Lankan World View

Blair Challenges Chilcot Report

2016-07-06T23:45:00.001+05:30

Tony Blair has been proven a liar regarding the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Following the release of the Chilcot report, Blair was left with no option but to beg the British people to understand his decision.

However, the British people are finding it harder and harder to understand.

"I had to decide. I thought of Saddam, his record and the character of his regime… and took decision with the heaviest of hearts," Blair argued. "There was no middle way. The decision had to be taken… and it was mine to take."

However, the Chilcot report's main argument is that military action was not the last resort. "Intervention may have been needed at some point but in March 2003, there was no imminent threat from Saddam Hussein" the report said.

Pic: Damien Gayle (Twitter @damiengayle)

If so, the Chilcot report has already challenged Blair's claim that there was no middle ground. By making a statement to that effect after the release of the Chilcot Report, Blair is questioning and challenging its conclusions.

Meanwhile, Blair is yet to convincingly explain how it was decided that Saddam Hussein posed a threat. This becomes even harder when the Chilcot Report's conclusion of the Iraqi 'Weapons of Mass Destruction' programme is taken into account.

Releasing the report, Sir John Chilcot said that the severity of the threat posed by Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction were “presented with a certainty that was not justified.”

Once again, Blair has to explain this point in detail, because the threat of the WMDs was used to justify the war in Iraq.

The Chilcot report also blames Blair for towing the U.S. line, failing to consider the British interests.

“The UK’s relationship with the US has proved strong enough over time to bear the weight of honest disagreement. It does not require unconditional support where our interests or judgements differ” John Chilcot said while releasing the report.

In July 2002, well over six months before the invasion of Iraq, Blair wrote to then-US President George Bush promising him that the UK would be there with him “whatever,” Chilcot said. In short, he had given assurance to the US even before conclusive proof of WMDs.

Chilcot also went on to say how Blair blamed the French government for the 'impasse' regarding getting support for military action in the UN Security Council. It seems that the British government applied undue pressure on the French by making such claims. This revelation casts a doubt on the Blair government's sincerity within the UN and outside, in forging a genuine alliance to attack Iraq.

No Uniformity among Europe's Far-right Parties Regarding EU

2016-07-05T20:32:00.002+05:30

The right wing anti-EU factions who want to see the European Union disintegrate received a rude shock recently, which however, largely went unnoticed.

In an interview with Russia’s RT, the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) presidential candidate Norbert Hoefner said that Austria will not leave the EU, if Turkey did not join it. His concern was the free movement of people from outside of Europe, which would have become easier if Turkey joins the bloc. Austria, Hoefner said, would contribute to create a better Europe.

A somewhat different approach was expressed by FPÖ representative Barbara Kappel in an interview with Russia’s Izvestia newspaper. She said Austria should consider greater autonomy within the EU and if the EU was not prepared to consider the concerns, Austria should hold a referendum to leave.

Pic: FPÖ

What the FPÖ envisages as a better Europe is in stark contradiction to what Angela Merkel or Francoise Hollande would envisage. Nevertheless, the FPÖ’s position is opposite to the position of the United Kingdom Independent Party and some other right wing groups. The UKIP and some other parties are not content to merely see their countries leave the EU. They want the EU to disappear too

Despite the seemingly different opinions within the FPÖ, one thing is crystal clear. The FPÖ still wants Austria to be a part of Europe and EU. There is no talk of the disintegration of the EU, given that "things do not become unbearable."

One must remember this fact clearly. Brexit was not a vote against the EU or for the dissolution of the EU. It was a vote for the strengthening of the UK. Only a minority of the British electorate, namely the supporters of ultra-rightist groups and staunch UKIP members, supports the destruction of the EU. Others, irrespective of whether they voted to remain or leave, want to see the EU remain as a viable entity.

Fears were raised on June 24 after several far right parties across Europe expressed jubilation at the result of the EU referendum in the UK and called for similar votes in their respective countries. The then UKIP leader Nigel Farage expressed belief that the EU would collapse. However, as the dust settled down and the EU leaders mustered their resolve, the threat of a sudden collapse disappeared. Furthermore, the immediate repercussions of Brexit also scared off some people, perhaps even within parties such as the FPÖ.

At this point, France, Denmark and the Netherlands hold the key to the future of EU since the far right parties in these countries are popular and are seeking referenda in their countries on the EU membership. The EU will hold off a Brexit, but it will have a hard time in dealing with a Daxit, Nexit and especially a Frexit.

Sanders should Score in being ‘Single Issue Candidate’

2016-02-21T11:42:00.001+05:30

Democratic Presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton has repeatedly insisted that she is no ‘single issue candidate’ as her main rival Bernie Sanders. Clinton’s contention is that Sanders is wrong in portraying every social ill as a result of the economic disparity.

While adopting certain of Sanders’s rhetoric, Clinton has repeatedly insisted that breaking down big banks, for instance, cannot defeat racism. The racist card is therefore used to deflect the attack on the big businesses and turn Sanders to other grounds, where he is admittedly on a weak footing.

Bernie Sanders (Nick Solari - Wikimedia Commons)

However, Sanders must not get distracted by his opponents too much. While he should react to Clinton’s argument in a positive way, which he has not sometimes being able to do, he should also stress on his message relentlessly. This message has reverberated among a certain level of the society and has created a surprisingly strong ground level movement. It is because an increasing number of people, especially the young people, find his message appealing.

Racial tension, in United States as well as many other countries, are rooted in economic reasons. Of course, one may argue that this is not the case and racial tensions started because of slavery in the US. Well, it is quite true and slavery was instituted mainly because of economic reasons. Slavery provided cheap labor, one prerequisite for profit making. Of course, cotton farmers did not use slave labor to produce cotton to be distributed for charity. They were looking for profit and slave labor was one real advantage.

Therefore, if slavery is a root cause of racism in US today, since economy was the driving force for slavery, economy is the root cause of racism in US.

The opponents of Sanders do not oppose him as a person. They oppose the idea he spreads. Sanders is just one agent. He was there for ages in the US political scene. But the idea has caught up only during the recent years, since there is strong grounds in which it can grow. Sanders’s opponents are actually looking to take him, and the society, to a different ground.

One remembers what Marx said about the workers of England. In 1870, he wrote: “Every industrial and commercial centre in England now possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker he regards himself as a member of the ruling nation and consequently he becomes a tool of the English aristocrats and capitalists against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself. He cherishes religious, social, and national prejudices against the Irish worker. His attitude towards him is much the same as that of the “poor whites” to the Negroes in the former slave states of the U.S.A”.

Nearly one and a half centuries later, what he said on the USA has not changed much. The situation is even worse due to the economic downturn. This is why individuals like Donald Trump are getting substantial support, especially from the poor whites. This is why Sanders should capitalize on his position on the other side of the spectrum and repeatedly call for economic justice.

BBC Continues to Give Legitimacy to So-called 'Islamic State'

2016-02-20T10:22:00.002+05:30

Even after repeated criticism from political leaders and other concerned individuals, the BBC continues to give legitimacy to the so-called 'Islamic State' terrorist group.

In a report published on its website a short while ago titled 'The Afghan district stuck between IS and the Taliban', the name Islamic State is used without any indication that it is a self-proclaimed group.

The danger in using this is obvious, since the so-called 'Islamic State' is not merely a terrorist group but a group which wants to recreate an 'Islamic Caliphate' which it calls 'Islamic State'.

In January, British Prime Minister David Cameron criticised BBC for its use of the term 'Islamic State'.

“I think Muslim families around the country would have held their heads in despair this morning when once again you just called it Islamic State. You didn’t even say ‘so-called Islamic State’. It’s so important,” he said.

Connecting at a Deeper Level with “Danno Budunge”

2016-02-18T20:54:00.001+05:30

* Originally written in November 2013 for 'The Nation' newspaper.

Staring down at the city of Colombo from the rooftop of Nelum Pokuna Mahinda Rajapaksa Theater is a magical experience at dusk that day. Above us the clouds were tinged with orange the color coming from the setting sun. Below us was the city, starting to turn on thousands of lights. The breeze blew strongly from the sea, cooling mind and body.

On any beautiful evening, this would have been a magical experience. On that day it was exquisite. The streets below, with much less traffic than usual, stretched out beneath us, a sea of red, grey and green. Hundreds of orange and white flags on either side added an extra beauty to the streets around the Nelum Pokuna. Perhaps coincidentally, the colors of the flags matched the orange tinge of the setting sun, anticipating the street lamps which were being lighted to take its place. On that day, the Nelum Pokuna hosted its largest international gathering, the Opening Ceremony of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) 2013. It eagerly anticipated another major event, the largest orchestral concert in Sri Lanka ever.

The stage background, arranged for the CHOGM opening ceremony, evoked the glory of ancient Anuradhapura. The steps and pillars, with their pictures of Sigiriya and the Twin Ponds somehow echoed the Nelum Pokuna. A monumental structure like Sigiriya and the Twin Ponds, the Nelum Pokuna, the Lotus Pond, is also associated with water.

The Nelum Pokuna was a packed house by 7.00pm with both local and foreign invitees arriving on time to witness the spectacle. As the musicians took up their places, one could only wonder at the significance of the event. By any standards, it was an awe inspiring gathering. More than 90 musicians were involved. The largest contingent of around 60 musicians was from The Symphony Orchestra of Sri Lanka (SOSL). There were 30 British musicians, coming from the Purcell School for Young Musicians in London, Chetham’s School of Music in Manchester and the Royal Academy of Music. There were also six Indian musicians. This was a fusion of musicians from three Commonwealth countries. The conductor who had to cope with the challenge of managing these different musicians was Dr. James Ross, who had performed in many countries before, including in Sri Lanka.

Just like the composition of the orchestra, the performance also signified a meeting of East and West. It included Western classics such as “Capriccio Italien” by Tchaikovsky and “Concerto for Viola” by Max Bruch. Two soloists, Robert Plane and Ashan Pillai performed in the latter piece. The orchestra also performed “Mars” and “Jupiter” from “The Planets” by Gustav Holst. Dr. Ross introduced Holst as a man of the Commonwealth, telling us that he had studied Sanskrit and Indian mythology. Some of his compositions, including “The Planets” were inspired by his studies on India.

The centerpiece attraction of the concert was a song which has become an integral part of Sri Lanka’s culture; “Danno Budunge.” John de Silva composed the song for his drama “Siri Sangabo” 110 years ago in 1903. It was said to have been inspired by a composition of a Lao-Indian monk V. Laoji. Many see the elements of Church music in this composition and it has actually been arranged as a Christian Hymn, “Hymn for Ceylon.” This Buddhist and Christian connection has made “Danno Budunge” an ideal piece to be played by an orchestra with members from the East and members from the West.

“Danno Budunge” had initially been included in the middle of the program. When Dr. Ross declared that he was going to start the concert with a piece that almost all of Sri Lankans who had gathered would know by heart, the audience was pleasantly surprised. Dr. Ross briefly described the theme of “Danno Budunge.” Reminding that it was a description of entering ancient Anuradhapura, he invited all foreigners to visit the city one day, to witness the glory of ancient Lanka. And then, they started playing.

It started very slowly, patiently. It was unassuming, slowly asserting its authority over the audience. The audience held its breath, listening to the different sounds and travelling through time. Over vast distances they traveled to the ancient city. Those who have seen Anuradhapura and felt its spiritual attraction must have had a similar feeling, imagining entering Anuradhapura in ancient times. Once the music reached a crescendo and then ended, one yearned for more.

More was to come at the end of the show, when the conductor turned to us, “ I’m sure you would like to listen to “Danno Budunge” once again.” The audience, already intoxicated, cheered their approval. And then, they started playing, again.

Dr. James Ross once told this author that “orchestral music needs to connect at the deepest level with all Sri Lankan people on their terms.” Driven by this concept, Dr. Ross and the orchestra touched a chord deep inside the hearts of Sri Lankans. Through music, they created the glory of ancient Anuradhapura, right in the heart of Colombo.

Kasich Plays Positive, Gains Positive

2016-02-12T00:00:00.002+05:30

New Hampshire Republican primary was not about Donald Trump. It was about the establishment candidates making an attempt to save their campaigns. While Marco Rubio had emerged the favorite among the pack, the next in line were ready to pounce on him.

Chris Christie, Jeb Bush and John Kasich were next in line, and the Deleware Governor Christie, who was precariously clinging on to the campaign, had decided to take on Rubio head-on. While he managed to unsettle the Junior Senator from Florida, Christie appeared, at least to some people, as a bully. Ultimately, Rubio ended up losing a chunk of his popularity, and Christie ended up with only a slight improvement in his campaign. Rubio stayed on, Christie did not.

Meanwhile, Governor John Kasich of Ohio adopted a different gameplay. He said that he wanted to launch a positive campaign without personal attacks. He met people at the grassroots level, which won him the crucial votes to push him on.

It is still too early to write-off any of the leading candidates in the GOP race. However, Kasich, who was written-off by some people after his performance in Iowa, is back in the race among the leading contenders.

Kasich was thrilled at the results of his positive campaign and said that he will continue it. However, he warned potential attackers that if they decide to launch an attack, he will respond.

Since both Rubio and Bush are continuing in the race for presidency, Kasich will have to fight hardly in South Carolina, to emerge first, at least among the establishment candidates.

Only in India: Chhattisgarh Police Arrest Goat

2016-02-09T19:53:00.003+05:30

* I do not copy paste news items on my blog. But this was so funny, I had to publish this.

Incredible as it may sound, a goat was taken into custody by police in Chhattisgarh on a trespass complaint, PTI reported.

The goat, which was accused of being a ‘repeat offender’, was released later but its owner was not lucky.

Abdul Hasan (40) was arrested after his goat allegedly ventured into the garden of a judge’s bungalow in Korea district, police said on Tuesday, as the incident gave fodder to the opposition Congress to slam the State police.

Hasan was booked under IPC section 447 (criminal trespass) and 427 (mischief causing damage) based on the complaint of Judicial Magistrate (first class) H. Ratre on Monday, SHO Janakpur police station R.S. Paikra told PTI.

The goat had many times raided into the garden of the Judge Ratre’s bungalow, located in Janakpur town, about 350 km from Raipur, and ate flowers and plants there, he said.

“My goat scaled the boundary wall again and ate flowers and vegetables from the garden. It was taken to the police station and then the police also brought me in,” Mr. Hasan said.

Several warnings were given to the owner of the ruminant animal by the judge as well as police but the incident continued to happen, the SHO said.

The magistrate had on Monday called up senior police officers to complain about the goat’s antics following which the animal and Mr. Hasan were brought to the police station, he said. However, the goat was released later, he added.

Hasan was on Tuesday produced before a court, which sent him to a two-day remand, the SHO said, as he refused bail.

“The ‘arrest’ of a goat is ridiculous. Chhattisgarh police has made fun of themselves by doing so,” Congress leader Shailesh Nitin Trivedi said, adding, “Those accused in rape cases are moving freely”.

“The most painful and disappointing aspect is the entry made by an ASI of Chhatisgarh police in diary that the goat used to graze despite several warnings. Chhattisgarh police is communicating with even goats, this is one aspect of the incident,” he added.
(PTI)

Ted Cruz to gain through New Hampshire Debate on February 6

2016-02-07T13:20:00.001+05:30

Marco Rubio was always going to be the target of the establishment candidates at the New Hampshire Republican Debate on February 6. Chris Christie, as expected, launched a severe onslaught which rattled Rubio, shaking him up seriously for the first time since the Republican race for Presidency began. While these establishment candidates battle it out, Texas Senator Ted Cruz would be sitting back and enjoying.

Billionaire Donald Trump and Senator Ted Cruz are the two leading anti-establishment candidates of the Republican Party during the primaries while Rubio, Jeb Bush, Christie and John Kasich are the establishment candidates. Following the performance in Iowa, Rubio jumped up as the hot favorite of the establishment. This alarmed the other establishment candidates, who decided to hit out against the youthful Florida Senator. The intentions of Chris Christie were well known as he had called Rubio the “boy in the bubble” merely days before.

According to a CNN/WMUR Poll released on Friday, Donald Trump was still well ahead of the Republican pack with 29 percent support in New Hampshire. The biggest change following the Iowa caucus was the increasing support for Marco Rubio in particular and for the GOP establishment candidates in general. Cruz jumped from an 11 percent support prior to Iowa to 18 percent. Thereby, he went clear of Ted Cruz, who remained on 13 percent. Meanwhile, other establishment candidates such as John Kasich and Jeb Bush narrowed the gap with Cruz.

This development encouraged the establishment candidates who now aim to attract some Rubio supporters towards them. For Kasich, Bush and especially Christie, New Hampshire could be the last battle ground, and they are fully aware of it. While Kasich adopted a different tactic, Christie and Bush were out there to grab Rubio from the neck.

Rubio’s less convincing performance at the debate may cost him a few points in popularity. If so, it will be the establishment candidates who will be vying to pick up the small bits and pieces. One should remember that these pieces will be picked up by several candidates. While this can take them a few inches forward, it would not take them to somewhere secure enough.

Meanwhile, if Cruz is fortunate enough, the establishment candidates could eat into Rubio’s popularity so that he could assert himself in the second place during the primary. Therefore, if there is anyone with a chance of picking up something from the debate on Saturday, it will be Cruz.

Jeb Bush’s Last Stand

2016-02-04T20:27:00.001+05:30

February 9 will be a vital day for Jeb Bush. On that day, when the New Hampshire primary is held, he will have to show the GOP establishment that his cause is not dead. The surprisingly strong performance by Marco Rubio has propelled him to the position of one of the leading contender for Republican nomination. A strong performance in New Hampshire will surely do him good. However, he could afford to drop a few points behind. Jeb Bush cannot.

Jeb Bush (Pic by Gage Skidmore)

Despite strong showing by Marco Rubio, Jeb Bush still has a national-wide network which he could utilize to rival any candidate from the Republican Party in the long run. Therefore, unlike the other contenders like Governor Christie and Governor Kasich, Jeb Bush can go the long distance, and could return to the position of being the favorite of the establishment.

To do so, he has to deliver at New Hampshire.

Marco Rubio has already received the endorsement of South Carolina Senator Tim Scott. This is a key victory for Rubio, given that Jeb Bush was actively seeking Scott’s endorsement. Scott’s backing has given the impression that Rubio would do well in South Carolina, one of the early-primary states. Therefore, Bush has to do well in New Hampshire to make the establishment think again.

However, Bush is finding it hard to create enthusiasm, especially in a contest which had seen ugly accusations and fiery speeches flying around. In the initial stages of the contest, as one of the serious contenders for nomination, Bush was the target of some of the most vitriolic attacks from Donald Trump. It has not gone well for Bush since then.

It is not getting any better for Bush in New Hampshire. While polls can be deceptive to a certain degree, they show that Trump is leading in New Hampshire while Bush is lingering at around 10 percent. His predicament was best seen recently, when he had to ask a crowd to “please clap”.

It is likely that Bush’s campaign will falter after February 9.

Marco Rubio, Real Winner of Iowa Republican Caucus

2016-02-02T20:30:00.002+05:30

Marco Rubio has delivered the message. Or, more precisely, the Republican caucuses have given a message to the party establishment. The polls had indicated a close race between billionaire businessman Donald Trump and Senator Ted Cruz, with the former edging past the latter. Senator Marco Rubio was a distant third according to the same polls. However, the Republicans in Iowa chose Cruz over Trump, and gave a surprising endorsement for Rubio as well.

Rubio in 2012 (Pic: Gage Skidmore)

Rubio is currently the favorite of the party establishment, given the lackluster performance by other establishment favorites. The party cannot expect to win the Presidential Election with a divisive candidate such as Trump or Cruz. Therefore, it needs to elect a more moderate candidate such as Rubio.

Marco Rubio has several advantages. He can appeal to the younger generation and the Hispanic Americans, two key groups which overwhelmingly voted for Barack Obama in 2008 as well as 2012. He can expect the reach of the voter base to the groups which did not support the party in the last two elections.

The fact that he was also trailing in the polls in Iowa may have created some fears among the Republican establishment. Apparently, it did the same in Iowa as he was selected as the best suitable candidate by over 20 percent of the participants of the Republican caucuses. He was dangerously close to pushing Trump to a unceremonious third place.

Rubio still has challenges. Jeb Bush, also from Florida, has vowed to keep on fighting. Bush expects Rubio to lack the experience to challenge him in the long run. However, Rubio has the charisma and perhaps the strategy, to defeat other establishment candidates.

One way Trump and Cruz can deflect the challenger from Florida is to start hitting out at him openly. Rubio has played a strategic campaign which was relatively low key and risk free. It has now paid dividends. However, it will be interesting to observe how the youthful junior Senator from Florida will face up to the challenges from anti-establishment and establishment candidates.

Republican Party is in Jeopardy

2016-02-01T21:28:00.002+05:30

With the Iowa caucuses around the corner, the Republican Party is in jeopardy. This is apparent by the fact that businessman Donald Trump is leading the final pre-caucus poll in Iowa, closely followed by Senator Ted Cruz. While polls can always turn out to be wrong, they are a good indication as to what the trend is. As it stands, the Republican Party is doomed at the 2016 US Presidential Election.

Donald Trump’s entry to the race sent shockwaves through the Republican Party ranks. While some considered him a joke, others could have realized the threat he could pose for the party’s prospects from the outset. His uncharacteristic onslaught sent several prospective Presidential candidates off the race.

Trump stands with a good chance of capturing the nomination of the Republican Party. If it happens, the party will lose its chance of winning the Presidency. Trump may have won over some hardcore conservatives through his controversial remarks. However, at the same time, he has lost many others. The Republican Party, under a Trump candidacy, will find it hard to win over the moderates and neutrals.

Ted Cruz is no better in attracting broad range of support. He is a conservative and is more famous for his staunch opposition to Obamacare. He has the backing of certain groups among the US electorate and may well upset Trump by winning at the Republican caucuses in Iowa. However, Cruz will also find it difficult to attract a broad base of support among non-Republicans.

Meanwhile, Senator Marco Rubio is trailing at a distant, but not too distant, third. He has played a relatively low-key game until now. He is buying for time and perhaps hoping that perhaps sense prevails and the party dumps Trump and perhaps even Cruz. With the other candidates increasingly finding it hard to fight on, Rubio is perhaps the only hope the Republican Party could have.

Donald Trump or Ted Cruz could hope to win the 2016 Presidential Election only if the Democratic Party chooses Bernie Sanders as its candidate. Despite the increasingly successful campaign, Sanders will find it hard to win the endorsement of the party and the country as a whole. Furthermore, business interests will never tolerate the possibility of a Sanders Presidency. Therefore, Sanders will find it almost impossible to win the democratic candidacy. Even in the unlikely event of him being selected as the democratic candidate, he will have a hard time in defeating a Republican contestant thereafter.

Importance of Iraqi Victory at Ramadi

2015-12-29T10:57:00.002+05:30

Iraq officially declared Ramadi ‘liberated’ from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) terrorists yesterday. So, what is the importance of this development?

First and foremost, it is about phycology and morale. The Iraqi forces were utterly discredited in 2014 when the ISIS swept across large areas of Iraq including its second largest city Mosul. In May 2015, the Iraqi forces were once again humiliated by the fall of Ramadi, a city in the Sunni heartland and dangerously close to the capital of Iraq, Baghdad.

The recapture of Ramadi by the Iraqi forces was the result of a long campaign. The government forces cut off supply lines to the city, forcing most of the ISIS forces to leave. By the end, only around 400 fighters remained in the city. Nevertheless, this victory gives added confidence to the Iraqi forces in the battle against the ISIS.

Ramadi is also a city with strategic value. It occupies a highly strategic location on the Euphrates and the road west into Syria and Jordan. This has made it a hub for trade and traffic. Furthermore, it is the capital of the largest province in Iraq, Anbar. More importantly, it is a Sunni city, from where groups such as ISIS garnered significant support.

In this aspect, the liberation of Ramadi is also an indication of the changing political situation in the country. The former government of Nouri al-Maliki proved divisive and sectarian, making it easy for Sunni radical groups to attract support. The presence of Shia militant groups in Sunni areas irked the Sunnis and drew them away from the government. However, the current Iraqi government has been able to attract Sunni militant groups which helped it in the battle for Ramadi.

Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has vowed to defeat the ISIS in the country, following the success of the battle for Ramadi. While the final defeat of the ISIS could take years to achieve, Ramadi has given a fresh hope and an added credibility to the Iraqi forces in this long battle of attrition.

Hugo Chavez: “Por Ahora”

2015-12-27T17:18:00.001+05:30

Venezuelans who went to sleep on February 3, 1992, woke up with the news of an extraordinary military coup on the next day. Only the conspirators knew the exact details. The government of Carlos Andres Perez knew something was up due to a ‘leak’. But that was all.

In reality, a group of military officers led by Lieutenant Colonel Hugo Chavez had organized a military takeover of the Venezuelan regime. Chavez’s hero was “the liberator” Simon Bolivar and he hoped to realize Bolivar’s dream for South America.

Hugo Chavez (Agencia Brasil)

In the very late hours of February 3, the coup was launched and soon the conspirators had control of important places in the country, except Caracas. Partly due to the leak and party due to their own shortcomings, the coup failed in the capital. Carlos Andres Perez, who had fled from the presidential palace to avoid capture, appeared on television early morning on February 4, to declare that there had been a coup but things were now under control. As far as Caracas was concerned, he was correct.

Hugo Chavez knew that the coup would fail without the capture of the capital. He decided to surrender to avoid unnecessary bloodshed. If his followers did not surrender in the peripheries, it would have resulted in a bloodbath in which many loyal followers would die for nothing. The negotiations were conducted through the mediation of General Ramon Santeliz Ruiz, a friend of Chavez. After 7 a.m. Chavez surrendered in the face of threats of aerial bombardment of his positions.

By 10 a.m. he was at the ministry of defense with Santeliz and heard that some of his followers were surrendering after hearing the news of the failure. But Jesus Hernandez Urdaneta, who was leading the rebels in Maracay, was still not willing to give up. The military was contemplating an aerial bombardment on Maracay.

It was at this juncture that Hugo Chavez suggested that he would directly talk to his men in Maracay. Yet, the telephone lines were cut. Then he suggested the radio. By an extraordinary piece of luck, the military officers suggested television. Defense minister Ochoa Antich agreed and he checked with the president. Perez wanted Chavez to be handcuffed as a prisoner and also to write down what he would tell in advance. Chavez, a shrewd politician as well as a military man, would have none of it. He did not want to appear a defeated man, although he was utterly destroyed within his mind. With no time to lose, the military men agreed to his terms.

Chavez washed his face, put on the red paratrooper beret and straightened his uniform. He will appear with dignity in front of the television cameras and therefore, in front of his nation. He walked into a room full of reporters and for the next seventy two seconds, he spoke with dignity and clarity, in real military fashion.

“First of all, I want to say good morning to all the people of Venezuela. This Bolivarian message is directed to all the courageous soldiers who are in the paratrooper regiment in Aragua and the tank regiment in Valencia. Comrades: unfortunately, for now [por ahora] the objectives we set ourselves were not achieved in the capital city. That is, those of us here in Caracas did not seize power. Where you are, you performed very well, but now is the time to reflect. New opportunities will arise and the country has to head definitely towards a better future.

So, listen to what I have to say. Listen to the Comandante Chavez, who is sending you this message. Please, reflect and put down your arms, because in truth, the objectives that we set for ourselves at a national level are not within our grasp. Comrades, listen to this message of solidarity: I am grateful for your loyalty, for your courage, for your selfless generosity. Before the country and before you, I accept responsibility for this Bolivarian military movement. Thank you very much.”

The country was stunned. Here was the leader of the coup which had surprised them, appearing live on national television and accepting responsibility for the failure of the coup. Venezuelans had never seen a politician accept responsibility for something that went wrong in their country where many things were going wrong. Then, here appears a young military officer, accepting full responsibility for a failure.

Hugo Chavez was depressed as he has had to lead a fiasco and then had to ask for others to surrender. It was then as he says that Santeliz came to him, shook his hand and said, “That was great man, what you said!” Chavez replied, “What do you mean good, if I called for surrendering?” Santeliz replied, “You said, for now.” Chavez had uttered the two defining words of the speech without realizing it. These two words “Por Ahora!” would become an important slogan of Chavez in his later campaign for presidency. In December 1998, he was swept in at the presidential polls with 56.2% of the popular vote and he was sworn in on February 2, 1999, just two days before the seventh anniversary of the coup in which he had exploded into national politics. He set out in attempting to realize his dream of a new Venezuela based on the dreams of the old hero, Simon Bolivar. The rest, as they say, is history.

Mengistu Haile Mariam: No Famine Accepted in Acceptance Speech

2015-12-22T23:08:00.001+05:30

Mengistu Haile Mariam, the leader of the Derg (Committee) which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991, and head of state during 1977-1991, is remembered for 'red terror' and even genocide. His speech in September 1984, at the Inauguration of the Workers Party of Ethiopia (WPE) was an instance of political hypocrisy at the highest level.

The revolution of 1974 which deposed the long serving Emperor Haile Sellassie I, was the result of public dissatisfaction intensified by a famine in the 1970s. The new military regime struggled to establish itself in the initial years. Mengistu rose to the prominence after eliminating his opponents within and without the Derg.

The Derg embraced Marxism-Leninism as the guiding principle and increasing aid was received from the Soviet bloc. To transform the feudal economy, among other things, land reforms were carried out. Land distribution was quite fairly done and was generally popular. But it created small plots of land which affected the productivity.

Peasants were organized into Peasant Associations and Peasant Collectives. However, collectivization never received wide support in the country. The National Farms established also were unproductive.

The peasants' incentive to produce suffered a heavy blow due to the policies of the powerful Agricultural Marketing Corporation (AMC). This was established to feed the country's cities and towns. The AMC determined a quota for associations, collectives and national farms and bought foodstuff below market prices. To prevent smuggling, AMC built road blocks at strategic points along the roads. The peasants were unwilling to sell the full quota to the AMC at low prices.

Meanwhile, mid-year rains failed in 1983, and a famine was projected for the following year. The regime was at the time preparing for the tenth anniversary of the 1974 revolution and the establishment of a new party, the WPE. Mengistu himself may have been unaware at this stage about the projections. But, he should have been well aware of the situation by late 1983 as the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) leaked the information to foreign press against the will of the regime. However, the regime never accepted the reality and foreign aid was not forthcoming as a result.

Rains again failed in February 1984 and June-July 1984. By that time, the famine was becoming a hard reality. The government was unwilling to divert funds from the tenth anniversary celebrations to counter the famine. More than half of the country’s population was severely affected.

Despite this, the foreign dignitaries who arrived for the celebrations in September, saw a clean city and nothing of the horror engulfing the country. In the newly built Congress Hall, the WPE was called into being and a Politburo was elected. This in turn, elected Mengistu as the General Secretary of the Party, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and President of the Council of ministers.

His acceptance speech lasted for five and a half hours. Mengistu spoke on the achievements and the future of the revolution. Not even once, in this long speech, did he mention the famine. Even during his speech, thousands of Ethiopians died from starvation.

Jawaharlal Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny

2015-12-20T08:28:00.003+05:30

It was the evening of August 14, 1947.

A nation of nearly 400 million people awaited its emergence from the clutches of colonial rule. Throughout the land, in cities and villages alike, these would be citizens anticipated the birth of their nation. In the capital Delhi, the Constitutional Assembly had gathered to witness the last act in the transfer of power.

As the clock moved slowly towards midnight, a slim elderly man dressed in a cream coloured achkhan (a long coat buttoned up to the neck) and a clean white khadi cap stood up. Flashbulbs illuminated the chamber, revealing the tense, fatigued face. It was to be temporary. As he spoke, he was to transform profoundly. His voice, low at the beginning, grew in volume as he continued his speech.

“Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny….” Thus, Jawaharlal Nehru began what was to be perhaps his most memorable speech. “……..and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially,” he continued. This was a reference to the agony of partition. As Nehru spoke, Pakistan was already an independent state, and he may have seen the agonies awaiting the peoples of both countries.

Nevertheless, there was reason to rejoice. “At the stroke of the midnight hour,” he went on, “when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take a pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.”

Then he paused, may be to give a moment for the audience to grasp the essence of his words. Nehru knew that his challenges were immense. He had to transform a very backward society to the modern world. He went on elaborating, describing the immense challenges that lay ahead.

“The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?”

“……. That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we might fulfill the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and decease and inequality of opportunity”

These were the evils of India. It was home for more than 350 million people, and the numbers were growing rapidly. India was not self sufficient in food and feeding this expanding population was a mammoth task. A large section of the population, the adivasis and harijans in particular and rural and urban poor in general, were marginalized from the society. More than 80% of the people were illiterate. The privileged few enjoyed luxurious lives while the vast majority of the populace languished in utter poverty and ignorance.

Then, Nehru referred to his mentor, the leader of the freedom movement in India, the Mahatma. “The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.”

Nehru once more stressed the importance of striving for the betterment of India and the world humanity. “And so we have to labour and to work and work hard to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too
closely knit together today for anyone of them to imagine that it can live apart.

His concluding remarks Nehru asked the people of India to join in the adventure of India’s emergence out of poverty and ignorance. “Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments. To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill-will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.”

Uncertain Future, in Politics and Life

2015-11-30T16:36:00.004+05:30

First published in January this year, weeks after the Presidential Election 2015, to mark the birthday of Rukshan Abeywansha. Re-posting this here, on his first death anniversary.

I am reminded of a Buddhist story about Arhat Sariputta who was once asked about the outcome of a war that had broken out between two states. He, who had developed his mind to such an extent that he was named the most intelligent of all disciples of Buddha, gave a prediction on what he could see. The prediction turned out to be wrong.

Predicting the future is a risky endeavor. According to Buddhist scriptures, only the Buddha could see the past, present and future with accuracy. Even if we do not accept the story, no one will dispute the fact that future is uncertain to every mortal. Several famous astrologers found out this the hard way by the morning of January 9, 2015, as Sri Lanka learned of the defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Presidential Election. Fearing for their trade, these people later claimed that they actually saw the future but were afraid of the consequences and decided to lie.

While the future in politics is always uncertain, political decisions can change the course of politics and create the future. The outcome of the election was never a certainty until January 9. However, the decisions of both the government and the opposition leaders paved the way for such an outcome where a seemingly invincible government fell.

Rathana Thera

During the presidential campaign, I remembered a certain day in late May 2014, when there was no discussion whatsoever about a Presidential Election. The News Editor of ‘The Nation’ Deepal Warnakulasuriya, and I went to the Sadaham Sevana at Rajagiriya to interview Athuraliye Rathana Thera on a new endeavor he had started. It was the publication of a national policy statement “Rata Gatha Yuthu Maga” (The Path the country should take) by the “Pivithuru Hetak” organization led by Rathana Thera.

He envisaged a national policy on crucial matters, irrespective of the party that was in power. “When we take the national issues, we must have national policies which don’t change with the regime changes or any other pressures from local or international forces. Not only India, even some western countries do not change their policies on crucial matters when the regime changes,” Rathana Thera told us. He envisaged a national policy council which could take decisions in critical matters irrespective of a change of a regime.

Rathana Thera also spoke about the issues of corruption, environment, agriculture and energy crisis. He was not ready to take executive presidency head-on, adding that one must first tackle issues that all sides can reach a consensus. However, he added that if the government does not agree to the critical changes that need to be done, he would have to think of the next step.

This interview came haunting back to my mind when the presidential election campaign was at a full-swing. “Was this the next step he meant?”

Rukshan

“Pivithuru Hetak” released its policy statement on June 3, 2014. Our colleague, Rukshan Chandika Abeywansha went to the event at BMICH. He was thrilled before the event simply because he saw the potential of a unique event.

“Okkoma pakshavala kattiya enava machan, niyama pinthura tikak thiyeyi” he told me. (People from all parties will be there. There will be some unique photos). He did justice to the event, as always. One of his pictures has the then Minister Rajitha Senaratne, then Minister and Jathika Hela Urumaya General Secretary Patali Champika Ranawaka, then United National Party Leadership Council Chairman Karu Jayasuriya and UNP Parliamentarian Harsha de Silva, all smiling. On June 8, ‘The Nation’ carried the picture, with a caption, on page 3. However, this was to be the last news picture of Rukshan we carried. On that same June 8, he met with an accident.

If anyone of us could foretell the future, we would have told him not to go on that journey on that route on that morning. But alas, we are not gifted. We can only remind ourselves of the past, and speculate of the future.

Rukshan may not have then understood the significance of the event he covered. Neither did we. But today, we realize the importance of that event, which may have been a key moment in the ultimate regime change that took place on January 8. But Rukshan is not here with us to see the significance of the event he saw as a wonderful photo opportunity.

Rukshan Chandika Abeywansha, Best Photo Journalist of the Year 2013, would have been 37 this January 30.

A Response to BBC: Was Putin Deflecting Criticism in His Speech on the Downing of a Su-24?

2015-11-25T01:13:00.002+05:30

The shooting down of a Russian Su-24 fighter jet by Turkey sent shock waves across the world. Vladimir Putin, the Russian President, was quick to respond in the harshest of words possible.

“This incident stands out against the usual fight against terrorism. Our troops are fighting heroically against terrorists, risking their lives. But the loss we suffered today came from a stab in the back delivered by accomplices of the terrorists” he said, blaming Turkey.

BBC’s Moscow correspondent Sarah Rainsford had an interesting explanation to Putin’s statement. “After all, Vladimir Putin launched airstrikes in Syria arguing that it would make Russia safer; instead, 224 people were blown out of the sky last month in a bomb attack. And now this. By rounding on Turkey he is in part deflecting any suggestion that his own policy has backfired”, Rainsford said.

So, was Putin deflecting criticism? Was he wrong in saying that Russia would be safer if the Islamic State of Ira and Syria (ISIS) is defeated is Syria?

Putin went into Syria to bolster his ally Assad there. One can never deny this reality. Nevertheless, his argument of defeating ISIS is Syria to make Russia safer is fundamentally not wrong.

One reason for the success of the ISIS is that it has a firm base in Iraq and Syria. Western indifference helped its rise in Syria. The ISIS entrenched itself firmly in parts of Syria at least a year before it became a world-wide phenomenon by sweeping across large swathes of Iraq. ISIS can now boast about its accomplishments in controlling a large area across two countries, giving it much needed credibility as a potent force. The ISIS has created a de facto state, which has started advertising itself as an Islamic Utopia state to recruit cadres across the world.

Russia is one of its target areas for recruitment and potential attack. The ISIS fighters are not targeting Russia because it started pounding them in Syria. Although most people do not realize, Russia has a large Muslim population. One seventh of its people profess Islam, and this could be turned in to a potential recruiting ground.

It was in December 2014 that Al Jazeera described this situation in an article written by Olga Khrustaleva titled “Russia’s Burgeoning ISIL Problem”. Months after sweeping across parts of Iraq, ISIS turned its focus on Russia’s Caucasus, starting to release videos targeted at Russia. “We will … liberate Chechnya and the Caucasus, Allah willing. The Islamic State is here to stay,” said an ISIL [ISIS] fighter in the first such video, released on August 31, Al Jazeera pointed out.

Tanya Lokshina, Human Rights Watch's Russia programme director, told Al Jazeera in late 2014 that there is "definitely [ISIL] recruitment happening" in Russia (ISIL is an alternative name to ISIS). Furthermore, “[ISIL] is becoming, I would say, increasingly popular in the northern Caucasus, in a situation where people are disillusioned with the secular government,” she further said.

Recruitment attempts were also being made through Russia’s popular social media site VK.com. There were, and still are, various groups within VK carrying out ISIS propaganda. Recruitment attempts were also taking place. A favorite tactic was using a good looking male recruit to lure females in to the ISIS trap.

Suggesting that 224 people died after Russia attacked the ISIS is an indirect request to keep out if one needs to be in peace. However, as Putin understood the problem, such devastating attacks could have taken place sooner or later. If Russia was to be silent now, it would face an even stronger ISIS outfit later. The stronger the ISIS seems to be, the higher the likelihood of recruiting more people from foreign lands.

Therefore, Putin was correct in saying that Russia would be safer if the ISIS is defeated in Syria. Whether the ISIS can be defeated in Syria is another matter.

Rajapaksa vs Lee Kuan Yew

2015-11-18T17:46:00.000+05:30

Certain individuals have made significant roles in shaping the histories of the nations they led. Former Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was one of the best examples for such a leader. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has the potential to become one. Former Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa became another such leader in 2009, only to mar his reputation in later years.

There are similarities in the way Lee Kuan Yew and Mahinda Rajapaksa went about dealing with their main challenges. For Lee, his main challenge was to make a nation out of a place which, in his own words, lacked the main characteristics of one. Rajapaksa, on the other hand, had to push off development as a second goal. During his first term as president, his main goal was finding a solution to the civil war raging in the country.

Both Lee and Rajapaksa took the bulls by their horns. Ably supported by some competent men and women, Lee made a fascinating transformation in his small land. Rajapaksa, who was also supported by a number of immensely capable men and women, led the war effort to a successful conclusion.

There was no doubt on Lee's commitment to his job. He once famously said, "this is about our lives. I spent my whole life building it. And until I am around, no one is going to knock it down."

Both Lee and Rajapaksa were patriots, and believed in nationalism. One major difference is Lee's apparent multi-culturalism and Rajapaksa's apparent Sinhala Nationalist appeal. This was one major difference which differentiated the two leaders. While Rajapaksa never won a respectable minority vote, Lee's People's Action Party attracted voters of all communities, and still does. Despite its extensive efforts at flooding the north and east with development projects, the Rajapaksa government could never instill a sense of 'belongingness' in the Tamil community in those regions.

However, perhaps the most significant difference between the two leaders was their stance on corruption. The fight against corruption was an integral part of Lee's government. Mahinda Rajapaksa also vowed to fight corruption at the start of his second term. However, while Lee strictly practiced what he preached, there is serious doubt on Rajapaksa's intent in doing so. While Lee is universally accepted as clean by even his opponents, Rajapaksa's second term was marred by the constant allegations of corruption and "mega deals".

The allegations on nepotism are simultaneously leveled against Rajapaksa and to a certain extent against Lee. However, nepotism in Sri Lanka, under many governments, can never be compared with what took place in Singapore. For an outside observer, it might look strange to see the first Prime Minister's son becoming the third Prime Minister of a country, and to see it maintain its record of success. However, once one understands the system in place in Singapore, it becomes quite clear.

Perhaps it is Lee Kuan Yew who provided the best answer to this question. Once when he was asked about his son succeeding as Prime Minister he said that Lee Hsien Loong will not be succeeding not as his son but as a Deputy Prime Minister who served the country for several years. People will decide if he was successful or not, he said, and added that the people will have the right to replace him if he proves unsuccessful.

The meritocracy in Singapore is such that an individual cannot become a Cabinet Minister for the simple fact that he is a 'crony' or loyalist of the top echelons. One has to go through a particular institutionalized system. Any person has to first become a Junior Minister for a certain period of time before becoming a Senior Minister. One has to prove himself, and if he does, he can move to the top echelons of the city state's government.

One striking difference in Rajapaksa and Lee was the appearance of their names in public places. Rajapaksa had various public constructions named for him, unlike Lee, who rarely had his name appear on such places. Furthermore, monumental images of Rajapaksa appeared around the island, becoming a far too common sight.

To the latter part of the Rajapaksa government, high rises were built in Colombo, at several places where there used to be slums. These new buildings reminded this writer of the Housing and Development Board flats in Singapore. Perhaps it was the model the Rajapaksa government was attempting to adapt in Colombo. However, there was one conspicuous difference in the buildings in Sri Lanka. They had larger than life sized portraits of Rajapaksa.

While the negative image of Rajapaksa was constructed partly by the pro-LTTE diaspora, his extravagance failed to counter this propaganda and added credence to it.

Sadly, Rajapaksa missed a unique opportunity to rival Lee Kuan Yew in guiding his country towards development.

Pre-colonial Sri Lanka – Singapore Relations

2015-10-25T11:43:00.002+05:30

Although most people know Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles as the founder of Singapore, he would not have preferred to see the accolade being bestowed upon him. In contrast, he would have preferred to be known as the one who revived an ancient and vibrant city.

In the early 19th century, the British considered more than one option as a possible site of an outpost at the southern end of the Strait of Malacca. The decision to select Singapore was taken on several grounds, and the romantic image of the revival of an ancient city could have played a role.

Temasik, ancient Singapore, occupies an important place in the history of the Malay people, according to the Malay Annals written somewhere in the 15th century and afterwards. The oldest surviving Malay Annal, now known as Raffles MS 18, was written in 1612. The intention of the Malay Annals was to bolster the popularity of the ruling family. Raffles, who came across the manuscript, must have found its story interesting.

According to the Raffles MS 18, the city of Temasik was found by none other than the legendary Sri Tri Buana, the first great Malay king. The Annals tell of several succeeding rulers after Sri Tri Buana. Accordingly, Singapore was a thriving city throughout the 14th century.

Interestingly, Singapore is one of the prominent cities to have been subjected to considerable archeological excavations. A large quantity of 14th century artifacts, including pottery, beads, ‘mercury jars’ and coins speak of a thriving city, based on trade.

According to Malay Annals, the city is thought to have been attacked by Majapahit in Java or Ayuttaya in Thailand at the end of the 14th century. Thereafter, the city declined, culminating by the early 1600s.

A coin from Leelavati (1197-1200) era

Among a number of artifacts found in Singapore are two Sri Lankan coins, both belonging to the reign of king Buwanekabahu I (1272-84). One coin was found during excavations at Parliamentary House Complex before the new Parliamentary House was constructed in the 1990s. The other was unearthed at the grounds of the St. Andrew’s Cathedral. These copper-alloy coins showed a standing figure on one side and a seated figure on the other. Meanwhile, similar coins belonging to the reigns of queen Leelavati (1197-1200) and king Sahassamalla (1200-02) have been discovered in Sumatra.

While archeologists have discovered more than a hundred Chinese coins from Singapore, the two Sri Lankan coins indicate some interesting facts. It could mean that 14th century Singapore was a sophisticated market where more than one type of money was accepted. Furthermore, along with the findings in Sumatra, it is a clear indication that Sri Lankan coins were accepted as legal tender in South East Asia, including Singapore.

The acceptance of the Sri Lankan coins may have been due to its design. The coins with a standing and seated figures were issued in Sri Lanka from the late Anuradhapura era to the late 13th century and follows the similar design of the coins of Rajaraja Chola. The Chola Empire dominated South Asia and even had a direct role in decimating the once powerful Srivijaya Empire in South East Asia. Therefore, its currency was an internationally accepted currency in this part of the world. The Sri Lankan coins had a similar design and used Sanskrit characters. Therefore, they must have also been internationally accepted.

Discovery of Sri Lankan coins in Singapore does not mean that Sri Lanka had diplomatic relations with the Singapore rulers in the 14th century. The political history of Sri Lanka during most of the 14th century is unclear and the indication is that the central government was weak after the Kurunegala period in the 1320s. However, the coins indicate that the trade links connected the island of Sri Lanka and Singapore during this period.

Singapore declined from the beginning of the 15th century. Other ports including Melaka overtook it in the Malacca Straits. During the early colonial era, the Portuguese had plans of constructing a fort in the island. However, this plan did not materialize and the island remained inconspicuous until Sir Raffles chose to establish a trading post.

Former British Governor's Bungalow Cries For Attention

2015-10-07T10:05:00.001+05:30

The ruins of the Doric House at Arippu, built by the British colonial government in the early 1800s, and described by Cordiner in 1807 as the most beautiful building in the island, is facing a serious threat due to the erosion of the coast.

Arippu is a small settlement which lies south of Mannar in the north-western coast line of Sri Lanka. On the plains south of Arippu, rise the ruins of a once majestic British era bungalow. Nearby, there is a cement tower. These are the Doric House and the Doric Tower of Arippu.

The threat posed by erosion was nothing new. This threat was reported for the first time several decades ago. The sea has reached the very walls of the Doric House, causing one side of its walls to collapse. However, nothing was done for years, partly due to the prevailing security situation in the area. Recently, a stone barrier was constructed to protect the building. It covers only a section of the beach and seems to be inadequate.

Protecting the Doric House is important since it was once a landmark in the colonial history of Ceylon. Furthermore, it was a living testament of a bygone era, when pearl fishing was a lucrative business in the area. The Doric House was built as a bungalow for the Governor to reside during his trips to inspect pearl fishing.

It is widely believed that the first Governor of British Ceylon, Frederick North, drew the plan of the building. The foundation was laid on March 18, 1802 and it took two years to complete. It was supposed to be finished by the end of 1802, but several difficulties prolonged the completion of the building. It was reported that transport difficulties and awkwardness of the coolies employed (due to the harsh conditions) slowed down work. Financial difficulties arose in 1803 further delaying the work.

North is thought to have resided in the Doric House during one trip after its completion in 1804. He left the island in 1805. However, the Doric House remained a prominent landmark in the area.

Writing in 1807, Cordiner said that this was ‘the most beautiful building in the island’. He provided a detailed account of this building with a drawing made by him. This drawing shows the Doric columns rising on the front and rear porticos. These cannot be seen today. Cordiner also provided the layout plan of the building. Accordingly, there were four small bed rooms on the ground floor. The building had a terraced roof over the upper floor, which could have been an excellent place to watch the fishery activities on the sea.

“The Doric is distinctly marked on few maps of Ceylon prepared during the 19'h century. It was marked as 'House' on Captain G. Schneider's map in 1813 and as 'Dorick' on the map popularly known as John Davy's map in 1821,” Dhanesh Wisumperuma said in his paper ‘The Doric at Arippu’ published in the Journal of the Royal Association of Sri Lanka, Volume LI, in 2005. The building is marked as ,Doric, on both Major General John Fraser's map of 1962 and Arrowsmith's map of 1957, Wisumperuma also pointed out, concluding that the Doric House was a principle landmark in the 19th century.

The end of pearl fishing and several other changes brought an end to the Doric House’s prominence. The road to Jaffna through Arippu became unimportant following the construction of the road through Kurunegala. The building started the long process of decay.

Despite this, it still evoked a considerable deal of imagination. In 1973, RL Brohier mentions it as a “striking landmark on the plain.” There were other references towards early 1980s as well. The outbreak of the war in 1983 brought the building to oblivion.

However, the relative scarcity of records may have led many into falsely believing that the Doric is actually the Dutch Fort of Arippu. However, this theory is totally unfounded as the fort was located at Arippu further north.

Archeological exploration was restarted in the north following the end of the war in 2009. As an initial step, some archaeological sites were Gazetted by the Archaeological Department, thereby claiming the legal rights over the sites. However, extensive research is yet to be done.

The importance of the Doric House is that it connects to a relatively lesser known industry in ancient Ceylon, that of pearl fishing. At any rate, the Mannar coastline has not been subjected to thorough archaeological research. Therefore, it is important to preserve the known archaeological sites as a first step in exploring the unknown depths of Sri Lanka’s past.

Wilpattu Encroached (2014 article)

2015-05-11T06:25:00.002+05:30

Introduction: Minister Rishad Bathiudeen, then Minister of Industry and Commerce, was accused of encroaching Wilpattu National Park in April 2014. He took a 'fact finding' team of journalists to the region, and some of them, including this writer, found some funny facts. Has anything changed after the change of government? One can only wonder.

The ‘battle’ which has erupted between Industry and Commerce Minister Rishad Bathiudeen and Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) over the alleged clearance of land belonging to Wilpattu National Park for settling displaced Muslim people has grown in intensity within the last few weeks.

It began earlier this month with BBS General Secretary Galagodaatte Gnanasara Thera accusing the government including President Mahinda Rajapaksa for ‘keeping silent’ on the large scale housing complex constructed in the Wilpattu National Park. His accusation was directed at several ministries in particular, including the Environment and Renewable Energy Ministry and the Wildlife Resources Conservation Ministry. Gnanasara Thera also said that there were some elements within the government who were backing the alleged activity. Accusations were being leveled at Bathiudeen for this activity.

Photo: Amila Prasanna Sumanapala

Several days later, a tense situation occurred when the BBS made a trip to the area where the alleged resettlement is being carried out. In return, Bathiudeen also took a group of media personnel on a ‘fact finding trip’ of the area on April 22. However, BBS described this as merely a ‘media circus’ stating that the Minister showed only what he wanted the media to see.

Wilpattu National Park

Declared in 1938, the Wilpattu National Park (WNP) lies along the north western coast. The main topographical feature of the park is the concentration of “villus.” Although they appear as lakes, villus are in flat basin like fault depressions on the surface of the earth and contain only rain water. The villu feature is unique to this part of the island. There are many sandy paths in the WNP which connect some villus. The area of the park is 131,693 hectares, making it the largest national park in the island.

The northern border of the WNP lies along the Modaragam Aru (River). The Wilpattu Sanctuary lies inland from the coast and is entirely within the Northern Province. It is contiguous with the WNP and Modaragam Aru serves as the boundary of the two areas.

Fact finding

About 60 journalists representing local and foreign institutions took part in the ‘fact finding’ trip organized by Minister Bathiudeen. The group took the Puttalam-Mannar road, which travel through the WNP from Kala Oya to Modaragam Aru. Just across Modaragam Aru on the Puttalam-Mannar road, on the land side, were the squatters’ settlements.

These settlements were built around a common building built by the government some time ago. The people there gave various figures as to the number of families residing there. These numbers varied from 60 to 73. They said that they have returned to their lands which they abandoned in 1990.

The settlers told the journalists that they were originally from the Marichchukatti area. They had been evicted in 1990 by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and had been unable to return for two decades. In 1990, there had been 150 families in the village and they claim that the village had a land of 300 acres. Today, there are 500 families of the original inhabitants and their descendents.

However, there were several discrepancies in the story of the people. When asked how they found a livelihood, some people said that they cultivated paddy lands. However, they failed to show any. Furthermore, they said that there was a burial ground in the area, which was on the sea side from the road. Although they produced what they called ‘deeds’ to their lands, there was no way of asserting that the documents were authentic. Furthermore, they accepted that only a few families had deeds.

Furthermore, there was a huge gender gap seen among the villagers. There were many men and a few women and most strikingly, there were no children to be seen. Not even toddlers. This was rather strange at a place which the people claim that they live in. Furthermore, there was evidence of cooking in only a few of the huts. It was obvious that some people did not know that the land was frequented by elephants. They claimed that elephants did not come to the area but there were elephant dung at places nearby.

Furthermore, on April 17, Minister Bathiudeen mentioned in a press release that “there are about 73 families whose original Marichchikatti area lands have been taken over by the Navy for security purposes and the families are unable to resettle in them as a result of this.” However, this is in contrary to the claims by some of the families who state that the lands they now occupy were their traditional lands.

National Park and Sanctuary

Speaking to The Nation, Environment Conservation Trust Director Sajeewa Chamikara stated that before the war, settlements were only on the sea side. He also clarified the confusion on WNP, Wilpattu North Sanctuary and the Buffer Zone.

With the passing of the Fauna and Flora Protection Ordinance in 1937, four categories of natural reserves were created. They are strict nature reserves, national parks, nature reserves and sanctuaries. A national park does not have private lands within it. A sanctuary can have private lands. However, new development work cannot be done even inside a sanctuary. A national park has a buffer zone of 1 mile, and a sanctuary has a buffer zone of 100m. Within this area, no development work can be done without an environment impact assessment.

In the above mentioned statement on April 17, Bathiudeen mentions that the families have put up “temporary huts on the borders of the Wilpattu National Park out of great necessity.” However, no one can make houses without proper permission within 1 mile of the border of a national park. The Central Environment Trust, in a recent press release once again criticized the violation of Flora and Fauna Protection Ordinance No 2 of 1937 and the National Environmental Act No 47 of 1980.

This is a blatant encroachment of an environmentally valuable land which affects the eco-system balance. Furthermore, despite the claims by the so called ‘settlers’ the Elephant-Human Conflict will find a new front in Wilpattu North Sanctuary and the surrounding area. Therefore, if the settlement issue is not managed properly, it is in danger of creating both environmental and human catastrophes in the coming years.

First published in 'The Nation', April 27, 2014.

Bandung Asian-Africa Conference

2015-04-25T09:17:00.000+05:30

The Asian-African conference held in April 1955 was an important milestone on the road to the formation of the non-aligned movement six years later. Asian-African leaders met in Indonesia this week to mark the 60th anniversary of this landmark event.

Pre-Bandung Era

The new spirit of anti-colonialism and co-operation between newly emerging states received a boost at the Asian Relations Conference of 1947 held in India. The future prime minister of Ceylon, Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike spoke of the conference being the “beginning of something much greater-a federation of free and equal Asiatic countries, working not merely for our own advantage but for the progress and peace of all mankind”. This was the common aspiration of the main participants of this conference.

Ceylon played a vital role in organizing the conference of the Colombo Powers in 1954, where the holding of an Asian-African conference of emergent countries were discussed for the first time. Indonesian Prime Minister Dr. Sastromidjojo was the chief exponent of this idea. “Where do we stand now? We, the people of Asia, in this world of ours today?” was the question he posed at the gathering. At this time, the principals of mutual co-operation and non alignment with the two power blocs were popular policies in many newly emerged nations. But a more cohesive agreement between these states was envisioned by the exponents of these ideas.

On December 28-29, 1954, another conference was held at Bogor, Indonesia, as a prelude to the larger conference to be held the following year. This was to decide upon whom to invite for the Bandung conference and to agree on an agenda. The conference was to be held on April 18-24, 1955.

Participants

Most of the then independent nations in Asia-numbering 23-took part in the conference, including Indonesia, India, Ceylon, Burma, Peoples Republic of China (PRC) and Pakistan. Both the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and State of Vietnam were represented but Republic of China (Taiwan) was not. The two Koreas were not represented either. Meanwhile, there were 6 African nations including Egypt, Sudan, Ghana and Ethiopia. These nations were not a cohesive group with similar agendas. They included allies of both power blocs and also nations advocating non alignment.

Chinese Premier Zhou En-lai at Bandung (Photo: CCTV)

The participation of the PRC was vital because of several factors. PRC was hostile towards the West and clearly was an ally of the Soviet Union. But she was the most populous country in the world and had traditional ties with many Asian nations. Premier Zhou En-lai had survived an assassination attempt on his way to the conference by the sheer chance of changing his plans and visiting Burma at the last moment to meet Burmese, Indian and Egyptian leaders, thus missing the plane he intended to travel. Despite the fact that there were several pro-Western nations at Bandung, the Chinese were quite conciliatory in their attitude, may be intending to bolster their international image by being so. To a large extent they succeeded and it contributed to lessen the diplomatic isolation of the PRC over the next few years.

Main Points of Discussion

There were three committees appointed to discuss the political, economic and cultural affairs. The discussions focused on important matters such as economic and cultural cooperation, human rights and right to self-determination, promotion of world peace and international cooperation. The promotion of a foreign policy based on the Panchaseela Principles agreed upon by China and India was an important development in the conference.

At the end of the conference, despite the differences, all countries agreed upon a 10 point declaration <http://pd.cpim.org/2005/0605/06052005_bandung%20conf.htm> on promotion of world peace and cooperation. Incorporating the principals of the United Nations Charter, it focused on respect to fundamental human rights, territorial integrity and equality of all nations, the right of the nations to defend themselves, non involvement in power blocs, settlement of international disputes through peaceful means and mutual cooperation among nations.

After Bandung

Even though some participants remained allied to the power blocs, the non-aligned policy in foreign affairs enjoyed widespread support among the newly emerging nations. This ultimately led to the birth of the non-aligned movement (NAM) in 1961.

In 2005, a second Bandung conference was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the first conference.

Trincomalee: April 19, 1995

2015-04-19T23:05:00.001+05:30

The United States, and much of the rest of the world, will remember April 19, 1995, for the Oklahoma bombing, the single most devastating act of terrorism in the US soil before 9/11. But, Sri Lankans will remember that day for an even more heinous act. On that day, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) terrorists betrayed the trust and goodwill of the Sri Lankan government by violently breaking a ceasefire, restarting their separatist war.

It was five days after the traditional New Year. Sri Lankans had celebrated the first New Year in peace in many years. Peace between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been established after the People’s Alliance (PA) won the general election in August 1994, ushering fresh hopes of reconciliation and lasting peace. The peace was fragile, yet it still held, until that quiet night on April 19, 1995.

Trincomalee and the environs (survey.gov.lk)

Trincomalee is a large natural harbor valued by many nations, especially during the colonial times and the Cold War period. It was a strategic naval base during the Eelam Wars and was a principle target of the LTTE.

April 19, 1995, was another usual day. The night was quiet and peaceful. Sailors of two Sri Lanka Navy gunboats, SLNS Sooraya and SLNS Ranasuru, anchored in the Koddiyar Bay in Trincomalee may not have realized that this will be the last few moments of tranquility for years to come. At the middle of the night, death was stalking them. Some of them would not see the sun rising over the horizon again. Twelve sailors died in the attack.

The LTTE attack on the two gunships which claimed the valued lives of nearly 20 young men was the launch of the war after several months of peace. It shattered one of the main objectives of the PA government, which had come to power with promises of establishing a lasting peace. The LTTE did not formally pull out from the peace talks. Their way of leaving the peace process was through a treacherous attack on two navy ships at the dead of the night.

Sri Lankan people had been war weary for more than a decade. The war had brought unspeakable calamities to the island. Even in Colombo, one could not be certain of returning home safely. The war had claimed thousands of lives, including, as many suspected, the life of one President of the country. There was a need for a respite in all corners of the country, except in the minds of a few leaders of the LTTE.

By 1993, winds of change were blowing throughout the length and breadth of the political scope in Sri Lanka. The new political party, the PA, which was an alliance between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and four other left-wing parties, was offering a credible challenge to the United National Party government. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the daughter of two former Prime Ministers and the widow of a famous actor turned politician, was leading the alliance. She promised peace, a promise people in the north and the south embraced gladly.

The PA won the general election in August 1994 and formed a government, with Kumaratunga as Prime Minister. It initiated a peace process as well. Soon, it was the time for a presidential election. During the election campaign, the UNP candidate Gamini Dissanayake was assassinated on October 24, 1994. All fingers pointed towards the LTTE, despite the fact that a ceasefire was in force. This put Kumaratunga in a delicate position. On one hand, she could not act complacent as such an act would appear strange when an opposition politician had been assassinated. On the other hand, she did not want to alienate the LTTE. Therefore, she expressed the view that the LTTE cannot be put the blame on when its complicity was not yet proven. People refused to trust her explanation, but refused to abandon her peace process either.

The 1994 November Presidential Election saw a mandate for peace, when Prime Minister Kumaratunga swept the election with more than 62 percent of the votes. She attracted the support of a wide range of people. The election could not be held properly in much of the Northern Province where the LTTE controlled a large area. But where it was possible, the small numbers of people who casted their votes overwhelmingly chose Kumaratunga. She polled 96.35 percent of votes casted in Jaffna District (Turnout was just three percent). In Batticaloa District where the turnout was 65 percent, Kumaratunga received 87.3 percent of the votes polled.

It was with this mandate that the peace process was continued. Several rounds of peace talks were held, the Sri Lankan government usually being open to the conditions put forward by the LTTE. Warning calls were too weak and far between and the people were not ready to heed them either. Although the LTTE was known to have broken agreements before, the government decided to trust its intent. The fact that the LTTE was just repeating its tactic of buying time became apparent only when it launched the attack on Trincomalee.

Exploring Singapura 03: Fort Siloso

2015-04-11T20:59:00.003+05:30

The Palau Ujong (Island at the End) was a forgotten piece of land before Sir Stamford Raffles established a trading post in 1819. This island, along with three scores of much smaller islands around it later became Singapore. The British valued Singapore for its strategic location in both economic and security terms. It was to be a gateway to the exotic Far East and the “Gibraltar of the Orient.”

By the 1870s, the British decided that modern fortifications were needed to protect this gem on their colonial empire. Many old forts were not located in optimum locations to defend Singapore. Therefore a series of new coastal fortifications were built. Although they were named ‘forts’ they were little more than fortified artillery positions. Only Fort Tanjong Katong could be named a fort in the real sense.

At the outbreak of the Second World War, “Fortress Singapore” had 12 coastal artillery forts. Only one of them has been renovated. This is Fort Siloso at Siloso Point on the Western tip of Sentosa Island, known earlier as Blakan Mati (Island behind the Dead). Fort Siloso guarded the Keppel Harbor in Singapore, which lay between the main island and Blakan Mati. It is said that the name Siloso has been derived from a Filipino word for ‘jealous man.’

It was in 1876 that the then Governor of the Straits Settlements, (of which Singapore was a part of) Sir William Jervois, suggested the establishment of a fortification at Mount Siloso on Blakan Mati. In a report he wrote in July that year, Jervois stated his plan.

“In order to provide effectively for the protection of the Harbour... I would propose to place two works on the island of Blakan Mati, and a Battery on Mount Palmer. These works should be armed with guns sufficiently powerful to penetrate the strongest ironclad which is likely to make an attack on Singapore…
One work on Blakan Mati would be on Mount Siloso, at an elevation of 170 feet, and the other on Mount Serapong at an elevation of 303 feet above the sea.” (Courtesy: www.fortsiloso.com).

The construction of Fort Siloso started in 1878 and by early 1880s the earliest armaments were installed. They included two 64 Pounder RML (Rifled Muzzle Load) Guns and three 7-inch RML Guns. Fort Siloso was first manned by an 18 member contingent of Singapore Volunteer Artillery. The fortification was improvised by increasing the arsenal of and eventually became an integral part of the “Fortress Singapore.”

Singapore was not threatened during the First World War. The only occasion when the services of Fort Siloso were called upon was during the Second World War. Ironically, it was not to defend Singapore from an attack from the sea, for which the fort had been built. The guns of fort Siloso were turned toward the main island, to target the Japanese forces who had invaded Singapore from Malaya. The Japanese invasion of Malaya had been a shocking surprise to the British. The British forces in the Peninsular had no option but to retreat towards Singapore.

The British had a false sense of security concerning Singapore. Named the ‘Gibraltar of the Orient’ Singapore was thought to be impregnable. But, the infantry forces in the island lacked man power and training. The Royal Air Force in the island was not well equipped. Although the coastal batteries created a formidable defense, there were no defenses to prevent an attack from the north.

By early February 1942, the Japanese were at the Gates of Singapore. The island did not lack in man power, as thousands of British troops had retreated from Malaya. But morale was lacking and so were weapons. Many of the guns at Fort Siloso were turned the other side to be fired at the Japanese. In response, the Japanese bombed the fort, inflicting some damage. The Japanese onslaught was far too powerful for the forces trapped in Singapore. The British surrendered on February 15.

Wax model of the British surrender of Singapore

During the war years, Fort Siloso was a Prisoners of War camp and returned to British control at the end of the war in 1945. In 1956, the coastal batteries were disbanded as they were deemed obsolete. Some guns were sold for scrap metal and many forts were abandoned or demolished. In 1972, Blakan Mati was renamed Sentosa when the Government of Singapore decided to develop the island as a tourist attraction. While the other batteries in Blakan Mati and elsewhere in Singapore were abandoned, Fort Siloso was renovated and developed as a tourist attraction.

Today Fort Siloso serves as a museum of the Second World War. There is an extensive collection of artillery pieces, some of them brought to Fort Siloso from other sites. Wax images have recreated the life of a British military barrack a century ago in Singapore. Underground tunnels give a sense of history and mystery. One main attraction is the “Surrender Chambers” where wax images have recreated the surrender of the British in Singapore on February 15, 1942 and the surrender of the Japanese in Singapore on September 12, 1945.

One 8 inch BL Gun (in the middle) and two 9.2 inch BL Guns

Fort Siloso attracts considerably less visitors than many other tourist attractions in Sentosa. The owners of the fort have now installed laser games in the fort, covering a part of it. This has been done perhaps to increase the number of visitors. But those who visit for a purely historical purpose may be disappointed. Nevertheless, if you are visiting Singapore, and if you are a history lover, a visit to Fort Siloso is a must.

Martin Wickramasinghe's Museum for Ordinary Folk

2015-04-07T01:12:00.002+05:30

Sri Lanka has a written history of more than 2500 years. Chronicles written throughout the history speak on the rulers and the religious history of the land. Archeological excavations have also unearthed many historical sites, mainly of religious value. However, these findings and chronicles do not tell the history of the ordinary folk. Understandably, archeological museums also tell the story of the rulers and the buildings they commissioned. Little detail of ordinary folk is found in such museums. Therefore, historians, let alone the general public, know next to nothing about the people and details of their lives.

Martin Wickramasinghe, a native of Koggala in Galle District, Sri Lanka, was a man of the village and a writer of the people. In his younger days, he had seen many facets of the village life in Southern Sri Lanka. His literary works are full of the details of the lives of ordinary folk. A believer of evolution, he understood that society will change dramatically even in a short period of time. He knew that many of the things he saw in the early part of the 20th century will not be similar after the passage of several decades. Therefore, he had the dream of establishing a folk museum, to preserve the history of the ordinary folk. With this concept in his mind, he even collected some material which could eventually be used in a museum.

Five years after his death, in December 1981, the Martin Wickramasinghe Trust established the Martin Wickramasinghe Folk Museum near his ancestral home in Malalgama, Koggala. By this time, the village life of Sri Lanka had undergone significant change from the days of Wickramasinghe’s younger age, giving credence to his idea of the necessity of a folk museum. Village life all over the country has changed dramatically due to the influence of new cultures, especially after the arrival of open market economy and the television. However, the lives of the people of Koggala changed dramatically well before those changes, in 1942.

During the Second World War, in the year of 1942, the British ordered 1000 families of Malalgoda and the adjacent villages to leave their homes within 24 hours. Then the British leveled almost all the houses in the area and built the Koggala air strip. However, as the story goes, a female air force officer was fascinated by the simple architecture of the Wickramasinghe ancestral home and chose it as her place of residence. Therefore, it escaped the fate of the other houses in the area. Years after the war, in 1962, the now independent Ceylon government handed the land back to Martin Wickramasinghe. Although he did not make the house his permanent residence, he made regular visits to his ancestral home. Today, it has been preserved and exhibits objects he used in his life. Since the house is small, a new section has been built behind it as an extension. To one side of the house, Martin Wickramasinghe lies in his final resting place.

From its humble beginnings, the museum has developed into a living monument of many facets of the lives of the Sri Lankan folk. It is located in the middle of a nicely kept garden, which is full of greenery. A visitor who is entering the main building will be greeted by a replica of an ancient irrigation system, which has been the basis of the livelihood of Sri Lankan people for centuries. This first chamber also contains Buddhist artifacts, agricultural implements, fishing equipments, relics of folk beliefs and details of the evolution of the Sinhalese language. This is a wide description of the main aspects of the Sri Lankan culture within the boundaries of a single chamber.

The Martin Wickramasinghe Folk Museum has a number of sections, covering religion, art of writing, agriculture, fisheries, folk entertainment, household items, jewelry and ornaments of the people, small and cottage industries, costumes, traditional vehicles and even a section on boats and canoes. The costume gallery, the exhibition of traditional vehicles and the section on boats and canoes are relatively new additions.

The bulk of the artifacts in the museum are not custom built artifacts but objects that have been used by ordinary people. In that aspect, the museum is a living history of the local folk of Sri Lanka, particularly the people of the down south. They all have a story to tell, of the customs, beliefs, livelihoods and many other facets of life of the people. Hence, it is a treasure trove of stories. Martin Wickramasinghe Folk Museum is not only a monument to the great writer, but also a monument to the people he loved so much.

Photos by Sakuna Gamage