There has been a prolonged cold snap here in the Litchfield Hills and across much of the Northeast this week.  Back when I had facial hair, this kind of weather would have frozen the condensation of my breath in my beard and mustache.  We have dipped below zero, into territory that is increasingly unusual in our warmer winters here in Southern New England. I've seen colder weather, and been out in it much longer, but it is mighty cold nonetheless.

I have watched the ice freeze hard and fast in the river and over the wider lakes and ponds.  I wonder whether black ice will form, that sleek obsidion surface that is the finest of all for skating, and if I will have an opportunity to get out on any of it before if gets obscured by snow or marred by thaw.  I remember with great fondness those chidlhood winter days with pond hockey on black ice and hope to experience that again.

The igloo my kids and I made last week was still solid but reduced by warmer weather when the big chill took hold.  Now it is diamond hard, its skeleton of snow blocks distinct but strong.  We made ice lanterns by freezing balloons filled with water and at night these now glow in the piercing cold.

I do not expect the low temperatures to last.  We could easily swing back on a 50 degree arc, and find it suddenly Springlike.  Out here on the end of the scale, it is worth pausing to fill my lungs with that sharp, cold air, remembering how it felt when facing the next heat wave, perhaps in April, as was the case several years ago.

The 1st New Jersey Regiment of the Continental line lost a number of its officers to wounds and disease during the course of the American Revolution.  Major Joseph Morris was mortally wounded in the fight at White Marsh, PA near the end of the Philadelphia campaign in December, 1777 while on detached service with Morgan's Rifle Corps.  Captain Andrew McMires (or McMyers) was killed before the Chew House at Germantown.  Ensign Martin Hurley, wounded in the same fight, was captured, identified as having deserted from the British Army at Boston, and summarily hanged. Major Daniel Piatt died of disease in April,1780. 

While each of these losses were felt by the regiment, the death of Captain Peter van Voorhees received widespread notoriety as an alleged Tory atrocity.  As the event in question happened on this date in 1779, it seems appropriate to take time to examine the available evidence surrounding the circumstances of his death.

Captain Peter van Voorhees is sometimes confused in later histories with others of that name or rank.  He was born in 1758, the son of Lucas Minnesen van Voorhees (1718-1791) and Cathrina Vandervoort of New Brunswick, New Jersey.  His grandfather, Minne Lucase van Voorhees, was born on Long Island but by 1717 was a member of the Dutch Reformed Church in New Brunswick.

Captain van Voorhees, according to a record of his service published by Heitman in his Historical Register of the Officers of the Continental Line During the War of the Revolution, had served in the 1st New Jersey Regiment since its first establishment, rising through the ranks from 2nd Lieutenant until he succeeded to command of John Van Anglen's 7th Company after that officer was wounded at Germantown.

In October, 1779, the 1st New Jersey Regiment was newly returned from participating in Sullivan's Expedition against the Iroquois and was then encamped with the army at Easton, Pennsylvania.  Apparently Captain van Voorhees was granted leave around this time to go home to New Brunswick, perhaps even to be married. John Polhemus, previously also a Captain with the 1st New Jersey, was also in the area, having be been declared a supernumary officer, and would be captured during the Loyalist raid on October 26th, 1779 in which Van Voorhees would loose his life.

Lt. Colonel John Graves Simcoe was the commander of the Queens Rangers, and the leader of a combined Loyalist force of cavalry and infantry that together made a daring raid from Staten Island into New Jersey in the early morning hours of October 26th, 1779.  The main object of the raid was to destroy a large number of flat boats that were intended for the use of Washington's Army, and possibly also to surprise and capture Governor Livingston who was thought to be at Middlebrook.  Simcoe personally lead about 80 mounted men, including the Hussars of the Queens Rangers, Capt. Sanford's Bucks County (PA) troop of loyalist horse, and another dozen local guides and Jerseymen under Captain James Stewart.

Such raids back and forth between New Jersey and loyalist Staten Island were very common during the war.  Acts of retribution and accusations of atrocities were commonplace and sometimes proved true.  Simcoe's raid was particularly audacious and encompassed a ride of over 65 miles, but along the way he missed his turn and went further than he intended.  The landmark he and his guides were looking for was a house at a crossroads belonging to Captain Van Voorhees' cousin Garret that unbeknownst to them had been burned by the British back in June of 1777.  Before he realized his mistake, Simcoe and his troopers were at the outskirts of New Brunswick.

The alarm had been raised and a group of Middlesex County militia under Captain Moses Guest confronted Simcoe's troop. In postwar memoirs, both Simcoe and Guest recounted the events that followed.  As Guest recalled;

"I was informed by an express, that the enemy was within a few hundred yards of me; I had just time to get to an open piece of woods when they made their appearance. We attacked them as they came up; but they came on so rapidly, that we could only give them one discharge. Col. Simcoe's horse received three balls, fell on him, and bruised him very badly; there was one man killed and several wounded. I left a physician with Simcoe and proceeded on."

Simcoe says it was five bullets that struck his horse and that he was stunned by the violence of his fall, coming to his senses to find himself a prisoner.

Meanwhile, Captain van Voorhees, reportedly together with some mounted militia, had joined the attack, and was pursuing the Loyalist riders, now under the command of Captain Sanford.  According to Simcoe;

"The militia assembling, Captain Sanford drew up and charged them, when they fled.  A Captain Voorhees, of the Jersey Continental troops, was overtaken, and a Hussar, at whom he had fired, killed him."

Captain Moses's account provides more detail;

“…we witnessed a scene that was truly distressing. We found Captain Peter Voorheis lying in the road, mortally wounded, and, to all apearance, nearly breathing his last breath. He had just returned from General Sullivan's army, and, with a few militia horsemen, was pursuing so close on the enemy's rear as to cause a detachment to sally out. They soon came up with him and cut him with their broad swords in a most shocking manner, which caused his death in a few hours."

Feeling was high in New Brunswick at the violent death of this native son, and subsequent threats against Simcoe's life ultimately had to be addressed by Governor Livingston's order on October 2nd, 1779 that he be treated according to the rules of war.  Lt, Col. Henry Dearborn of the New Hampshire Troops who were part of General Sullivan's force then encamped at Easton, heard the news of Voorhee's killing on October 28th and wrote in his Journal:

"On this day receivd the particulars of a most horrid piece of cruelty committed by a party of British hors, which is as follows:- A party of British hors under the [com]mand of Colo. Simco made an excurtion into Jersey from Staten Isl[and], took a circuitous rout of about 30 miles in which they burnt a foragg yard & plunderd several defencless houses, on their return a small party of Millitia collected under the command of Capts van Voras & Wool, tow Continental Officers who had been with Genrl. Sullivan on the western Expedition - they form'd an ambuscade which they drew the Enimy into, killed several & made several prisoners, among the latter was Colo. Simco. - Capts van Voras & Wool along with several others on hors back pursu'd the Enimy some considerable distance until they rallyd & turnd upon their pursuers, who ware obliged to give way.  Capt. Van Voras being further advanced than any other, & his hors being very much fatigued was overtaken by the Enimy and obliged to surrender himself prisoner; the party that took him conveyed him to the main party, 7 after examining him fell to hacking him with thier Swords in sight of Capt. Wool & others of his party; after satisfying their more then Savage Spite they left him expiring on the ground.  Capt. Wool & some others immediately rode up to him & found him cut & hack'd in a most barbarous manner, his arms cut off , his head cut to pieces & in fact appeerd to have been massacred by the most cruel Savages, this was done by the humane Britons, let every Briton blush at the idea.-"

Col. Dearborn may have found it all to easy to imagine the massacre in terms of a frontier atrocity, having just returned from a scorched earth campaign against the Iroquois which included the skinning of dead Iroquois by to make boot tops for two officers of the Jersey Line and the torture and decapitation of prisoners taken by the Indians.  He may also have given extra credence to the account because Captain Isaiah Wool of the 2nd Artillery may well have been known to him personally, having been captured along with Dearborn in the assault on Quebec.  I find no other account that links Wool with the events surrounding Voorhees' death.  Intrigingly, Washington's correspondence on November 1st, 1779 from West Point to General Maxwell in command of the Jersey Brigade makes reference to having received a letter from Maxwell dated October 30th and delivered by Captain Wool.

Predictably, the patriot and loyalist press gave conflicting accounts of the death of Captain Van Voorhees.  The New Jersey Gazette on November 3, 1779 claimed that "Captain Peter Voorhees, of the First Jersey Regiment, unfortunately fell into their hands near Brunswick, and was massacred in a most shocking manner."  Another patriot paper [ The New-York Journal and the General Advertiser, Nov. 1, 1779] likewise claimed that Captain Voorhese (a young gentleman much esteemed) had been "wantonly murdered".  A loyalist New York paper mentioned only that a Captain Voorhies was killed, and Rivington's Royal Gazette on November 3rd printed a letter, purporting to be from a participant in Simcoe's raid, that describes Voorheis' death as part of a legitimate combat. Other secondary sources repeat the claim of Voorhees's murder but offer no additional evidence in support.  Captain Guest, who actually saw Voorhees lying mortally wounded in the road, was moved on November 10th, 1779 to write a poem in elegy that does not lay the charge of murder. 

In the end, it was a minor episode in what was often a savage and brutal conflict.  Voorhees was lamented as a patriot martyr and Simcoe would eventually become the Lt.-Governor of Canada.

Israel Litchfield of Scituate, MA kept a diary between Nov 1774 and mid 1775 that survives today in the collections of the New England Historic Genealogical Society.  It is a trove of period details gives many insights into daily life in his coastal Massachusetts town during the months leading up to the onset of the armed struggle for American Independence.

Just 21 years old, Litchfield was skilled in both leatherwork and clock making.  Sometimes he ground razors for family and friends, and sometimes he had someone else draw a tooth. As a skilled laborer he collaborated with other artisans, like Abednego Wade who worked in brass, but he also did his share of manual work in the fields.  He sang with the choir and enjoyed visiting friends, and with all this activity he increasingly found time to train with the militia.

Litchfield, Israel, Scituate. Sergeant, Capt. Samuel Stockbridge's co. of Minute- men, Col. Bailey's regt., which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775; service, 21 days ; also, Clerk, Capt. Hayward Peirce's co., Col. John Cushing's (2d Plym- outh Co.) regt. ; service, 15 days ; company ordered to march to Bristol, R. I., on an alarm in Dec, 1776.  

Litchfield's diary offers a wealth of information about the formation, drill and equipment of the local militia, particularly the minute company to which Litchfield belonged. 

Drill:  Before Scituate established its two companies of minutemen in January, 1775, Litchfield mentions two types of drill used to exercise the militia.

       Nov 17' [1774] : In the forenoon I Work'd at the tanhouse put 19 sides into Lime In the Afternoon
                      12 of us met at Daniels and Exercised We used what they Call the Norfolk Excercise
                       the Weather Cool…

       18 …we went to M"" Gerfhoni Ewells from there to IncineTurners there was Cap* Turner;
                        Lieu* Stetfon Sergant Stockbridge: Sergeant Jenkins We Exercised Some in the New
                        way Calid the 64"'.

      2 Dec ...in the afternoon We Exercised at Daniels after the New form viz the 64**

 From this it appears that preference was subsequently given to the British 1764 manual of military
 exercise over the older Norfolk militia drill (1759) which still included instructions for using halberds
 and pikes.

Organization: It was customary for the New England trained bands to elect their officers, and Litchfield
describes this process several times in his diary.  In January, 1775, Scituate formed its first units of
minutemen in an occasion solemnified by a church meeting but ultimately resolved by others of the
Town and the votes of the men themselves.

January the 11,[1775] We went to the Training field by the rev. Barns's meeting house the Lower,
         Middle and upper Companeys of the millitia of this town met there under arms in order to Enlist
         minute-men after we were Embodied and marchd Some the three Companyes were Marchd
         into the meeting house for to hear a Lector. The Rev"" M"" Barnes went to pray[e]r then there w'as
         Sang the two first Stanzas of the 144*'' psalm after which the ReV M"" Grosvenor Preachd a
         Sermon his text Second of Chronicles 17^^: I''m Ready prepared for the war. It was generally
         Concluded that he talk'd very well after the Sermon m"" Grofvenor made a Short prayer after which
         they Sang two Stanzas in the 101*' psalm Then we were marched out of the meeting house
         and Embodied again and then they beat up for Men to Enlift as minute men there was aboute 66
        men Enlified and I was one amongst them that Enlisted we marchd into the meeting house and
        adjurnd from there to Lan[d]lord Fosters there we Chose three off[i]cers To wit M"" John Clapp for a
        Cap* M"" Nathanel Winflow first Lieutenant and M"^ Hayward Pierce Second Lieutenant and adjurnd
        till next wednesday to the Same place &c the weather very pleafant for the time of the year 1 got
        home from training aboute midnight

18'^ : In the after[noon] we went to Town meeting which was to Come into Some meafures Relative to
       the minute men they passed a Vote not to Raise any mony at present but that they might

      in Some future time If they Saw Cause. they had the Association of the Continential Congress
      prefented to the people to Sign almost all them that were there Signed it young and old 1 for one.
     from the meeting houfe the minute men and Cap' Clapp and others Went Down to Landlord Fosters
     Agreable to an ajournment Voted Last Wednessday to Chuse the officers there wer[e] So Many
     inlisted As to inhance the number to 88 we passed a Vote to Divide into two Companies 44 men
    in Each the upper Company Chose all their olficiers but we Got a little Divide'^ after we had made
    Some Choices and adjournd till next monda}' at one oclock to the Same place Viz Landlord Fosters
    Etce 

23*5 : In the forenoon, I wrought a little in Clock-work: In the afternoon, Daniel and I, went up to
          Lan[d]lord Fosters; to a meeting upon an adjournment from last Wednefsday ; in order to make
          choice of officiers, for the Lower companey of minute men : We made choice of M'' Samuel
         Stockbridge Jun"" for Captain, M"" Hayward Peirce for first Lieutenant : and M'' Pickle[s] Cushing
         for Second Lieutenant, M^ Israel Nichols first Sergant : they Chose me for the Second Sergant
         Rolon Turner for the third Sergeant and M*" William Loring fourth Sergant the following men for
         Corperals Viz Mefs^ : Ira Briant, Benj^ Wade, Eleazer Peaks, & David Turner.

Israel Litchfield was now the 2nd Sergeant under Captain Stockbridge in the 'Lower' Minute Company
of Scituate, which was part of Col. Anthony Thomas's (later Bailey's) Massachusetts Militia Regiment.  It was his duty to train the men under his charge, as well as to provide himself with the required equipment as well as assist in equipping the company.  In this, his skills in leatherworking proved a key asset, but he also seems to have taken his role as drill instructor very seriously, exercising small groups of men at his kinsmen Daniel Litchfield's several times a week.

January the 24': In the Afternoon We Excersised at Daniels Viz of the M[inu]te M[e]n Sergant
        I[srae]l L[itchfiel]d Z[adoc]k D[amo]n, D[anie]l L[itchriel]d, E[lish]a L[itchfiel]d.

 Januayr 26^th … In the afternoon we Excersised at Daniels of the m[inu]te m[e]n there was my Self
        D[anie]l L[itchfiel]d & Z[adoc]k D[amo]n and Benj-^ Wade Benj' &  I wrestled together.

31'   we viz: myfelf D[aniel], A[mos], Z[adock], E[lisha], and 2 or three more met and
        Excersised at D[aniels]

February the first in the forenoon Father Daniel & Lot cut Bushes before the Door pasture Daniel and Lot
        and I went to training with the rest of Cap' Stockbridges Company of minute men we met at m'
       Joshua  Clapps in the Evening Lieutenant Pierce and Benjamin Wade and I went to m"" Abial
       Turners there was a fine parcel of ladies there to wit : Mrs Rachel Barnes Mrs fofler mr^ Randal &:c.

 3^, I wrought in the Clock-makeing business Father Daniel lx)t and Francis Cut-bushes
      In the pasture before the Door In the afternoon I went to Daniels to Excersys the M[inut]e
      m[e]n but none of them Came.

 6'^: In the forenoon I Curried In the afternoon we excersised at Daniels of the minute men
      there was D[anie]l & Z[adock] & A[mos] & E[lisha] tSi my S[el]f

 February : the . 9*'' In the forenoon I wrought in the Clock making buismess In the afternoon the
      minute men (viz thofe of them that are under my tuifhon) Excersised at Daniels to wit  Z[adock].
      Daniel. E[lisha], Amos Etce.

13...In the afternoon We went to training we met at M"" James Jenkins's the Weather
       prety Cold there was but aboute one third of the Comp''» after training Cap', Stockbridge &
      Lieu' Cushing and others Went to Lieu' Pierces.

15"': We went to training we met at M"" James Jenkinss again there was allmost the whole Company of
       minute men that met this Day But the weather was So inclement that We Could not Excersise much
       Except marching and whealing there is but Little Snow

21-' In the forenoon I went up to Cap' Stockbridges to get Some oyl: in the afternoon Cap' Stockbridges
      Company traind by J[ames] J[enkins's]

Weapons and Accoutrements:  It was customary for members of the trained bands and alarm companies of Massachusetts towns to be required to muster with their own firelocks, a supply of ammunition, as well as other equipment as specified by their communities.  Litchfield notes in his diary on January 31st, 1775  that some men in his company "went to hingham and bought powder at 16 Shillings old ten[der] per pound."

He took particular care of his own musket, especially after seeing his Captain display some especially fine marksmenship at training.

March 10*^ I Scoured up my gun in the Evening I went up to Cap* Stockbridges &c 
Amos and I went over to Ilezekiah Hutfon to git our guns takled up he put in a
New main-spring into my Lock…

Sabbath 19'''…in the afternoon I went to training We met at Lieut Pickle Cushings we fired three
 Volleys Cap^ Stockbridge Shot at a mark aboute 12 or 14 Rods and hit it Exactly within an Inch … 
March the 21^' I Wrought upon my gun I Spent the whole day a Scowering her & Cleaning the Lock
   and fixing her after 1 had Clean^ and oyl'd the Lock I Put in a good flint and try'd her to Burn three
   Corns of powder I Cock'd her and Snapd and She burnd them I told out Juft three Corns and try'd 
   her again and She burnd it So I tiy'd her Eleven times Successively and She burnt three Corns of
    powder Every time and Did not miss the 12*'' time She missed them But I overhauld and Cockd her
    and She burnt them the next time then I try'd her to burn a Single Corn of powder and She Catchd a
    Single Corn four times Successively after that : the fifth time She missid a Single Corn, but I 
   over hauld her again and She burnt it the next time... 
I found this section of Litchfield's diary quite fascinating, especially given the challenges I have encountered
getting my own reproduction musket to reliably spark and fire.  I have often wondered how it was possible
for Revolutionary era soldier to keep their weapons clean and reliable, especiallty in the field when they had
such poor supplies and were inadequately fed and clothed.  In these months prior to the outbreak of armed
hostilities with the Crown, Litchfield's attention to his weapon shows how seriously he took these 
preparations.
He also became a valuable asset to his commander as a skilled artisan who could help provide other 
necessary equipment for the company.  Litchfield started making cartridge boxes for himself and for others
in the unit in mid February, 1775
   11*[Feb]' In the forenoon I went over to ISI'' Willcuts Shop and he & I made a Centre bitt to bore a Cartridge box. 
        I Bored off one Box
    14 I made me a Cartridge-box, I Covered it with a Coltskin it will Carry 19 Rounds.
25th I wrought with Cap' Sam'' Stockhridge a makeing cartridge boxes

Marcli 1*' I wrought with Cap* Stockbridge a Stamping Covers for Catoos boxes
      Iray Bryand [Biyant]was at work Leathering them 


Litchfield went with Captain Stockbridge to Boston on February 27th, noting in his diary: 

     I bought me a Back Sword or Cutlefs [cutlass] it Coft me ten Shillings Lawfull money
     Cap' Stockbridge bought a hide and an half of Moose skin for Catoos box Straps 
     it Cost him ^16.10.0'' old tennor 

From this it appears that the straps were intended for the the cartridge boxes Litchfield 
was making for Stockbridge's Company.  Ltchfield made himself "a Sword Belt and 
Bayonet belt" on March 13th.  The cutlass he bought in Boston was both a badge of 
rank as a non commissioned officer and a standard item that pre-war militiamen were
often required to provide for themselves when they mustered.

There was another effort to provide uniformity in Captain Stockbridge's company in
which Litchfield had a hand.  He notes on March 30th that he went down to Nathaniel
Wades and saw Abednego Wade "make Brases for caps, this Day I got my Leather Cap
M* Benj Clapps Daughter made it it cost three Pistareens."  Soon he was spending time at
Wades aiding in the effort to make brass facing plates for the leather caps of his company:

April the 11*  I Wrought with M"" : Abednego Wade a make-ing Brafses for Capps he and I
 Engraved 17 or 18 and tlie rest of them Pollifhd them of[f] I Did Not Come home this night 

I would dearly love to know what was engraved on the brass fronted caps. It cannot have been
too elaborate, for they were turning them out at a good rate: nearly enough at this point for half
the company.  Abednego Wade was eventually dispatched to Cambridge to assist the gunsmiths.

There was no uniform for the militia aside from these caps, though later in June, 1775, Litchfield records
 that he and another man each got a coat and breeches cut out of blue cloth and it cost them 20 Shillings
old tender.

At the time of the Lexington Alarm, the armed forces of Scituate were as well prepared as they could be. 
On April 23, Litchfield noted how different the times had become when he observed "I never Saw Such a Sight
in the meeting upon a Sabbath Day I suppose that there was near 150 men under arms."

Among the collections held by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is an unpublished manuscript consisting of portions of a military journal kept by Sgt. John H. Hawkins of Moses Hazen's 2nd Canadian regiment for periods between 1777 and 1782 during his service in the Revolutionary War.  Hawkins' account is regularly exerpted in modern histories of the conflict, but there is nothing like going directly to the primary source.  I have a photocopy made from the microfilm of this valuable record of enlisted service, and recently had occasion to sit down and sort through the pages, some of which are out of sequence, and put them in some sort of chronological order. 

Having just returned from a reenactment of the Battle of Brandywine, I was struck by Hawkins' narrative of that engagement, which begins with a brief description of his regiment's prominence in the heart of the fighting during that action.  Although Hawkins writes in a firm, clear hand, the photocopies are dark and sometimes difficult to read.  Any errors in transcription are my own:

"1777 Sept. 11.  About one o'clock the Enemy appeared in Motion advancing towards us.  Our Regiment was posted on the Right of the army; they were the first that were attacked and among the last off the field.  As heavy a fire of Artillery and Musketry was carried on, on both sides, the whole Afternoon, without any Intermission, as ever happened in America before.  The Enemy were much superior to us in Numbers, as but a small Part of our Army were engaged, the greatest part being away some Distance at the left.  In Justice to the brave Officers and Men of our Regiment, Col. Hazen thought himself obliged to affirm, that no Troops behaved better on that Day, nor any that came off the Field in greater Order.  Four Officers and Seventy-three Non-Commissioned Officers and Rank and File of the Regiment were killed, wounded and taken Prisoners in that General Engagement..."

Sgt. Hawkins' regiment was in DeBorre's Brigade of Sullivan's Division, and was initially assigned the task of defending Wister's and Buffington's Fords at the extreme right of the Continental position east of the Brandywine, where they were nearly cut off by Howe's flanking attack that afternoon.  They were later used to screen the artillery and other troops of Sullivan's division as they manovered to get into position to meet the fast moving attacking force. 

At some point during the battle, Hawkins lost his knapsack.  His journal includes a full page where he first discusses and then crosses out his description of how this happened.  After a false start he describes in great detail what his knapsack contained:

"In the Engagement I lost this Day I was so closely pursued by the Enemy (and the Weather being exceptionally warm) that I was induced to heave my Knapsack away, in order to lighten me have the more [use?] with my arms..  My Knapsack contained the following articles, viz.

    1 Uniform Coat - brown faced with white.
    1 Shirt
    1 pr. Stockings
    1 Ribbon
    1 Sergeant's Swash [sash]
    1 pr. Knee Buckles
    1/2 Soap
    1 Orderly Book
    1 Memo Jo. containing 5 or 6 Days Journal at one End, and a State of the Company I belonged
           to at the other End.
    1 Quire [one 20th of a ream] of Writing Paper
    2 Vials of Ink
    1 brass Ink Horn
    About 40 Blank Morning Returns, printed
    1 Tin Gill Cup
    A letter from me to a friend of mine in Philadelphia
    A printed book entitled Rutherford's Letters

I likewise lost my Hat but I recovered it again."

Hard loses indeed.  Sgt. Hawkins lists a number of items directly related to his duties as Sergeant of his company (he would later be promoted to regimental Sgt.Maj.), but he was also a literate man whose journal entries elsewhere indicate a familiarity with printing.  I find it interesting that he kept his rather small tin cup in his knapsack, but evidently not a bowl or other utensils; nor does he mention a blanket.  He had soap in his pack, but did not mention losing a razor.

The journal page where he started to recount how he lost the knapsack and then thought better of it reads as follows:

My Knapsack tho' quite light was very cumbersome; and as it swinged about when briskly walking or running, and more especially upon one's back when climbing a fence as there were several in the way, and had I not cast it from me the Moment I did I should certainly been gripped by one of the ill looking Highlanders as a Number of them were firing and advancing very brisk towards the rear of our Regiment as they were getting over a fence, which was handy, was very [restricting of] our Military operations..."

There may be a clue in this section as to the style of knapsack he was issued.  This does not sound like a two strap knapsack based on how it hampered Sgt. Hawkins as he was evading the enemy.  A single strap knapsack such as the New Invented Haversack described in documents from 1776 held in the Maryland State Archives, would have swung back and forth in the manner described as so cumbersome for Hawkins while running.  While there is no surviving example of such a knapsack or firm evidence that any of this design were issued, Hawkins' account lends support to the idea that one strap knapsacks of some sort may have been used by him and others in his unit, which at this period in the war recruited heavily in the Middle Colonies.