Mingle-Mangles

Nayan Tarse

2012-02-05T19:36:00.001+05:30

Nayan Tarse

Daras Na Mile

Nayan Tarse

Dono Se Bahe Dhaar

Nayan Tarse

Haare Ye

Path Nihar

Nayan Tarse .. Tarse .. Tarse Re …..

Bisar Gaye .. Bisar Gaye

Biraha Mein Chal Chal, Pal Woh Gaye Badal

Swaha Swaha Hey Hey Hey Hey

Bisar Gaye .. Bisar Gaye

Sunahre Yeh Din, Kaali Raat Mein Gaye Dhal

Raama Raama Raama Raama Re

Saawan Barse .. Saawan Barse

Tapish Ki Phuhaar

Sawaan Barse

Saawan Barse .. Saawan Barse

Chubhan De Hazaar

Sawaan Barse

Gaali Si Lage Malhaar

Sawaan Barse Barse Barse Re

Eyes yearn (My eyes are dying to see you)

Eyes yearn

Can’t find sight (of you)

Eyes yearn

A stream is flowing from them both

Eyes yearn

They have lost (They are tired of

looking at the path)

Eyes yearn…yearn…yearn

They have been forgotten

Walking in separation,
Those moments have changed

[Swaha- The act of burning in a flame]

They have been forgotten

Once golden days,

Now carved into dark nights

[Exclamation.. Raam is a Hindu God]

A Fountain of distress it rains

It Rains…it rains

gives a thousand stings

It Rains

The sound of rain seems like an abuse

It Rains, It rains

The Scramble for 'Indian Rupee'

2011-10-28T18:35:00.001+05:30

After the ground-breaking success of Pranchiyettan, Director Ranjith has come again with ‘Indian Rupee’ which is presently the buzzword at the time, and hopefully yet another success-story. The film, produced under the banner of August Cinema, stars Prithviraj, Thilakan, Rima Kallingal & Tini Tom in the lead roles.

The film is a satirical take on the current generation’s attitude of getting rich quickly. Prithivraj plays the role of JP (Jaya Prakash) who, along with his friend CH (Tini Tom) works on a small real estate agency. JP is a typical Malayali with sky-high dreams and wishes to fulfill them by tactful methods on the real-estate brokerage.

Thilakan makes a prominent comeback to mainstream cinema through this film donning the role of Achutha Menon, who approaches JP for a business deal, which doesn’t materialize as expected. However, he later-on, allies with the two and subsequently boosts up their business with his uncanny assistance. Beena played by Rima Kallingal, is a cousin of JP and they’re in love. But JP feels himself ineligible to marry her as she is a doctor by profession and has a far better job status. That is also a reason why JP feels the need of making more money.

Thilakan (left), Prithvi (centre) & Tini Tom (right)

But the method he chooses for becoming rich, leads him to bigger problems and he slowly understands the fact that easy money isn’t after-all, that easy! Becoming a millionaire overnight is possible in dreams, but is it possible in real-life? Even if it’s possible, is that the right way? Here, the director satirizes those people who run after money for long that they eventually have no time for living.

Prithivraj has got a relatively good role in the film and he delivers an agreeable performance. Thilakan has again proved that his acting skills remain unparalleled and it’s sad to see him so less on films these days. Rima Kallingal, Jagathy Sreekumar, Tini Tom and Mammukkoya have all done justice to the roles they were given. But, there are also some evident flaws in the film. The first part is a bit draggy and the songs have not much of significance in the film, although they’re good. The film being highly informative and thought-provoking, not everybody could catch-up with the story as it is a bit hard to follow and is definitely not for kids. Apart from those minor shortfalls, the film is a socially relevant one and fairly entertaining. Don’t miss this if you’re a good movie enthusiast.

REVIEW BY NAVANEET. J

Written on 12 October, 2011

Snehaveedu Review

2011-10-14T23:03:00.001+05:30

From the lush green paddy fields of Palakkad, we are taken into a typical village where a variety of people that are distinctive to any village, are shown. From scene one itself, one could easily figure out that this is a Sathyan Anthikad product.

The story revolves around Ajayan (Mohanlal), an unmarried man who came back to his hometown after working in different places, to look after his ageing Mother, Ammukutty Amma (Sheela). Ajayan remarks to his friend Balachandran (Biju Menon), how he loathed his work-life on the buzzing cities of Chennai and Gulf-countries, that he felt so good to be back on the village again. He refuses to get married and seems to be quite content living with his Mother. Until one day, a teenager named Karthik (Rahul Pillai) comes from Chennai to the calm and quiet place, claiming to be Ajayan's son. The boy soon gets close to Ammukkutty Amma while Ajayan desperately tries to prove that Karthik is not his son.

Although, the plot seems to be original, there is nothing new on it and seems to be a mash-up of Sathyan’s recent films like Manasinakkare, Rasathanathram and all. Cinematography by Venu is simply brilliant. The beautiful frames of Attappadi have been captured brilliantly. Music by Ilaiyaraja seems fairly not very impressive. Direction of Sathyan Anthikad is average, but the repetition in his movies make the film look a bit clichéd. But the usual family audience seen on any Sathyan Anthikad movie were also present on the theatre. And most of them are rather pleased by the movie, as it succeeds on

bringing that nostalgic village effect to the viewer’s mind with its scenic locations and effective use of situational comedies, plus good characterization. Every village have some particular kind of interesting people and those are provided by Innocent’s role as Karinkannan Mathai and even the fellow whom Ajayan meets on the Attappadi visit, ‘Manian’.

Additionally, performance from the artists including the newface Rahul Pillai has done justice to their roles. But the weak plot of the movie and the lack of detail on the final scenes make it less believable and the depth of the emotions displayed by the characters isn’t transferred to the audience.

REVIEW BY NAVANEET. J

Film Review - Pranayam

2011-09-21T16:58:00.000+05:30

Blessy’s ‘Pranayam’ with its strong star-cast is an emotional ride through different feelings arising from ‘love’. In short, this could be classified as a triangular love-story of the old. But it’s not exclusively a love-story; it’s rather a story about love.

Jayaprada plays the role of Grace, whose husband Mathews (Mohanlal) is bedridden after suffering from a stroke that left him half-paralyzed. One day, she accidently sees her former husband Achutha Menon (Anupam Kher) and the film is all about the incidents following. The way they react when their emotional tensions & feelings erupts is what makes this movie so special.

There are also sub-stories in the film, happening between the children of these main characters and that is where Anoop Menon, Dhanya Mary Varghese, Sreenath, Navya Natarajan come in. The director uses these characters to show that ‘love’ is often a misconceived thing in the eyes of the current generation. He tries to prove that it’s an emotion that everyone has, and is not reserved to any particular class or has any age barriers. He carefully avoids the clichés that often happen in these kinds of films, and aims for a much serious attempt to portray ‘love’ in a broader sense.

This film has a melancholic rhythm to it, maintaining the chemistry between the characters and also with the deliberate use of background music by M. Jayachandran. But there are some drawbacks interrupting it. Mainly, the film is at times overdramatic and there is an evident lack of depth in the plot to support them. Inadequate details about the romance between the young Anupam Kher and Jayapradha make it hard to believe and the audience could feel shallowness in their relationship.

But, the acting and the cinematography stand out as the best, minimizing those shortcomings. Satheesh Kurup, the cinematographer of ‘Anwar’ has wielded the camera. Speaking about the acting, all did a great job. Perhaps the crippled character given to Mohanlal was the most challenging one for the movie, and he has done it extremely well proving that his acting skills haven’t decreased. Anupam Kher and Jayapradha have also done justice to the roles they were given. Over all it’s a good one, but could have been better. However, it maintains that ‘Blessy’ touch making it distinct from the others.

Consensus: The lack of entertainment and comedy might have resulted in a decrement on viewership. But serious moviegoers would be rather pleased by this.

P. S. Checkout Mohanlal’s rendition of the ‘Leonard Cohen’ song, “I’m your man”!

REVIEW BY NAVANEET. J / September 21, 2011

2011-08-14T14:42:00.002+05:30

Nayagan (1987) - Full Movie (10 Parts) — Eng Subs incl.

2011-03-07T18:39:00.000+05:30

Jyothirmayi - 'The Interview', Rosebowl - 24 02 2011 - 2 Parts

2011-03-07T18:20:00.000+05:30

Elippathayam (The Rat-Trap) (1981) - Watch Full Movie Online For Free

2011-01-23T13:52:00.002+05:30

More info —
Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elippath...
IMDb - http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0082318/
Filmreference - http://www.filmreference.com/Films-Dr...
Pallikkoodam(Blog) - http://goo.gl/hFzax

The 24 Best Chat Roulette Screenshot

2011-01-16T17:12:00.000+05:30

Why the long Face?
Rickroll'd
I'm a cat
I liked you in Philadelphia
Why don't you take a seat over there
tits*
Other than the kitchen, obv
Sarcasm
Bear head
I will draw you
Match made in Heaven
Rocky
Spider on the wall
Burn victim
Twins
Cat man strikes again
Cartoon Look-alike
A-Cup
Show me this face
Elmo is the red one
Can't we all jsut get along?
See More Screenshots Here!
Pedo Bear
Secret Identities
Rocket Takeoff

A dragonfly tries to clean itself as it is stuck to marsh grass covered in oil from the Deepwater Horizon oil spill

2011-01-16T16:49:00.001+05:30

BSNL ULD 900 Combo Plan - Speed Test

2011-01-09T18:38:00.000+05:30

Old Malayalam Film Posters [4]

2010-12-08T16:20:00.001+05:30

Old Malayalam Film Posters [3]

2010-12-08T15:52:00.002+05:30

Old Malayalam Film Posters [2]

2010-12-08T15:18:00.002+05:30

Old Malayalam Film Posters [1]

2010-12-08T14:46:00.001+05:30

Annie Besant

2010-11-17T00:14:00.000+05:30

Annie Besant came into prominence in the political field with Home Rule as India's goal and that happened in the second decade of the 20th century.
She purchased the Madras, Standard, changed its name to New India and published it from July 14, 1914, under her own editorial control. She was also editing the Commonweal, a weekly paper, first published in January of that year. In 1916, she started her Home Rule League six months after Tilak had founded his League in Maharashtra.
The New India was a fiery champion of Home Rule for India and Annie Besant's forthright attacks on the Government of the day enhanced the popularity of the paper. When proceedings were instituted against the paper during the Governorship of Lord Pentland, she appeared before the High Court herself and argued the first case for her paper. Dr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar argued the other cases on behalf of New India. The New India was asked to furnish a security of Rs. 2,000 in the first instance which was forfeited and a second security of Rs. 10,000 was demanded of the paper.
Before and during the internment of Annie Besant, Mr. P.K. Telang was chosen to be the editor and he continued the paper with the assistance of Arundale, B.P. Wadia, Dr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyer. The circulation of the New India increased substantially during the period of internment. Annie Besant, both personally and in the editorial columns of the paper, set her face against Gandhi's non-cooperation and satyagraha campaign. After her well known saying that brickbats (from the agitators during Gandhi's mass campaigns) cannot but be met with bullets, the circulation of New India declined with a crash.
Annie Besant favoured the total repeal of the Newspaper (Incitement to Offences) Act of 1908 as well as Indian Press Act of 1910 and was of the opinion that the Press and Registration of Books Act should be amended to require a declaration by the editor. She was a strong critic of direct action and of Gandhi's writings in Young India.
In sum, Annie Bessant stood for the Indian cause. She made India her second home. She came to India in 1893 at the age of 46 and engaged herself in the noble task of social reconstruction, already started by prominent Indian leaders: she became an added force to the social movement. She became so popular that she was elected President of Indian National Congress in 1917. Soon after her arrival in 1893, she lectured extensively all over Southern India. In 1894, she covered the Northern Region on a similar campaign. Her topics invariably were related to the Hindu religion and the rich Indian culture and she tried to infuse in her audiences the lessons of fearlessness and truth. She settled at Varanasi (then called Benaras) in 1895.

വാക്കുകളേക്കാള്‍ നിറങ്ങളുള്ള ജീവിതം — കെ. പി. മുരളീധരന്‍

2010-11-03T23:28:00.005+05:30

(Click on the image to view it in high res./to download it as an image file)

RUDYARD KIPLING

2010-11-03T22:04:00.000+05:30

Mention may justifiably be made here to Rudyard Kipling who worked on the Civil and Military Gazette and the Pioneer and at the same time, produced his early literary works. Born in India in 1865, Kipling returned to India at the age of 17 to join the editorial staff of the Civil and Military Gazette in Lahore, the only other member being Stephen Wheeler who was in full charge. He threw himself with enthusiasm into his work which consisted of nearly all the proof-reading and the re-writing of dull government reports into readable articles. He took a month off in the summer, which he spent in the hills in Simla, and back he was at his work in the heat of May. A number of his poems was published in the Civil and Military Gazette. Soon, those poems were published in book form. Rudyard Kipling had the first edition of Departmental Duties and other Verses published under his own supervision. It sold out in a few weeks and he entrusted the second edition to Thacker Spink & Co. of Kolkata, who thereafter published all his later works.
True to his well meaning disposition to journalism and writing, as if specially sent by God to work and guide others in the field, Kipling was none too happy with his position on the Civil and Military Gazettee and the proprietors of the Gazette and the Pioneer were not satisfied with the paper as it was then produced. A new editor, was taken in. Robinson, and he and Kipling introduced many changes in the Gazette including short stories and light verse. One of Kipling's heroes was Lord Roberts but that did not prevent him from writing in the Pioneer, to which he was transferred in 1887, that the General was putting too many of his friends and relatives in positions of military authority. This almost landed Kipling in trouble, but he lived it down and took full advantage of the unlimited space available to him in the Allahabad paper. The atmosphere of the Pioneer was heavy and allowed little room for Kipling's light verse. He, nevertheless, kept up his literary activities in the little spare time he had.
His frivolous treatment of government news for publication in the Pioneer embarrassed the proprietors and they looked on him as a liability rather than an asset. In order to keep the paper free of his mischief, they sent him off on a roving mission to other parts of India. Towards the end of 1888, he was badly in need of money and he sold his rights in his books and went off on a roving mission again, this time to Kolkata, Moulmein, to Penang and Singapore, to Hong Kong, Osaka, Yokahama and finally to San Francisco. While in the United States, he interviewed Mark Twain for his paper. He landed in England and a while later, he set out for Africa in 1891. He was back in Lahore for Christmas, but he left for London again immediately after. He traveled for seven years, writing for his paper and then settled down to a quiet life in England. Right through his travels, he sent accounts to his papers some of which probably did not see print, but Kipling's name is remembered in the office of the Civil and Military Gazette today, a room being set apart where Kipling's relics are preserved, the Pioneer sold away some of his first editions for a rupee each and they drifted away into the second-hand book shops from which some of them were retrieved, one of them being sold in the United States in the thirties for £2000.

Annie Besant

2010-11-03T21:56:00.002+05:30

MALAYALAM JOURNALISM

2010-11-03T21:49:00.002+05:30

MALAYALAM AND OTHER LANGUAGES JOURNALISM

In Malayalam, as in Tamil, the printing press was introduced by Christian missionaries towards the end of the 15th century and the first publications were missionary tracts and religious propaganda literature and although considerable printing must have been done in the interval, the first book printed and published in Malayalam in 1772 came from Rome and regular types in place of the earlier woodcuts followed. The only newspapers published in the early period were Vignyana Nikshepam (1840) published from Kottayam and Paschima Tharaka (1862) from Cochin. No newspapers were published until a much later period when newspapers had appered in Punjabi, Oriya and Assamese.

Malayalam Publications

Still in publication today as a weekly is the Sathyanadam started as a fortnightly in 1876 in Ernakulam, the then capital of Cochin state. It was edited by Father Louis and associated with it was C. Varkey who brilliantly served the paper and remained connected, therefore, with journalism in Kerala for almost half a century.

Other important papers and periodicals of Kerala are:

Kerala Patrika was started in Kozhikode (Calicut) by C. Kunchirama Menon. The Kerala Sanchari with C.P. Govindan Nair as proprietor editor. The Manorama edited by Kunhikrishna Menon. Well remembered in Kerala is K. Ramakrishna Pillai for his fearless writing as editor . of the monthly Kerala and the weekly Malayalee and later, the Swadeshabhimani. He was deported from Travancore in 1910 and lived thereafter in Malabar and died there in 1916.

The Malayala Manorama of Kottayam, one of the leading dailies of Kerala today, was founded 135 years ago by Kandathi Varghese Mappilai who brought an instinct for news, keen business acumen and wide experience of men and affairs to bear on the conduct of the paper.

Started in Quilon as a weekly about this time was the Malayalee which is now published as a daily. It was started by K. Ramakrishna Pillai. The Kayana Kaumudi was started in 1905, which published news, views and correspondence all in verse. The Nasrani Deepika and the Kerala Kesari edited by Pallath Kunjunni Achan and the Yogaksheman edited by V.S. Nambudiripad were well known publications. The Mathrubhumi was started as a triweekly in 1923 and is now being published as daily and weekly (illustrated) and commands the largest sale in Kerala. The paper was founded by K. Madhavan Nair and P. Achutan. A weekly of importance published from Quilon in 1922 was Swarat edited by A.K. Pillai. Another paper which had a brief existence during this period but which gained popularity was the Al Amin published from Kozhikode (Calicut) and edited by Janab Abdur Rahiman. The Malayala Rajyam was also started from Quilon at the same time and it is still in publication.

Malayali journalism has had the advantage and support of brilliant band of writers from the earliest times, the prominent among them, whose names have been mentioned in this brief review, are still remembered with appreciation by the people of Kerala. It has not been possible in this brief review to refer to all the newspapers published in Kerala, which include 23 dailies, some 50 weeklies and other periodicals. Journalism in Malayalam is not confined to Kerala, but extends to countries where there are concentrationg of Malayali residents. Like Gujaratis, the Malayalese business men also went to different countries.

MALAYALAM JOURNALISM

Mathrubhumi (Kozhikode, 1923); Proprietors:

Mathrubhumi Papers and Publications Ltd. It is the leading paper in that language.

Chandrika (Kozhikode),, Proprietor: Abu Baker. Malayala Manorma (Kottayam, 1888), Proprietors: Malayala Manorama Co. Ltd. Deepika (Kottayam, 1887); Proprietor: St. Joseph's Monastery. Kerala Kaumudi (Thiruvananthapuram, 1911); Proprietor: K. Sukumaran. Malayala Rajyam (Quilon, 1929); Proprietor: L.N.S. Nair. Powradhwani (Kottayam, 1939): Proprietor: C.M. Karuvelithra.

Express (Trichur), Proprietor: K. Krishnan. Deshbhimani (Kozhikode); Proprietors: Communist Party of India. Deshbhimani (Kozhikode); Proprietors: Swaraj Industries Ltd.

Malabar Mail (Ernakulam, 1936); Proprietor: Archbishop of Ernakulam. Powrashakti (Kozhikode, 1944); Proprietors: United Printers Ltd. Powrakshalam (Thiruvananthapuram); Proprietor: K.M. Chacko. Kerala Bhushanam (Kottayam, 1944); Proprietor: A.V. George.Deenabandhu (Ernakulam, 1942); Proprietor: K.P, Madhavan Nair. Deepan (Ernakulam, 1931); Proprietor: Thomas Cheryan. Prabhatham (Quillon, 1934): Propreitor: Thangal Kunju Mudaliar.

Four other papers, the Gomathi, the Malayati, the Navalokam, and the Veerakesari, complete the list of daily papers published in Malayalam.

Malayalam Weeklies

Malayalam weeklies are the smallest in number as compared with those published in other important Indian languages. The circulation average is higher in this language, than in the others and some 16 of a total of 37 are listed below:

Name Place Proprietor
Dakshina Bharati Thiruvananthapuram B. Narayana Pillai

Deepika Illustrated Kottayam V. Rev. Friar, St. Jopseph
Weekly

Dosamitran Cannanore Desamitran Printing

Publishing Co. Ltd.

Janasakthi Fort Cochin P.K. Kannan

Jayakeralam Chennai Janatha Printing & Publishing

Co. Ltd.

Kaumudi Thiruvananthapuram K. Balakrishnan

Labour Pattanakad R. Anthony

Nava Sakthi Balaramapuram G. Raman Pillai

Navayugam Trichur K. Damodaran

Neethiman Mauvattupuzha K. Kunjunni Pillai

Sahakaranayugam Thiruvananthapuram Travancore Co-operative

Institute Ltd.

Sakhav Allepey G. Gopinathan Nair

Thozhilali Trichur V. Rev. Fr. Zacharia Vazhpilly

Vikasam Cannanore K. Govindan

Yuva Keralam Kozhikode C.K. Abubacker

JAMES AUGUSTUS HICKY

2010-11-03T21:34:00.001+05:30

Judging from the historical facts, we have to give credit to the British rule for the advent of Journalism in India. The newspaper, therefore, came to India as an lien product, which was in fact forced upon us. This is because even our great nationalist leaders in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries did not entertain the idea of learning English (called Mlechhas' language). The English were contemptuously referred to as Mlechhas—the depraved/degraded people whose moral standards were considered abysmally low and despised.
The East India Company, which was ruling the country, was not favourably disposed to the press; the officials of the Company were suspicious of journalists and newspapers from the very beginning. The officials were intolerant of any kind of criticism. The notional support that the press in India got emanated from the control of press by the Englishmen who drew strength from the power of press in England.

It was James Augustus Hicky who earned the distinction of launching in India the first English newspaper. The first publication of Hicky came to the stalls/readers on January 29, 1780 in Kolkata. It was named Bengal Gazette alias Calcutta General Advertiser. The paper had two sheets with three columns on each page and it was published weekly. The paper declared it as a "weekly political and commercial paper open to all parties but influenced by none."

The contents of the paper included items taken from English newspapers in England, letters from local nd rural readers, items of gossip and scandal of interest to the European community. Hicky had reserved to himself a column to talk to his readers directly. There was also a poet's column in his paper. The paper was called as scurrilous and witty. Hicky and his paper came under extraordinary surveillance by the administration. The paper earned the enmity of Warren Hastings, the Governor-General and other high ups, most notable being Chief Justice, Elizah Impey. The administration was very annoyed because of the undesirable reporting—about pivate lives of the persons in high positions and even others like soldiers. Hicky lampooned Hastings and called him, "Sir F. Wronghead", "the Great Moghul" and the "Dictator."

Hicky reported an imaginary concert programme and linked the name of Sir Elijah Impey with a contract for a bridge that had gone to his cousin. All the impotant or notable personalities of Kolkata appeared in Hicky's Gazette with nicknames. There was one smart, intelligent lady who was reported repeatedly and thereby she kept the "gossip" busy for at least ten years; Miss Eruma Wrangham was mentioned under various nicknames for gossips, and she seemed to enjoy the malice. In Hicky's columns, she appeared under various names—"Chinsurah Belle", or "Turban Conquest" or "Hookah Turban", etc.

A rival paper, Indian Gazette, appeared in the world of jounalism in Kolkata, in the same year, 1780,, in which Hicky introduced his Gazette; the rival paper gave setback to Hicky. The rival paper was much better in quality; it had four pages of 16 inches long, the types were better; it had three columns and it was well printed. On the other hand, Hicky's paper was having two pages of shorter size, crudely printed, having only two columns. Hicky found that his customers were deserting him. In a fit of anger, he attacked Swedish missionary, John Zachariah Kiermander; Hicky suspected him of having supplied types to his rival. He also attacked the proprietors of Indian Gazette, Peter Read and B. Messinck, salt merchant and theatrical producer, respectively. As if it were not enough, the authorities granted Indian Gazette postal facilities; the same facilities were denied to Hicky's paper.

Hicky complained to his readers about the step-motherly treatment meted out to his paper. It was suggested to him that he should approach Mrs. Hastings for her intervention, which he rejected, saying: "there is something so sneaking and treacherous in going clandestinely to fawn and take advantage of a good natured woman to draw her into a promise to getting that done which I knew would be highly improper to ask her husband, though his unbounded love for his wife would induce him to comply with."

Hicky and Hastings were not on good terms with each other. Hicky was habitually, and with malice and ridicule, reporting and giving publicity to the social life of the European community in Kolkata. While announcing marriages and engagements, he also published news of engagements anticipated and he utilized this to hit those he disliked.

After giving him long tether for considerable time, and ignoring the suggestions of strong action against Hichy from the members of his Council, Hastings finally took action against him for defamation on two counts in June, 1781. Hicky was convicted and sentenced to two years' imprisonment and a fine of Rs. 2,000. The Chief Justice awarded damages to Hastings of Rs. 500 but Hastings waived it. Although Hicky was in prison, his paper continued to appear regularly, and mysteriously his column too appeared in the same defiant tone.

The paper had great public support. Hastings took action second time in March, 1782. This resulted in confiscation of his types: on appeal to the Clerk of King, the King's judges released his types. This decision was hailed by Hicky as protecting the liberty of the press. But that was the end of Hicky's Gazette, which had barely a life of two years.

Hicky had done some printing job for the Company—he printed on order 16,800 sheets—and submitted bill for value of Rs. 35,092. The authorities said that the full number of sheets were not supplied and the printing was also defective. The payment, was approved for only Rs. 6,711. Hicky wrote about his claim to Hastings. Hastings ordered payment of Rs. 6,711 on the condition that he gave acquittal for all demands, that is for full and final paymnt. Hicky was adamant as before and insisted on full payment. So, he did not accept the offer. Towards the end of his life, Hicky consented to the offer of lower payment due to extreme penury faced by his large family while he was in prison, but it took long time to get the money.

If Hicky was indomitable, Hastings was equally, if not more, revengeful. With the aid of the Chief Justice of Supreme Court, Elizah Impey, he resolved to kill Hicky's paper. He instituted suit after suit against Hicky and at last succeeded in crushing both the paper and its editor.

FIRST NEWSPAPERS IN INDIA

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It is not surprising, in the circumstances, that no English newspaper had come into being in India although the Company had installed a printing press in Mumbai in 1674 and provided a generous supply of types and paper. Another press was installed in Chennai in 1772. An official printing press was established in Kolkata in 1779. It is significant, in this context, that the first attempt to start a newspaper in Kolkata was made in 1776 by an European, Mr. William Bolts. He had resigned from the Company's service earlier that year after censure by the Court of Directors for having engaged himself in private trade against the code of discipline prescribed by the Company for its employees. The notice of his intention to embark on the printing enterprise made it known that he had "in manuscript many things to communicate which most intimately concerned every individual." This evidently gave rise to alarm in official quarters. He was directed to quit Bengal and proceed to Chennai, and from there, to take his passage to Europe. No attempt was made by any public spirited man to emulate Mr. Bolts' initiative for 12 years until 1780 when James Augustus Hicky ventured into Journalism, mainly because of his high connections in the East India Company administration.

The new editors trod warily the trail, which Hicky had blazed for them. The India Gazette had given undertakings as demanded by the Company. The Calcutta Gazette was an official publication. The Bengal Journal offered to publish all Government advertisements free of charge. Nothing is known of the fate of the Calcutta Chronicle beyond the fact that issues of the paper are to be found in the Imperial Library, Kolkata, (between 1782 and 1790). The three other papers seem to have been conducted without any incident till 1791, except that in April 1785, the publication of Orders and Resolutions of the Council under the title of "General Orders" was banned.

A Rare HQ Pic of Newbie Malayalam Actress Ann Augustine from Mathrubhumi Newspaper (Nagaram)

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Ann Augustine

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ann Augustine is an Indian film actress hailing from Kerala.
She is the daughter of veteran Malayalam actor Augustine.
Her debut film was "Elsamma-Enna-Aankutty".
Ann is residing at Calicut City.
She made her debut with Kunchacko Boban.

Filmography

Year	Title	Role	Co-stars	Director
2010	Elsamma Enna Aankutty	Elsamma	Kunchacko Boban, Indrajith	Lal Jose
2010	Three Kings		Kunchacko Boban, Jayasurya, Indrajith, Samvrutha Sunil, Sandhya	V. K. Prakash
2010	Arjunan Sakshi		Prithviraj	Ranjith Shankar

Ann Augustine

Born	Ann Augustine 30th July 1988 Kozhikode
Residence	Kozhikode
Other names	Vicky, Vix.
Occupation	Actress
Years active	2010–present
Spouse	None
Parents	Augustine, Hansamma

Globalisation and Representations of Women in Indian Cinema

2010-10-18T15:57:00.001+05:30

— By Sangeetha Datta

The framework of much of the discussion in this paper will be provided by concepts such as the nation state, the public sphere and theories investigating the dynamic between the global and the local. Nationhood or a coherent nation state is a concept that exists only in fiction. In these turbulent times the concept of a cultural identity or a form of personalised nationality has evolved as a more portable and useful term. The importance of the media, of film, of film and television images in fixing or directing these new identities and their implications on gender, both within and across borders, will be the focus of my paper.

With satellite television, proliferation of videotape and dubbing of American films - a flood of information, images and sounds have opened on the market. Yet this is in no way the ideal democratisation of the public sphere. There is increasing concentration of media ownership and a few elite gatekeepers control distribution and relay. The question that arises is - is it ever going to be possible to have mutually compatible public spheres and could these global media flows thereby feed a progressive political process? Academic debate should move from purely abstract analyses to a more active engagement with kinds of representation — modalities of image, forms of speech and address to viewers.

An imaginary national identity and sense of belonging emerges with modernity and with the capitalism that made possible increasing dissemination of newspapers and the novel form, in a common language linked to national identity. This is the question of how daily routine practices-homogenising cultural elements - so called Americanisation as in shopping malls, food chains like Macdonalds and entertainment such as American movies and television confront the deeper sense of belonging to a culture in which social and religious practices and family relations are central signs of specific kinds of cultural belonging.

I shall examine the process of gender representations in Indian cinema - and how larger ideological forces and market forces impact this process. I shall be looking chiefly at Hindi cinema but also at works of some women filmmakers of Asian origin working outside India.

I would argue that the process of globalisation is not altogether new or belonging entirely to the present. Particularly with Indian cinema - its history shows the continued influence of world cinema, in particular European and Hollywood cinema. In the 1920's an Indian film maker Himanshu Rai made Indo-German collaborative films. Starting with silent films and moving on to the talkies, Rai made a number of films based on Indian mythology, history and later on social issues. Like his predecessor Phalke who was more indigenous and worked within the Swadeshi project, Rai was also responding to the colonial experience by constructing self conscious Indian images and narratives, a sense of Indianness not only for the Indian audience but for the European market. The very nature of his collaborations (the early historicals - Shiraz, Prapanch Pash) unavoidably fell within the discourse of orientalism leading to a certain glamorisation of Indian history. Rai used a number of Eurasian actresses to play the female lead characters. These women were given Hindu names like Sita Devi - and were introduced to the public as "educated Hindu women". This anomaly of Eurasian actresses representing Indian historical/mythological characters sets up an interesting colonial moment and underlines the problematics of its representation. I would pin this as an early moment of global forces in operation - where an European technical team, a set of Eurasian actresses, an Indian scriptwriter and director - set about filming Indian narratives.

Devika Rani joined this unit as costume designer and upgraded as heroine and later as co-partner of Bombay Talkies - the production company Rai set up in Bombay. In Achyut Kanya Devika Rani introduced the village belle look (a curious blend of western sophistication and Indian costumes). This representation has had a lasting impact on how Indian rural women should look on screen, a construct from which later realist directors had to struggle to break away from.

In later decades of the history of cinema one can identify many such moments. The nationalist rhetoric of the pre-independence years produced films valorising the mother figure. Mehboob Khan's Aurat, a modest film made in the early forties was remade in colour as Mother India in 1956. The making of the new nation, the projection of Indian culture to the world market, the first International Film Festival in Delhi - perhaps all these factors led to the tremendous reception of the film both at home and abroad. It was the immediate post independence moment that led to the phenomenal iconisation and identification of the mother and nation in popular consciousness. Nationalist discourse constitutes the female body as a privileged signifier and various struggles are waged over the meaning and ownership of that body. What does it mean for women to be explicitly evoked in theories of nation only when their specificity can serve a particular cause?

Viewing nation as narrative Bhabha puts emphasis on how the nation is articulated in language, signifiers, textuality, rhetoric. It emphasises the difference between the nation state as a set of regulations, policies, institutions, organisations and national identity - that is nation as culture. Looking at nation as text, as culture, questions the totalization of national culture and opens up the widely disseminated forms through which subjects construct the 'field of meanings associated with national life'. Bhabha talks about the spaces in between through which the meanings of cultural and political authority are negotiated.

As the women's movement gained strength in India and highlighted women's oppression and a struggle for an egalitarian society - a series of women film makers brought women from the margins to the centre of their texts. An alternate view point and a female gaze brought a focus on female subjectivity. A number of films were made by Aparna Sen, Sai Paranjpye, Vijaya Mehta, Aruna Raje and Kalpana Lajmi -which were sensitive portrayals of women protagonists, in search of social and sexual identity, women firmly located in specific sociohistorical contexts.

The advent of satellite television in the '80s suddenly changed the viewers world view. Foreign images, MTV culture - became part of everyday viewing experience. Narrative cinema was rather quickly replaced by the dominant image. I use here the theoretical argument that the post modern can be seen as the result of the commodification of the image itself. Fundamentally consumerism is set to objectify masculine ideals. Postmodern strategies of parody and pastiche simply serve to maintain the male domination of representation. In Indian mainstream cinema we continue to see a patriarchal version of female sexuality. Masculinity is defined as the muscular body and physicl aggression. The visual spectacle and collage have taken over as mandatory song and dance sequences through confusing international locales which distrupt the viewer's sense of time and space. Increasingly the pleasure element is gaining precedence over any concern with a narrative. In a recent release, yash Johar's Duplicate the fun and frivolity of the song and dance sequence even sanctions explicitly sexual gestures. In one situation where the duplicates have switched roles, the gangster tries to seduce the heroine and to the tune of a light hearted song, pulls her saree and gropes her. This form of retrogressive representation in a country where women are constantly battling against physical violation and sexual harrassment, is seriously alarming as it trivialises real issues which affect women in their day to day lives. Here is instance of a global (read western) image used with a `rnis' reading or 'non' reading of a cultural context.

To continue with Duplicate the old and successful idea of the male double has been used for the plot. The female companion of the good and the bad hero are feminine polarities. The sophisticated, English speaking, no nonsense banquet manager loses her heart to the hotel chef amazingly quickly. Despite her apparent urban polish, she quickly turns into a dreamy eyed lovelorn girl, romping around foreign locales with her lover (as part of the imaginary romance dream sequences). The second actress plays the moll to the anti-hero gangster. Dancing in the night club she is objectified by the collective male gaze evoking familiar scenes from the sixties and seventies, while she tries to warn her lover through the coded language of her song. Many critics have observed the collapse of the romantic heroine and vamp in the persona of the heroine of the eighties and nineties. Duplicate is pastiche, it evokes key scenes from many films from the sixties and seventies and it polarises the feminine into the romantic lover and the sexual vamp who is on the other side of the law. The narrative uses the space of prime consumer culture - the international beach hotel, with its influx of tourists and foreign delegates. This is where the hero prepares sumptous banquets as he waltzes and sings in the kitchen. Though the narrative attempts to appear emancipated and contemporary, it presents a conservative ideology in valorising the male and objectifying the female.

The female avenger genre also raises similar problems. The contradiction with these films is that even though they denounce rape, scene of female violation figures centrally in the narrative. The film Dushman by a woman producer and a woman director - perpetuates this rhetoric of violence. It is a disconcerting observation that a language of cinematic violence appropriates women film makers and disallows any alternate subjective vision to underpin the narrative. Every scene of male violence signals the consolidation of criminality and vigilantism with an increasing displacement of the state's law and order role. Criminalising rape identifies with a progressive legal position but at the same time induces the voyeuristic pleasure prompted in the cinematic representations of rape. These films force us to reconsider the limits and possibilities of equating rape and revenge scenes and the masochistic underpinning of the rape scenes in this genre. These revenge films retain the rule of targetting modern urban women as victims - fashion models, college teachers, newlywed wives, policewomen. The metaphor of the city and the criminal/ psychopath lurking in the streets doubly exposes the vulnerability and the threatened or real violation of these women.

Lalitha Gopalan in her essay on "Avenging Women in Indian Cinema" says visual representations of rape in Indian cinema also reminds us of the authority of censorship regulations and suggest the possibility of sado - masochistic pleasure structuring these rape scenes. Even while revenge narratives provide female stars with more dominant roles, women's access to avenging power in these films is intimately predicated on rape. The avenging women genre can actually be said to be a giddy masculine concoction. The rape scene provides the narrative ruse for the revenge plan while providing the spectator with a range of scopophilic pleasures.

Gopalan writes the interlocking narratives of rape and revenge do not sufficiently dislodge or displace conventional representation of Indian cinema. the avenging genre opens the representational circuit for women on the Indian screen, but this unfettered power is undercut by finally reeling in the authority of the state and revealing the avenging women's own overwhelming investment in the restoration of the social imaginary. Casting women as embodying and sustaining tradition recycles an old stereotype in Indian films.

Analysing complex interchanges between questions of nation/ location and transnational cultural practices in specifying sexual politics, we need to incorporate a critical reading of global phenomena in our local, situational thinking about ideology and culture. My reading of Indian films as part of this transnational/local cultural debate looks at Indian films as part of a local industry as well as part of an increasingly dynamic and influential cultural media around the globe. Indian cinema is today enjoying a huge international market. Films are exported to countries around the world and the audience for it is growing too. The earlier generation of Indian migrants saw these films for the sake of nostalgia. The present day generation view Hindi films more in terms of an identity issue and has appropriated Hindi film music and dance as a means of cultural assertion in order to hold on to something of their own. Taking one instance, in the UK now there is a vibrant Asian club culture, with underground Asian music bands and it is a common sight on these club nights to see a packed room of people swinging to the tunes of Hindi films remixes. An addition to these has been the recent influx of club dancers -young Asian girls, trained in Indian dance who perform a wild rendition of hip hop, belly dance with snatches of Bharatnatyam gestures and Kathak footwork.

Filmmakers like Yash Chopra and Subash Ghai are making films with the NRI Indians in mind and images of consumer culture are increasingly used to negotiate between modernity and tradition, such negotiations take place over the women's body. In Yash Chopra's latest musical Dil to Pagal Hai - a story of triangular love, the two actresses Madhuri and Karishma are invested with distinctive set of values. Karishma with her 'body is my temple' physique represents the perfect body of the western dancer. She inhabits the space of the gym, the dance studio and the stage. The realm of imagination and romanticism belongs to the other heroine - Madhuri Dixit, who lives with the naive belief that someday she will find her true love. She inhabits the hero's dreams in her translucent costumes, while Karishma the professional dancer is part of his real life. Karishma is the modern dancer, she runs through green woods in designer clothes and also perform contemporary dance rather effortlessly. She practices classical dance (kathak) and also works out in leotards. Her personal space is an unreal bedroom set where she plays ghazals and cuddle soft toys. Dil to Pagal Hai - offers some of the most contemporary, urbanised images of a dance theatre company. Shiamak Davar's choreography invests a different visual rhetoric yet the two female personae do not articulate a new subjectivity but remain limited as the filmmaker's imaginary feminine.

Who is watching? This film has been an instant hit with the Asian audience abroad, and the audience in India has also identified with it. But it has not done well in the interiors or in small towns as its visual language is still alien to most Indian viewers. A more recent market phenomenon in the UK is the featuring of Hindi films (Kuch Kuch Hota Hai) in the top box-offices grossers, the distribution of these films in chain cinemas, redistributed with subtitles.

The print and electronic media surrounding the film industry continues to perpetrate the voyeuristic gaze of consumer culture. The Indian female star is continually objectified as photographs and inside stories continually establish her lack of control over her body and her life story. The glamour aspect of the actress is showcased in photo sessions, as she displays different clothes, hairstyles and jewellery -even varying colours of contact lenses. The sensational gossip stories override any concern with her professional career and competence. More and more the space in which she is interviewed gains significance, whether it is a certain star's makeup van or drawing room or the hospital room in which she is recuperating. The subjects of these stories are deprived of any agency as their voices are manipulated to fit in designed narratives. The magazines continue to sell by thousands not just in the country but abroad. Three such Bombay based magazines now have offices in the UK and in the Middle East. At least five such magazines are circulated in the UK, either to personal subscribers or sold off the stands. Hindi cinema in this country means good business. In London itself there are six cinema halls programming three to four Hindi films all week.

Other theatres have weekend programmes. The viewer is prepared to pay ten pounds for a film. Few months ago the Warner Brothers theatre decided to start regular programming of Hindi films having researched their economic viability. I mention these facts to raise the question of global and local in relation to the cinematic representation of gender and reception of it.

In India we have been talking and arguing about the impact of satellite television and global culture and national images. Living in the UK today, I find myself raising similar questions about Indian television channels in that country. Three Asian TV channels beam film based programmes throughout the day - full length features, countdowns, interviews, film functions and award events. A clearly identifiable pattern of glamourising the stars but also making their presence tangible through snippet interviews, close-ups, appear part of consumer culture where glamour is sold as a dream but is also within the consumer's grasp. Viewership is not merely restricted to the Asian community, there exists a considerable native interest in filmi dance. Such images today are part of Michael Jackson's videos as well as Madonna's. Asian artists are featured on MTV, Indian film seasons and festivals have enjoyed amazing popularity last year. Films are now being made with an international audience in mind but the ideological values invested in narrative and characterisation remain conservative. So, despite the fact that we cruise through a dozen different foreign locales in every song sequence, the idealizing of concepts like duty and tradition limit the possibilities for any emancipatory journey for the heroine.

At the end of the twentieth century, globalization has come to represent the interests of the free market not free from historical, cultural and economic domination or self determination for all the world's people. As Ghosh and Bose write in the introduction to Interventions this paper addresses the "need for feminist engagement with global as well as local/situational ideological, economic and political processes, and the urgency of transnational, cross cultural feminist dialogue in building an ethical and egalitarian culture capable of withstanding the commodified, exploitative practices of global capital."

Women do not inhabit a space of the state as home, women rather inhabit a space of their family as home, a space of much more local relations. Is cinema in any way able to link women's local concerns with those of others globally? Chandra Mohanty (1991) recognised the lack of attention to Third World women and wrote about women in different national contexts and theorised western feminist neglect of women's struggles globally. Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan's volume on Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices addresses specifically "the absence of gender issues in all world system theories". They argue that just because modernity "has participated predominantly within discourses of the formation of nation states" nationalism needs to be examined in relation to feminist practice.

The use of nation as a family paradigm locates women in subordinate positions, confined to domestic, motherly roles, under the sway of husbands. Women filmmakers work through the position allocated to them in nationalist discourse, one relegated to the domestic paradigm, but use that position for resistance. The lack of any larger public sphere imagined community within which to locate themselves may explain why the question of identity is important to women in general and non-white women in particular. There is a reality of lived experience - outside white middleclass images manufactured by the postmodern news machine. This reality is the property of marginalised social groups such as ethnic minorities and women. This reality stands there waiting to be represented. Films by women filmmaker like Pratibha Parmar and Deepa Mehta may be read as positive imaging of a reality that has previously been deemed unpresentable.

The new cinema movement of the 70's and 80's made attempts to explore women's subjectivity, her familial and civic role. Today we may well ask, where is the woman at work? Token attempts to characterise the heroine as a contemporary urban professional - a journalist, a teacher, an artist - are hardly ever developed. Recently Sai Paranjpye's Saaz tried to explore female relationships (sibling relationships, mother-daughter relationships) as well as sibling rivalry. Over the last few years there has been a lull in the works of women filmmakers, in this context Saaz is significant in offering a narrative is only peripherally touched upon, the examination of the mother's identity and the control of the State over this role is the central issue in Govind Nihalini"s Hazaar Chaurasi Ki Maa. Shyam Benegal continues his concern with marginalised female narratives — Mammo and Sardari Begum. The very concepts of gender socialising and gender categories have been questioned in Amc 1 Palekar's Daayera and Kalpana Lajmi's Darmiyaan. In regional films Aparna Sen's Yuganta explores a woman's dilemma between her profession and her home; the break down of relationships in a background of increasing social violence. Santana Bordoloi portrays the experience of widowhood through three generations of women in Adyaja. 1997-98 marked the return of several women filmmakers and their gendered interventions to challenge popular rhetoric.

Any focus on cultural production begs the question of representation in its two senses: political (who speaks for whom) and aesthetic (what images, genres, and strategies are used). Cultural production is marked by class, race and gender positions. Some women filmmakers and actresses use their voice as representatives of a female collectivity on whose behalf they wage their feminist wars, others are less self reflexive about their position as speaking subject. As Mohanty has said the existence of Third World women narratives in itself is not evidence of decentering hegemonic histories and subjectivities. It is the way in which they are read, understood and located institutionally which is of paramount importance.

Given this proliferation of Bollywood films in countries outside India - which perpetrate the glamorisation and objectification of women - it is important to take a look at feminist interventions by filmmakers abroad. Pratibha Parmar was part of an exciting new moment when black artists were finally being given some recognition by institutions like the British Film Institute and television's Channel Four. Khush takes its title from the Indian word happiness, and it addresses the dual form of colonialism as patriarchal and homophobic. Parmar explains in her essay "Khush... was about the discoveries of our histories within our cultural traditions of lesbian and gay representation." Parmar refused to make a film that would pathologise lesbians, explain to audiences who did not know about the communities. She wanted to say "this is what we are and this is what we think."

Khush mixes documentary interviews with scripted, fantasized and dramatized scenes. One scene that is repeated involves two Asian women in a sexual context, watching an old black and white film with an Indian dancer. Parmar explains in her own words, "Sometimes they have their back to the dancer and are just being with each other. That... was a strategy of subverting the gaze, of turning the gaze around and saying we are the spectators of our own images. We are the spectators we want to be." The characters watch an old Indian film depicting a woman dancer possibly performing for an evil prince. Parmar "just edited out his gaze and left the two women enjoying it together. It was my filmic strategy about questions around the gaze and the spectators and around who is watching whom". The women are filmed whole, not fragmented into body parts, as in most commercial films; this produces an effect of the woman's bodily presence. She knows that the film was a deliberate celebration of the eroticism of the female body. She focuses on how the fetishization of the female body in mainstream advertising and film has denied woman this pleasure in women's bodies. Khush is an attempt to take back this ground, to enter boldly into the terrain of filming the female body by doing it in her different way, with her different eye.

Could it be that the physical, cultural, linguistic difference of minority woman is something the white culture fears for a complex mixture of psychic and economic reasons, unless such difference is safely made exotic and thus controlled? This question can be raised about Mira Nair's last film Kama Sutra based on the classical Indian text on love and sex. Nair's film exoticises and essentializes female sexuality in India, more as consumer product from the western economy submitting to neo-colonial demands of the market.

The significance of women filmmakers working outside the constraints of Hollywood, cannot be over emphasised. Cultures urgently need films in which female spectators can identify with images and situations other than those stipulated by male hegemonic gaze and thus begin the slow intertwined process of changing consciousness and society. Deepa Mehta's Canadian production Fire addresses these needs squarely. Fire is about a north Indian family and it raises questions about the patriarchal controls in this household, and urgent issue of female identity and sexuality. The older sister in law is childless and her husband has lost sexual interest in her. The younger sister in law, a newly married wife is looked on as a baby-making machine by her husband who is emotionally involved with a Chinese woman. Finding it difficult to openly challenge the male dominated structure of the family, the two women are drawn close together both emotionally and physically. It is literally through an ordeal of fire that Radha leaves behind this family and walks out to join Sita whom she meets in the refuge of a mosque. Mehta's film explodes the uneasy alliance between family, state and market through an exploration of a lesbian relationship in an Indian context. Fire explores ways out of the male gaze as the act of surveillance limits truth to the exclusion of the other. Multiform and reflexive ways of gazing structure the film, certain key moments represent a female-female gaze which challenges the look of surveillance.

If on one hand global transactions are resulting in the manufacture of confused images with the conservative garbed in the new language of today, the strident nationalism of right wing ideology is also effectively stereotyping women and their roles. In the wake of nuclear tests and the huge search of national pride it has stimulated, the impact of this on women's lives needs to be reconsidered. It is no surprise that the most lauded film of the year has been a war film called Border which is set during the Indo-Pak war of the 70's. The film valorises war and the men who die fighting for their country against the pronounced enemy — Pakistan. The militant nationalism it uses effectively valorises the blind mother whose son must leave her to join the army. It romanticises the waiting lover and the wife of those soldiers who never return from the battle field. Border whips up the male rhetoric of war and harnesses the three classical female stereotypes — the mother, the wife and the sweetheart - all these subjectivities are sacrificed to the long drawn sequences of actual warfare where the heroes fight valiantly and die for their motherland. If anything the film is an indicator of the limits of possible representation in an increasingly militant state. A search for national identity exploits but precludes the real Indian women — much as we have seen in Mother India. Border remains a glaring instance of how nations are forced to privilege national culture and geographical border when protecting themselves in the global arena but at the expense of collapsing culturally different groups within a specific nation.

In the course of this paper I have tried to examine the two pronged process of homogenisation in mainstream Indian cinema. Fundamentalist forces at home erase spaces of difference and possible interventions and construct a monolithic representation of gender and nation. The process of globalisation simplifies image making, isolating it from a historical or social context. The big boom of `Bollywood' cinema threatens to obliviate alternate images and representations. But the effort to continually find spaces and intervene with a difference is a survival strategy which works - and the effort is ongoing.

REFERENCES

1. Bhabha Homi K, "Dissemination: time, narrative and the margins of the nation", Nation and Narration, Bhabha ed., London, Routledge, 1990.

2. Ghosh Bishnupriya and Brinda Bose ed., Interventions: Feminist Dialogues on Third World Women's Literature and Film, New York, Garland, 1997.

3. Gopalan, Lalitha, "Avenging Women in Indian Cinema" Screen, 38:1 Spring 1997.

4. Grewal Inderpal and Caren Kaplan eds., Scattered hegemonies: Postmodernity and Translational Feminist Practices, Minneapolis, 1994.

5. Mohanty Chandra Talpade, "Under Western Eyes, Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses", Colonial Discourse and Postcolonial Theory: A Reader, ed., Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman, Nvw York, Columbia, 1994.

6. Parmar Pratibha, "New Queer Cinema" Sight and Sound, 2.5, Spring, 1992.

28 കഥകള്‍/ലേഖനങ്ങള്‍

2010-10-17T20:40:00.006+05:30

ചെറുകഥകള്‍

കൊമാല - സന്തോഷ് ഏച്ചിക്കാനം
കാറ്റ് പറഞ്ഞ കഥ - ഒ. വി. വിജയന്‍
ഹിഗ്വിറ്റ - എന്‍. എസ്. മാധവന്‍
രേഖയില്ലാത്ത ഒരാള്‍ - എസ് വി വേണുഗോപന്‍ നായര്‍
ശന്തനുവിന്റെ പക്ഷികള്‍ - സക്കറിയ
മഞ്ഞുകാലം - ശിഹാബുദ്ദീന്‍ പൊയ്ത്തും കടവ്
കത്തുന്ന ഒരു രഥചക്രം - ടി. പത്മനാഭന്‍
ദല്‍ഹി 1981 - എം. മുകുന്ദന്‍
നിന്‍റെ ഓര്‍മ്മയ്ക്ക്‌ - എം.ടി. വാസുദേവൻ നായർ
ഓര്‍മ്മയുടെ ഞരമ്പ്‌ - കെ. ആര്‍. മീര
നാല്പതാം നമ്പര്‍ മഴ - കെ. എ. സെബാസ്റ്റ്യന്‍
പക്ഷിയുടെ മണം - മാധവികുട്ടി
റെയിന്‍ഡിയര്‍ - ചന്ദ്രമതി
രണ്ട്‌ പുസ്തകങ്ങള്‍ - അശോകന്‍ ചരുവില്‍
ദീര്‍ഘയാത്ര - തകഴി ശിവശങ്കരപ്പിള്ള
ജന്മദിനം - വൈക്കം മുഹമ്മദ് ബഷീര്‍

ലേഖനങ്ങള്‍

സഞ്ചാരിയുടെ വീട് - ഐ. ഷണ്‍മുഖദാസ്‌
സ്വര്‍ഗം തീര്‍ന്നു പോകുന്നു നരഗം നിലനില്‍ക്കുന്നു - കെ. പി. അപ്പന്‍
ചരിത്രത്തില്‍ ചിത്രകാരികള്‍ ഉണ്ടായത് - കവിത ബാലകൃഷ്ണന്‍
അര്‍ജ്ജുനവിഷാദയോഗം - കുട്ടികൃഷ്ണ മാരാര്‍
പുസ്തകങ്ങള്‍ക്കിടയില്‍ എന്‍റെ രഹസ്യ ജീവിതം - ഡോ. പി. കെ. രാജശേഖരന്‍
പ്രേമവും ദാമ്പത്യവും - നിത്യചൈതന്യയതി
വേണം ചില കരുതല്‍ ചിന്തകള്‍ - ജോണ്‍ പോള്‍
പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തന ചരിത്രത്തിലെ ഒരു സമസ്യ - പി. കെ. ബാലകൃഷ്ണന്‍
കാര്‍ഷിക സംസ്കാരവും പരിസ്ഥിതിയും - പി. പി. കെ. പൊതുവാള്‍
ഫോക് ലോറും മലയാള നാടകവും - ഡോ. എല്‍. തോമസ്കുട്ടി
ദുരന്തബോധം സി. വി. സാഹിത്യത്തില്‍ - ഡോ. സി. ബഞ്ചമിന്‍
നാം മറ്റു ഗ്രഹങ്ങളില്‍ കുടിയേറേണ്ടതുണ്ടോ ? - സ്റ്റീഫൻ ഹോക്കിങ്ങ് (എം. രാജഗോപാല്‍ കമ്മത്ത്)

Mingle-Mangles

Nayan Tarse

The Scramble for 'Indian Rupee'

Snehaveedu Review

Film Review - Pranayam

Nayagan (1987) - Full Movie (10 Parts) — Eng Subs incl.

Jyothirmayi - 'The Interview', Rosebowl - 24 02 2011 - 2 Parts

Elippathayam (The Rat-Trap) (1981) - Watch Full Movie Online For Free

The 24 Best Chat Roulette Screenshot

Why the long Face?

Rickroll'd

I'm a cat

I liked you in Philadelphia

Why don't you take a seat over there

tits*

Other than the kitchen, obv

Sarcasm

Bear head

I will draw you

Match made in Heaven

Rocky

Spider on the wall

Burn victim

Twins

Cat man strikes again

Cartoon Look-alike

A-Cup

Show me this face

Elmo is the red one

Can't we all jsut get along?

Pedo Bear

Secret Identities

Rocket Takeoff

A dragonfly tries to clean itself as it is stuck to marsh grass covered in oil from the Deepwater Horizon oil spill

BSNL ULD 900 Combo Plan - Speed Test

Old Malayalam Film Posters [4]

Old Malayalam Film Posters [3]

Old Malayalam Film Posters [2]

Old Malayalam Film Posters [1]

Annie Besant

വാക്കുകളേക്കാള്‍ നിറങ്ങളുള്ള ജീവിതം — കെ. പി. മുരളീധരന്‍

RUDYARD KIPLING

Annie Besant

MALAYALAM JOURNALISM

JAMES AUGUSTUS HICKY

FIRST NEWSPAPERS IN INDIA

A Rare HQ Pic of Newbie Malayalam Actress Ann Augustine from Mathrubhumi Newspaper (Nagaram)

Ann Augustine

Filmography

Globalisation and Representations of Women in Indian Cinema

28 കഥകള്‍/ലേഖനങ്ങള്‍