General Sonthi Boonyaratklin's cancellation of plans for the original coup, which had been plotted for the hours before the polls opened for the May 1, 2006, national parliamentary elections.
While Thaksin never publicly announced that he had uncovered the coup plot, he did let Sonthi know that he was aware of their actions and would arrest the coup group's members if they continued. After the May 2006 elections were botched on legal technicalities, Sonthi went back to quietly planning another coup which included a much larger force, including Royal Guard units, to reinforce the Special Forces units he had originally recruited.

This second planned coup, launched on September 19, 2006, was successful mainly because one of Thaksin's own Class 10 allies, Lieutenant General Anupong Paochinda, then the commanding officer in charge of the 1st Army Region which crucially oversees Bangkok's security, double-crossed his classmates and became one of the coup group's leaders. Thaksin's supporters later accused Prem of orchestrating the coup from behind the scenes - charges the elder statesman has denied.

During the 2010 red-shirt protests, most of the demonstrators who arrived from the country's north and northeastern regions, pro-Thaksin geographical strongholds, spent several days in a central area of Bangkok. That area, situated in northern Bangkok on the west side of the Vipavadee super highway and the main rail line running north, later became a main logistics hub for the movement.
The hub was close to Wat Don Muang, a large Buddhist temple which for years has catered to the spiritual needs of northeastern immigrants who moved to the capital during the economic boom in the 1980s and 1990s. It therefore made logistical sense that the war room be situated in this same area, which offered the red-shirt protesters a friendly, familiar support base of sympathetic residents as well as ready transportation connections, including the local Don Muang airport, to their home provinces.

Although the exact location of the 2010 war room was never revealed, senior military officials familiar with the situation say that a Don Muang area hotel which had fallen on hard financial times after the opening of the new Suvarnabhumi international airport east of the capital was used as a base.

With proper security, a mostly vacant hotel served such an operation well by providing both sleeping rooms for officials, hot meals, as well as easy communications - although in practice war room instructions to red-shirt operators were hand-delivered in order to counter government electronic eavesdropping capabilities, according to military sources familiar with the situation.

Existing infrastructureGiven this existing red-shirt infrastructure, military officials believe the new Thaksin-ordered Ministry of Defense-led (MOD) war room will be situated in the same general area near Wat Don Muang. This is even more likely, they say, considering that the MOD has new facilities situated on the north side of Bangkok.

While the personal office of the minister of defense is still located in Bangkok's old town, near the Grand Palace and Sanaam Luang, for the past 14 years (since 1997) most of the subordinate staff sections have been based at Muang Thong Thani in a single large 14-story office building.
This building, approximately 15 kilometers north of Don Muang airport adjacent to the super highway to Ayutthaya, was originally part of a development which went bankrupt in the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis and was later purchased by the MOD.

In 2009, in a project initiated by then-minister of defense General Prawit Wongsuwan, two massive 20-story buildings were constructed to serve as living quarters for all assigned officers, non-commissioned officers and their families. While the Sanaam Luang and current Muang Thong Thani locations will still be retained as office spaces, the 2009 plan calls for most of the government-provided housing for the ministry to be consolidated at this new campus.

It is thus conceivable that one of these two new buildings will also have enough extra space to be utilized as another secret operating location for Thaksin's new war room. The secret command center will reportedly be staffed in rotation by four teams, each 30 strong and consisting of a senior team leader, deputy team leader and senior operations officer, according to military officers familiar with the order. Four rotating teams will ensure that the war room operates 24 hours a day, seven days a week, according to military sources familiar with the plan.

The same senior military sources say that three potential senior team leaders have already been recruited to join the war room, all of them Class 10 classmates of Thaksin and all veterans of the 2010 red-shirt secret command. They include General (retired) Phonchai Kranloet, Lieutenant General (retired) Manas Paorik, and Lieutenant General Prin Suwanathat, the cousin of new minister of defense Sukamphon. (None of the three officers could be reached for comment for this article.)

Additionally, an information technology (IT) support team comprised of a dozen IT experts will support the operation, a crucial component given the latest in high-tech communications equipment that is scheduled to be utilized. In contrast to the 2010 protests, current plans involve equipping frontline red-shirt column leaders with handheld, encrypted communications devices, allowing for more immediate, continuous and centralized control than in 2010.

This could be an indication that the war room is planning to direct even larger protests than the 2010 red-shirt demonstrations, which often dwindled in number yet were widely portrayed as an organic pro-democracy movement. Conversely, however, it makes the new war room at least potentially vulnerable to the army's electronic intercept and jamming capabilities.

Unsteady peace Notwithstanding these moves and maneuvers, it is not certain that Thailand will suffer a repeat of the chaos and violence witnessed in 2010. If opposition to constitutional amendments fails to coalesce into a countervailing mass movement, and if Thaksin can finesse rather than ram the promotion of enough of his military loyalists to make action against his sister's government more difficult, his aims may yet be achieved peacefully.

One early indication of the future political course will come when the mid-year military reshuffle of senior military officers is announced in April. There are two such reshuffles each year, one in April, the other in October, with most important personnel moves taken in October. If Thaksin plans to remove Prayuth, as some believe Sukampon's appointment indicates, the provocative move would most likely be made in October rather than April.

The degree to which Thaksin loyalists within the military are favored and current army leaders transferred, and the behind the scenes struggle that ensues over devising what is expected to be a hotly contested reshuffle list in April, may well indicate whether a political showdown is on the cards.

The planned formation of a new war room, however, suggests that Thaksin himself foresees the potential for new instability and his loyal forces are now taking pre-emptive action. Indeed, the issues at stake are so profound, essentially control over the political system for the foreseeable future and command of the armed forces ahead of a delicate royal succession, that compromise between competing pro- and anti-Thaksin camps may no longer be possible.

John Cole and Steve Sciacchitano spent several years in Thailand while on active duty with the US Army. Both were trained as Foreign Area Officers specializing in Southeast Asia and graduated from the Royal Thai Army's Command and General Staff College. They are now retired and the views expressed here are their own.

Sufficiency economy pondered upon

2010-12-27T20:09:00.000-08:00

"Sufficiency economy" can be better understood if it is seen as something quite uniquely Thai, with all its cultural nuances and non-translatable terms. It could be better understood if one is able to speak Thai and has followed its debate, discourse, promotion and implementation in the Thai language. When one tries to explain it in English, there are frustrating confusions, such as, is it an economic thought? Or is it a Buddhist philosophy? Is it the same as sustainable development or environmental sustainability? Most importantly, is it worth discussing or can it be applied anywhere else but in Thailand?

The person explaining from the Thai point of view can't explain it sufficiently, first, because of that frustrating incompatibility of the English language for explaining many Thai concepts. On top of that he/she is also challenged to apply western economic concepts to something that is more an expression of Buddhist philosophical thought than an economic thought. One speaks about the mind and its effects on the quality of life while the other speaks about quantitative monetary concepts. One calls for a middle way that considers family and community relationships and environmental responsibility, while the other is just looking for cost efficiency or the best price that expresses the right balance between supply and demand. How do you quantify the diverse levels of how each unique individual defines what is "sufficient" for him or his community? Price, demand, supply, efficiency, etc. becomes hopelessly inadequate as measurements. How does one quantify generosity or charity or a 'right' mind? Because sufficiency economy fails to answer these questions, its critics declare that it is not an economic thought nor a viable economic model.

The story of sufficiency economy developed in Thailand nearly along the same timeline as the story of how sustainability caught on as desired developmental goal recognized by the UN in 1972 at the UN Conference on the Human Environment held in Stockholm, popularized 15 years later with the Brundtland report (1987) and adopted as a major wold challenge at the Rio Earth Summit (1992). In Thailand, sufficiency economy was being shaped and implemented as an economic thought since the late fifties/early sixties when a young king travelled laboriously around his country initiating development projects where he could to better the lives of people in remote areas.

Despite its current popularity, sufficiency economy is not a mainstream economic model in Thailand. It is more like a supplementary prescription for the shaping of economic activities to counteract the ills of a dominantly capitalistic model. Sufficiency economy as an alternative economic thinking is one that is gaining ground one poor village by one poor village converted, as individuals who were inspired by its principals implemented and demonstrated successful local action again and again. In many cases, villages that could not feed themselves started growing their own food as an alternative to growing cash crops that had only caused them to become increasingly indebted. Instead of buying expensive fertilizers, they have expanded the supply of organic food, some even becoming successful with an export niche market. At the same time, depleted forests are being regenerated and a future in which environmental and community awareness where values such as love, friendship, and generosity gain triumph over profit and greed are being re-enforced.

A recent article, "Sufficiency Economy" was published by PETER JANSSEN on The Manila Bulletin (http://www.mb.com/, December 27, 2010: http://www.mb.com.ph/articles/295104/sufficiency-economy), focused on a Thai abbot at Doi Pha Som forest temple (วัดธาตุดอยผาส้ม) in Chiang Mai, Sorayut Chayapanyo (พระสรยุทธ ชยปัญโญ), who had rebuilt an old temple, regenerated the surrounding forest, and helped villages grow out of debt. Stanford educated, but rejecting that privileged knowledge, he explains sufficiency economy as not being 'anti-capitalist' nor 'anti-Western', but as something between market economy and socialism. Sufficiency economy was shown as being meaningful in impoverished rural areas where access to the market economy was difficult. Money or greed were no longer the main locomotive of local economic activities once people learnt how to search for ways to become dependant on what they had.

This was not a new story for me. I have heard many very interesting local stories of how poverty was transformed into resourcefulness over the years adopting those principals proposed by the Thai King, proposed in his annual speech of 1972. What this story gave to me, this time, was the realization that it was the availability and strength of a localized social network or social structures, very particular to Thailand or maybe a Buddhist society, that plays an important role in nurturing the emergence of leadership or inspired action by individuals in the successful implementation of a sufficiency economic model.

Before Thailand became a modern economy with its building blocks in the late fifties/early sixties, much of its rural economy, community life or social fabric was structured around the temple. The temple was not simply a religious institution, it was also the place where education was being given, funds being raised for community development, and where the binds of society were formed and strengthened. In many cases, it was the ground where many non-monetary activities were supplementing the economic livelihood of its communities, with its festivals and fairs, funerals, alms giving and donations.

This was a social network that encouraged individuals to make a difference, usually with very small means. As the modern economy grew, the state and modern markets took over much of the role that the temple played. Festivals are now just commercial events hosted on government grounds. They don't do much for that very personal tie that binds. As a modern Thai, I don't remind myself the value of giving each single day as my mother does, just by consistently getting up every morning to cook rice for a group of passing monks.

When I read yet another story of how one person transforms a community, it dawned on me that poverty is not converted by economic intervention, but by changing the emphasis on our values. When we review what we want of the world by starting a review of our minds, not from the point of view of what objects or things we need, but from a point of view of what qualities in life we really need to make us contented, we can come to realize that we really don't need all those consumerist products and services the markets try to push on us. We then realize that we don't need to focus on chasing money so much when we can focus on just trying to define what makes us contented.

Note: An older post I wrote: "Self-sufficiency or sustainable development"

Linguistic diversity in Thailand

2010-09-07T12:51:00.000-07:00

Recently meeting a linguistic student the other day, I surprised him by declaring that Kmer and Thai did not belong to the same family group. He thought they belonged to the same linguistic family. I had a vague memory of a classification of the three large linguistic families of Southeast Asian languages I had read in Joachim Schiiesinger's "Ethnic Groups of Thailand: Non-Tai Speaking Peoples of Thailand" (published by White Lotus Press, 2000.) I looked up this book as soon as I got home, just to make sure I hadn't made a rash declaration. Sure enough, page 8, a diagram, adapted from James A. Matisoff, "Linguistic Diversity and Language Contact", in John MacKinnon and Wanat Bhruksasri, eds, Highlanders of Thailand (Oxfort University Press, 1983): The three linguistic superstocks of Southeast Asia:

Austro-Asiatic, to which belongs the languages of Munda (India), Nicobarese, Mon-Kmer (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Burma, Thailand, China, Assam), and Aslian (Malaysia).
Austro-Thai, to which belongs the sub-family languages called Austronesian, Tai-Kadai, and Mioa-Yao.
Sino-Tibetan, subdivided into Chinese and Tibeto-Burman.

Now if you're not a linguist (which I'm not, but I'm an extremely curious person), it's easy and forgivable to make a simple and common conclusion that people of same geographic region will be speaking similar and related languages. However, it turns out that Southeast Asia is one of the most diverse and linguistic regions of the world. My new linguist friend, who specialized in Spanish and is more interested in learning about prehispanic languages, of course, was not expected to know this.

How would you explain to people who don't have a clue, the minefield of linguistics? What exactly do linguists do? Well, my husband's niece who had decided to go into that field of study, is now working on the construction of a dictionary of Spanglish, of all things. I met another, who worked with a computer software company, using her speciality in Latin, putting a natural order to computer programming. Then, there's a blogger I avidly follow who doesn't write so much about linguistics as much as she writes about Thai cooking!

Wikipedia says, "linguistics is the scientific study of natural language". It also goes on to say that there are several sub-fields (ie, grammar and semantics), and sub-disciplines (ie, evolutionary liguistics, historical linguistics, sociolinguistics, neurolinguistics, language acquisition, discourse analysis, and pragmatics), and even relate fields (like phonetics). Interestingly, "outside the field, this term is commonly used to refer to people who speak many languages fluently".

So from the understanding derived from reading the above wiki article, the classification of family languages falls under historical linguistics, branching out from philology, the study of ancient texts. Well, if you're in interested in what linguistics is all about just keep following those numerous links provided by wikipedia. I hope it will inspire you to develop a keener interest in what linguistics is about, if not to be fascinated enough to become one yourself. Meanwhile, I'm looking at the topic heading that I put up and sees that it's saying "Linguistic diversity in Thailand"!

What then is the distinction between Austro-Asiatic and Austro-Thai? "Austro" means south, so therefore, Austro-Asiatic is basically South Asia. That is an interesting revelation, because only a small group of people are left that speak Austro-Asiatic (Munda) in India which geographically is considered South Asia. Instead, the language of the Indians are mainly of the Indo-European and Dravidian language groups. Another quirk of linguistics.

The grouping of the language family of Austro-Tai is based on a hypothesis that the Tai-Kadai and Austronesian language families of southern China and the Pacific are genealogically related. There are a number of possible cognates in the core vocabulary. The word for rice, for example.

While what is seen on the surface is that the Thai language is THE one and only official language of Thailand, in reality a multitude of languages and dialects are spoken in Thailand. I enjoy being able to point out the differences of Isaan dialects spoken in Northeastern Thailand. Sakon Nakhon, where my family is from, has a special kind of sing song lilt (influenced by Puthai) that in my opinion makes it sound softer than for example the dialect of its neighboring province of Kalasin. Nobody will deny that the dialect of the North is different from the dialect of the Northeast, even if we can quite easily understand each other, but have a Southerner speak his dialect to me and I'm lost, but not as lost as having a Karen hilltribe speak to me.

The book, "Linguistic Diversity and National Unity", by William A. Smalley (1994), singularizes the success of Thailand's official language policy. Unlike other multi-ethnic nations, such as Myanmar and India, where official language policy has sparked bloody clashes, Thailand has maintained relative stability despite its eighty languages.

Another notch on the belt for Thailand, it seems.

What the pots tell about the past

2010-08-16T10:28:00.000-07:00

This article, written by Chris Baker, was published by BTHE MING GAP AND SHIPWRECK CERAMICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIAangkok Post's Outlook section on 16/08/2010.

It is a review of the book, "THE MING GAP AND SHIPWRECK CERAMICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware" by Roxanna Maude Brown, printed by The Siam Society and River Books, 208pp, 895 baht, ISBN 978-9749863770.

Ceramics have played a rather niche role in the history of Siam. The ceramics trade was not mentioned at all in the royal chronicles, and hardly at all by foreign visitors whose commercial interests lay elsewhere. The study of ceramics has largely been left to art historians who focus on design. Yet anyone who has cycled along the Yom River in Si Satchanalai past the amazing number of old kilns, ranging from burrows in the riverbank to great multi-chambered brick constructions (some now made into splendid museums), must wonder about the larger historical significance of this trade.

Roxanna Brown had begun to probe that significance. This book is her doctoral thesis from UCLA in 2004, accepted for publication by the Siam Society before her sad and senseless death two years ago. The thesis tests the theory that there was a "Ming Gap" - a period from the late 14th to late 16th centuries when a ban on exports from China allowed Southeast Asian production of ceramics to flourish. But the thesis goes far, far beyond answering this single question.

Since 1974, over 120 wrecks have been found with some cargo of Southeast Asian ceramics. A few have been the subject of thorough archaeological studies. Others have been surveyed by private enthusiasts. Many have been looted, with the pots turning up in museums, private collections and flea markets. Brown assembled all the data available on these wrecks, and then devised ingenious methods to organise them into a chronology.

With this data, she offers a precise but complex answer to questions about a Ming Gap. In the last third of the 14th century, when the emperor banned private overseas trade, the proportion of Chinese ceramics in Southeast Asian trade fell from 100 percent to 30-40 percent. It then fell again to only 5 percent through the middle of the 15th century. From 1488 to 1505, there was a sudden flood of Chinese blue-and-white, then another lapse until the export ban was lifted in 1567.

The findings which Brown made along the way to this conclusion are ultimately much more exciting than this exercise in dating. In the past, "experts" dated Siamese ceramics based on design, using a theory that designs became more complex and sophisticated over time. But Brown shows that ceramics of many different types with widely varying complexity of design were found on the very same wrecks. She proposes an outline history of the various kiln sites and their products, and this handful of pages is the highlight of the book.

Vietnamese kilns were the first to move into the gap vacated by the Chinese, but they were soon overtaken by Siamese sites, especially Sawankhalok (Si Satchanalai). In the dying years of the 14th century, potters in Sukhothai and Sawankhalok learned how to paint black designs under a transparent glaze, producing the well-known bowls and plates with fish and floral designs. Then around 1420, Sawankhalok potters discovered much finer clay and learned how to fire at much higher temperatures, resulting in the famous celadon. Sukhothai never replicated these techniques, but continued to churn out products in the old style in much larger quantities than Sawankhalok. For much of the Ming Gap, these products dominated the sea-borne ceramics trade.

In the early 16th century, Sawankalok reverted to the black underglaze, and a new technique combining brown and white glazing. Probably the sources of good clay were in decline, as the ribbon development of kilns along the Yom River suggests. Then in the 1580s, the whole area around Sukhothai and Sawankhalok was depopulated because of the growing conflict with Burma, and the kilns were abandoned. Sing Buri kilns had already established a niche for the production of storage jars, and now widened their repertoire to include many other items. Suphan Buri kilns specialised in large storage jars, often of extraordinary size. One fragment is estimated to have come from a jar with a capacity of 260 litres. A few items come from the Lanna kilns, especially at San Kamphaeng.

Brown's assembly of all the shipwreck data raises a host of new questions. The wrecks are only a random sample of the total maritime shipping, but they hint at the scale of the ceramics trade. Most of the junks were carrying from 5,000 to 15,000 pieces. One European vessel went down in 1751 with 100,000. The total quantities may have been massive. How did the shipments move from the northern kilns? Where were they loaded onto junks? Who controlled or taxed this trade? Who profited? What relationship is there between the rhythms of the ceramics trade and the course of Siam's political history?

Most wrecks were carrying a mixture of goods from different kilns in Siam, perhaps also with some Vietnamese ware, some Chinese pieces, and the odd pot from Burma or beyond. This mixture hints at a complex market structure, possibly with some major exchange centres. Where were they?

The book contains hundreds of photos of ceramic pieces. These are not the exquisitely arty pictures found in glossy magazines, but a scholar's records, sometimes snapped in museums, markets, and quaysides. They show the familiar plates and bowls but also a wonderful variety of storage containers and occasional decorative pieces. On the Sawankhalok celadon alone, the range of designs is breathtaking. These pictures attest to the technical and artistic skills of the potters, but also hint at the complexity and sophistication of the markets which demanded such variety.

Although this book seems to be a technical exercise laid out in charts and tables, the findings are much richer - the result of a feel for the subject that Roxanna Brown had developed over 30 years. The book answers one question but throws up many others which she had only just begun to explore. This book is a fitting memorial to a unique scholar, and a great legacy for all interested in the history of Southeast Asia.

Mor Lam and Monks

2010-08-10T11:57:00.000-07:00

Mor lam, is a northeastern Thai tradition that is slowly dying due to the influence of pop music. It would be wonderful if a new generation of Isaan youngsters with talent could add new energy to this lyrical art.

An unforgetable talent that had helped keep this artform current was Pumpuang Duangjan, R.I.P. While there are current artists like Jintara Poonlarp, Siriporn Ampaipong, and even a Dutch singer Christy Gibson, these studio-produced mor lam pales in comparison to the excitement and appreciation of a spontaneous talent shown in the live sparing of a mor lam contest or performance among the Isaan people.

I was fortunate enough to witness one such performance at a young age. Maybe multimillion Thai pop music studio businessmen can be tipped to fund these contests in the Isaan country side, in the way that Nelson Mandela did for South African rugby, as shown in the movie, Invictus, not only to promote the goodwill of Luk Tung, a local musical genre not imported from abroad, but to give a sense of pride in cultural identity of the young, as well as to discover new natural talent.

I had always thought that this musical form is in some ways similar to modern rap, only much more traditional. It challenges its performers to dig up the best use of language and rythm on the spot. The best perform from a memory or repertoire of word play, rythm, rhyme and metaphors. It's what I would call a neobaroque form of entertainment because the musical accompaniment is simple and repetitive yet intuitive and spontaneous. It's a whole performance that engages and pulls in its viewers or in this case audience and listeners.

So what does mor lam performances have to do with monks?

I just recently read the history of Phra Ajaan Mun Bhuridatta Thera (1870-1949), the most venerable founder of Thailand's famous forest monk tradition. Here's what http://www.accesstoinsight.org/ says,

The unusual style of Phra Ajaan Mun's sermons may be explained in part by the fact that in the days before his ordination he was skilled in a popular form of informal village entertainment called maw lam. Maw lam is a contest in extemporaneous rhyming, usually reproducing the war between the sexes, in which the battle of wits can become quite fierce. Much use is made of word play: riddles, puns, innuendoes, metaphors, and simple playing with the sounds of words. The sense of language that Ajaan Mun developed in maw lam he carried over into his teachings after becoming a monk. Often he would teach his students in extemporaneous puns and rhymes. This sort of word play he even applied to the Pali language, ...

The best of buddhist teachings comes from oral traditions, in the forms of rhetorics, whether in the Tibetan debating or in this case the teachings of humble monks of Isaan origins, that towers above the more conventional Thervada style of Thailand's center. The language of mor lam and the language of forest monk tradition is Lao, which is (central Thais would probably love to deny) the true origin of the Thai language. Acharn Mun and other forest tradition monks had so internalized the teaching of the Buddha, which they had learnt in Pali, but it was practice and practice (of meditation) that allowed them to master the knowledge and thereby able to transmit in simple yet enlightening forms (in Lao) to their students and the common people.

An interesting note to leave, pondering on oral tradition, links to languages, and preservations of cultures.

Acharn Mun passed away in 1940 at Wat Pa Suthawat, Sakon Nakhon. A small museum was built in his honor where there is an exhibit of his personal belongings and a brief account of his life.

Wax image of Pra Acharn Mun Bhuridatto,

at Wat Pa Suthawat, Sakon Nakhon

Thai ceramics: an ancient, yet living tradition

2010-07-20T08:26:00.000-07:00

Living under the shadow of a greater neighbor such as China has its disadvantages as recounted in my previous post relating the Haw Wars. It also has many advantages. One boon was the boosting of a prosperous international trade in ceramics in the 13-14th century Sukhothai.

King Mengrai of Chiang Mai, King Ramkamhaeng of Sukhothai, and the Kingdom of Lopburi all sent several diplomatic missions to Chinese courts. Some Chinese potters were probably brought back to Thailand during 13th century as a result of these friendly and profitable visits. Later around late 14th century, the ban on exports of early Ming Dynasty most likely encouraged frustrated Chinese potters to relocate to several pottery cities around Southeast Asia.

The famous Sangkhalok ceramics of Si Satchanalai flowered around the 14th century. These beautiful green glazed celandon and fish painted stoneware ruled the seas for some 300 years before blue and white porcelain from China took over international Eastern maritime markets. Recent discoveries of numerous shipwrecks, such as the Turiang shipwreck discovered by Sten Sjostrand in the South China Sea, have provided more detailed information about Sukhothai ceramic production than historical records could have provided.

Hundreds of ancient kilns have also been archeologically excavated in several locations all over Thailand. Most of them were centered around Si Satchanalai, Sukhothai, Suphanburi, and Tak. The Chao Praya River system obviously had been a key artery of distribution. Eventually it seemed that the deterioration of river access to Si Satchanalai could have been a major cause for the decline of ceramic trade from Si Satchanalai and subsequent geopolitics shifted the center of power from Sukhothai to Ayudhya, where other products of trade gradually gained more importance over ceramics.

Southeast Asia has an old tradition of pottery that dates back even before the times of Sukhothai. There were ancient Mon, Kmer, and Vietnamese 8-11th century traditions. Pots have been excavated from burials dating 6,00BC to 4,000BC. Buried red earthenware were so abundant in Ban Chiang that thousands of years later, a teenager kicks up its shards leading to the discovery of an extensive Bronze Age pottery production.

Looking around present day common life in Thailand, you'll find evidence abound that such pottery traditions continue to be an important element of Thai culture. From fine high cultured, five-coloured Benjarong porcelain and imitations of antiqued ceramics sold to tourists and collectors, to commercial modern dining wares for exports and day to day items of household use such as, Ratchaburi dragon water jars, ubiquitous red-tiled roofs and sculptured terra cotta motifs in temples.

For those who have such as a pottery craze as I do, a tour of just pottery sites in Thailand alone can easily fill up any touring plans. A day trip out of Bangkok to Ratchaburi is as good a place to start as a river trip down the Chao Praya river to Ko Kret.

There are 42 factories of dragon jar makers in Ratchaburi, all of them descended from early 20th century Chinese pot makers who were brought in to make to pots during the World War when imports of these important jars were not allowed. You can find a description of how these dragon jars are made in this page of Sea East Asia Pottery.

One can also visit production villages that had evolved out of old pottery communities. Dan Kwian, in Nakorn Rajasima (Korat), about three hours out of Bangkok is a good detour on a trip to the Pimai Kmer style archeological site.

If you plan a trip up North towards Chiang Mai, drop by to support the Muang Kung Pottery Village.

However, if you have to save your plans of travel for sometime in the future, don't despair. You can just visit online this exquisitely produced Shaw collection website, where you will be able find descriptions of dated ceramic traditions, as well as rare pictures of ancient kilns that dot the geography of Thailand. You can use the map provided to mark out places you must try to visit when you eventually make it to Thailand.

Admiring the variety and genius of ceramic traditions around the world, old and new, never fails to touch me with the ebb and flow, the persistence of humanity's creative spirit to shape, out of so humble a material such as earth, to produce such venerable objects as these enduring pots and jars... that, even after several hundreds of years buried under sea salt... can still shine their lustrous beauty.

Don't miss checking out the extensively, resourceful Maritime Asia website for detailed information about Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai pottery.

The Haw Wars, 1865-1890 (สงครามปราบฮ่อ)

2010-07-19T05:52:00.000-07:00

Around the time that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's regime was ending in France, the Taiping rebellion having failed in China, King Mongkut (Rama IV)had just gained an acceptance for Siam as a rightful nation in world diplomacy. Between the years 1865 and 1890, the Thai Kingdom's northern parts which was then bordering with the French protectorate Tonkin, were being raided by Chinese rebels that had fled southwards after their defeat in Nanking and other rebellions.

Rama IV

Armed, organized and trained but outlawed warriors banded together under different leaderships who distinguished their different groups by using colored flags. There were red, black, yellow and stripped groups of flagged bandits roaming the country side. The Black Flag group, led by Lui Yongfu was the most legitimate of the colored flags and fought for both the Viet and Chinese rulers against the French.

The Yellow Flags, led by Huang Chongying, were modeled after, but rivalled the Black Flags, failed to gain legitimacy and were pursued by both Qing and Vietanamese armies, as well as their original contenders, the Black Flags. They were broken and on the run, raiding, looting, and harassing defenseless towns.

Many of those rebels roaming the countryside in the South of China towards the ending of the 19th century were Muslim Chinese, known as Hui in China and Panthay to the Burmese, while in Siam and Laos they were known as Haw.

By 1872, bandit groups had drifted across the frontier of Laos and were occupying a large part of Laos which was then a tributary state of Thailand. In 1873, the Red Flags sacked Dien Bien Phu (a place where, at that time, French opium dens were making fortunes), and the Stripped Flags gained control of the Plain of Jars and the area of the Phuan (Xieng Khouang).

Several unsuccessful attempts to subdue the rebels were pressed upon by Viet, Laos and Thai kings. A prince of Phuan was killed in one attempt and a Thai Praya was shot at in another. Each time that the Siamese army retreated, the rebels came back to raid towns. The rebels had equipped themselves with modern repeating rifles and Birminghan-manufactured ammunition and were skilled in guerilla warfare.

The Thai army was mostly made up of untrained men recruited from the North and Northeastern farmlands. The commanders sent by King Chulalongkorn were unfamiliar with the terrain and logistics. In one campaign, supplies were lost to the rebels, in another campaign an outpost was lost because its captain fell ill with malaria. The Thai army's offensive to subdue the Haw bandits took so many years because it was also difficult to fight during rainy seasons. Without success in one year, the army would have to regroup again the next year to push for another offensive.

In the end, the Thai army was supplied and trained with foreign weapons to match the fighting power of the Haw rebels. A British surveyor, James McCarthy, under hire by the Thai king to map Thai terrain during that period, was an observer of the Haw Wars. He had noted that on one occasion some of those weapons carried by Thai recruits weren't even loaded!

A successful strategy was finally planned and the Thai army moved in a more coordinated offense, and managed to squeeze the perimeters of the bandits into a smaller territory. After some key towns the Yellow Flags had taken were freed, the Haw bandits were pushed out of the Northeastern borders of Siam and Laos back into China.

The observation of this particular historical moment is very interesting for me personally due to an unquenchable curiosity to know more about a hometown and family that I hadn't grown up with. In answer to my constant pestering questions about the past, my Mom once recounted to me that the Promasakha Na Sakon Nakhon family was related to ours, the Singhakul family (a story that I will tell later in another blogpost).

Sakon Nakhon is a province in the Northeast of Thailand, about two hours from the Mekhong River border with Laos. When I unearthed, in the scantily recorded history of this town, an interesting record of how the name Promasakha Na Sakon Nakhon was given to a highly esteemed governor of the Muang, relating his role for recruiting and leading people in support of the offensive against the Haw bandits, the Haw Wars became for me an important reference point to find out more about events that had shaped the times of my mother's grandparents.

Since I am now able to use the internet to access sources in English and increasingly more in Thai, I am seeing a clearer picture of how a sleepy town on the edge of empires is, in fact, not as insignificant as one had perceived. Several connections to many other important world events could be drawn from this single event.

The little details recounted by McCarthy of repeating rifles and Birmingham manufactured ammunition opened my eyes to how British imperial ambitions, whether intentional or not, were entwined in that moment. The name "Haw", before just a name of an ethnic group, led me to discover that they were the same as Hui, Muslim Chinese who were, at that moment in history, leading a serious rebellion against the Qing dynasty. Those rebels weren't just mindless raiders, they were pretty likely sent to that specific area. Whether as part of mercenaries simply following a campaign to harass French powers in the area, or as part of the Panthay Rebellion's leader's plan to occupy as much area as possible in readiness for his planned move into Burma, I will have to investigate further.

The lengthy campaign against the Haw also revealed in finer details the growing pains and mistakes of then a still evolving administration of the fourth, fifth, and sixth reign of the Chakri dynasty, learning, modernizing bit by bit, on the ground, less than 150 years ago.

The picture of elephants standing in formation with the Thai army above recalled to mind a funny anecdote of how King Rama V had once offered to send elephants to aid the US during its Civil War.

A revelation more relevant to the present, was the idea invoked of how, in actuality, not so far away China is, from the frontiers of Thailand. Our modern maps show that the space between the center of Thailand and the heart of China is quite immense, but if in the 19th century, all that space was takable by rebels, refugees moving over land, in a matter of months, fighting prolonged for decades, the illusion of that safe distance seems rather foolish indeed. If anything such as a serious political unrest were to happen in that great land up North, Thailand would be receiving the brunt of an unimaginable deluge of refugees. We've never really overcome problems generated by refugee situations of the Vietnam wars, and even now, we are having increasing difficulties managing illegal immigrants in a million or two, escaping the oppression of the Burmese Junta.

The different colored flags was also an odd reflection on the yellow and red colored political polarization happening currently in Thailand.

Naga Fireballs

2009-11-16T09:09:00.000-08:00

This festival celebrates one of Thailand’s most curious natural phenomena – the Naga Fireballs of Nong Khai. Taking place during the full moon of the final day of Buddhist Lent, small balls of fire rise from the Mekong River and plunge upwards of 300 metres into the night sky. The fireballs appear as eerie blobs of red, blue, pink or green light that hang in the air for around 10 seconds.

An interesting cultural event, the natural wonder of Bang Fai Phaya Nak, “Naga Fireballs,” is held in Phon Phisai district of the northeastern province of Nong Khai along the Mekong River, at the end of the three-month Buddhist Lent, or Ok Phansa, in October around 10-16.

Local residents seem to believe that the fireballs belong to the Naga, the king of serpents. This natural wonder is linked to a legend dating back to the Buddha’s times. It is said that the Buddha went to heaven to instruct his mother in his teachings. He spent three months there until his mother attained enlightenment. On the full-moon day of the eleventh lunar month, the Buddha returned to earth and celestial beings built a golden and silver staircase for him to come down. With his loving kindness, the Buddha created a miracle by opening a view of the three worlds, namely heaven, the earth, and the underworld. All nagas living in the underworld admired the Buddha for the gratitude he showed towards his mother, so they blew out flames from the bottom of the river to celebrate.

The origin of the fireballs has been much debated. One scientific study shows that the fireballs are caused by the sun warming organic matter on the riverbed, causing it to decompose into flammable phosphine and methane gas and combust in the presence of ionised oxygen. This explains why the fireballs are of uniform color, do not emit flares, smoke, or sound, and eventually dissipate without a trace. Tracking studies have indicated that the phenomenon occurs from March to May, and September and October, when the earth is closest to the sun. Naturally, the findings have been disputed by Nong Khai residents, who see their time-honored beliefs challenged by what they view as attempts to portray them as superstitious country bumpkins.

The Naga Fireball Festival also features a bazaar, a food fair, a contest of floating and illuminated boats in worship of the Naga, long-boat races, and a light and sound show. Although there are several viewpoints for watching the natural wonder of the Naga fireballs, a great number of fireballs are usually seen in Phon Phisai district.

About 600 kilometers from Bangkok, Nong Khai is situated on the bank of the Mekong River, which stretches 4,200 kilometers through six countries, namely Cambodia, China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam. As it is not far from Vientiane, the capital of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Nong Khai is regarded as a gateway to Vientiane. From the province, people can cross the Mekong River to Laos over the Thai-Lao Friendship Bridge. The phenomenon of Naga fireballs can be seen from both the Thai and Lao sides.

The following video from Youtube was recorded on October 14, 2008.

Yi Peng Lantern Festival, Chiang Mai

2009-11-16T08:30:00.000-08:00

Yee Peng Lanna festival or Loy Kratong festival is an ancient and traditional festival which has been continued since the past. It is usually celebrated on the first full moon of November.

In a past, according to sermons story told by abbots, of the last earthly existence of the Lord Buddha. The Lanna people celebrate this holy day by decorating temples or Viharns with banana tree and sugar cane. The main entrance of the Temple is also decorated with candle, moonshines. The people launch fire-kites, fire crackers and float offerings along the canals or rivers.

Yi Peng Lanna festival is also a kind of a Buddhist ceremony and Lanna people believed that it is an opporutunity for them to make merit, listen to sermons, and to pay respect to the Buddha.

The promise of ASEAN regional economy

2009-11-09T12:25:00.000-08:00

ASEAN economic indicators

_{source: http://www.aseansec.org/19230.htm}

To see the above table, please use your browser's zoom in function. I have organized the data from largest population size to smallest because I believe that second to a country's economic policy, it is population size which is an important key to assessing a country's economic potential.

ASEAN has matured surprising well over the past 10 years or so, considering the skepticism of many in the international community. President Obama's signal to strengthen ties with ASEAN is a clear indication of this. Below are two sources of information (via google, of course) I found interesting whose words I could quote rather than write a whole blog about the promise of ASEAN's regional economy myself.

From mysinchew.com's "Getting Ready for an Integrated ASEAN Economy":

"Asean has a total population of 582 million people, nearly half the size of China. Market size is not only based on Asean but also the Asian region as a whole as Asean is connected to every country through its integration. Asean has a combined GDP of US$1.5 trillion and a total trade of $1.7 trillion with the world market. Of that 27 per cent of trade came from six Asean countries—Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Last year, Asean attracted $60 billion foreign direct investment."

and from The Heritage Foundation's policy paper:

"ASEAN countries have a combined population of more than 500 million people--larger than the population of the European Union. Their combined gross domestic product (GDP) exceeds $1 trillion, which is the 11th largest in the world, ahead of Russia and India."
...

"The measure of ASEAN's integration is not only intraregional trade and investment flows, but also its attractiveness as an investment destination. From the 1992 launch of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) to the signing of its Economic Community Blueprint in November 2007, achieving economy of scale in ASEAN has always meant attracting greater levels of foreign investment. Yet even as it has sought ever new ways to stay competitive as a region, it has lagged behind market-leader China-- particularly since the 1997 Asian financial crisis. (A few years prior to the crisis, ASEAN actually led China as an investment destination.)"

Towards the end of the above quoted policy paper is a section titled "Why ASEAN's Economic Integration Matters to America", which I will not copy-paste here since it deserves to be read in full at the Heritages website:

http://www.heritage.org/Research/asiaandthepacific/bg2101.cfm

Visiting Khao Yai?

2009-11-08T11:02:00.000-08:00

This is a Slideshare presentation I made about places and things you can visit and do when you are in the Pak Chong, Khao Yai area.

Visiting Khao Yai?

View more presentations from Netnapit Tasakorn.

Don't let Saxena die

2009-11-04T12:24:00.000-08:00

Second part of Khun Thanong's report, published on The Nation, November 3, 2009.

Deliberate leak of bank documents triggered BBC and Thai economy's collapse but will financier spill the beans on dodgy deals in '96?

In his second part of the series on the Bangkok Bank of Commerce scandal, Thanong Khanthong asks who ordered the closure of the bank in 1996 that triggered off the 1997 financial crisis.

In his fight against being extradited from Canada over the past 13 years, Rakesh argued that if he were to be sent back to Bangkok, his life could be at risk. He also said prison conditions in Thailand were horrible - compared, of course, to his luxury home where he was stuck under house arrest in Vancouver.

Indeed Rakesh Saxena's life may be in danger. But Korbsak Sabhavasu, the deputy prime minister, wrote in his web blog that Rakesh could not die as that would throw the political mess out of control.
Saxena lost the dramatic extradition case when the Supreme Court of Canada rejected any further appeal and sent him back to Bangkok last Friday. It gave no reason for rejecting his appeal.

However, Saxena has a full list of the politicians involved in the Bangkok Bank of Commerce scandal in 1996. Before leaving Vancouver, he issued a threat that he would tell all. Krirkkiat Jalichandra, the former president of BBC, also kept all documents to him?self.

If Saxena were to strike a pre-trial bargain plea with the Abhisit government by implicating politicians benefiting from BBC, he could compromise his safety in spite of the authorities' full assurance to protect him.

Saxena is now detained under 24-hour surveillance in the Bangkok Remand Prison hospital. His food is carefully screened. The Abhisit government has a full obligation to provide full and fair justice within the law to Saxena because it has won the extradition case. If the Saxena case is not handled with due process, chances are Thailand would have a difficult time winning extradition cases with other countries in the future.

Justice Minister Phiraphand Salirathawiphak said yesterday he had instructed the director general of the Corrections Department and the head of the Bangkok Remand Prison to look after Saxena, whose health is fragile. Saxena, 57, suffered minor paralysis on his left side after a stroke in March.

"I would like to stress that Rakesh is not receiving any privileges more than other inmates," Phiraphand said. "Since he is sick, he needs to be looked after. We have the same standard practice as applied to other inmates. Now Rakesh is being held in the hospital within the compound of the prison, with a surrounding wall and tight security. He is not getting any privileges."

The Democrat government has a lot of incentives to provide top security and safety to Saxena, because he could provide a link to politicians involved in the BBC scandal. Many of them are in the coalition government. Having Saxena in their control could help the Democrats hold their coalition partners in check. The Democrats want the coalition to survive till at least June 2010.

The politicians who benefited from the BBC are now not having a good night's sleep. They definitely do not want Saxena to open his mouth.

The man at the centre of the BBC affair was Ekachai Athikomnantha, then the bank's senior executive vice president.

He was politically connected to Sanan Kachornprasat, then the Democrat whip, and the PM Banharn Silapa-archa. Through Sanan, Saxena was introduced to the bank as Saxena impressed Sanan and others with his financial prowess. He practiced swaps, futures and options well before Thai bankers knew about these strange financial products. Thai financial laws did not cover these products, which allowed Saxena to test the law to the limit.

Although he was centrally involved in BBC, the name Ekachai quickly disappeared from public view after the bank collapsed. Sanan also quickly stepped out of the shadow of BBC before the financial scandal broke out.

Banking authorities sent Krirkkiat Jalichandra to be BBC president and rescue the bank. BBC was in big trouble with huge bad loans on its books. But the task of salvaging the bank was formidable. When Saxena came aboard as the bank's financial adviser, it was agreed the bank would shift away from normal practice to high finance - to try to strike gold on the stock market. If the bank could make quick profits, it would be able to clear all its bad debts in a swoop.

Saxena's unique position as financial adviser within BBC would not have been possible without strong political backup.

BBC tested the first drama script with a takeover bid from Song Watcharasriroj, alias Sia Song. More takeovers and acrobatic financial dealings would follow while money from the bank was drained overseas, first through Lebuan and the British Virgins Island and other financial centres of the globe. At the same time, the politicians, who tolerated this practice, got benefits from a series of questionable loans.

But this high finance ran against the tide. The stock market slumped by 40 per cent in 1996, as the real estate bubble was set to go bust. If the stock market was rally, Krirkkiat and Saxena would have emerged as heroes.

Vijit Supinit, then governor of the Bank of Thailand, kept the bank under his radar. He wanted a soft approach. The financial supervisors had asked him to take harsh action against BBC, but Vijit sat on it. He was doing everything to save BBC through a bail-out. He brought in the Financial Institutions and Development Fund and the Government Savings Bank to rescue BBC with a Bt60 billion capital increase. But it was too little.

Vijit had a good relationship with Krirkkiat. Vijit realised that closing down BBC would bring about a run of the financial system. But the politicians were all over his head.

At the time, the economy was severely overheated. The current account deficit hit 8 per cent of gross domestic product. The inflow from the Bangkok International Banking Fund (BIBF) made things worse as cheap money from offshore moved here enjoy the interest rate differential.

Later on, many questioned the sustainability of the Bank of Thailand's fixed exchange rate regime. The situation was aggravated by political conflict between Banharn Silapa-archa, the PM, and the Group of 16, who were trying to consolidate their own power. They included Suchart Tancharoen, Newin Chidchob, Varathep Ratanakorn, Sora-at Klinpathum, Thanee Yisarn, Wittaya and Sonthaya Khunplume. Their political ambition was boundless.

Suchart Tancharoen was deputy Interior minister in control of the police, while Newin Chidchob was deputy finance minister.

A minister belonging to the government leaked confidential bank documents to Suthep Thaugsuban, in the Democrat Party, then in opposition. The ulterior motive was to destroy the Group of 16. If anything were to happen to the bank, BBC could be shut down.

Suthep took the bait. Based on the documents, he launched a no-confidence debate in Parliament on May 9, 1996, and exposed how the Group of 16 benefited from a loan scandal at the bank. The world was shocked. Many Thais rushed to withdraw deposits from the bank.

On an order from Prime Minister Banharn, Surakiart Sathirathai told Vijit to close the bank. The implications were: 1/ The Group of 16 would be destroyed; 2/ The bank scandal would be covered up; 3/ blame could be shifted to Krirkkiat, Saxena, Vijit, and Surakiart.

Taxpayers had to foot initial losses at BBC of Bt200 billion. But the implications were much larger. The scandal triggered a loss confidence in the Thai financial system and the baht exchange rate, which subsequently turned into a loss of Bt4 trillion for Thailand as the economy collapsed like a house of cards in 1997-1998.

The road to scandal

2009-11-04T12:11:00.000-08:00

Published by Khun Thanong, on the Nation, on October 31, 2009.

Thanong Khanthong examines the Bangkok Bank of Commerce saga, which emerged as the ailing symptoms of the 1996.

A turning point at the Bank of Thailand in mid-1996 revolved around the Bangkok Bank of Commerce (BBC).

With the credibility of the BOT hit hard, governor Vijit Supinit was forced to resign on July 1, 1996, bringing an abrupt, but hardly surprising, end to his six-year reign.

Vijit had become embroiled in the BBC scandal. The BOT had looked the other way while the rogue bank got itself into trouble dabbling in high finance. Most of its loans went towards stock-market speculation and takeover deals, as well as to politicians (at cheap rates). As the stock market headed downward, BBC quickly lost its capital.

But the central bank assisted BBC in its recapitalisation. Vijit did not think BBC had a big problem at the time. The problem, he argued, had more to do with Thai politics. If there were confidence in political stability, the financial markets would soon nurse BBC back to its normal health.
That was Vijit's view of the BBC affair.

The Banharn Silapa-Archa government was having a tough time managing the economic downturn. The Thai bubble economy was losing its steam, and asset quality of the banks was fast deteriorating. Indeed, the Thai crisis actually started in 1996 with an infection, which then burst in July 1997.
In the end, BBC could not survive. The Democrats exposed the BBC scandal in Parliament, telling the whole world that politicians had been dining at a BBC buffet.

The central bank ended up losing Bt120 billion in the bail-out for BBC, whose non-performing loans stood at almost 100 per cent. The episode dealt a serious blow to the BOT's credibility. If BBC was in this big a mess, how about other banks and finance companies?

Prime minister Banharn wanted to remove Vijit, and it fell to finance minister Bodi Chunnananda to do the dirty work. He instructed Vijit to lodge criminal charges against BBC president Krirk-kiat Jalichandra and his accomplice, Indian-born financier Rakesh Saxena, for causing such huge damage to the bank.

Both Krirk-kiat and Saxena were responsible from shifting the bank from routine banking operations to high finance, stock-market speculation and takeover deals. Several dozen dummy companies had been involved, with bank deposits shuffled around in deals involving both local and international banks.

Politicians belonging to the Chart Thai Party had benefited from the sweetheart deals with BBC, and Saxena was furious that Chart Thai had betrayed him.

Bodi threatened to fire Vijit if he failed to bring the case to court, so Vijit scrambled to put the case together. He filed charges against Krirk-kiat and Saxena with the police, but they did not carry much weight, because they were put together in too much of a hurry.

Saxena had the last laugh, as he had already left Thailand quietly, leaving Krirk-kiat holding the bag.
Still, Vijit was unable to keep his job. He did not stay in office long enough to witness the baht attack in November and December 1996.

Rerngchai Marakanond succeeded Vijit as governor and promised to launch a full in-house inquiry into the BOT's inept handling of the BBC scandal. Nevertheless, he hinted the inquiry would not begin until after the central bank had concluded talks with the Industrial Finance Corp of Thailand over the prospects of assuming management of the failed bank. That deal would never happen.

Rerngchai was aware if he did not attend to this scandal that had done so much damage to the BOT's reputation, someone else would. The opposition, led by the Democrat Party, had threatened to launch a House inquiry.

How was a bail-out of BBC with Bt90 billion in public funds allowed to proceed with such poorly outlined details?

Rerngchai had been frozen out by his predecessor, Vijit, confined for six years to running the obscure note-printing house. He was not even the first choice for the governorship when Vijit was sacked in July 1996.

Immediately upon assuming office, Rerngchai faced a series of crises, from an economic crash-landing, a financial meltdown and a currency war to the BBC scandal. Yet, as governor he had to act to restore the integrity of the BOT, which had previously been held as one of Thailand's finest institutions.

The central bank was a gathering of top-notched technocrats. Of its 5,185 employees, 180 work in the Supervision and Development of Financial Institutions Department, 40 in Legal Affairs, 285 in the Commercial Bank Examination Department and 200 in Finance Company Examination Department.
A source familiar with the BOT vouched for the integrity of both the central bank's examination and the legal officials handling the BBC case.

"The problem was that when their BBC reports were submitted to their superiors, no action was taken," the source said.

Phenwan Thongdithae, the BOT's top examiner and assistant governor, called on Vijit to take action against BBC management. Vijit replied to Phenwan's recommendations by reassigning him to a dead-end post under Chaiyawat Wibulswasdi, another assistant governor.

The reassignment marked the first time in the history of the BOT that a senior assistant governor was placed under another assistant governor.

Honest though he was, deputy governor Jaroong Ngukuan must have been aware of the rot at BBC. He worked closely with Vijit and read every report, yet he could not bring himself to warn the governor of the danger of letting BBC continue to play. Jaroong was simply a passive onlooker as the BBC collapsed at his feet.

BOT reports made public in May 1996 by Suthep Thaugsuban, at the time a Democrat MP from Surat Thani, indicated central-bank officials must have detected wrongdoing inside BBC as early as 1992, when its bad loans soared to Bt11.11 billion.

Despite warnings from the central bank, the management, led by Krirk-kiat, continued to flout banking regulations by lending money to cronies and other high-risk borrowers.

By the end of 1995, BBC's bad debts had skyrocketed to almost Bt80 billion.
Instead of taking drastic action against BBC's management, Vijit sought to bail out the bank with money from the Fund for Rehabilitation and Development of the Financial Institutes and the Government Savings Bank (GSB).

The GSB, under the chairmanship of Nibhat Bhukkanasut, approved a deal to buy a 3.125-per-cent stake in BBC for more than Bt400 million. This ill-advised investment ended up with a huge loss.
At that point, about Bt60 billion had been injected into the bank - but Bt30 billion more was needed just to keep it on its feet.

Asked by finance minister Surakiart Sathirathai for details of the BBC affair, due to its political implications, Vijit duly submitted confidential reports.

A letter written by Surachai Phruekbamrung, the BOT's director for supervision and examination of commercial banks, summarised alleged defrauding of the bank by Krirk-kiat, Saxena and Ekachai Athikomnantha. The letter, dated January 23, 1996, was submitted to Jaroong.

Yet it was not until that June that Vijit was forced to file charges against BBC executives for violating banking law. Actually, Vijit had no intention of bringing Krirk-kiat and his cohorts to justice in the first place, which explains the delay.

When the case was forwarded to the Economic Crime Investigation Division, it was handled in an extremely sloppy manner. Neither BOT officials nor the police knew for sure the exact date the one-year statute of limitations in the case would expire, from either not talking to each other or simply not wanting to follow up on the case.

When Rerngchai learned the attorney-general had decided to drop the case against the three suspects in the BBC scandal, he was shocked. By this time, BBC had become a full-blown political scandal, which gave interior minister Snoh Thienthong and his Rambo-style deputy, Chalerm Yoobamrung, the ammunition they needed to settle old scores with attorney-general Khanit na Nakhon.

Only after Khanit put up a strong fight by arguing the statutory period should have started with the BOT's January 23 letter - not February 12, when the BOT informed the BBC executives they were under investigation - did he escape Snoh and Chalerm's vendetta. By this time, prime minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh and finance minister Amnuay Viravan, who had formed a new government in late 1996, had no choice but to look into the matter - as much as they preferred to distance themselves from this hot potato.

A special panel headed by Ackaratorn Chularat, secretary-general of the Office of the Council of State, was quickly formed to determine the flaws in the legal process that had resulted in failure to bring the notorious case to trial.

It was clear the central bank, after failing to supervise BBC adequately, could not afford to let a "technical mistake" further tarnish its reputation. Hence, Rerngchai's promise to launch an internal inquiry into the BOT's handling of the BBC scandal that would prove, not surprisingly, to go nowhere.

The several names of a Stupa

2009-11-04T11:07:00.001-08:00

An important Bhuddhist structure, the Stupa, is a mound-like structure containing Buddhist relics. The word ‘stupa’ is a Sanskrit word, in Pali, the language that Gautama Buddha used for teaching the Buddhist religion, the related word is ‘thupa’. In the Thai language, it is more commonly known as ‘chedi’, which is related to the Pali word, ‘cetiya’. In a more colloquial Thai, or the northeastern dialect, it is also know as ‘pra that’, which is related to the Sanskrit word, ‘dhatu’, for which the Sinhalese’s name for the stupa, “dagobah’ is derived from. In Tibet, the stupa is known as a ‘chorten’. In Koren, Vietnam, China and Japan, they are known as ‘Tap’, ‘Thap', 'Ta', and 'To', respectively.

Shwegaddon Pagoda, Myanmar

In Myanmar, the stupa is more commonly known as ‘pagoda’, the general English term for tiered tower with multiple eaves. According to wikipedia, the word is first attested for in English in the period c. 1625–35; introduced from the Portuguese pagode, temple, from the Persian butkada (but idol + kada temple, dwelling.) Another etymology, found in many English language dictionaries, is modern English pagoda from Portuguese (via Dravidian), from Sanskrit bhagavati, feminine of bhagavat "blessed" bhaga "good fortune."

The architectural structure of the stupa has spread across Asia, taking on many diverse forms as details specific to different regions are incorporated into the overall design. After his conversion to Buddhism in the third century BC, King Ashoka had several thousand stupas build across the Mauryan empire. According to Brahmi, Kharoshti, Pali and Sanskrit edicts Ashoka The Great founded 84,000 stupas all over the south Asia.

Advanced engineering techniques and knowledge, for example the use of lightning conductors, were used and shared across cultures in their construction. Numerous stupas across South and Southeast Asia have been standing undamaged for a thousand years or two.

A stupa is essentially made up of a square base, a hemispherical dome, a conical spire, a crescent moon, and a circular disc, representing the five purified elements which constitute the fabric of manifest existence. The elements are earth, water, fire, air and space. The shape of the stupa represents the Buddha, crowned and sitting in meditation posture on a lion throne. His crown is the top of the spire; his head is the square at the spire's base; his body is the vase shape; his legs are the four steps of the lower terrace, and the base is his throne.

To build a stupa, transmission and ceremonies from a monk is necessary. Which kind of stupa to be constructed in a certain area, is decided together with the teacher assisting in the construction. Some times the kind is directly connected with events that have taken place that certain area. All stupas contain a treasury filled with various objects.

A very important element in every stupa is the Tree of Life. It is a wooden pole covered with gems and thousand of mantras, and placed in the central channel of the stupa. It is placed here during a ceremony or initiation, where all the participant hold colorful ribbons connected to the Tree of Life. Together all make their most positive and powerful wishes, which are stored in the Tree of Life. In this way the stupa is charged up, and will start to function.

There are eight kinds of stupas which are related to major events of the Buddha’s life, however, a ninth, the Kalachakra Stupa’s symbolism relates to Tibetan Kalachakra Tantra, is created to protect against negative energies. A Kalachakra Stupa was built in Karma Guen, Benalmádena city, Spain in 1994.

If it had not been for King Ashoka

2009-11-02T21:05:00.000-08:00

The visit of cvltvre's colleagues to India prompted me to reread the few books I had about that great country, especially one written by John Keay, "India Discovered: The Recovery of a Lost Civilation".
My favorite chapters were "Thus Spake Ashoka" and "Black and Time-Stained Rocks", about how James Prinsep, a British official sent to work at the mint in Bengal in 1819, who was key to the deciphering of then unknown scripts found on impressive polished sandstone pillars and boundary stones scattered over an area so wide it was challenging to imagine who had done such a remarkable feat.

from flickr, photographer: Sunaina Suneja.

Nowadays, we know that these remarkable pillars and edicts were left by King Ashoka two thousand years ago, forgotten until it caught the intrigue of British enthusiasts in the early nineteenth century.

King Ashoka (304 BC-232BC), who had signed these edicts as "Devam Piya Priyadasi Raja", was grandson of Chandragupta (also known in ancient Greece as Sandracottus), founder of the Mauryan Empire.

Ashoka was a terrible warrior, and in his rage for the murder of his mother, he not only murdered his half-brothers who had schemed against him, but also killed some 100,000 people of Kalinga. However, once the war was over, the sight of such destruction sickened him to the heart and turned him to pursue ahimsa (non-violence) and thus became the greatest patron of then relatively new religion of Buddhism, building temples, hospitals, universities, irrigation systems, sending monks to many parts of the world to spread its teaching.

King Ashoka convened the Third Buddhist Council, led by his brother, an ordained monk, in 250-253 BC. He also sent his own son and daughter to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) to spread the teachings of Buddha where it has never faded out as it had in India soon after his death. Historically significant for Thailand (where I am from) was sending of Sohn Uttar Sthavira, a royal monk and many other with sacred texts to Suvannabhumi (Burma and Thailand) around 228 BC.

The following entry in wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashoka_the_Great) explains how important King Asokha was for Thai culture:

"One of the more enduring legacies of Ashoka Maurya was the model that he provided for the relationship between Buddhism and the state. Throughout Theravada Southeastern Asia, the model of ruler ship embodied by Ashoka replaced the notion of divine kingship that had previously dominated (in the Angkhor kingdom, for instance). Under this model of 'Buddhist kingship', the king sought to legitimize his rule not through descent from a divine source, but by supporting and earning the approval of the Buddhist sangha. Following Ashoka's example, kings established monasteries, funded the construction of stupas, and supported the ordination of monks in their kingdom. Many rulers also took an active role in resolving disputes over the status and regulation of the sangha, as Ashoka had in calling a conclave to settle a number of contentious issues during his reign. This development ultimately lead to a close association in many Southeast Asian countries between the monarchy and the religious hierarchy, an association that can still be seen today in the state-supported Buddhism of Thailand and the traditional role of the Thai king as both a religious and secular leader."

Congratulations for 40 years volunteership: National Museum Volunteers

2009-09-27T11:33:00.001-07:00

I was pleasantly surprised to rediscover the National Museum Volunteers through their website and receive the delightful news of their 40th anniversary which will be celebrated through a variety of activities and products which are announced through their website: http://www.museumvolunteersbkk.net/

Another favorite organization of mine that if I were living in Thailand, I would be a regular member of is The Siam Society.

Silpakorn's University Electronic Resources on Art in Thailand

2009-09-25T22:12:00.000-07:00

Silpakorn University is the leading Thai university in the fine arts and archaeology. It was founded in 1943 when the Italian art professor Corroda Ferroci (Silpa Bhirasri), who contracted under King Rama VI to work as sculpture for the Thai government started giving free sculpture classes for those interested.

Searching for new information on prehistoric cave painting, I found this excellent website, a generous gift of images I can only hope to see. Two sections are my favorites (text only in Thai, but the numerous images provided more than made up for the disappointing lack of English explanations):

Mural Paintings in Thailand (Three categories to choose from: by region, by period, and special projects)

Cave Art (Click on the regions on the map and it will bring you to provinces of the region chosen, after which will be a list of caves that are located in that province. Clicking further will lead you to a page with brief description, location of cave and sample images of the cave paintings/art.)

On the banks of Nong Harn Lake

2009-09-24T15:18:00.000-07:00

I was born in Sakon Nakhon, a Northeastern province of Thailand some two hundred kilometers off the great Mekhong River close to important crossings to Laos. I never really lived there since my father's job took us away when I was only two years old, but both my parents have extensive families and deep roots with this sleepy town on the banks of Nong Harn Lake. During numerous visits over the years, I searched for stories of its history again and again, always finding something new to learn about this outpost where the Royal family deemed important enough to build their winter palace in the Phu Pan mountain range.

The present day city took its time in picking up a more urban life. It had remained nearly unchanged over some twenty or more years as I was growing up. It was only in the late nineties that some modernization and renovation works seem to have caught up a bit, changing Sakon Nakhon's once familiar landscape into something a bit more exciting than the sleepy town it once was. However, anyone who visits Sakon Nakhon and gets to know its people soon discovers that its more interesting stories are hidden in its people's memories of historical events that have touched this surprising well visited place over centuries.

I've visited Wat That Choeng Chum with my mother several times to pay respects to the Buddha image in its main hall and as well as to receive blessings from its abbots. Of course, my mother kept stressing how important it all was to me but that didn't sink in until I read Eye Witness's Thailand guide book. Isn't it strange how growing up with certain sights/monuments you don't really value its importance until something/someone forces you to look at it with new eyes?

Sakon Nakhon turns out to be a very ancient place with prehistoric ancient cave painting and its most prominent monuments dating back to the 11th century. The 'living' evidence of this is the Phra That Narai Cheng Weng, built by the princess whose name was given to this Kmer style Hindu religious monument. A lintel hangs over its entrance showing Vishnu dancing to the destruction of the universe as he tramples the head of a lion.

The main temple hall of another landmark in Sakon Nakhon is the Wat Pra That Choeng Chum. It was built during the time of Ayudha but with a Lao styled chedi. If you plan to visit this temple, make sure to look for the hidden door (behind the main Buddha image) which is occasionally open for you to enter the ancient prang where you may find an ancient Kmer inscription at the base of its entrance. Within the prang are several Lao and Kmer Buddha images.

Sadly one evidence of the city's antiquity that has been altered by approaching urbanism is the square-shaped, double-layered Koo Muang (คูเมือง) or ancient moats that once encircled a city center, a very common characteristic of old cities in the Southeast Asian peninsula. It is now just a common road. It is also believed that the inland pond, Sra Pan Thong, just off the banks of the Nong Harn Lake was built around the same period. Centuries later it still offers the surrounding residence a perfect place to spend a romantic afternoon with your date or just for a round of daily exercise.

There's much more to write about Sakon Nakhon's history and I'll be posting them in patches.

I just wanted to leave a note for anyone interested in visiting my hometown. Planning to visit Thailand's provinces during their famous festival seasons is the best way to catch the lively vibe of many of these far away and usually sleepy places. Sakon Nakhon's festivals are the Red Cross Fair, So Ram Luk Festival, Boon Bangfai or Rocket Festival (at Amphoe Phang Kone), Boat Race festival, and its famous Wax Parade Festival. You can look out for the events with a fellow blogger passionate about the place: http://sakonnakhon-live.blogspot.com/

P.S: Don't go back home without some georgeous Madmee silk or village woven naturally dyed cotton, or some of Sakon's delicious isaan sausages.

Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica

2009-09-06T23:17:00.000-07:00

ประวัติศาสตร์ของภูมิภาคเมโซอเมริกา ยุคก่อนการค้นพบของโคลัมบัส

เมื่อต้นเดือนสิงหาคม ข้าพเจ้าได้เริ่มเรียนหลักสูตรเกี่ยวกับประวัติศาสตร์ของประเทศเม็กซิโก อันมีชื่อว่า Diplomado: 'Recorrido por la Historia de Mexico" ของมหาวิทยาลัย UNAM

กลุ่มหน่วยกิตแรกซื่งมีระยะเวลาสองเดือน เป็นเรื่องเกี่ยวกับประวัติอันเก่าแก่ในพื้นที่ซึ่งได้มีการตั้งชื่อว่า "mesoamerica" โดยอาจารย์ผู้ศึกษาชาติพันธุ์ นาย Paul Kirchhoff เป็นเรื่องราวที่น่าสนใจมากเสียจนอดใจไม่ได้ ต้องนำมาเขียนบันทึก เล่าสู่กันฟัง เผื่อมีเพื่อนคนไทยคนอื่น ๆ อาจมีความสนใจด้านนี้ด้วยกัน

ในขั้นแรก ต้องบอกเล่าให้ผู้ที่อาจสนใจว่า ประวัติศาสตร์เมโซอเมริกายุคก่อนคริสโตเฟอร์ คอลัมบัสค้นพบอมเริกา มีระยะเวลาตั้งแต่ประมาณห้าพันปีมาแล้ว จากปี 2500 ก่อนคริสตศักราชจนดึงช่วงการบุกเบิกอาณานิคมของอาณาจักรสเปนในศตวรรษที่ 16 โดยมีการแบ่งเป็นช่วงเวลาที่มีลักษณะต่างกันสามช่วงใหญ่ ได้แก่ Preclassic, Classic และ Post-Classic ซึ่งในแต่ละช่วงสามารถแยกย่อยเป็น Early/Middle/Late Preclassic หรือ บางครั้งเรียกว่า Early/Middle/Late Formative และอีกสองเวลาย่อย Early/Late Classic และ Early/Late Classic ตามที่แสดงไว้ในตารางตอนท้ายข้อความ

ยุคเมโซอเมริกาก่อนโคลัมบัสนี้ มีกลุ่มอารยธรรมเก่าแก่ที่น่าสนใจหลากหลายกลุ่ม ที่ขึ้นชื่อเป็นที่รู้จักมากที่สุดได้แก่ อารยธรรม Teotihuacan ซึ่งเป็นที่ตั้งของปิรามิตที่ใคร ๆ ที่อุตสาห์่บุกเดินทางมาถึงเม็กซิโกต้องไปสักการะ และกลุ่มอารยธรรม Olmec และ Maya ในชายฝั่งตะวันออกด้านอ่าวเม็กซิโกดินแดนของพายุเฮอริเคนซึ่งดุกว่าพายุใต้ฝุ่นแถบบ้านเรา

Buffalo caravans that lasted until the early 20th century

2009-07-26T20:04:00.000-07:00

My mother was born in 1925. She has vague recollections of a near mystical childhood that I love prompting her to recount. One of the stories that I found most interesting was about her first trip to Bangkok from Sakolnakorn when she was less than ten years old and allowed to accompany her mother to visit her mother’s family in Bangkok.

She had to travel with a buffalo caravan to Khon Khaen to board the train there. It must have been a long trip and it certainly left a lasting impression on her. For me, what was amazing was the recollection that not so long ago just one generation away travel by car on paved roads were not possible throughout the country.

Buffalo caravans were trading caravans whose trade routes crisscrossed North and Northeast Thailand, a trading route whose importance historians have overlooked with their focus on the more important sea routes that Ayudhya dominated. However, it was this land route that supplied Ayudhya with items that its trading partners valued, such as various natural dyes, forest products, and animal skin.

Some interesting things I found on the internet about the land trade routes are one, from a chapter on Chiang Mai from Joe Cummings’ "Lonely Planet Thailand".

An insert about the Chiangmai Night Bazaar reports that from the 15th century Chinese muslim traders from Yunnan brought down silk, opium, lacquerware, tea, dried fruit, musk, ponies and mules while northbound caravans brought gold, copper, cotton, edible bird’s nest, betel nut, tobacco and ivory. By the 19th century, artisans had settled along the route to produce craft for the trade. The Chinese traders preferred to use ponies and mules, while the Thais preferred oxen, water buffalo and elephants.

There were three main land trading routes in Northern Thailand: one from Sibsongpanna (Yunnan) to the Gulf of Martaban (Burma) via Mawlamyiang, this route extends westward from Simao to Chiang Roong-Keng Tung-Fang (Chiang Rai).

The middle route went south to Mengla to Luang Nam Ta in Laos, to Chiang Kong where it merges with the first route and continues further south through Chiang Mai to Mae Sariang continued along the Salaween River down to Mawlamyiang.

The third route went from Simao to Ponsali, Luang Prabang, Nan, Prae, Lampang, and Lampoon, to Chiang Mai.

Another interesting article I found on the internet relating to buffalo trade routes was an extensive wikipedia page about the Kula traders who travelled in small and large caravans.

“Some of these caravans would consist of more than 100 people traveling in ox carts, horses and elephants. Kula merchants would sell and buy items during their travels such as elephants, ivory, animal horns, antlers, silk, water buffalo, firearm, caskets, case etc. Smaller groups of Kula would travel in groups of at least 5,10 or 50 people and would be armed with knives, swords, firearms and scared magical charms for protection. The Kula engaged in commerce differently from the Chinese where they didn't establish themselves by setting up shops in communities but preferred to travel from destination to destination and rest along temples, jungle, prairie and forests along the way.”

Tung Kula Ronghai (the crying plains of the Kulas), the driest region of the Northeast, was called such, because the plain of grass and swamp was so sparsely populated during the early of 19th century that many caravans and individuals would enter the plain and find themselves lost. People living in the community had to erect wooden poles and plant trees to identify the safer route to make navigation possible.

There is also a research paper by Junko Kmsumi of Tokyo University, “Why the Kula wept”, that describes a historical dispute between the Kula traders and the officials of Siam during the reign of Rama the third.

Finally, from a book by Prince Dilok Nabarath, “Siam’s Rural Economy under King Chulalongkorn”, a picture from the past:

_{Oxen carts bring produce to waiting river barges}

The financial crisis in 1932

2009-07-21T10:40:00.000-07:00

A long lost cousin of mine connected with me on Facebook today making me a little bit homesick and thinking about my family from Sakolnakorn. I originally wanted to write about the year 1910 and some events that had rippled from the center to my hometown close to the border of the Mekhong.

I was looking through a history book for ideas about how to shape my post on 1910 but got sidetracked by an account of a "financial war" in the year 1932. It’s curious how we tend to overlook small details in history when it is overshadowed by larger events like the end of absolute monarchy and the birth of Thailand’s first constitution.

This small detail of how bad public financial management can put a government in a tough spot seemed to be a more worthy subject to write a blog post about to relieve myself a bit (just a teeny, weeny bit) of my self-imposed theme of economics which doesn’t seem to gather much attention here (yet still a point of interest close to my dear subject), so 1910 got pushed aside and here’s an interesting anecdote from the year 1932 in Thai history:

Anyway, the connection between 1910 and 1932 was that 1910 was when one of Thailand’s greatest king past away, leaving the country in a bit of a shock and vacuum. From the short period of 1910-1932 we saw two kings come and go.

King Prajadhipok didn’t expect to reign but many unfortunate events left him with a legacy of chronic problems, one of which was the finances of the state. The budget was heavily in deficit and the royal accounts a nightmare of debts and questionable transactions.

Pages 235 to 239 of David K. Wyatt’s “Thailand: A Short History” makes an interesting reread. So many echos of the present found in the past. I hope my readers can find the book on some dusty bookshelf, I don’t want to be accused of plagiarism or infringement of copyright.

So the Great Depression hits Siam and the price of rice dropped by two-thirds, inducing a spiral of reduced cash income, less taxes, credit falling apart, inability to buy retail goods and government expenditure cut by a third.

If Wyatt’s publisher’s reads me, I am asking permission to quote some words here and now (I know I can get away with a limited number of words):

“To make matters worse, a financial crisis developed as, under the prodding of the British financial adviser, Siam doggedly maintained the gold standard as the basis of its currency, while Britain abandoned it. This came to mean that Siam’s rice was priced much higher than competing rice sold in currencies that had left the gold standard. It also brought about a significant outlfow of gold from Siam.”

“The crunch came as the government prepared the budget for B.E. 2475, the financial year that was to begin April 1, 1932. Battles raged.....”

Public dissatisfaction, prophecies, drafted constitutions, coup d’etat and “Promoters” (49 military and naval officers and 65 civilians) later, history was made.

Debt and monetary standards, I wonder who’s going to be in government when that nasty knot unravels our system again.

Part II (added)

King Prajadhipok inherited a bad account he couldn’t undo coupled with complex incidences happening in and outside of Thailand. His administration’s inability to split the pie properly could have been the crucial tipping point for that important political change in Thailand.

Here’s my summary of the internal and external events that contributed to political malaise during that time:

Internal:

Huge budget deficits inherited from King Vajiravudh. Some of which were: 8% of 1910’s budget went to the new King’s coronation ceremonies costly nationalist to build Rama VI’s personal power base, such as, for a special palace guard and Wild Tiger Corp (a paramilitary group). Wild Tigers Corp was most expensive... nearly 20% of royal budget, 1.6 million out of the 96. million state budget-10% royal expenditure; 23% to military expenditure; Privy Purse and Ministry of the Palace were consuming nearly 10 percent of the annual budget
Inability to find an accounting standard to control government expenditure causing power struggles within and between ministries and eventually laying off govt. work3. Financial mismanagement that aggravated the situation, such as borrowing from abroad, unpopular salary taxes, taxing land owned by peasants
No policies for distribution of income, Thais becoming increasingly left out of economic activities dominated by Chinese and foreign merchants
Lack of social investments, especially insufficient budget in support education, only 3 percent of the budget was allocated to education
Rising affluence of Chinese minority accentuated by nationalistic sentiments, anti-Chinese and fear of communism among the Thais, anti-Japanese among the Chinese who had private schools and own press
Only one dominant industry: rice export, controlled by Chinese merchants

External:

The post war environment, rise of nationalism, fear of communism, perceived threat of China’s proximity
The great depression, price of rice fell
Delayed exiting of the gold standard exchange regime, silver and gold just bled out of the country

One of the first things Pridi Panomyong and the People’s Party did once they took over government in 1932 was to propose an economic development plan. The Plan was rejected as being too socialist. Industrialization, however, was set into motion with establishments of a number of state enterprises. First being the Fuel Division of the Ministry of Defense which later became the Fuel Organization (1953), the precursor of PTT (so my posts are more connected than I thought). Other key state enterprises set up that was the beginning of industrialization (much earlier than the 60s as I originally thought) were: a spinning and weaving factory, also under the Ministry of Defense, to produce military uniform, later to become Siam Cotton Mill (1953); a paper mill; and a sugar refinery.

New Year 2007

2007-01-11T09:35:00.000-08:00

I was in Thailand since November, and am now in Mexico, have a lot to write about but no time.

Just to mark the new year, I would like to post the following text by
Mettanando Bhikku sent to me by an old friend I met in Bangkok. Happy New Year to all!

THE YEAR AHEAD: Buddha's blessings for the 'double James Bond year 2-007'

Nothing in the world takes place without meaning; and there are always reasonsbehind every event. This belief is shared by most religious traditions: Buddhism, Christianity, Islam and others. Hinduism, in particular, deeply holds that names and numbers are holders of the elements intrinsic to particular persons and events. Therefore, names are very important.

Following this line of thought, the upcoming year of 2007 can, indeed, be very adventurous, as it does not only mean the 2007th Year of Our Lord, but also the double James Bond Year.

As the curtain on the Year of the Dog 2006 draws to a close, it leaves many items of unfinished business; some will be neglected and forgotten while others will escalate into crises to threaten the world.

As the momentum of the Year of the Dog is being transferred to the Year of the Pig, certain factors will determine the course of life of millions on the rollercoaster's rails of public conspiracy, concealment, surprises and adventures. 2007 will be a golden year for those who believe in the Chaos Theory, wherein humankind is moving closer. On the bright side, 2007 will be a good year of creativity, heroism and bold international operations.

In spite of the upcoming uncertainties and adventures, the teachings of the Lord Buddha will be the refuge and security of mind for millions. Since the Buddha said explicitly that the mind is the leader of all things, when the mind is beautiful, life is also beautiful. Beauty of life depends on the beauty of mind. Having said that, it does not mean that problems are to be seen as a part of the beauty. When problems are solved we add more beauty to our lives. The more beauty we add to our lives, the more beauty we add to the whole world.

The key to success in life is wisdom; that paves the way to proper approaches to problems, the so-called dukkha in Buddhism. The word is often mistranslated in English as ''suffering'' or ''pain''. This leads to a pessimistic interpretation of Buddhism as a whole. In practice, Buddhists tend to have a dread of dukkha and are inclined to let go of dukkha as they feel that it is the only way possible. Etymologically, dukkha has nothing to do with pain or suffering. It actually means ''a bad space'', which is a technical term employed by craftsmen to describe a phenomenon when two objects which are supposed to fit in with each other fail to do so. The idiom, ''To put a square peg into a round hole'', appropriately describes
the original meaning of the word dukkha.

Therefore, dukkha should neither be seen as something frightening or worrisome. Rather, the Buddha told us that dukkha is a challenge that we all should strive to overcome. The way to achieve this potential is neither through fate nor arbitrary means, but via a systematically approached set of principles called the Four Noble Truths. These Truths mandate the detection of dukkha and its root cause(s), which then permits their eradication based on the practical protocol it suggests: the Fourth Truth, which is the Eight-Fold Noble Path.

Dukkha if left unattended becomes a catalyst for decadence of all kinds: mental, personal and social. The best way to deal with dukkha is by protection: identify its future trends and nip it in the bud before it can trigger further decay.

Through the lens of the Four Noble Truths, reality is a dynamic network of causality, a complex chain of cause and effect. Nothing came to existence without cause and when an effect is produced, it simultaneously affects other phenomena to rise.

2006 has seen many unfinished dukkhas, both at the global and national levels.

Regarding environmental issues, governments of many countries, especially the European Union, are aware of the looming disaster of global warming. The trend of climatic change is clear, and it is getting worse every year. While EU countries are trying to impose a ''green tax'' on their people to curb the continuous rise of greenhouse gases, the United States has remained quiet even though its energyconsumption is proportionally triple that of other developed countries.

Terrorism and the crisis in Iraq still remain unresolved issues of the world, not to mention the building up of nuclear capabilities of North Korea and Iran, which can easily tip the military balance of the world forever.

Domestically, more social unrest is looms for Thailand. Drafting of the new constitution can easily spark off another political crisis, whereas the investigations into corruption cases by the government is hardly leading to any clear conclusion. The influence of the deposed prime minister lingers on in many institutions and can cause further instability for the government at any time.

Consider the meaning of 007: a licence to kill. But the licence to kill also implies the opposite: the licence to preserve and enhance future life.

So, as we approach the ''double James Bond year'' when all uncertainties are possible, Buddhists can have no greater blessing than the Dharma. With ''Life is Beauty'' well established in our hearts, all dukkha can be systematically solved with hope, courage and creativity. It is a good time to renew our way of thinking for the good of our health and beauty in our heart. Always look to the bright side of life!

Mettanando Bhikkhu is a Thai Buddhist monk and a former physician. He studied at Chulalongkorn University, Oxford and Harvard, and received a PhD from Hamburg. He is special adviser on Buddhist affairs to the secretary-general of the World Conference of Religions for Peace.

2006-11-02T20:26:00.000-08:00

I like Richard Barrow's blogs on Thai-Blogs.com and he just wrote a good blog about the Armstrong guns built by Rama V at Phra Chulachomklao Fort: read his blog at Disappearing Armstrong Guns.

The Bunnag family

2006-11-02T07:04:00.000-08:00

(Just a note for myself to find this link. Not blogging much now because I'm so busy.)

Found this webpage set up by the Bunnag family, The Bunnage Lineage Club. Hopefully, I can write more about them one day.

Sulak Sivaraksa and Soundtrek

2006-10-22T14:02:00.000-07:00

Another brief link note, three links for S. Sivaraksa. Someone's blogging about S.Sivaraksa, and sometimes I can access this page and sometimes not, don't know what's wrong with it: Sulak-Sivaraksa.org
and then this blog Soundtrek.org is supported by Sathirakoses Nagapradipa Foundation, a foundation that seems to be set up by S.Sivarksa's network.