July 15, 2009
[Spanish original]
Translated by Scott Campbell

The National Front against the Coup D’état in Honduras, composed of the different organized groupings in the country, conveys to the rest of the population:

1. We are thankful for the support and solidarity of the people of the world, particularly the presence of the Continental Social Alliance (ASC), a gathering space of American social movements, which is in Honduras to understand and call international attention to the situation caused by the coup d’état.

2. We denounce the use of the mass media in the hands of the oligarchy, which is trying to show a country at peace and normality, while popular leaders are assassinated and persecuted.

3. We communicate the participation of a National Front against the Coup D’état delegation in the United States which will report to senators and other U.S. government authorities about the violations of human rights and the negation of democracy and the rule of law.

4. We denounce the dictatorial, fascist path that the de facto regime is walking, which places value on the armed forces and denies spaces for participation and basic communication.

5.  We express our recognition of the Honduran people, who have maintained their resistance for the reestablishment of institutional order, demanding the return of elected president José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and the creation of a National Constituent Assembly to promote a society of participatory democracy.

6. We continue calling for the rest of the population to join in the actions to achieve the downfall of the usurpers of the state.

The National Front against the Coup D’état in Honduras, composed of the different organized groupings in the country, united in the face of the situation caused by the coup d’état, conveys:

1. We energetically condemn the assassination of comrade Roger Bados, a militant of the Democratic Unification party and a member of the Popular Block. The incident occurred in his house and left his housemate and his sister wounded.  Roger was an active member of the Honduran popular movement and actively participated in actions against the coup. We demand punishment for those intellectually and materially responsible for this crime.

2. We reiterate our demand for the unconditional return of institutional order in the country, and at the same time we reaffirm our desire to continue with the process that will bring us to the creation of a National Constituent Assembly that allows the re-founding of Honduras.

3. With regards to the mediation talks happening in San José, Costa Rica, we denounce that its been shown that all of this has been a delaying tactic to keep President Zelaya out of the country.  It is not true that the talks are open, for when the commission of President Zelaya’s government asked that the mediation happen in Honduras there was no response and the coupists’ commission stated plainly that they would not accept that this process occur in our territory.

4. We repudiate the persecution and capture of Telesur journalists.  They were detained Sunday morning by the national police, removed from the hotel they were staying in, taken to the embassy of that country [Venezuela], all this based on the argument that they didn’t have anything to do in Honduras.  We condemn the repression against media outlets that report on what is really happening in the country.

5.  We inform the rest of the Honduran people that the radio programs by the Center for Women’s Rights and the Center for Women’s Studies, which are broadcast on the radio station Voices, on Saturday, July 11, the signal was cut at the time they were to be broadcast.  These programs report on the actions occurring against the coup.

6. We convey that last weekend there were various protests and occupations against the coup all over the country.  In San Pedro Sula, Santa Barbará, Sava, Sonaguera, Trujillo, Tocoa, Copan, and Tegucigalpa, where on Saturday a political-cultural event was held in the location where the armed forces killed young Isis Obed Murillo.  The homage included protest music by prominent artists, messages from different people, among them the relatives of the youth, there was also a Garífuna ceremony.

7.  We call on the entire population to continue the struggle and demand the return of individual guarantees, as for now the curfew has been lifted but the rights of the people continue to be violated as the guarantees are still suspended.  The intimidation of people by militarizing offices, organizations, highways, and other locations also affects all people.

Then why does Obama not respect the right of the Palestinians to choose their own leaders when they elected Hamas? (This of course is a policy critique and does not delve into the matter of whether leaders are necessary to begin with.)

The Obama administration's stance on the coup in Honduras has been disgraceful. Today, Clinton even refused to call for Zelaya's reinstatement:

While Secretary Clinton reiterated the United States' condemnation of Mr. Zelaya's ouster, she stopped short of calling for his reinstatement, a departure from statements by President Obama earlier Tuesday and from the position taken by much of the international community.

When asked whether the United States viewed Mr. Zelaya's return as central to the restoration of democratic order, she said that she did not want to "prejudge" the talks before they began.

I have been traveling but hope to translate more documents on Honduras in the coming days. In the meantime, I suggest NarcoNews.com, HablaHonduras.com, and Tlaxcala.es.

The popular movement, through its different organized manifestations, reports to the rest of the Honduran people that we remain in the struggle at the national level, in resistance against the coup d’état perpetrated by the ultra-right oligarchy and we communicate the following:

1. We reaffirm that what happened on June 28, 2009, against the government of President José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, is a coup d’état and a violation of the Constitution of the Republic and a breaking of the State of Law.
2. Orders have been given to repress the peaceful resistance mobilizations and all people who are not in agreement with the coup d’état.
3. Those leading the repression are soldiers, former soldiers of the national army, the national police and Battalion 316, a saddening reminder for Honduras of the times of the cold war, for the assassinations and disappearances committed in the service of the oligarchy.
4. To the Honduran people, we ask you to remain in resistance and to continue the peaceful demonstrations in the major cities, highways, and municipalities of the country.
5. The coup d’état has been rejected internationally and in a U.N. resolution; they have refused to recognize the farce that installed Roberto Micheletti as president.
6. We condemn the violation of the freedom of expression.  There are closed television and radio stations, and journalists who are imprisoned, persecuted or with arrest warrants.
7. We make public the knowledge that the Public Ministry is preparing legal injunctions that are dated before the coup occurred against citizen President Zelaya Rosales and his cabinet in order to justify their actions.
8. To make the population aware that at the meeting in Central Park on June 30, organized by the coupists, the employees of fast food restaurants, maquiladoras, and private security companies were obligated to participate in the event.
9. We invite the Honduran people to continue demonstrating in all forms possible against the coup d’état and for the re-establishment of constitutional order with the return of President José Manuel Zelaya Rosales.

When President Manual Zelaya of Honduras was brutally kidnapped from the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa in the early morning hours of Sunday, June 28, the president of the United States, Barack Obama, was enjoying the peace and tranquility of the countryside at Camp David, the vacation residence for the U.S. head of state.  While President Zelaya was beaten by Honduran soldiers and forced into an airplane without knowing its destination, President Obama ate breakfast amidst the relaxing calls of birds in the Maryland forest.  And while the coup developed in Honduras yesterday, producing multiple human rights violations: the kidnapping and violence against the Foreign Minister of Honduras, Patricia Rodas; the brutality against and kidnapping of the Cuban and Venezuelan ambassadors in Honduras; and the illegal seizure of power by an illegitimate de facto government, President Obama was making a very, very difficult decision about the church that he and his family would attend over the coming years.

Today’s headline, “Obama chooses the same church at Camp David that George Bush went to,” is more prominent in the U.S. media than this headline that also minimizes and manipulates the truth, “Chávez and allies back the overthrown president of Honduras.”  It’s obvious, the choosing of the church which the Obama family will spend all their Sundays during the next four years is much more important than a coup d’état in a Central American country.  Now one can understand as well why yesterday the statements from the White House about the coup in Honduras, made only by spokespersons and not directly by the president, were so ambiguous and measured.  Obama not only was retired in the countryside with his family, but was also making high priority decisions about their future Sunday locale.  He didn’t have time to worry himself with matters far from his personal sphere.  Coup? What coup?  Obama was deciding about his own life and death, because according to a report in Time magazine, “in spite of Obama wanting to attend a congregation in Washington, later, after trying out various churches, he decided that it ‘was uncomfortable’ to be in a public place where ‘the people’ gathered around to see him.”  So, because of this, he urgently had to go to Camp David to isolate himself from his people.

The point is that President Obama, in spite of being the actual Commander-in-Chief of the United States Armed Forces and the president of the empire, is not directly in control of the entire imperial machinery.  Sources close to Washington have confirmed that the Pentagon, through the military mission (military group) of the United States in Honduras, has been working with the military coupists involved in the coup d’état against President Zelaya.  The South Command carries out nearly 55 operations annually with the Honduran armed forces.  The military mission in the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa finances the armed forces of Honduras with approximately two million dollars every year, and that does not include the millions of dollars that Washington provides through other cooperation programs with Honduras, and the large investment in the U.S. military base in Soto Cano, Honduras.

Yesterday, members of the coupist congress in Honduras announced that they were in meetings the previous week with the U.S. ambassador in Tegucigalpa, Hugo Llorens.  As well, one Honduran congressman stated that the ambassador wanted them to let the poll scheduled for last Sunday about future referendum for the calling of a Constituent Assembly to happen, because “later on we will be able to resolve the problem of constitutional reform, don’t worry.” But, according to the congressman, they didn’t want to wait until November and allow Zelaya, together with the people, “to make decisions about the future of the country.”

It’s true that the U.S. government has joined the forceful declaration by the Organization of American States condemning the coup d’état and demanding the immediate return of President Zelaya to power.  But up to now, the spokespersons in Washington who have been speaking about the situation in Honduras have said that they are still not considering suspending economic and military aid to Honduras if the coupists refuse to observe the Inter-American Democratic Charter and democratic principles.  Will it be a coup like that of Haiti in 2004, when they kidnapped President Aristide and brought him to exile in Africa before the world was aware of the brutal violation of democracy that was occurring in the Caribbean country?  It was a U.S. plane that carried off Aristide, escorted by U.S. soldiers.  And then, the U.S. government, together with the OAS, condemned the break up of democratic order.  But instead of working for the return of Aristide to his legitimate position as president of Haiti, it supported a “transition period” during the following year.  As well, it sent U.N. troops to Haiti to “guarantee peace and order” in the country.  They are still there today.

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) finances so-called “civil society” groups in Honduras with more than $50 million a year.  The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the State Department also channel millions of dollars and strategic assistance to the principal political parties and political organizations in Honduras through the International Republican Institute, the National Democratic Institute, and other agencies in Washington.  Groups like Peace and Democracy, who yesterday openly backed the coup d’état in Honduras, receive part of this money originating from the self-labeled “promoters of democracy.”  Just as was the case in Venezuela, during the coup in April 2002, the U.S government financed those groups involved in the coup, and they continued financing them in spite of knowing of their plans for a coup.  Perhaps there will be no smoking gun or direct evidence which proves the hand of Washington in the coup, but it is enough to demonstrate its complicity.

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden once stated that President Obama will be subjected to an international test during his first year in office.  Washington’s condemnation of the coup d’état in Honduras has to be much stronger than a simple signature at the end of an OAS declaration.  If it doesn’t signal that it will suspend financial support to the coupist government in Honduras if it remains in power, the “change” that President Obama guaranteed with reference to the relationship between his administration and Latin America will become more like blackmail.

History is repeating itself and will very likely end in the same way.  The coup d’état in Honduras is a re-issue of that which was carried out in April 2002 in Venezuela and that which was aborted in the face of an explosive reaction from several regional governments in Bolivia last year.

A president violently kidnapped in the early morning by masked soldiers, following to the letter what is outlined for death squads in the Operations Manual of the CIA and the School of the Americas; a fake resignation letter released with the goal of fooling and demobilizing the population and which was immediately retransmitted to the entire world by CNN without confirming the veracity of the report beforehand; the reaction of the people who, aware of the operation, take to the streets bare-chested to stop the tanks and army vehicles and to demand the return of Zelaya to the presidency; the cutting of electricity to impede the functioning of the radio and television and to sow confusion and despondency.

As in Venezuela, while not quite jailing Hugo Chávez the coupists installed a new president: Pedro Francisco Carmona, who was popularly rebaptized as “the short-lived one.”  The one fulfilling this role in Honduras is the president of the unicameral congress of that country, Roberto Micheletti, who was sworn in this Sunday as the provisional leader and for who only a miracle will keep him from facing the same fate as his Venezuelan predecessor.

What happened in Honduras made manifest the resistance of traditional power structures to any attempt to deepen democratic life.  It was enough for President Zelaya to decide to call for a popular referendum - supported with the signatures of more than 400,000 citizens - about convoking in the future a Constitutional Assembly for the different regulating state institutions to mobilize to stop it, belying their supposed democratic character: the Congress ordered the dismissal of the president and a judgment of the Supreme Court validated the coup.  It was none other than this court which issued the order for the kidnapping and expulsion from the country of President Zelaya, embracing as it had done all week the seditious conduct of the armed forces.

Zelaya has not resigned nor has he requested political asylum in Costa Rica.  He was kidnapped and expatriated and the people have gone into the streets to defend their government.  The statements that succeeded in getting out of Honduras are clear in that sense, especially that of the world leader of Vía Campesina, Rafael Alegría.

The governments of the region have repudiated putchism and this same sentiment moved Barack Obama to say that Zelaya “is the only president of Honduras that I recognize and I want to make that very clear.”  The OAS has expressed itself in the same terms and in Argentina President Cristina Fernández stated that, “we are going to push for a meeting of Unasur, even though Honduras is not a part of that body, and we are going to demand to the OAS the respect for the institutionality and reappointment of Zelaya, as well as guarantees for his life, his physical integrity and that of his family, because this is fundamental, because it is an action involving democracy and all people.”

The brutality of the entire operation bears the indelible mark of the CIA and the School of the Americas: from the kidnapping of the president, sent in his pajamas to Costa Rica, and the unheard-of kidnapping and beating of three ambassadors of friendly countries: Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela, who had been close to the residency of the Honduran Minister of Foreign Relations, Patricia Rodas, to express their countries’ solidarity, to the ostentatious display of force by the soldiers in the principal cities in the country with the clear aim of terrorizing the population.

In the late afternoon they imposed a curfew and there is strict censoring of the press, yet there has been no statement from the Inter-American Press Society (always attentive regarding the situation of the media in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador) condemning this assault on the freedom of the press.

It’s not too much to remember that the Honduran armed forces were completely restructured and “re-educated” during the ‘80s when the U.S. ambassador in Honduras was none other than John Negroponte, whose “diplomatic” career brought him to cover destinations as different as Vietnam, Honduras, Mexico, Iraq and later, to become the head of the intelligence super-agency as the Director of National Intelligence.

From Tegucigalpa he personally monitored the terrorist operations carried out against the Sandinista government and promoted the creation of a death squad better know as Battalion 316, which kidnapped, tortured and murdered hundreds of people inside of Honduras while in his reports to Washington denied that there were human rights violations in the country.

At the time, U.S. Senator John Kerry showed that the State Department had paid $800,000 to four air cargo companies belonging to Colombian narcotraffickers to transport weapons to groups that Negroponte organized and backed in Honduras. The pilots testified under oath, confirming Kerry’s statements.

The U.S. media reported that Negroponte was linked to drugs and arms trafficking between 1981 and 1985 with the goal of arming death squads, but this did not slow down his career.  These armed forces are the ones who today deposed Zelaya.  But the correlation of forces on the internal and international level is so unfavorable that the defeat of the coupists is only a question of (very little) time.

Atilio Borón is an Argentinean author and sociologist.

Photo by rbreve.

Two Military Battalions Turn Against Honduras Coup Regime
by Al Giordano

Community Radio “Es Lo de Menos” was the first to report that the Fourth Infantry Battalion has rebelled from the military coup regime in Honduras. The radio station adds that “it seems” (“al parecer,” in the original Spanish) that the Tenth Infantry Battalion has also broken from the coup.

Rafael Alegria, leader of Via Campesina, the country’s largest social organization, one that has successfully blockaded the nation’s highways before to force government concessions, tells Alba TV:

“The popular resistance is rising up throughout the country. All the highways in the country are blockaded…. The Fourth Infantry Battallion… is no longer following the orders of Roberto Micheletti.”

Angel Alvarado of Honduras’ Popular Union Bloc tells Radio Mundial:

"Two infantry battalions of the Honduran Army have risen up against the illegitimate government of Roberto Micheletti in Honduras. They are the Fourth Infantry Battalion in the city of Tela and the Tenth Infantry Battalion in La Ceiba (the second largest city in Honduras), both located in the state of Atlántida."

Honduras: Is it Written?
By Jos Steinsleger

A Few Thoughts on the Coup in Honduras
By Jeremy Scahill

And for those who read Spanish, a great source of information is HablaHonduras. They are reporting that one worker from the telecommunications company Hondutel was hit and killed by a military vehicle as the army forcefully took over the company.  Video of that incident is below.

This morning the leftist president of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, was kidnapped at gunpoint and flown out of the country to Costa Rica by the Honduran army.  Electricity has been cut in the capital and media outlets have been shut down.  The operation was carried out by General Romeo Vasquez, a graduate from the School of the Americas.  Below are some photos and articles I've found useful regarding the situation.

Obama's first coup d'etat
by Eva Golinger

Resistance and Repression in Honduras
by Kristin Bricker

Declarations from Via Campesina and Honduran grassroots organization
Translated by Laura Carlsen

For several weeks, from the highest levels of the government of [Oaxaca governor] Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, a state-wide campaign of defamation, harassment and persecution has been orchestrated and unleashed against the Committee in Defense of the Rights of the People (CODEP-APPO), a campaign that brings as one of its first consequences the assassination of Sergio Martínez Vásquez, member of the State Council of CODEP.  It is important to mention that this calculated murder was preceded by the police surveillance and tracking of our offices and of veiled and open threats against different members of CODEP.

Comrade Sergio worked as a taxi driver and according to initial reports, yesterday, June 7, he made a trip to the Pino Suarez agency in the district of Juxtlahuaca, Oaxaca, was assassinated last night with high-powered weapons, and his body was found today, June 8, around seven in the morning.  The way in which it was done and due to some information gathered everything points to the fact that the material actors of this assassination were paramilitary groups that Ulises Ruiz has operating in the region.

It is clear that the campaign against CODEP, orchestrated by the government and carried out by different individuals and groups in the state, is trying to destroy one of the oldest and most important organizations in the state (this year we turn 28), made up of indigenous Mixtec, Triqui, Zapotec and Mazatec communities, now that we have been denouncing groups that in brazen or hidden ways have acted on behalf of state or federal government interests, dividing movements, taking control of them, or completely surrendering them in exchange for group or personal benefits and cushy positions.  It is a situation that has intensified as a result of CODEP’s work against the mines in the Ocotlán Valley communities, work which has extended to other regions in the state and has linked up with other ecological struggles on a national level.

As part of the aggressions against CODEP it is pertinent to mention that during the removal of the blockade of the mine in San José del Progreso, Ocotlán, after almost beating to death comrade Agustín Ríos, when the effects of the beating began to appear, the government issued arrest warrants for this comrade and several other comrades, including those who were not in the state, such as Professor Jaquelina López Almazán, which is evidence of URO’s discretionary and perverse application of the law.

As a result of the assassination of comrade Sergio Martínez Vásquez, and the attacks and assaults that aim to isolate and destroy CODEP, we call for the broadest solidarity from individuals and organizations, nationally and internationally, to participate and call widespread attention to the denunciations and information about the activities we will be carrying out.

AS A RESULT OF THE ABOVE, WE DEMAND:

1. AN IMMEDIATE EXPLANATION REGRADING THE MURDER OF COMRADE SERGIO MARTINEZ VASQUEZ.
2. AN END TO THE AGGRESSION AND HARASSMENT UNLEASHED AGAINST CODEP.
3. THE JAILING OF ULISES RUIZ ORTIZ FOR CRIMES COMMITTED AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF OAXACA.

• WE HOLD THE GOVERNMENT OF ULISES RUIZ ORTIZ RESPONSIBLE FOR ANYTHING THAT MAY HAPPEN TO MEMBERS OF CODEP.
• WE REPUDIATE THE DEFAMATION, HARASSMENT AND AGGRESSIONS AGAINST CODEP

YOU CAN CONTACT US AT: codep_cnpp_oax@yahoo.com.mx

------------

EN OAXACA, ULISES RUIZ MANDA ASESINAR A DIRIGENTE DEL CODEP

Desde hace varias semanas, desde los más altos mandos del gobierno de Ulises Ruiz Ortiz se orquestó y desató una intensa campaña estatal de difamación, hostigamiento y persecución en contra del Comité de Defensa de los Derechos del Pueblo (CODEP-APPO), campaña que trae como una de sus primeras consecuencias el asesinato de Sergio Martínez Vásquez, integrante del Consejo Estatal del CODEP. Cabe mencionar que este artero asesinato ha estado precedido de vigilancia y seguimiento policiaco en nuestras oficinas, y de amenazas veladas y abiertas a distintos miembros del CODEP.

El compañero Sergio trabajaba como taxista y según los primeros informes, el día de ayer, 7 de junio, realizó un viaje a la agencia de Pino Suarez, distrito de Juxtlahuaca, Oaxaca siendo asesinado en la noche de ayer con armas de alto poder, encontrándose el cuerpo el día de hoy, 8 de junio, alrededor de las 7 de la mañana. Por el modo de operar y alguna información recabada, todo apunta a confirmar que los actores materiales de este asesinato fueron los grupos paramilitares que Ulises Ruiz mantiene operando en la región.

Es claro que la campaña orquestada por el gobierno y operada por distintos personajes y grupos en el estado en contra del CODEP, pretende destruir a una de las organizaciones más antiguas y de mayor consecuencia en el estado (este año cumpliremos 28 años), integrada por comunidades indígenas mixtecas, triquis, zapotecas y mazatecas, mas ahora que hemos estado denunciando a los grupos que de manera cínica o encubierta se han puesto al servicio de los intereses del gobierno estatal y federal, dividiendo a los movimientos, mediatizándolos o de plano entregándolos a cambio de beneficios y canonjías personales o de grupo. Situación que se agudiza a raíz del trabajo contra las minas que el CODEP viene realizando con las comunidades del Valle de Ocotlán, Oaxaca y que ha estado extendiéndose a otras regiones del estado y vinculándose a otras luchas ecologistas a nivel nacional.

Cabe mencionar que como parte de las agresiones en contra del CODEP, durante el desalojo de la mina de San José del Progreso, Ocotlán y después de casi matar a golpes al compañero Agustín Ríos cuyas secuelas por la paliza empiezan a aparecer, el gobierno liberó ordenes de aprehensión contra de este compañero y de varios compañeros mas, incluyendo a quienes no se encuentra en el estado, como la profra. Jaquelina López Almazán, lo que evidencia el manejo discrecional y perverso que de las leyes hace URO.

Ante el asesinato del compañero Sergio Martínez Vásquez, y los ataques y atentados con que pretenden aislar y destruir al CODEP, convocamos a la más amplia solidaridad de las organizaciones y personalidades nacionales e internacionales, difundiendo y participando generosamente en las denuncias y la información sobre las actividades que habremos de realizar.

POR LO ANTERIOR EXIGIMOS:

1. ESCLARECIMIENTO INMEDIATO DEL ASESINATO DEL COMPAÑERO SEGIO MARTINEZ VASQUEZ.
2. ALTO A LAS AGRESIONES Y HOSTIGAMIENTO DESATADO EN CONTRA DEL CODEP.
3. CARCEL A ULISES RUIZ ORTIZ, POR LOS CRIMENES COMETIDOS CONTRA EL PUEBLO DE OAXACA.

• RESPONSABILIZAMOS AL GOBIERNO DE ULISES RUIZ ORTIZ, DE LO QUE PUEDA OCURRIR CONTRA INTEGRANTES DEL CODEP.
• REPUDIAMOS LA DIFAMACION, HOSTIGAMIENTO Y AGRESIONES EN CONTRA DEL CODEP

PUEDES CONTACTARNOS EN: codep_cnpp_oax@yahoo.com.mx

On June 4th, 1994, in the town of Altamirano, Chiapas, three indigenous Tzeltal sisters, one of whom was a minor, were detained by members of the Mexican military, and were tortured and raped by the soldiers.  Before they were released their lives were threatened with death in order to prevent them from reporting the crime.

The Comité pro-Reparaciones para las Hermanas González de Chiapas, el Centro de Derechos de la Mujer de Chiapas, el Colectivo de Mujeres de San Cristóbal de las Casas, la Comisión Mexicana para la Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, and el Centro para la Justicia y el Derecho Internaciónal invite you to join a campaign to pressure the Mexican government to grant reparations to the Celia, Beatriz, and Ana González.

After fifteen years of injustice, the sisters and their mother, a witness to the attacks, completed key depositions on May 21, 2009.  This progress will only be realized, however, through political pressure by organizations since the Mexican military actively resists acknowledging the crimes of its soldiers.  

As an organization or individual who struggles against violence against women of color, militarization of indigenous territories, and state violence against indigenous communities, we, in consultation with the survivors themselves (consulted on May 18) urge you to participate in this campaign.

There are two ways to participate in the campaign:

1.  If you belong to an organization, we urge you to send a fax in the name of your organization to the three government agencies most closely related to the case as well as the Inter-American Commission, who is in charge of seeing that Mexico follows its recommendations for justice and reparations. 

We have prepared a letter in a Word document for each agency.  Please download each letter, insert the name of your organization and sign at the bottom.  You may also want to modify the letter in some way.  The letters include the fax numbers for each agency.  Follow these links for the letters: Letter one, letter two, letter three.  If you are interested in sending a fax but do not have a way to do so please contact us at comite@hermanasgonzalez.org.  We hope to be able to facilitate sending a fax on your behalf.

2.  If you wish to participate as an individual, we encourage you to either send a fax as indicated above, or sign a petition we have prepared, including your organization in the "comments" section. The petition is growing every day.  Please pass this information on to your friends.

We hope that you are able to join us in this cause.

In struggle against state violence against indigenous women,

Comité Pro-Reparación de las Hermanas González de Chiapas, the Chiapas Women’s Rights Center, Colectivo de Mujeres de San Cristóbal, Comisión Mexicana para la Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, Centro para la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional