Their work focuses on certificates of appealability in habeas corpus cases — an often-overlooked but critical step that determines whether a prisoner can appeal a denied petition for their release. By compiling and analyzing more than 32,000 federal cases across circuits, the pair aims to better understand how courts are applying the standard and whether access to appellate review is being unevenly or unfairly limited. They are set to graduate from WashU Law in May.

Lobo has accepted a position at law firm Sullivan & Cromwell in New York, where she will be working on a variety of litigation matters. Lanza will be clerking for a federal judge in Kansas City, Kan., for a year before joining Lobo at Sullivan & Cromwell.

The pair will continue working on their project and hope to publish it in a law journal once it’s complete. 

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A prominent expert on the U.S. Supreme Court, Epps is frequently quoted in the media and is widely known for his influential work on Supreme Court reform, including a restructuring proposal that helped shape national policy discussions. He co-hosts the podcast “Divided Argument,” which examines the court’s work, and has litigated before the Supreme Court.

Howard Cayne, a 1979 law alumnus, and Caroline Cayne are longtime advocates of WashU Law and deeply committed partners in WashU’s mission. They established the distinguished professorship in recognition of the vital role that exceptional faculty played in Howard’s legal education.

Read more about Epps and the Caynes on the WashU Law website.

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The report is an update to a 2019 analysis. The new edition incorporates newer data and expands the scope of the earlier research. For example, the 2019 report examined childhood asthma, while the updated analysis also looks at asthma among adults. It also includes new data visualizations that illustrate how environmental conditions and health outcomes intersect across neighborhoods.

“We wanted to ensure that the updated report incorporated the latest available data and that it reflected what we have learned from the community over the last six years,” said Elizabeth Hubertz, director of the Interdisciplinary Environmental Clinic at Washington University in St. Louis School of Law.

In addition, while the 2019 report largely documented environmental disparities, the new version also focuses on solutions.

“The earlier report was largely descriptive, using a combination of public data and interviews with community members to catalogue environmental racism in St. Louis. This report is both descriptive and prescriptive,” said Eric Conners, a postdoctoral fellow in the clinic and a contributing author of the report. “It still documents how environmental racism manifests in St. Louis, but it also provides evidence-based, actionable recommendations for addressing those problems.”

The report also features “Community Spotlights” highlighting organizations working on environmental justice issues in St. Louis and includes a resource guide for residents seeking assistance or ways to get involved.

Among the recommendations, the report calls for improvements to how environmental health data are collected and shared. For example, it recommends updating Missouri’s environmental public health tracking database more frequently. It also suggests testing soils and surfaces in public areas where children gather if contamination is likely.

To address asthma and air quality, the report recommends that schools adopt the AirNow Air Quality Flag Program and calls for increasing air quality monitoring devices in the city.

Other recommendations include addressing the causes of illegal dumping; educating homeowners about beneficiary deeds to help reduce vacancy; supporting community-owned grocery stores in underserved areas; and improving data collection on mold complaints in rental housing.

The report also highlights how natural disasters can worsen inequalities. St. Louis neighborhoods with older housing and fewer resources may face greater damage and slower recovery after severe weather, such as the May 2025 tornado.

“Natural disasters often exacerbate preexisting inequality,” Conners said. “We can’t prevent the next tornado or flood, but we can strengthen the resilience of vulnerable communities.”

Even without strong federal support, Conners said cities and states can make meaningful progress. Residents can take action by contacting local officials, joining neighborhood organizations and reporting environmental problems such as illegal dumping or housing hazards, he added.

“A lot of the relevant action happens at the local and state level,” he said.

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“As president and CEO of Exelon, my main goal is to keep the lights on and the gas flowing,” he says.

Exelon is one of the nation’s largest utility companies, serving more than 10.7 million customers in Illinois, Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and the District of Columbia.

“Our operating companies have been rated as some of the most reliable utility companies in the nation, and we have a long history of service and innovation in this industry — nearly 800 years between all of our utilities,” Butler says. One of Exelon’s subsidiaries, Baltimore Gas & Electric, was the first gas utility in the country and has been in service for 209 years.

“I think about the legacy Exelon is leaving behind, and I want to build upon that as CEO,” Butler says.

So how does a lawyer end up running a Fortune 200 utility company? It all began when Butler accepted a job in the legal department at a public utility in Peoria, Illinois, after graduating from WashU Law. He then moved on to work in a variety of areas at RR Donnelley in Chicago, which was the world’s largest printing company at the time.

“The most pivotal moment in my career was when I had an opportunity to learn operations at RR Donnelley,” Butler says. “It showed me I could take my legal career, merge that with operations, and still deliver profit and loss responsibility. I’ve built off that throughout my career.”

In 2008, Exelon recruited him to work in their largest utility, ComEd, in Chicago, before transferring him to Baltimore to spearhead a complex merger between Exelon and Constellation Energy. Following the merger’s successful completion, Butler was asked to head up corporate affairs for Baltimore Gas & Electric.

He was named the utility’s CEO — his first CEO role — in 2014, spending five years there before taking on the role of CEO of Exelon’s utility business, encompassing six local energy companies. After a later stint as COO at Exelon, Butler was promoted to CEO in 2022. He’s now working to solve the energy sector’s biggest challenges: energy security and affordability.

Delivering clean energy is another area of focus for Butler. By 2050, Exelon aims to have net-zero business-driven emissions. By 2030, half of the company’s fleet of vehicles will be electric.

“We’re dedicated to delivering clean energy, but we have to do it in a very thoughtful, systematic and equitable way,” Butler says. “If we don’t have all of the energy sources available — including nuclear, wind, solar, hydro, gas and coal — energy demand will go up and so will prices.”

In 2025, Butler was named chair of the board of directors of the Edison Electric Institute (EEI). The trade association brings together investor-owned utility companies to develop and advocate for energy policies at the federal and state levels.

“I need to ensure that EEI is well represented on Capitol Hill because I want the policies we’re advocating for to impact our member companies and our customers in the right way,” he says.

Butler knows that building the energy workforce of the future is also vital, and Exelon offers an award-winning workforce development program in the communities it serves. The program has been recognized with the Chair’s Award for Workforce Development Leadership from the Center for Energy Workforce Development.

“We’ve invested more than $75 million since 2019 in our workforce development program, and some of the most exciting programs we offer involve students,” Butler says. “In summer 2025, we had over 280 interns representing 118 colleges. We also had 400 high school students participate in a STEM program where they spent a week learning from our leadership team.”

Butler says the opportunity he had as a student to learn from leaders in the legal field is pivotal to everything he does today. “I came to WashU to study under Richard Lazarus, a preeminent environmental law professor,” he says. “Amazing professors, as well as lifelong friendships I developed, made WashU a remarkable place. I share my love of WashU with the next generation at every opportunity.”

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“My career has had some twists and turns,” Shroff says. He worked as a practicing attorney in New York for nearly a decade before accepting a job back in his hometown of St. Louis. His reason was a practical one: “My wife and I welcomed a son, and we needed a backyard.”

Shroff and his family took up residence in Webster Groves, Missouri, where backyards are more common, and he took on a new role as a general counsel for ICL Group, Ltd., a global manufacturing company. After running the business division for the company, Shroff began to contemplate a future in business ownership.

“There was no master plan,” he says. “It just unfolded when I reflected on my strengths, my weaknesses and what I enjoyed doing. My time at WashU Law taught me process-oriented logic and made me consider taking a bit of a gamble. That led me to buy the business in 2019.”

The Wine and Cheese Place has been a staple in the St. Louis community since 1982. Loyal customers stop by to enjoy wines, craft beers, hand-cut cheeses and specialty foods at several locations, including Creve Coeur, where Shroff grew up; Clayton; Kirkwood; and Town and Country. During his time as owner, Shroff has elevated the company by relocating multiple locations and opening a new venture, Spirit Wine & Craft, in the Southampton neighborhood.

“We have people who’ve been shopping with us for 40 years,” he says. “The fact that they continue shopping with us is a blessing. A lot of our customers are known by first name when they walk in the door, and they choose us because they trust us to help them find what they’re looking for.”

While the customer comes first, Shroff has also been intentional about forming partnerships with other local companies like O+O Hospitality, which operates several popular eateries in Webster Groves. “It’s always been a win-win for us,” Shroff says. “Supporting local businesses supports our brand, as well. It just makes a lot of sense.”

In addition to his partnerships, Shroff is focused on growing his other specialty shop, Extra Virgin: An Olive Ovation, which he purchased in 2023. “There are challenges to selling wine and spirits because of the nationwide shipping involved and alcohol rules,” he says. “Olive oil doesn’t have those limitations.”

As Shroff grows his business portfolio, he remains committed to providing diverse and delicious options to his many St. Louis patrons. His return to the area in 2013 appears to have been a smart move, both personally and professionally. “St. Louis is great. We have our challenges, but I’ve always felt that the people here are genuinely nice and genuinely care about their neighbors. We certainly feel the sense of community in our stores.”

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If Congress wants to lower drug prices, it needs to understand the structure and incentives of the entire supply chain, said Rachel Sachs, a professor of law and of public health.

Sachs testified Feb. 11 before the U.S. House Energy & Commerce Health Subcommittee during a hearing titled “Lowering Health Care Costs for All Americans: An Examination of the Prescription Drug Supply Chain.”

“Too many Americans cannot afford important medications,” she told the subcommittee, with many patients reporting that they “have not taken medication as prescribed due to its costs.”

High drug prices are not driven by a single factor, said Sachs, who is also research co-director of WashU’s Cordell Institute for Policy in Medicine & Law.

“Many actors in the prescription drug supply chain play key roles in setting and maintaining high drug prices,” she said.

For example, U.S. law provides pharmaceutical companies with exclusive rights to market their branded products through patents and regulatory restrictions while also guaranteeing insurance reimbursement, Sachs said.

“The combination of exclusive rights and guaranteed payment has allowed manufacturers to set and maintain high prescription drug prices over time,” she said.

Pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs), wholesalers and group purchasing organizations have been criticized for steering patients toward pricier drugs, Sachs said. There are concerns that PBMs in particular limit access to lower-cost alternatives and bring in revenue through arrangements that weaken incentives to reduce prices, she argued.

Sachs urged Congress to pursue a package of reforms rather than a single solution. “There is no single way to address these issues,” she said.

Reforms should focus on making competition more effective, increasing transparency and oversight into the opaque supply chain, and considering policies that address reimbursement directly, Sachs said. Strengthening the Inflation Reduction Act’s Medicare Drug Price Negotiation Program could be part of the solution, she said.

“Every actor in the supply chain plays a role in keeping prices high, and every actor has a role to play in ensuring affordability for both patients and our overall health-care system,” Sachs said.

With sustained oversight and targeted reforms, she said, Congress can help restore balance to a system that too often leaves patients facing impossible choices between their health and their finances.

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“Consider a lower-income taxpayer earning $30,000 annually and a higher-income taxpayer earning $100,000 annually,” said Sarah Narkiewicz, director of the Low Income Taxpayer Clinic at the School of Law.

“If both spend $5,000 on taxable goods with a 10% sales tax, both pay $500 in sales tax. However, $500 represents 1.67% of the lower-income taxpayer’s income but only 0.5% of the higher-income taxpayer’s income.”

Individual income tax, she said, is generally considered progressive taxation, meaning that higher earners pay a larger percentage of their income in taxes.

Kehoe proposes increasing sales taxes on services to help narrow the bridge of eliminating income taxes. Sales taxes on goods likely would rise as well. Missouri voters could be asked to consider a proposal in November that would eliminate the individual income tax and expand sales and use taxes in return.

Currently, nine states do not impose income taxes: Alaska, Florida, Nevada, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Washington and Wyoming.

“Eliminating state income tax appears attractive at first glance,” Narkiewicz said. “Most people would welcome keeping more of their income rather than paying it in taxes. Additionally, eliminating individual income tax might attract more residents and businesses to Missouri, potentially increasing state revenue through other means.”

 However, she said, significant hidden costs may not be immediately apparent.

“State taxes fund essential services that residents often take for granted,” Narkiewicz said. “The state provides funding for K-12 education and public universities. It also finances Medicaid and health-care programs, maintains state roads and bridges, supports state police, handles state administration, funds conservation efforts and promotes economic development, among other functions.”

Currently, Missouri’s state income tax represents 60-70% of the general revenue fund that supports social services, education and health-care expenses.

“If Missouri eliminates this tax, the state must either generate revenue through alternative means or reduce services,” she said.

“New Hampshire and Texas both offer fewer public services compared to other states,” Narkiewicz said. “Alaska, South Dakota and Wyoming generate substantial revenue by taxing natural resource extraction. Florida, Nevada and Tennessee generate additional revenue through tourism.

“Missouri does not fit naturally into any of these categories.”

People often perceive sales tax as less burdensome because they pay small amounts incrementally, she said.

“Income tax is withheld from paychecks, paid through quarterly estimates or paid with annual tax returns,” she said. “These larger, more visible amounts create a greater psychological impact, making sales tax seem less burdensome. Whether this perception reflects actual tax burden is debatable.”

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Here, faculty from Washington University in St. Louis reflect on the legality of such moves, the rules of international law, public opinion of imperialism and the meaning of the Monroe Doctrine.

Assessing geopolitical, economic risks ahead

At least in the short term, the U.S. invasion of Venezuela and capture of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife curiously has had little effect on the stock market.  Timm Betz, an associate professor of political science in Arts & Sciences at WashU, said the markets have largely shrugged off the geopolitical shock because Venezuela has little impact on the global economy and there’s already so much uncertainty around the world. But that’s not to say the markets and economy are on firm ground. Just like a single spark can ignite a devastating wildfire, one wrong move could send the market into a tailspin and cause economic ripples around the globe, Betz warned.  Read more here. 

Betz is available to talk about the geopolitical risks facing the U.S. and how other countries reducing their potential economic vulnerabilities in response, which could affect U.S. interests and American businesses down the line. To arrange an interview, email Sara Savat at sara.savat@wustl.edu. 

International alliances, global stability on shaky ground

The unfolding crisis in Venezuela, as well as Trump’s subsequent threats to countries including Greenland, Colombia, Mexico and Iran, have called into question the legality of his military actions; the stability of Venezuela, the region and the world; and the future of international alliances and democratic norms. In his 2021 paper, published in International Organization, David Carter, a professor of political science in Arts & Sciences, examined the history of territorial claims over the last 200 years, finding evidence that global instability and crisis creates prime opportunities for revisionist states to make territorial claims.  Read more here.

Carter is available to answer questions about international alliances, territorial conflict, global stability and more. Email Sara Savat at sara.savat@wustl.edu to arrange an interview. 

How polarization limits power of public opposition

One of the most powerful checks on presidents’ unilateral power in modern times has been public opinion, according to Dino P. Christenson, a professor of political science in Arts & Sciences and co-author of “The Myth of the Imperial Presidency: How Public Opinion Checks the Unilateral Executive.” But in today’s highly polarized political climate, where few members of the GOP are willing to publicly break with the president and party identifiers are steadfast in their views, Trump’s foreign policy is unlikely to have a lasting impact on his approval rating, Christenson said. Read more here.

Christenson is available to talk about the use of — and limits on — unilateral action, presidential approval ratings and more. To arrange an interview, email Sara Savat at sara.savat@wustl.edu.

Why international law forbids forcible seizure of territory

Under international law, one of the clearest red lines for states is the use of force to take another sovereign’s territory — a prohibition that sits at the heart of the modern global legal order, said MJ Durkee, a law professor at WashU. “A state cannot lawfully seize territory belonging to another sovereign without that state’s consent,” said Durkee, the William Gardiner Hammond Professor of Law and director of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute. “That rule is foundational. It’s not a gray area and it’s not optional.”

Durkee is available to talk about international law and how the United Nations would handle threats against sovereignty. To arrange an interview, email Neil Schoenherr at nschoenherr@wustl.edu.

The return of the Monroe Doctrine

The arrest of Maduro and his wife represents the return of something very old to U.S. foreign policy, said Krister Knapp, a teaching professor and coordinator of Crisis & Conflict in Historical Perspective at WashU, where he teaches courses in U.S. national security and foreign policy. “Expansionist policies have gone by many names — Manifest Destiny, Monroe Doctrine, dollar diplomacy, Open Door. Nationalists may celebrate them. Realists may try to deploy them strategically. And liberals may condemn them as disastrous, self-defeating imperialism. But they are part of our national DNA,” he said. Read more here.

Knapp is available to talk about the history of expansionist policies in America. To arrange an interview, email Liam Otten at liam_otten@wustl.edu.

The post Trump’s foreign ambitions appeared first on The Source.

President Donald Trump recently removed the president of Venezuela and is contemplating taking over Greenland and potentially other nations.

“A state cannot lawfully seize territory belonging to another sovereign without that state’s consent,” said Durkee, the William Gardiner Hammond Professor of Law and director of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute. “That rule is foundational. It’s not a gray area and it’s not optional.”

Durkee points to Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter, which bars the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. Adopted in the aftermath of World War II, the provision was designed to prevent exactly the kind of coercive territorial change that had fueled global conflict in the first half of the 20th century.

“This prohibition is one of the cornerstones of the postwar international legal system,” Durkee said. “It reflects a collective commitment by states to resolve disputes without resorting to conquest.”

In the case of Greenland, the legal protections are even more layered, she said. Greenland is an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, and its status engages not only rules about territorial integrity, but also the right of peoples to self-determination, a principle enshrined in Article 1 of the U.N. Charter and reinforced by decades of international human rights law.

“Self-determination means that the people of a territory — not an outside power — get to decide their political future,” Durkee said. “That principle applies regardless of a state’s size or strategic importance.”

In theory, enforcement of these rules falls to the U.N. Security Council, which has authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter to respond to threats to international peace and security. But Durkee noted that enforcement can be political.

“The Security Council’s powers are real, but they’re constrained by politics,” she said. “Because the United States is a permanent member with veto power, it could block any binding enforcement action directed at itself.”

That does not mean, however, that violations would be legally inconsequential. Even absent Security Council action, other states could respond through coordinated diplomatic, economic or political measures. Durkee also pointed to customary international law on state responsibility, reflected in the International Law Commission’s Articles on State Responsibility.

“For serious breaches of peremptory norms — like the prohibition on acquiring territory by force — international law obligates other states not to recognize or assist the unlawful situation,” she said.

For the United States, Durkee argued, the most immediate consequences would be reputational and systemic rather than territorial.

“The biggest costs would likely be damage to U.S. credibility, alliances and the international rules the United States has long relied on to advance its own interests,” she said. “More broadly, it would further weaken the prohibition on coercive territorial change.”

That erosion would have ripple effects far beyond any single dispute, she said.

“When powerful states disregard these constraints, the rules break down” Durkee said. “And when that happens, smaller and more vulnerable states are the ones who lose the most protection under international law.”

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hen Oliver Roberts arrived at WashU Law last January to teach a new winter-term course called “AI in the Law,” he expected curiosity — but not a crowd. Instead, the classroom filled with more than 75 students, alumni and faculty eager to understand how artificial intelligence was already reshaping the legal profession.

“After the second class, I spoke with Dean Stefanie Lindquist,” says Roberts, an adjunct professor at WashU Law and now co-director of the AI Collaborative, along with Ryan Durrie, lecturer in law and associate director of policy for the Cordell Institute. “She told me AI was one of her top priorities, and we immediately started brainstorming how to make it something bigger. Within weeks, we were sketching out the framework for what became the WashU AI Collaborative, and now, WashU Law’s position as a global leader in AI education.”

What began as a one-week experiment quickly evolved into a major university initiative. The Washington University AI Collaborative at WashU Law, launched in spring 2025, is now the school’s hub for innovation, education and research on artificial intelligence. It connects faculty, students, alumni and practitioners to the emerging intersections of law, technology and ethics — and it’s rapidly positioning the university as a national leader in the field.

Building an ‘AI arm’ for the law school

Roberts had a clear goal from the beginning: build an “AI arm” for WashU Law — one that would not only teach students about AI’s impact on law, but also engage attorneys, judges and policymakers in understanding its real-world applications.

In March, Roberts and his company, Wickard AI, hosted an intensive two-day program open to students and alumni. Within weeks, the collaborative began offering a continuing legal education (CLE) series on pressing policy topics, including federal preemption of state AI laws, the environmental impact of data centers and the legal implications of generative AI.

“We’ve done several CLEs,” Roberts says. “They’re all about helping lawyers, students and even laypeople understand what’s going on in the AI policy landscape,” Roberts says. “It’s about demystifying this technology and helping people see both its promise and its risks.”

The CLEs, Roberts says, are “all about helping lawyers, students and even laypeople understand what’s going on in the AI policy landscape. It’s about demystifying this technology and helping people see both its promise and its risks.”

Another flagship event, Legal AI Demo Day, is a series of events that brings together 10-15 legal technology companies at a time to showcase AI-powered tools in rapid-fire demonstrations. Each session draws more than a thousand RSVPs, with hundreds of live participants tuning in online to explore how AI products are already transforming legal work. These events have featured leading legal tech companies like Harvey, Legora, Laurel, Spellbook, Trellis, DraftWise and LegalOn Technologies. Attendees have spanned top law firms and corporations, including Jones Day, Walmart, EY, Capital One, Spotify, Sullivan & Cromwell, Orrick, Reed Smith, Jackson Lewis, Mayer Brown, Norton Rose, Greenberg Traurig, Paul Weiss, WilmerHale, Troutman, O’Melveny, Alston & Bird, Holland & Knight, DLA Piper and more.

“It’s our way of bringing the legal tech world together. We want lawyers to see what’s possible — how these systems are changing efficiency, access to justice and even the structure of the legal profession itself.”

“It’s our way of bringing the legal tech world together. We want lawyers to see what’s possible — how these systems are changing efficiency, access to justice and even the structure of the legal profession itself.”

Oliver Roberts

A transformative moment 

Roberts has taught AI and law at nearly a dozen universities and developed the first required law school AI course in the nation at Case Western Reserve University. Through Wickard AI, he has partnered with WashU to implement the collaborative’s programs and extend its reach internationally.

He believes the changes AI brings are as sweeping as any in the history of law. “There’s never been a technology that lets you type a prompt like, ‘Write me a motion,’ and get a full, structured draft in seconds,” he says. “Of course, it’s not perfect, but it’s game-changing in terms of speed and efficiency. It’s replacing a lot of the work first-year associates used to do. I think we’ll eventually see a shift to software-as-a-service models, where law firms license AI tools that handle the first drafts of legal work.”

But that doesn’t mean young lawyers are going to become obsolete. That shift, Roberts says, underscores the importance of education. “We’re teaching students that AI can be a powerful force for good,” he says. “It can improve lawyer efficiency, deliver better results for clients and give our graduates a competitive edge. But we’re equally focused on the risks — including bias, misuse and overreliance. Understanding both sides is essential.”

And that focus on teaching AI to students has become a focal point at WashU Law. In October, Roberts and Lindquist penned a column for Bloomberg Law in which they wrote, “AI can no longer be dismissed as a passing fad. It’s reshaping lawyers’ obligations, standards of diligence and competence, and the processes by which law is practiced.”

A new kind of legal education

For Lindquist, the Nickerson Dean of the School of Law and professor of law, the AI Collaborative reinforces the university’s commitment to leading in areas that redefine the profession.

“Everybody wants to understand the impact AI will have, but most people don’t understand AI at all,” she says. “That gives us a real opportunity to be a source of education and insight, not just for students, but for faculty, staff and practicing lawyers.”

“Everybody wants to understand the impact AI will have, but most people don’t understand AI at all,” she says. “That gives us a real opportunity to be a source of education and insight, not just for students, but for faculty, staff and practicing lawyers.”

Stefanie Lindquist

The law school, she notes, is embracing AI in its own operations and research. “We opened Oliver’s courses to faculty and staff, too,” Lindquist says. “We want everyone to understand these tools because they also have the potential to improve how we work as an institution — how we conduct research, write, synthesize documents and even analyze data.”

Lindquist sees AI’s reach extending well beyond law. “AI can help researchers summarize complex material, create literature reviews and conduct quantitative analysis,” she says. “It’s not just a productivity tool — it’s reshaping the way we think about knowledge itself.”

But Lindquist also sees profound challenges ahead.

“Artificial intelligence has the capacity to change human life on this planet as we know it,” she says. “It raises enormous ethical and governance questions. At WashU Law, we want to be the place where people think seriously about how to manage this technology ethically and intelligently — so that human beings, and the rule of law, aren’t left behind.”

She compares the stakes to those of climate change: a global force advancing faster than policy can adapt. “If we don’t pay attention now,” Lindquist says, “it will get ahead of us. That’s why we’re here — to get ahead of it.”

Leading beyond the classroom

The collaborative’s reach already extends to the judiciary. Roberts recently led an AI ethics seminar for judges at the Northern District of Mississippi’s judicial conference and led a panel on AI and the future of the judiciary at the Pennsylvania Conference of State Trial Judges, where representatives from Westlaw and LexisNexis demonstrated AI prototypes that generate bench memos. In January, he will be leading court-wide AI ethics training for the D.C. court system.

This semester, Roberts teamed up with Judge Joshua Deahl, from the D.C. Court of Appeals, to teach a seminar titled “AI & the Judiciary,” in which students directly engaged with the opportunities and risks for judges using AI. Across all these initiatives, the goal is the same: equip lawyers, judges and policymakers with the understanding needed to use AI responsibly.

Across these initiatives, the goal is the same: equip lawyers, judges and policymakers with the understanding needed to use AI responsibly. “At WashU, we’re not just reacting to AI — we’re shaping how the legal profession responds to it,” Roberts says. “We’re helping build the frameworks that will make AI not just more efficient, but more just.”

“At WashU, we’re not just reacting to AI — we’re shaping how the legal profession responds to it,” Roberts says. “We’re helping build the frameworks that will make AI not just more efficient, but more just.”

As AI continues to blur the boundaries between human and machine intelligence, WashU’s AI Collaborative stands at the frontier, grounded in the belief that technology should serve people, not replace them.

By combining rigorous legal scholarship, interdisciplinary collaboration and forward-looking leadership, WashU Law is ensuring that its graduates — and the legal system itself — are ready for the era ahead.

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