tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-78451754484897862712024-03-13T16:38:48.000+02:00Thought FactoryThoughts on the new millenium; people, politics,economics, environment and technology. What kind of world do we live in and where is it leading to?
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.comBlogger145125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-57972348840787333572023-03-06T12:30:00.033+02:002023-03-06T19:43:29.381+02:00Recasting Identity Politics: The Folly of Cosmetic Change!<p><i style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">“Pity, taken
as a spring of virtue, has proved to possess a greater capacity for cruelty
than cruelty itself.”</span></span></i></p><p><i style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span>Hannah
Arendt, On Revolution</span></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Morality-Led Identity Politics and the Abundance
of Choice<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Late last year, a treasured white female American friend
had dinner with myself and my spouse. We hadn’t seen each other for many years,
mainly due to Covid-19 restrictions on travel. We debated a famous black male
comedian’s controversial remarks on identity politics, which related mainly to
the tension between representing feminist, LGBTQI struggles and black struggles
in an equal light. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">At some point she remarked that as a black male
he held a position of privilege over black women, which is true enough.
However, she then went on to state that most perpetrators of violence against
black women were black men as though that somehow delegitimized his voice in
such a debate. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">It was an indicative slip of the blindness with
which identity politics is deployed in ill-considered invocations of
intersectionality. Afterwards my partner – who is also a white woman –
expressed her reservations about the comment. After all, black men being cast
as misogynists is an age-old stereotype. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Indeed, I thought, “who is responsible for the
abuse of white women then?” While some groups of women are definitely more
vulnerable than others it is also true that gender-based violence does not
exclusively delineate along class or race. It is a societal phenomenon that
impacts everyone, irrespective of which racial or class category one falls
into.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">These half-baked invocations of
intersectionality represent precisely what the danger of an exclusively morality-led
identity politics presents. One side is good, the other side is bad and there
is nothing in between. You are either for or against a cause, which precludes
any critical analysis of it. One need not dig deep. Superficially deploying
one’s own moral virtue is deemed an appropriate way of driving social change. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Yet this morality-based, virtue-led approach
oversimplifies the complexity of bringing about social change. Any programme of
societal change must necessarily be inclusive of all those who live within it.
It must be collectivist and relational, not relativist in orientation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">What has crudely been termed “woke culture” may
have progressive ambitions, but there is scarce analysis of the strategies and
tactics that have been deployed by the proponents of it. This piece is
concerned with what is necessary to bring about transformative systemic change
in society that is sustainable; change that goes beyond the momentary assertion
of values in a manner that is cosmetic and superficial, and not foundational in
nature. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">It is concerned with how identity politics –
whether relating to race, gender, sexuality, LGBTQI, ethnicity, creed,
indigeneity or any other assertion of identity as othered within Western and/or
traditional societal paradigms – has been cosmetically deployed under the broad
umbrella of “woke culture”. I argue that more is required to actualize the
outcomes that these struggles seek to achieve. It necessitates a deeper
engagement with society and all who constitute it. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Current day progressive identity politics takes
its cue from the foundational ideas of liberal freedoms. The liberal notion of
freedom emphasizes individual liberties. It is rooted in the idea that the
abundance of choice enables individual liberties. In this casting a broader
spectrum of choice enables greater individual freedoms. We are free to choose
between the many different options available to us in the world. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">These choices could range from what religion
one adopts, to what one chooses to consume or produce, to what culture one
belongs to, where to live, whom to associate with, how to express oneself, and
in more recent history, whom one can fall in love with or have sexual relations
with, the right to choose what medical procedures one can submit one’s body to,
or whom one can marry under law, among others. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">The ‘right to choose’ – loosely speaking – is a
cornerstone of liberal freedoms. It relies on the existence of a variety of
choices being available to an individual. It therefore seems a natural
extension of the liberal notion of freedom that an individual would also be
free to choose whatever identity they prefer irrespective of societally
normative notions of what constitutes identity. This has been particularly
emphasized where gender and sexual identity are concerned. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Debating Identity Politics & Authenticity:
Is Identity a Choice?<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Such is the enormity of the societal impact of
the emergence of recent identity politics – particularly the raging social
debates around non-binary gender identities (e.g., such as gender fluidity) and
transgenderism, and especially education of these phenomena in schools – that it
has provoked a profound ‘talking past each other’ between those who occupy
entrenched positions on the matter, whether for or against. Both ‘sides’ view the
matter of whether non-binary gender identities and transgenderism is legitimate
or not as constituting a fundamental threat to their right to choose their own
‘way of life’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">However, the emphasis on the legitimacy of
these social phenomena may be misplaced. I argue that at the heart of this
debate lies a matter not so related to contestation over the legitimacy of the
phenomena in question (e.g., whether non-binary and transgender identities are legitimate),
as much as what it means to <i>choose</i> an identity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Indeed, is choosing an identity and embodying
an identity at the individual level the same thing? <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">An identity that is embodied is, without
question, fundamentally authentic because it is not <i>performed </i>(I am
using the term ‘performed’ here to mean ‘acted out inauthentically’). Clearly,
being LGBTQI, for example, is not a choice but is embodied<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
An identity that is chosen, however, does not necessarily come with the promise
of that authenticity. For example, religious conversion – which can necessitate
difficult decisions such as changing names and/or surgery such as circumcision
– can occur through a constellation of modes. Religious conversion can be
genuinely authentic inspired by a spiritual awakening. However, it can also be undertaken
for convenience (e.g., marriage or to belong to a favoured group), fear of
persecution, emancipation, or for display of superiority and/or exceptionalism.
That is, the choice of a new identity can certainly be authentic, no doubt, but
it does not guarantee authenticity. This is because the choice of identity here
includes the choice to <i>perform</i> an identity, whereas there is no choice
where an embodied identity is concerned. An identity that is embodied is a
state of being that is consistent with its doing. It is not an inauthentic
acting out of an identity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Moreover, is the collective performance of
change the same as real, fundamental change? <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">It no doubt can be, but it can also not be, and
therein lies some cause for concern around what shape and form the struggle for
identity politics has taken. There is power in the performative. Judith
Butler’s writing on gender performativity argues that gender norms and roles
are acquired through repetition and imitation of acts and utterances that
reinforce existing gender social norms and structures. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">By performativity, Butler is referring to acts,
behaviours and speech utterances that create the very thing they describe
through performance. For example, when a judge in a court of law pronounces a
prison sentence upon someone the utterance of the sentence simultaneously
creates the sentence. She illustrates how gender is similarly produced from
performative utterances, acts and behaviours that are imitated and replicated
in society. That is, she views performativity as the route through which gender
norms are ultimately embodied – i.e., through repetition and imitation – in
society. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Butler’s gender performativity is not to be
misconstrued and simplified as the <i>performance</i> of gender<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
however (even though she uses the term in her writing), where performance means
(inauthentically) ‘acting’ out these roles as an actor on a stage would.
Misinterpretation of Butler’s work that gender is merely ‘an act’ of some kind
or another has hence led to criticism of her work that is misplaced. For
example; that Butler’s gender performativity relegates transgenderism to a mere
act is a criticism that she has extensively countered<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">A key controversial, philosophical aspect of
Butler’s casting of gender performativity is in her recasting of the
Nietzschean claim that “there is no being behind doing, acting; ‘the doer’ is
merely a fiction imposed on the doing – the doing itself is everything” (Nietzsche, 1887,
p. 29: in Salih, 2002). She recasts this to state that, “there is no gender
identity behind the expressions of gender; that gender identity is
performatively constituted by the ‘expressions’ that are said to be its results”
(Butler, 1990; p. 25: in Salih, 2002)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
In this casting the notion of “being” is eschewed as an essentialist – i.e.,
predominantly biologically essentialist – in relation to gender. Rather, gender
identity is produced through language and does not exist before language.
Gender is essentially ““unnatural”” (Salih, 2002) in this casting; there is no
inner gender ‘nature’ that can be spoken of as inner being or self.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">This perspective has raised a series of
philosophical objections and queries from scholars. Benhabib et al. (1995: in
Salih, 2002)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> claims
that Butler’s performativity effectively rids gender identity of a sense of
agency in which normative gender expressions can be destabilized. Other
scholars argue that Butlers conception of gender performativity is itself
essentialist and that it is a strange move to draw on psychoanalytic theory in
accounting for identity without including the essential “I” that is constituted
through psychoanalysis (Hood & Harrison, 1998: in Salih, 2002)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>;
that it overly attributes gender to power dynamics, rendering gender identity
unstable (Moi, 1999: in Salih, 2002)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>;
and that gender identities – particularly in reference to transgendered
identities – are often nonperformative, preferring to be constative and
invested in being in the sense that there is an inner sense of gender that goes
against traditional gender norms (Prosser, 1998: in Salih, 2002)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn8" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[viii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">The perspective that gender is all doing and
not being is clearly controversial, particularly as it rests largely on a
negation of a biologically rooted gender identity that presents as a sense of
self or being, whereas gender identity needn’t be solely biological or
constructed; it can be both. Indeed, to attribute being as biological in the
case of gender is simply to argue that the essence of gender is actually sex.
Gender, however, is socially constructed through performative acts and speech
utterances that reinforce pre-existing socio-cultural gender norms; hence the
notion of being – <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in this case – cannot
simply be read as biological essentialism; whether that being is a necessary
fiction or not it may still be essential (Salih, 2002)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn9" name="_ednref9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Butler’s mind-body, subject-object dichotomy is
hence problematic on many levels. Yet there is an alternative casting; one that
embraces body and mind (and being and becoming) as a unitary whole in the
Heideggerian and process studies sense and situates being in relation to
becoming instead. In this casting, if we ask the question, “what is constituted
through gender performativity at an individual level” or “what being is
becoming through gender performativity” (i.e., where being and becoming are
unitary, processual and not separate) we can regard individuals as being thrown
into gender as much as they are thrown into the Heideggerian world where
subject and object are inseparable. This view is compatible with a process
studies perspective on being and becoming. This is non-trivial, as when being
and becoming are unitary and inseparable in the Heideggerian sense; how gender
is constituted is not solely produced through its performativity. Rather it is
constituted by simultaneously complex biological, socio-cultural, political and
perhaps other influences that inform gender performativity. So, when it comes
to LGBTQI identity for example, being/self/identity is not necessarily
biological – it can be informed by biology – but it is more accurately
described as what has been constituted in the process of becoming instead. This
view coheres somewhat with critiques of Butler’s performativity that propose
more non-dichotomous conceptions of gender identity such as that proposed by
transsexual gender theorist, biologist and writer Julia Serano (2007)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn10" name="_ednref10" style="mso-endnote-id: edn10;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[x]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">From a process studies perspective this unitary
subject-object sense of being is relational, able to exert personal and
collective agency (i.e., the power of potentia) in response to the restrictive,
controlling power of authority (i.e., the power of potestas). In this casting,
both the power to restrict and to subvert are mutually in operation, which I
argue is key to actualizing a transformative perspective on gender as it
exists, and as it might be.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Moreover, what is constituted through gender
performativity – at an individual level – is important because the word
‘constituted’ implies a stable identity; without this a person cannot identify
as a socially recognizable identity. Moreover, this stability would, to some
extent, also act as an indicator of authenticity where a consistency between
the inward personal sense of being is congruent with one’s actions in the world
– i.e., where authenticity is cast as in response to Heideggerian thrownness – thereby
reinforcing and stabilizing identity even more in turn.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Accordingly, I argue that authenticity is a
product of consistency between being and doing in the process of becoming. Here,
it is important to note that authenticity is sensed or felt in the experiencing
of it by others. It is something that presents in the complex knot of the senses,
and while it can be inexplicable, it is certainly felt. Authentic leaders, for
example, exhibit strong follower-leader loyalty and bonds. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">In general, it is easier to discern
authenticity than it is to discern inauthenticity. This is precisely because
the inauthentic acting out of an identity (which I am calling performance) –
whether by an actor on screen or a person in society – uses the same elements
of Butler’s gender performativity (i.e., imitation and repetition) but
insincerely, whether consciously or not. Thus, the space for inauthenticity of
identity opens up in the performance of it. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">It is also important to note that in Butler’s
framing the process of becoming is key to the authentic embodiment of identity.
Even where imitation and repetition (i.e., doing) is not yet aligned with one’s
being – in a process of becoming – an authentic identity can still emerge if
the process of becoming is sincerely engaged with.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">When there is insincere engagement with the
process of becoming, however, (i.e., it is an inauthentic performance) it can
be due to a range of motivations. For example, it may be motivated by; a need
to thoughtlessly fit in with a group and/or go along with a trend, and/or a
need to acquire power over others through the performance (e.g., through
attaining moral authority, a sense of one’s own superiority, being desirable
and/or standing out as exceptional). Where the latter motivation – i.e., a need
for the acquisition of power – is concerned, the space for the abuse of
identity politics in society is created.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Hence there is profound vulnerability when
performativity is simply (mis)interpreted as performance, particularly when
this is viewed as a strategy for creating societal change. When we are
uncritical of the performance of change at the individual level then we become
vulnerable to the superficial enactment of collective performance of change at
the societal level. These collective superficial enactments in themselves can
serve to stifle and frustrate real, systemic transformative change. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">In a searing article entitled “Decolonization
is not a metaphor” Eve Tuck and K Wayne Yang<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn11" name="_ednref11" style="mso-endnote-id: edn11;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[xi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
identify what they term “settler moves to innocence” as superficial displays of
reconciliation that colonial settlers employ to evade accountability for their
power and privilege, and the substantive losses that indigenous peoples have
endured through the colonial and postcolonial projects. They define ‘settler
moves to innocence’ as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 8.0pt; margin-left: 14.15pt; margin-right: 14.15pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 14.15pt 8pt; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">“Settler
moves to innocence are those strategies or positionings that attempt to relieve
the settler of feelings of guilt or responsibility without giving up land or
power or privilege, without having to change much at all. In fact, settler
scholars may gain professional kudos or a boost in their reputations for being
so sensitive or self-aware. Yet settler moves to innocence are hollow, they
only serve the settler.” </span></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 8.0pt; margin-left: 14.15pt; margin-right: 14.15pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 14.15pt 8pt; text-align: justify;"><i style="font-family: verdana;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">(Tuck
& Yang, 2012)</span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">There is a profound parallel in the way in
which identity politics is being mobilized today and the ‘settler moves to
innocence’ that Tuck and Yang (2012) identify as prevalent in decolonial
struggles. In the popular liberal zeitgeist of the moment the right to identify
as ‘othered’ within conventional society has effectively been mobilized as a ‘move
to innocence’ by those who occupy positions of privilege in society. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Take, for example; men who identify as male
feminists and invoke that as proof of solidarity with feminist struggles while
enjoying and leveraging the privileges of patriarchy at the same time, or white
Americans who invoke traces of genetic heritage from native American Indians as
reasonable cause to identify as Native American Indian<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn12" name="_ednref12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[xii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
themselves. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">These are real social phenomena. The number of
people in the US who identified as American Indian or Alaska Native, for example,
jumped from 5.2 million in 2010 to 9.7 million in 2020, which Circe Sturm,
Professor of Anthropology at the University of Texas puts down to people
claiming a distant native ancestor and/or invoking genetic ancestry test
results as proof of identity<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn13" name="_ednref13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[xiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">These great leaps in fostering new identities
are not uncommon and there is nothing new about people seeking to identify with
persecuted groups to elevate their status or escape accountability. For example, there are many accounts of </span></span><span style="font-family: verdana;">Germans who invented Jewish ancestries in the wake of the holocaust thereby conveniently distancing themselves from the horrors of the genocide. </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">The politics of victimhood is
complex and multi-faceted. </span><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Generally speaking; there are very many
documented instances of people passing as different religions, ethnicities and
races, for a range of different reasons. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">While at an individual level extreme identity
appropriation is often underpinned by deep childhood trauma<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn14" name="_ednref14" style="mso-endnote-id: edn14;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[xiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
when the collective performance of change grows significantly it can develop a
popular momentum of its own. It can become fashionable for otherwise privileged
people to identify as an ‘other’ within society while continuing to embody the
privilege they enjoy. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">In many cases this boils down to embodying
whiteness while performing otherness. I’m not arguing that people shouldn’t
have the right to identify as othered. I am merely arguing that simply choosing
to identify as an ‘other’ shouldn’t place them above criticism. Identifying as
an other should not provide an easy way of deflecting from the privilege and
power they enjoy in society. This is particularly the case where the collective
performance of the cosmetics of change is concerned.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">For cosmetic change – i.e., change that is
collectively performed through changes in language, semiotics and the
production and reproduction of socio-cultural ‘no-go zones’ – is not the same
as fundamental structural, systemic and inter-subjective change that is
sustainable into the long term. Cosmetic change ultimately ends up being
accompanied by a fair amount of virtue-signaling and language policing. This in
turn ultimately serves to stifle and suppress the collective and relational
interactions that are required to produce genuine, fundamental systemic change and
the emergence of a new social compact that is sustainable into the longer term.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Moreover, cosmetic change establishes a power
differential in favour of those who (ostensibly) possess such virtue and hence
engage in language policing of those who (ostensibly) do not. Policing language
as imposition of moral virtue and power, however, is an authoritarian position
(albeit liberal) in that it seeks to shut down expression and debate around how
these phenomena are appraised in society, rather than opening-up dialogue that
can lead to deeper understanding and acceptance of these phenomena. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">In any quest or struggle for societal
transformation changes in language are certainly important, but simply changing
language does not bring about deeper systemic, structural and inter-subjective
change that is lasting. At best it serves to establish a ‘cosmetics-of-tolerance’
that provides the illusion of change. At worst it can serve as thin veneer of
change that cloaks the reality that deeper systemic change is <i>not</i> in
fact occurring. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Lessons from South Africa: ‘Rainbowism’ &
The Failures of Cosmetic Change<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Indeed, this is precisely the root cause of the
failure of the post-1994 ‘rainbow nation’ narrative that emphasized cosmetic
changes above deeper structural and systemic change that would fundamentally
transform South African society in its transition to democracy. In reality,
cosmetic change served as a bulwark against deeper systemic change. Change was
spoken and not embodied. It stayed at the surface.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">The emphasis on cosmetic change resulted in
superficial change that was largely unreflective of both South Africa’s distant
and recent historical past and its reproduction in everyday contemporary South
African life. The past was largely swept under the table as though it isn’t
here with us. Self-proclaimed ‘allies’ to black and brown struggles became
complicit in the continued avoidance of their own roles in reproducing racial
inequalities that still play out in society today. They sought to dictate the
terms of how the past should be resolved instead of doing the hard work of
listening, digesting and reflecting on their own complicity in upholding and
reproducing it. They took on their age-old role of instructing us, even on the
matter of our own liberation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">This morality-led change proved to be divisive
and not inclusive. It was inadequate precisely because it made a claim on moral
authority instead of ceding ground to those whose liberation was the matter at
hand. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Real transformative change goes beyond merely
attributing rights and wrongs. It is systemic in that it necessitates changes
in the structural, cultural and power dynamics that produce and reproduce
inequality. Hence, deeper systemic change can only be produced from engaging
with processes that significantly alter structural, cultural and power dynamics
in the country. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Yet our not-so-recently erstwhile oppressors sought
to now declare themselves our liberators, blissfully unaware that while they
could hold our oppression in their hands, they could never hold our liberation
in them. This was simply a move to reproduce their own primacy in their
interactions with us, as they had produced and reproduced ad nauseum throughout
history. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Central to this was a thinly veiled set of
white moves to innocence to avoid complicity in the deeper, systemic and
structural inequalities that had prevailed throughout history, and continued to
prevail as they disrupted our fragile liberation with meaningless displays of
their own virtue. Changes in language were not accompanied by meaningful
changes in actions. Change was not embodied. It was merely performed.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">I recall being lectured by a white female
colleague who provided myself and a black male colleague a ride in the early
2000s (it was a once-off ride from one building to another at our place of
work). She asked me why I had felt entitled to sit in the front seat – as if it
were some kind of prize to be seated next to her – and had not offered it to
the black male colleague that was accompanying us. Ostensibly, I was exhibiting
some form of unconscious bias in doing so. Yet the irony of lecturing a brown
man who had lived twenty years under Apartheid and experienced myriad explicit
and implicit racial humiliations – on matters of unconscious racial bias –
completely escaped her. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">I wondered what I was supposed to do in future
should a white female colleague offer me a lift. Was it not enough for me to
simply behave naturally, after many years of having to modify my behaviour
simply due to the colour of my skin? Moreover, if the black male colleague had
taken offence, could he not have simply told me so himself? Perhaps they were
in a relationship and there was an expectation I would ride in the back seat. I
had no idea. The point is, I couldn’t react to a set of hidden rules that were
not adequately expressed until I transgressed them. Problematically, she
appeared oblivious that in her efforts to assert a political correction on a
brown male she had effectively usurped the voice of black male (whom I might
add appeared equally uncomfortable as I did). The situation was too riddled
with contradictions to elaborate further upon. And she was one of the good
people … probably still is. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">There are distinct echoes of this ruse of
liberation in the identity politics that prevails today. The underlying premise
is that the amplification of the performance of identity tolerance – most
notably through virtue-signaling – is enough to drive transformative change. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Yet, virtue-signaling is not activism. It is
the anti-thesis of activism. Rather than brokering intersubjective
understanding of an issue of public interest through sincere engagement with
all members of society, it casts judgement upon those who are deemed devoid of
the particular virtue in question.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Towards a Relational and Collectivist Identity
Activism<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">We live in an era where anyone can proclaim
themselves to be an activist for whatever interest they choose. Yet the hard
work of activism necessitates repeatedly engaging with those whose views differ
from one’s own, opening up dialogues and brokering relationships that drive
deeper systemic and broader societal change. It is fundamentally relational in
nature. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Posthumanist scholarship is of relevance in
this respect because it attempts to decentre the perfectible white Western
Vitruvian male subject as normative within society, opening up avenues for
‘merging’ with the human and non-human other. The eminent posthumanist scholar
and philosopher Rosi Braidotti argues for an ethics of collectivity and
relationality in brokering the posthuman future, one that results in a “renewed
claim to community and belonging” (Braidotti, 2013, p. 191)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_edn15" name="_ednref15" style="mso-endnote-id: edn15;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[xv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Indeed, the ‘hard work’ of activism proceeds
from an ethics of collectivity and relationality – the active ‘doing’ of both –
and not simply from soapboxing a virtuous moral position that excludes and
delegitimizes those who do not share the same moral position. Morality – which
relies on the deployment of virtues – is, after all, relative (e.g., to evils).
We can all hold very different moral positions depending on our personal
orientation. In contrast, ethics are not relative; ethics are derived from
principles that we can all conditionally agree upon. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Principles underpin the social compact that we
broker as a society precisely because we can all agree upon them. These
principles are explicitly expressed in national Constitutions, but also
implicitly expressed in the broader social compact that we produce and
reproduce in our interactions, our relationality. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">A national Constitution essentially represents
the principles that citizens – as a nation – can in large part all agree upon. For
example, on principle – in a democracy – we have agreement on the right to
one’s own views and the right to express them on the condition that they don’t impinge
on the rights of others in society. The boundaries of the right to express
one’s own views are continuously being tested on a case-by-case basis, and the Constitutional
principles that bind us act as the guideposts in this respect. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">There are also principles that govern how we
interact relationally. For example, treating each other as we ourselves would
like to be treated, for example; inclusively and with respect. We recoil when a
stranger, or even an acquaintance or friend, treats us disrespectfully or
excludes us when we expect to be included, and consider this to be a reasonable
expectation on principle. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Whether the principles that bind us are
explicit or implicit they are key to brokering a social compact. They need to
be agreed upon by all of society. This agreement is conditional, as principles
have to be weighed up in relation to others, and we may differ on how we may weigh
them up at a personal or group level, which makes it relational at these levels
and subject to debate. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Hence, agreement on what principles govern our
social compact can only be meaningfully brokered through an inclusive,
collective approach that also caters for our relationality. That is how we
broker change that becomes meaningfully embodied within a society, not through
virtue-signaling, canceling those we don’t agree with or excluding individuals
and groups from participating in discussions and debates on matters of personal
and public interest. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">This should be relatively easy to understand,
but the hard work of activism does not compare well with the ease with which
one can exert moral authority over others and feel good about oneself by making
others look bad, especially in the climate of the 21<sup>st</sup> Century. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Correcting the language of colleagues at the
newly sensitized workplace or drinking at the font of a social media induced
dopamine rush by seeking to cancel someone is far easier than sincerely
engaging real people with the care and compassion it takes to genuinely win
them over to a cause. It is far easier to simply put them in a box and
broadcast how superior you are to them; to flex virtue over them as though you
have exclusivity over it. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">And for those who already occupy positions of
privilege in society it is far easier to self-righteously pronounce one’s moral
superiority over others (i.e., to merely use the cause to establish one’s own
‘move to innocence’) without having to deal with what it takes to bring about
substantive transformative change and live with the consequences of it. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">The political theorist Hannah Arendt warned of
the danger that presents when the passions of virtue enters the realm of
politics. She observed that during the course of the French revolution many of
the leaders belonged to the middle class, but after the revolution they had a
crisis of legitimacy. They didn’t have much in common with the poor so to
compensate they professed having virtues that bound them to the cause of the
poor. She observed that they invested in developing a persona (or mask) of
virtue that presented themselves as being wholly motivated by the cause of the
poor. However, this performance of virtue was in fact a self-serving
fabrication designed to maintain their legitimacy. Soon, they began to sense
hypocrisy amongst each other and then began to purge one another. This
culminated in the reign of terror. As she put it,<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 8.0pt; margin-left: 14.15pt; margin-right: 14.15pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 14.15pt 8pt; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">“If
‘patriotism was a thing of the heart’, then the reign of virtue was bound to be
at worst the rule of hypocrisy, and at best the never ending fight to ferret
out the hyprocrites.”</span></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 8.0pt; margin-left: 14.15pt; margin-right: 14.15pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 14.15pt 8pt; text-align: justify;"><i style="text-align: center; text-indent: 36pt;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Hannah Arendt, On Revolution</span></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">We need more than superficial displays of
activism and privileged posturing to bring about real substantive change in
society. We need people who care enough about all of society to engage with
everyone in it, patiently hear them on their terms, and compassionately engage
with them over the differences we have. Only through engaging with the reality
of what activism really is in a diverse society can we forge a new social
compact that is relationally brokered and collectively embodied by our society.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">If there is an object lesson that we can draw
from the cosmetics of ‘rainbowism’ in the early days of South Africa’s new
democracy it is that those who are othered within society need be extremely
careful about the allies they embrace in their struggles. For the embrace of
superficial allies can ultimately prove more insidious, stifling and
constrictive to these struggles than those who simply know no better, can be
forgiven for it, and can be won over with time and effort.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">End<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Disclaimer:
</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Views presented in
this article are solely that of Camaren Peter and do not reflect the
views of the University of Cape Town, the Graduate School of Business, or the
Centre for Analytics and Behavioural Change NPC.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This piece has been lightly edited after first posting it on the morning of 6 March 2023. Moreover, a reference was omitted and is included here for completeness.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Nietzsche, Friedrich [1887] On the Genealogy of </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">Morals (Zur Genealogie der Moral), trans. </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">Douglas Smith, Oxford: Oxford University </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">Press, 1996.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><br /></span></span></p>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;"><!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
See: https://theconversation.com/stop-calling-it-a-choice-biological-factors-drive-homosexuality-122764<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
See: <a href="https://d-shultz.medium.com/mis-understanding-gender-performativity-40193562135a#:~:text=Gender%20performativity%20is%20commonly%20misunderstood,as%20a%20performance%20on%20stage">https://d-shultz.medium.com/mis-understanding-gender-performativity-40193562135a#:~:text=Gender%20performativity%20is%20commonly%20misunderstood,as%20a%20performance%20on%20stage</a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn3" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
See: <a href="https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2009-judith-butler-on-gender-and-the-trans-experience-one-should-be-free-to-determine-the-course-of-one-s-gendered-life">https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2009-judith-butler-on-gender-and-the-trans-experience-one-should-be-free-to-determine-the-course-of-one-s-gendered-life</a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn4" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref4" name="_edn4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Butler,
Judith (1990; Anniversary edition 1999) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the
Subversion of Identity, New York: Routledge – In: Salih, S. (2002) On Judith
Butler and Performativity. Originally part of chapters 2 and 3 in Judith
Butler.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn5" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref5" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Benhabib,
Seyla, Judith Butler, Drucilla Cornell and Nancy Fraser (1995) Feminist
Contentions: A Philosophical Exchange, London: Routledge – In: Salih, S. (2002)
On Judith Butler and Performativity. Originally part of chapters 2 and 3 in
Judith Butler. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn6" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref6" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Hood
Williams, John and Wendy Cealy Harrison (1998) “Trouble With Gender,” The
Sociological Review 46 (1): 73–94 – In: Salih, S. (2002) On Judith Butler and
Performativity. Originally part of chapters 2 and 3 in Judith Butler.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn7" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref7" name="_edn7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Moi,
Toril (1999) What Is a Woman? and Other Essays, Oxford: Oxford University Press
– In: Salih, S. (2002) On Judith Butler and Performativity. Originally part of
chapters 2 and 3 in Judith Butler.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref8" name="_edn8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[viii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Prosser, Jay (1998) Second Skins: The Body Narratives of Transsexuality, New
York: Columbia University Press – In: Salih, S. (2002) On Judith Butler and
Performativity. Originally part of chapters 2 and 3 in Judith Butler. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn9" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref9" name="_edn9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Salih,
S. (2002) On Judith Butler and Performativity. Originally part of chapters 2
and 3 in Judith Butler. URL: <a href="http://www2.kobe-u.ac.jp/~alexroni/IPD2020/IPD2020%20No.2/Salih-Butler-Performativity-Chapter_3.pdf">http://www2.kobe-u.ac.jp/~alexroni/IPD2020/IPD2020%20No.2/Salih-Butler-Performativity-Chapter_3.pdf</a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref10" name="_edn10" style="font-family: verdana;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[x]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana;">
Serrano, J. (2007). Whipping Girl: A Transsexual Woman on Sexism and the
Scapegoating of Femininity, Seal Press, Berkeley: CA.</span></p></div>
<div id="edn11" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref11" name="_edn11" style="mso-endnote-id: edn11;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[xi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Tuck, E. & Yang, K.W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor.
Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society Vol.1, No. 1, 2012,
pp.1-40.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn12" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref12" name="_edn12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[xii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">See: </span><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2021/03/krug-carrillo-dolezal-social-munchausen-syndrome/618289/"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2021/03/krug-carrillo-dolezal-social-munchausen-syndrome/618289/</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn13" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref13" name="_edn13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[xiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
See: <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2022/11/05/us/sacheen-littlefeather-native-identity-cec/index.html">https://edition.cnn.com/2022/11/05/us/sacheen-littlefeather-native-identity-cec/index.html</a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn14" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref14" name="_edn14" style="mso-endnote-id: edn14;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[xiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">See: </span><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2021/03/krug-carrillo-dolezal-social-munchausen-syndrome/618289/"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2021/03/krug-carrillo-dolezal-social-munchausen-syndrome/618289/</span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="edn15" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Documents/2021Back-up/Desktop/CURRENT%20DUMPFOLDER%202021/Recasting%20Identity%20Politics%2031.docx#_ednref15" name="_edn15" style="mso-endnote-id: edn15;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[xv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Braidotti, R. (2013). The Posthuman. Polity Press, Cambridge: USA.</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-74459775362528027742019-10-25T16:34:00.000+02:002019-11-05T07:16:53.819+02:00Digital Pronouncements: The Celebrity-Populist Tweets!<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In history the
role of the town crier pervades all cultures and geographies; from Asia to
Europe to Africa and North America, the town crier was an invaluable source of
information. This was especially important when the vast majority of the
populace was illiterate, and before move-able type was invented.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In medieval
England the town crier or bellman was elaborately outfitted in black boots,
white breeches, a red and gold coat and a tricorne hat. He carried a handbell
and yelled “Oyez!, Oyez!, Oyez!” (“Hear Ye!”) and delivered a range of
announcements and pronouncements, everything from new births to royal edicts
and decrees. These were read out in the town square or whatever official
station was appropriate. A great deal of scripting likely went into these grand
pronouncements, so that the subjects were both reminded of the power of the
monarchy that ruled over them and left in no doubt as to the essence of the
pronouncement. Power and grandiosity characterised the performance, yet clarity
remained essential. Clarity ensured that order flowed from the monarch's</span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, or
the monarch’s representatives’, pronouncements.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">President Donald
Trump’s tweets, however, are unfiltered, straight from the source. They lack
any semblance of officialdom, yet still reaches supporters, opponents,
detractors and enemies alike. His reach is not just his base; it is much
broader, and perhaps that is precisely what he, in his self-acknowledged
“unmatched wisdom”, seeks to achieve. Yet it must be noted that while the
‘digital pronouncement’ is effective in terms of its broad reach, it is
delivered through a system (i.e twitter) that is designed for more conversational
stream of consciousness-oriented interactions. Hence it can become unwieldy,
even contradictory, and in no small part due precisely due to the varied
audience his tweets are intended for. It is difficult to strike a coherent
officially sanctioned line through an un-managed twitter account. Long
sanctified institutions of the state and government are left trailing in his
wake. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The digital
pronouncement is more about the projection of power and influence – in the
circus of political drama that now prevails in the public realm – than it is
about making official statements. At the same time it speaks to identity and
its empowerment or reinforcement on a regular, almost daily, basis.
Leveraging the fact that a particular set of values characterises the personal
and group identities of his followers, his digital pronouncements reach deep
into his base and its sympathisers. Detractors and enemies are also targeted at
the same time, and so are potential deal-partners. No matter where you sit in the
system – through a digitally enhanced media and social media
(multimedia) that amplifies his messaging while distributing it ever widely at
the same time – you cannot escape the digital pronouncement, whether directly
or indirectly. It pervades and persists in all the spaces available to it. It
can reach you on a desert island, a submarine, pretty much anywhere, anytime …
as long as you are connected of course (i.e. to the global media stream and its
many interfaces). It has system-wide impact.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With the digital
pronouncement, he is able to control and influence – not just the narratives –
but also the reality of those whom he is targeting. He’s on to something, and
he knows it. In that respect, President Trump is a bloodhound. He can smell
fresh blood a mile away and any weakness, any chink in the system that allows
him to pursue his typically self-interested agenda is quickly and thoroughly
exploited. He’s not whispering in their ears on twitter, he is trumpeting his
agenda out. It is an advance attack on his enemies and an affirmation of
his supporters’ values and identity at the same time. He is constantly
announcing himself as ever present and dominant. In this way he multiples and
amplifies himself and his messaging, in no small part with the help of the
global media establishment - but also with ours, who transfixed by the spectacle
cannot bear to turn our heads away from it. What a tangled web is woven by the
digital pronouncement; it is the new 21<sup>st</sup> Century propaganda
conveyance system for the ‘voice of the leader’, so to speak.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What a brave new
world this is, where leader can reach followers and detractors alike with equal
ease! Where the institutions no longer hold significant sway over the words and
actions of an individual leader, one who despite his broad reach is more
atomised than ever in his own administration. So alone that the company of
millions on a mobile phone constitutes his access to power, his validation and
his misery alike. So insecure that the members of his leadership and
administration are set up against each other; where they are forced to vie for
his affections, competing against each other as though in the court of a
monarch. Whoever he anoints the latest holds sway with him, but only
temporarily. The attrition rate
of those serving at the White House bears testament; it is worse the closer to
him they are!<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What is lost in
this brave new world of democratic monarchy is precisely what was most
important in times of old; clarity and order. The ancient world was not a world
like ours; there was no surveillance state, so it relied on the exercise of
clarity alongside power to ensure order. The world of digital pronouncements is
not a world that acquires more order through the grandiose pronouncements of
the leader. Institutional power (generally, and not only that of the White
House) is dissipated, spent, after being wasted on misdirection and internal
contradiction. The centre ceases to hold the institutions of government
together; the centre is adrift in a sea of endless noise. The great leader
proceeds disjointed from the institutional purposes, directives and
infrastructure that is there to support them. And to be sure, Donald Trump is
not the only celebrity-populist with quasi-monarchic aspirations in this new
era, although he might be the only one who literally sits on a golden toilet. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the
hyper-connected, post-literate, information overloaded world of today we are
experiencing increasing levels of disorder, rather than what we might have
originally expected the internet revolution to bring i.e. increased mutual
understanding, tolerance and space for healthy debate. Perhaps it was
inevitable that the virtual realm would mirror real-world prejudices, alterity,
exclusions and the myriad fragmentations of human experience, but it was not
foreseeable a few decades ago. It is undoubtedly of great concern and
consternation that it has hamstrung institutions of government that have kept
the post-war consensus of the 20<sup>th</sup> Century intact. Moreover; that
social and political polarisation and antagonism have replaced tolerance and
dialogue in the public realm, rendering the polis fragmented and unable to act
coherently to exert democratic power when it is needed the most. It cuts a sad
and pathetic picture; one that augers no good for the 21st Century.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-25350325959412940852019-10-24T21:55:00.001+02:002019-10-27T12:17:59.935+02:00“Empowered Powerlessness”: Who Runs the ‘Official Opposition’ in South Africa? <br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We should all be
feeling Mmusi Maimane’s pain. For the cycle of events that have arrested his
leadership is so old, so worn in the tread, that it should be instantly
recognisable to all black and brown South Africans. How does a young black
leader, carrying all the promise and hope of a new future, come to a pitiable
end such as this?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed there
will be many who will say that he deserves it. That his naivety in believing he
would be allowed to lead a majority and historically white party, unencumbered
by the trappings of tokenhood, was sure to lead to his undoing. Did he not
understand that those who believed that they had ‘made’ him, would equally
believe it their place to unmake him? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Is this not a
tragedy that black and brown South Africans have seen and experienced for
themselves a hundred-fold over? Is not the ultimate end of tokenism to be hung
out to dry? To whither under the searing heat of criticism, alone, surrounded
on all sides; unable to mount a defence worthy of merit, discredited before one
speaks? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet it is an
undeniable fact that without Helen Zille’s endorsement he would likely never
have stood a chance – even remotely – of becoming the leader of the DA. His
victory was not won from her but bestowed upon him by her. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was Helen Zille’s <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-07-19-mazibuko-on-zille-and-maimane-she-did-it-to-me-and-shes-doing-it-again/">side-lining of the vastly more experienced Lindiwe Mazibuko</a> in favour of Mmusi Maimane – her carefully
selected prodigy – that put the wind behind his sails, propelling his
ascendancy to power. He was effectively fast-tracked to the leadership of the
party. Little did he know that a far worse fate awaited him as the new black
leader of an historically white DA.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In all
likelihood he was carefully courted, even flattered, into believing that he was
the hope for the future of the DA. They believed they needed him to attract a
broader range of the rainbow nation’s inhabitants – namely black and brown –
into the fold of the DA; he spoke many languages, was relatable and pious, was
in a mixed marriage himself, and had the ability to deploy visionary rhetoric
reminiscent of the US’s Barack Obama. Perhaps he would be able to take the
party where it had never been before; rendering them political representatives
of black South Africans <i>for the first time in their history</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, comfortably
ensconced in her premier’s home in the leafy foothills of Table Mountain, Helen
Zille was the very first to render Mmusi Maimane’s newfound leadership
toothless. Her adamant, tone deaf denial of the existence of any notion of
systemic racism, and her single-minded, almost religious, faith in
‘meritocracy’ became the key irreconcilable differences between them. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">She
singlehandedly sowed the seeds that undermined the new black leader and
leadership of the DA without pause for thought. Her twitter account reads in
the same way as Donald Trump’s does, except that she actually does read –
albeit in an intellectually undisciplined and patently biased manner – and feels comfortable enough to challenge scholars and intellectuals who have
spent decades studying, contributing to, and growing whole fields of knowledge.
Simply because she thinks she knows better. After all, is that not the foremost
of liberal white privileges; to be able to weigh in on any topic as though all
opinions are equal regardless of one’s <i>actual</i> knowledge?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Very early on in
Maimane’s leadership, Helen Zille, as Premier of the Western Cape, began a
twitter campaign that would prove disastrous for the DA. With over 1.4 million
twitter followers, <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/08/will-real-da-please-stand-up.html">she took to her twitter pulpit</a> and <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/04/the-helen-zille-labyrinth-revisionism.html">very actively</a>, began to <a href="https://www.blogger.com/The%20Helen%20Zille%20Twitter%20Controversy:%20Oh%20The%20Irony!">raise a conservative caucus within the DA</a> that would challenge the more social democratic black
leadership of the DA, who were naturally prepared to acknowledge that race
(in particular, systemic racism) is a critical factor in South African
politics, and still matters for the majority of black and brown people today.
It must be remembered that Mmusi Maimane rose to power at a critical political
moment in South Africa. One where the ‘born free’ generation rose up and
rebelled against the ‘rainbow nation’ narrative; seeking to destabilise utopian
notions of a race-blind politics and re-assert the importance of race as a
class delineator, one that could not be ignored in the service of an artificial
‘peace’ any longer. </span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Zille was <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/06/helen-zille-suspended-maimane-in-tight.html">ultimately suspended</a> (albeit temporarily) from the DA for her twitter rants, under the leadership of Maimane. But this wasn't enough to stop her, she was soon back at it!<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">More recently,
<a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2019-07-28-helen-zille-joins-institute-for-race-relations/">Zille joined the Institute for Race Relations (IRR)</a>, whose ‘research’ barely
qualifies as reputable scholarship; an outfit that is essentially a lobbying
group for right wing neoconservative views. It was her subsequent election to
the position of chair of the federal executive of the DA that led to the
resignation of Herman Mashaba – the mayor of Johannesburg – and later Mmusi
Maimane as leader of the DA, and ultimately from the DA itself entirely.
Mashaba specifically mentioned Zille’s association with the IRR as one of the
key reasons for his departure. Zille’s response was to assert that Mashaba was
more right wing than her, labelling him a free market fundamentalist.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet Zille’s
absolute and total denial of systemic racism is not a liberal position. It is
an extreme conservative position. In the South African context, it ranks right up
there with Donald Trump’s denial of climate science. Her belief in meritocracy
is ahistorical, as though South Africa began from tabula rasa – a blank slate –
after the 1994 elections. It is a dangerously delusional and divisive position;
one that profits off white victimhood and the alt-right pretensions to
intellectualism that is typified by the IRR.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The illusory
‘pull yourself up by your bootstraps’ politics <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/10/race-denial-prevents-healing.html">no longer has an audience among the black and brown middle and lower classes</a>, who have endured growing unemployment, inflation
and wage stagnation that is largely delineated along racial (and class) lines.
Race and class intersect heavily in South Africa and to deny the importance of
either is sheer ignorance (or lunacy). These are the key issues for the
majority black and brown South Africans who are on the losing end of 25 years
of growing inequality that is ranked the highest in the world by the World Bank.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Helen
Zille’s racism is not malicious or personal. It is pompous, self-righteous and
defensive, born of ignorance of the lived experience that underpins the plight of everyday black and brown South Africans. It
is dangerous because it legitimises and reinforces systemic racism. It is precisely the racism
that conservatives deny exists, but which they propagate and reproduce without
end. Their ignorance of it is fuel for it. It is a vicious cycle; the more the ignorance
and denial of it prevails the more it grows and endures. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, her
vision of ‘meritocratic liberalism’ is even more irrelevant in the South Africa
of today. In a society predominantly characterised by drastic inequality, talk
of ‘meritocracy’ is more utopian than pure communism. It has no place in any
South African discourse that is characterised by a semblance of realism. It is
simply delusional, yet it enjoys the support of many white South Africans in
particular, who have remained politically ignorant since the “dark days of
Apartheid”, as Zille puts it. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Clearly, these
dark days of Apartheid inequalities, exclusion and lack of upward mobility have
not ended, and the well-evidenced plight and experience of the majority black
marginal and poor bears testament to this. The importance of race and class is
also evidenced in part by the student protests for free higher education in
2016 and the rapid rise of the Economic Freedom Fighters, but more-so by the
turn that the internal politics of the ANC itself took under Jacob Zuma (i.e radical economic transformation). It is
clear as day that aspirations to a meritocratic society <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/10/race-denial-prevents-healing.html">are grossly misplaced in the current South African context, where historical legacies persist and endure</a>. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Zille, however,
and this is clear, will not be stopped. She will carry the holy but peculiar
cross of new South African ‘liberalism a la IRR', </span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">where colour blindness and
meritocracy intersect, in the vain hope that the majority of black and brown
people, who are direct victims of systemic racism and rampant tokenism, will
take the bait. Either that, or the DA’s venture into securing black voters is
over – prematurely I would add – and that the ‘powers that be’ in the DA have
decided to hang on to the o<a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/02/the-elusive-heart-of-da-liberal-or.html">ld conservatives they absorbed when the National Party collapsed</a> (and merged with the ANC).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What the DA’s
old senior politicians and federal executive do not understand – and likely do
not care a fig about – is how black South Africans, who have endured the
politics of tokenism and exclusion, will experience and judge the DA’s most
recent actions. It is true that in the political climate of today’s world an
Obama styled rhetoritician is bound to fare badly. Nonetheless, how Mmusi
Maimane has been systematically undermined from within as the first black
leader of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the official opposition – a
majority white party – speaks volumes for the skewed racial power relations and
inherited injustices that permeate current day South Africa; the most unequal
society in the world. Helen Zille’s return to power as a Trojan horse, (buoyed
by the IRR) for the disgruntled conservative core of the DA was the ultimate
nail in the coffin to the DA’s diversification drive. The rank hypocrisy of it
all is spellbinding.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the
manner of Musi Maimane’s exit epitomises the stark contradiction that lies at
the heart of the DA’s ‘race-blind’ politics. That is, it constitutes a perfect
demonstration of the very systemic racism that Zille’s IRR-oriented DA camp so
vehemently denies exists. How Mmusi Maimane was systematically undermined brings to mind a phenomenon that a close colleague of mine, refers to as
“empowered powerlessness”<a href="file:///C:/Users/user/Desktop/The%20Token%20Speaks%205.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
By remaining blind to it, they enact and perpetuate it. It is a banal evil,
born of a cognitive dissonance driven in large part by <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/08/will-real-da-please-stand-up.html">half-baked intellectualism, arrogance and denialism</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And is it not
entirely peculiar that both Lindiwe Mazibuko and Mmusi Maimane met their ends
after proclaiming their opinions – grounded in their own black experience – that recognising
the historical and current condition of the black majority in South Africa is
unavoidable in South African politics? They clearly went off Helen Zille’s preferred
script for the DA and paid the ultimate price for it.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cry the beloved
country, for its history lives on regardless, promulgated in large part by the
messianics among us; those who would view themselves as saviours from above,
and not representatives from within. As long as this brash Trumpism prevails
there is precious little hope for an opposition politics that ‘gets it’ and can
unite South Africans across the racial and socio-cultural spectrum. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">End</span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Update: </i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On 27 October 2019 the media announced that John Steenhuisen has been elected as the new parliamentary leader of the DA. It is ironic that the party that denies the existence of white privilege and systemic racism undermines and pushes out its elected black leader who has two masters degrees, and promptly replaces him with a white male who only possesses a matriculation certificate as his highest qualification.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That's not to suggest to that Steenhuisen isn't up to the task, but the optics are pretty bad, especially when considering the near-religious fervour with which they have defended their "classic liberal" belief in 'meritocracy'. The truth is that the reverse would be inconceivable for the DA. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The DA's <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/02/the-elusive-heart-of-da-liberal-or.html">ideological schizophrenia</a> continues, fueled by a profound cognitive dissonance and utter incapability to put themselves in the shoes of black and brown South Africans, who have endured these injustices for far too long, and at far too high a cost.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Note: </i></span><br />
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Other related posts that chronicle how events unfolded in the DA leading up to Maimane's exit (</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">and discuss it's political lack of coherence)</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> can be read here:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">18 August 2016: <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/08/will-real-da-please-stand-up.html">Will the Real DA Please Stand Up!</a></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">7 February 2017: <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/02/the-elusive-heart-of-da-liberal-or.html">The Elusive Heart of the DA: Liberal or Conservative?</a> </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">27 March 2017: <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/03/the-helen-zille-twitter-controversy-oh.html">The Helen Zille Controversy: Oh the Irony!</a></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">3 April 2017: <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/04/the-helen-zille-labyrinth-revisionism.html">The Helen Zille Labyrinth: Revisionism and the Politics of Discontent</a></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">4 June 2017: <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2017/06/helen-zille-suspended-maimane-in-tight.html">Helen Zille Suspension: Maimane in a Tight Spot!</a></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">7 October 2017: <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/10/race-denial-prevents-healing.html">Race Denial Prevents Healing</a></span></li>
</ul>
<br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/user/Desktop/The%20Token%20Speaks%205.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
Note that the term “empowered powerlessness” was originally coined by Namhla
Mniki-Mangaliso and Professor Kurt April at the University of Cape Town. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; color: black;">They researched how emerging,
younger and first generation African black executives are fast-tracked into
senior positions – without necessarily having the requisite experience – and
thereafter suffer the adverse effects of their majority white governance
structures (i.e. “white boards of directors/trustees”)</span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As they
account for the experience of black professionals in South Africa who are
empowered (i.e. whether through education, station or other) but remain
powerless;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Failure
to give voice to an experience is to perpetrate the myth that such an
experience does not exist.” <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Their
study concludes that:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“ … the
empowered powerless phenomenon begins with a perpetrator who, as a result of
racism, sexism, and/or ageism, has a fundamental mistrust in the abilities of
the emerging top executive. As a result, the perpetrator is convinced that the
executive is not good enough to play the role they are playing in the
organisation. Feelings of superiority are an integral part of this belief
system. The perpetrator may then do a number of things to create an
uncomfortable and hostile environment for the black executive. He/she may
directly undermine the executive’s decision-making space; or he/she may silence
the executive through co-option, collude against the executive, or exclude the
executive from important work processes. All of these efforts fundamentally
come to the same thing, which is undermined decision-making space.”<span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; color: black;">See the full text here:</span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; color: black;">Vassilopoulou, J., Da Rocha, J. P.,
Seierstad, C., April, K., & Özbilgin, M. (2013). International diversity
management: Examples from the USA, South Africa and Norway. In B. Christiansen,
E. Turkina, & N. Williams (eds.), Cultural and technological influences on
global business (pp. 14-28). Hershey, PA: IGI Global.</span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-47469334210894544512019-03-02T15:36:00.002+02:002019-03-02T16:41:02.132+02:00Making Africa a Future-Fit Continent<i style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An address delivered by A. Prof Camaren Peter of the Allan Gray Centre
for Values-Based Leadership of the Graduate School of Business at the
University of Cape Town; to the participants of the Leadership in Extractives
and African Development Programme (LEAD).</span></i><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It may perhaps appear ironic that in the wake of the 2008
global financial collapse, we entered an era of long overdue afro-optimism. In
2010, McKinsey released a report entitled, “Lions on the Move: The Progress and
Potential of African Economies<a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/DESKTOP%20MISCELLANEOUS%202019/LEAD%20speech%203.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
This was followed by a range of similarly optimistic projections for the future
of the continent, and from a wide range of sources; from the African
Development Bank in 2011<a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/DESKTOP%20MISCELLANEOUS%202019/LEAD%20speech%203.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
to global multinational corporations, who were looking for new markets to
access in a stagnant post-collapse global economy. Let me read you a quote from
UN-Habitat’s State of the African Cities Report in 2014 </span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/DESKTOP%20MISCELLANEOUS%202019/LEAD%20speech%203.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 16px;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">[iii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;"> (full disclosure: I was one of the authors):</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“In recent years,
Africa’s economic growth has seen real gross domestic product (GDP) increasing
at a rate twice that of the 1980s and 1990s. The spread of growth over economic
sectors has been relatively uniform. By 2020, 128 million African households
are projected to have transited to “middle class”, boosting consumption and
spending potentials; and by 2030 Africa’s highest-performing 18 cities might
reach a combined purchasing power of USD 1.3 trillion. Projections over the
longer term include growth of the middle class from 355 million people in 2010
(34 per cent of the total population) to 1.1 billion (42 per cent) in 2060,
exceeding that of China today.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">UN-Habitat State of the
African Cities Report, 2014<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This optimistic turn quickly came to be reflected in the
media as well, as can still be evidenced today from the ‘good news’ media
stories that we are exposed to about the continent on international news
channels such as CNN and the BBC. Everybody, it seems, was queuing up in the
wake of the 2008 financial collapse (i.e. from the US, to Europe to India and
China); in a ‘new scramble for Africa’. To be sure, on a continent such as
this, that has undergone such drastic exploitation over centuries, strong
warnings also emerged. Many on the continent were not quite sure whether to
trust this new version of their continent that was doing the rounds in the
global media discourse. As the State of the African Cities Report of 2014 went
on to warn, a more cautious optimism was necessary. After all, at the time;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“… despite ten years of
high economic growth continent-wide, around 50 per cent of Africans today
remain at incomes below USD 1.25 per day, while only four per cent receive more
than USD 10 per day. Using the range of USD 10 to USD 100 per day, Africa
constitutes a mere two per cent of the global middle class and has only one per
cent of its purchasing power.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is more to this picture, and I will address some of the
dimensions that require serious attention if we are to understand; (1) how
future fit the continent is, and (2) what needs to be done in order to secure an
affirmative future for the continent. And to be sure, we face difficult and
complex challenges; not least because it is difficult to speak of such a large,
diverse continent in singular terms. Context matters and generalizations often
do injustice to our understanding of the developmental challenges we face, as
well as to the solutions we adopt. So it is a difficult task that I am faced
with tonight, and I must beg your indulgence. In problematising the ‘African
condition’ I may be omitting some of the nuances of it. However, we have a
short amount of time, and despite the difficulty of the task I have been set,
we need to ask some basic questions. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And the very first question is, “what do we mean by
‘future-fit’?” In simple terms, we can think of future fitness in terms of
resilience, sustainability, equity and prosperity. There is perhaps more to add
to this, but for now this broad characterization will have to suffice.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Additionally, the question of how ‘future-fit’ the continent
is; is linked to the questions such as: <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Is the continent undergoing a
transition in the first place? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">If it is, <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">What kind of transition is it?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Who are the protagonists?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Where is it leading?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">And most importantly, what can we
begin to do now to secure a more equitable and sustainable future for the
people who live on the continent? What elements, seeded now, can grow a more
sustainable, resilient and prosperous future for the continent and all those
who live within it?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The short answer to the question of whether the continent is
undergoing a transition or not is, “yes”, most certainly! That does not mean
that historical inequalities and negative trends are <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">not</i> being reproduced in this transition. What it means is that it
is undeniable that some fundamental changes are unfolding on the continent. So
let’s take a look at some of the dimensions of change that are unfolding on the
continent:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One of the key dimensions of change on the continent today is
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">urbanization</i>: <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">African
cities are exhibiting the highest growth rates in the world, even though
national urbanization levels remain low, especially in Eastern and Southern
Africa.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Over
a quarter of the 100 fastest growing cities are in Africa.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The
number of African urban dwellers is projected to increase from 400 million to
1.26 billion by 2050.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The
global share of African urban dwellers is projected to rise from 11.3 per cent
in 2010 to a 20.2 per cent by 2050.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A
critically important factor in the urbanization trends in Africa is the
dominant growth of smaller, intermediate and secondary cities (75% of urban
growth is being absorbed in small to intermediate cities).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Another
critically important factor is that this urbanization is taking place without
significant industrialization. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When it comes to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">population
growth</i>:<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The
African population is projected to double from 1Bn in 2010 to 2Bn in 2020 and
may surpass 3Bn by 2070 (SOAC, 2014)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Average
densities will increase from 34 to 79 persons per km2 in the period between
2010 and 2050.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Africa’s
labour force is projected to reach 1.1Bn by 2040, when continent will be more
than 50% urbanised.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Another critical feature of the transition that is underway
on the continent is the ‘youth bulge’:<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo4; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In
2012, Africa was recognized as having the youngest population in the world,
with around 200 million of the population between the ages of 15 and 24 (i.e.
20%). This is projected to double by 2045 if growth trends persist.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo4; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">To
put this into perspective over 40% are under the age of 15, and 20% are between
the ages of 15 and 24. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo4; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">According
to the World Bank, African youth constitute about 60% of the unemployed on the
continent. The upshot of this is that most youth are absorbed into the informal
sector, or into insecure work. Lastly, it is important to mention that this
youth unemployment is also drastically gendered. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is also very important to account for the emerging African
middle class, as it is a complex phenomenon, not to be compared to the middle
classes of the developed world:<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">By
2020, 128 million households will be middle class.; from 355 million people in
2010 to 1.1 billion in 2060 (i.e higher than that in China today).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This
middle class is defined as those living on between USD 2-20 per day, and
constitutes around 34% of population.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Floating
middle class: USD 2-4 per day (60% of the aforementioned 34%)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">To
put this into perspective, as mentioned earlier; only 4% of Africans living on
incomes higher than USD 10 per day, and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>50% live on less than USD 1.25 per day.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">If
we compare Africa to the ‘global middle class’ (i.e. those living on incomes
that range between USD 10-100 per day) then Africa constitutes only 2% of global
middle class.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet the transition that is underway on the continent is a
fraught one, primarily because of the predominant and pre-existing conditions that
plague the socio-economics of the continent. The majority of African cities are
constituted of slums and informal settlements (between 60-80% from West to
Central to East Africa). Poverty remains the majority condition of most people
on the continent. Infrastructures such as road, rail and air are severely
lacking in many parts of the continent. So are service provisions such as
electricity, clean water, sanitation, healthcare and internet access. Food
insecurity continues to plague many Africans. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, there are severe institutional challenges – whether
in government or the private sector – that need to be confronted across the
continent. The dominance of national and local elites – who are typically
connected across public and private sectors – serves to deepen entrenched,
inherited inequalities on the continent. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Maintaining political stability is also a critical challenge,
as political turbulence and insecurity wreaks havoc on developmental agenda’s,
and serves only to thwart the kind of stable investment that is required for
long term growth. It may be that political models – in particular democratic
political models – may have to evolve to fit the African context more
appropriately. That is, African countries may have to negotiate what democracy
means for them on their own terms, rather than simply importing democratic
ideals and practices.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">…<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So where does this leave us in terms of our options? How can
we make decisions today to secure a ‘future-fit’ trajectory for the continent?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One of the most critical factors to consider when formulating
strategies is “where are we now?”, and “where to from here?” What is emerging,
that can be leveraged to bring about the kind of outcomes we desire. In this
respect, it is – in my view – great folly to overlook the vast potential that
sustainable solutions, green technologies and infrastructure, as well as the
emerging innovations of the fourth industrial revolution; have to offer the
African continent.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The African continent is – in general terms – largely characterised
by a lack of adequate bulk infrastructures and the high pre-existing levels of
unplanned slums and informal settlements (particularly in cities). These negate
the easy introduction of these bulk infrastructures and commensurate service
provisions. Green technologies and systems, however, are largely decentralised
or semi-decentralised, and can therefore function in the absence of bulk
infrastructure provisions, or link into existing bulk infrastructures. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, from a developmental perspective, the absorption of
green and sustainable technologies can help seed small to medium scale
enterprises on a large scale, driving economic growth and circulation of cash
flow at the levels where it is needed most. This can also help absorb unskilled
and semi-skilled workers into the workforce, that is, at precisely the levels
that employment creation is desperately needed. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Employment can be significantly boosted through the
introduction of technologies such as solar panels, solar water heaters, grey-
and black-water recycling systems, biogas digesters, energy savings devices,
energy savings companies, renewable energy micro-grids, small-scale wind and
hydro energy technologies, urban agriculture and permaculture operations,
agro-industrial processing, public transit systems, waste recycling systems,
and so forth. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The introduction of semi-decentralised and decentralised
green technology solutions and systems can also help lower costs and buffer
producers and households from exogenous shocks. Fifty to seventy percent of the
household budgets of poor African households are spent on food, water, energy
and transport, rendering them vulnerable to external shocks. Buffering poor
households from these shocks can go a long way towards making these households
– and local authorities (who will then be able to collect local revenues and
decrease their dependence on central governments) – more viable. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not just healthy for households and governance, it is
also healthy in the sense that it will help stabilise and promote the emergence
of an African middle class. Stabilising this middle class in genuine terms, and
enabling them to be able to afford assets, have disposable income and grow into
a consumer class, requires more than a conventional industrialisation
programme. It requires a transformative programme of industrialisation; one
that purposively seeks to innovate in service of the future sustainability of
the African continent. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The opportunities afforded by the fourth industrial
revolution – for leapfrogging Africa’s development onto a more equitable and
sustainable trajectory – are vast. For example, the fourth industrial
revolution can facilitate the roll-out of green infrastructures and
technologies through: financing, insurance, micro-credit and banking services; advanced
revenue collection systems; sharing economy offerings; education and skills
development; real-time data and information synthesis and analytics;
coordination of resource and other material flows; automation, mechanisation
and robotification; logistics, transportation, planning and spatial
development; as well as capabilities that are yet to emerge or be
innovated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As mentioned earlier; in Africa, unprecedented urban growth
is proceeding in the absence of any significant industrialisation. The fourth
industrial revolution presents a massive opportunity to leapfrog African
productive economies into a wholly new space; one where its internal markets
grow and its external markets are <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">other</i>
developing world economies (preferably their neighbours).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Since the end of WWII the mantra proposition for the African
Renaissance has been to beneficiate its resources by following the traditional
industrialization trajectory that was undertaken by the global North. In the 21<sup>st</sup>
Century, however, new opportunities are presenting themselves; opportunities
that could be leveraged for a wholly different industrialization and
diversification trajectory for the continent.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this talk, I have primarily dealt with the question of
what kind of developmental and economic diversification trajectories are
available to us to actualize a ‘future-fit’ continent. There are of course, a
broader range of factors to consider, and we do not have the time to go into
all of them here today. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Suffice to say that a future fit continent is something we
have to begin building now; and what is clear is that it requires that the
choices that African countries make are characterized by; (1) ensuring the
sustainable and equitable use of its resources, (2) leapfrogging the
technological and infrastructural developmental trajectories that were adopted
in the Global North in the 20<sup>th</sup> Century, (3) building robust
institutions that can deliver on their mandates in the interests of all who
constitute society, and (4) embracing the potential for innovation and mobility
on the continent, which in large part resides in its large youthful population,
and (5) engendering political stability through leadership that is transparent,
accountable and responsible, as well as bold in respect of the decision-making
that is required to navigate towards the desired long-term horizons for the
continent. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
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</span><br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
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<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/DESKTOP%20MISCELLANEOUS%202019/LEAD%20speech%203.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
McKinsey (2010). Lions on the Move: The Progress and Potential of African
Economies, McKinsey Global Institute, McKinsey and Company.<span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/DESKTOP%20MISCELLANEOUS%202019/LEAD%20speech%203.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
AfDB (2011). Africa in 50 Years Time. The Road Towards Inclusive Growth,
African Development Bank (ADB) (Tunisia, Tunis), September 2011.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/DESKTOP%20MISCELLANEOUS%202019/LEAD%20speech%203.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">[iii] UN Habitat (2014). State of the African Cities Report 2014: Reimagining Sustainable Urban Transitions, United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN Habitat), Nairobi: Kenya.</span></span></span></span></a></div>
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<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-39946633289413630362018-12-06T20:24:00.001+02:002018-12-06T20:43:33.876+02:00Old Fears, New Terrain: How Political Contestation is Changing!<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This address was delivered at the Desmond and
Leah Tutu Foundation at the Old Granary building in Cape Town on the 6<sup>th</sup>
of December 2018. The Citizen Dialogue Centre (CDC), The Citizen Research Centre
(CRC) and the Centre for Analytics and Behavioural Change (CABC NPO) held a fundraising
event to motivate for a programme to protect the 2019 South African elections –
due in May 2019 – from online and social media disruption and interference. The
event was kindly hosted by the Desmond and Leah Tutu Foundation and was opened by
Dr Mamphele Ramphele. </span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We are living through an era of profound change. The
democratic standards and ethics of the 20<sup>th</sup> Century – that were
developed in the post-war consensus – are being eroded in service of political
expediency and short term gain. The very fabric that constituted the post-war
consensus; one that took a long term view on how politics is contested and
conducted; is being undermined by the technological innovations – mobile
phones, the internet and social media –<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that promised a new era of strengthened democracy, increased
transparency and accountability, and active citizen engagement. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the hyper-connected world of today, no country or region
can fully escape the impact of these changes. It has already proven foolish to
avoid dealing with them. The notion that tried and tested traditional methods
of mobilizing political support will eventually win out has proven desperately
wanting. Change is upon us and we have to evolve with the times. The only
question around it; is how we choose to do so. Do we choose to descend to the
level of cheap populism and inflammatory rhetoric, or do we want to harness change
to help build more cohesive societies? Both options are available to us; the
real question is whether we are caught up in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">short term</i> scrambles for power, or whether we remain focused on
what we hope to achieve as societies in the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">long
term</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But first we need to correctly diagnose the changes that we
are undergoing, as failure to do so will result in remedies that are bound to
fail. So what has changed? Why is it so important to rethink how politics is
being contested and to embrace the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">new
terrain</i> of political contestation, so to speak?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The first – and key – change to understand is that the
internet, social media and new media have fundamentally altered how political
messaging is developed and delivered to the public. Whereas in the 20<sup>th</sup> Century voters were targeted in broad demographic bands (say, white males
between the age of 25 and 35, or white females between the ages of 45 and 55),
the internet and social media have enabled political campaigners to target
individuals and small groups more precisely with messaging that is customized
to their personal preferences, biases and fears. Big data has allowed us to
develop a more nuanced understanding of individuals and small groups than ever
before. Political propaganda can now be delivered to a person or small group in
such a manner that it takes into account what they are most likely to respond
to on an emotional or affective level, as well as an intellectual level. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, mobile phones make us both constantly connected and
instantly reachable. We now live in a world that is hyper-connected – on many
levels – but especially with respect to information. We are inundated by news
feeds, video clips, trivia, listicons, motivations, fear-mongering, moral
prescriptions, Machiavellian prescriptions, echo-chambers (e.g. WhatsApp
groups), and the like. In this information overload we cannot help but feel
lost; there is precious little signal to grasp in the endless noise. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And it may seem counter-intuitive, but this seamlessness is
precisely what enables political propagandists to weaponise their messaging so
effectively. The proliferation of information and opinion today makes it easier
for people who feel disempowered by it to retreat into enclaves or “echo-chambers”
as they are now being called. Previously that “echo-chamber” might have been a
small community, a neighbourhood or a village – nowadays the echo-chambers are
online; they reside in the virtual realm as well as in the real world. We are
living in the era that is increasingly characterized by an <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">augmented </i>reality. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, hyperconnectivity and a high-frequency,
constant-flow information stream has been coupled with an instant gratification
culture; one where clicks and likes lend more weight to a piece of information
than its actual veracity. There is less time for contemplation; the
‘post-literate’ world is characterized by the ability to throw a wide net and
take in a vast array of inputs, but with little quality insight; we surf
everything but have little depth in anything in particular. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is also a clear history that has fed these
developments. This era is preceded by one where political spin, soundbites and
the concerted ‘dumbing down’ of political messaging became the norm and fed the
news cycles of media that had become driven by advertising revenue rather than
sales. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These are the ingredients that have been cooked up to produce
the reality we are experiencing in the early 21<sup>st</sup> Century. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>New online media technologies, coupled with
advertising driven revenue models, have yielded a new status quo; where the
popularity of something is more important than its veracity and its actual
value. Throughout history, we have underestimated the impact that new
technology has on the propaganda of its time; this goes all the way back to the
printing press, with radio and television serving as more recent innovations in
the greater historical scheme of things. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The technology-driven terrain of this era is serving as a
basis for new contestations of power; not just the occupy styled protests of
the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa, or more currently the ‘yellow
vests’ in France – but between nation states and large multinational/commercial
interests who are contesting the global political and economic order. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And how do they achieve this? More recent investigations have
shown that it is not just “fake news” that is instrumental in these information
warfare styled strategies but sowing discord in the ranks of the enemy – a
divide and conquer strategy, so to speak. This is the exertion of soft power
through asymmetric information (and psychological) warfare. When unity and cohesion within a group
is lost they become more vulnerable and open to manipulation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We know that state actors are active in this space. For
example, the Russian government has invested heavily in creating well staffed
capabilities that focus on sowing division in countries that they seek to
manipulate. Other actors such as Breitbart news – the news media darling of the
‘alt right’ in North America, who are now making moves into Europe – have also
been very successful at this.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But some skeptics still ask, “why South Africa?” Who would
seek to manipulate our elections, and why?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In our provincialism we often fail to adequately appreciate
our critical role in the world and on the continent in particular. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, South Africa is of great geo-strategic interest to
countries and multinationals that are looking to exploit the next, most
significant, emerging class of consumers in the world; a market that is
essential for global growth. Let me read you a short quote from the State of
the African Cities Report 2014 by UN HABITAT.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“By 2020, 128 million African households are projected to
have transited to “middle class” (see also Box 1.1), boosting consumption and
spending potentials; and by 2030 Africa’s highest-performing 18 cities might
reach a combined purchasing power of USD 1.3 trillion. Projections over the
longer term include growth of the middle class from 355 million people in 2010
(34 per cent of the total population) to 1.1 billion (42 per cent) in 2060,
exceeding that of China today.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">South Africa is uniquely positioned to help access these
opportunities, particularly because of its stable, reliable tertiary sector
capacity (e.g. Finance, Insurance, Real-Estate, Banking), and could very well
become the financial capital of Africa; so to speak. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In addition, South Africa’s resources are of global import
and significance. For example, we have the second largest uranium reserves in
the world. Any country that has invested heavily in nuclear power offerings
(e.g. Russia and France) would naturally have an interest in being able to
influence how our uranium resources are administered. Moreover, we have
globally significant coal reserves, platinum group metal reserves, rare earth
metals, phosphates, and so forth. This is before we even consider the natural
resources we possess above the ground, as well as the many other sectors in
which we play a key role.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And perhaps most importantly, there is <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">precedent</i> for us to be wary of the use of social media to influence
the public political discourse in South Africa. We need only look to the
Bell-Pottinger debacle that unfolded towards the end of Jacob Zuma’s second
term (they were hired by the Gupta family and Jacob Zuma’s son Duduzane). The
African Network of Centres for Investigative Reporting found that between July
2016 and July 2017 220,000 tweets and hundreds of facebook posts<a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/Op%20Eds/Protecting%20the%202019%20South%20African%20Elections%20from%20Interference%203.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
were put out by Bell-Pottinger in a deliberate attempt to manipulate and divide
public opinion. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Narratives such as that of “white monopoly capital”, “radical
economic transformation” and “land reform” were artificially amplified <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and</i> – in an environment that was ripe
for populist sloganeering and divisive rhetoric – were quickly taken up and
became normative. It soon felt like these terms had been around for a long time
when in reality they had moved from the fringes of the public political
discourse to the centre very quickly. This is precisely the objective of
propaganda, and social media and new media have made it easier to deliver
messaging more precisely, and amplify it more successfully at the same time; a
dangerous combination.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">More recently – according to the Digital Forensic Research
Lab – during the December 2017 ANC presidential elections a host of automated
‘bots’ numbering “in the low hundreds” were mobilized out of the US to
influence it<a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/Op%20Eds/Protecting%20the%202019%20South%20African%20Elections%20from%20Interference%203.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Although it is doubtful that it actually played a role in swaying the election,
it serves as an important warning of what may come next. Indeed, it may have
actually been a ‘test run’, to help calibrate their approach.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What this tells us is that South Africa is already on the
radar for those who would meddle with our political discourse and electoral
processes. It would be deeply ignorant to imagine that we can wish these threats
away; or simply hope that they will not prove significant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Further afield, organisations such as Cambridge Analytica
have been deeply involved in sowing discord and spreading dangerous, polarizing
rhetoric in elections at home, as well as around the world; they were involved
in Brexit, the 2016 US elections, the most recent Kenyan elections, and many
others around the world. Cambridge Analytica even leveraged its network of
retired intelligence operatives to support political campaigns and safeguard
the interests of nefarious individuals and leaders, and were prepared to use
devious, old traditional means as well. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Recently, reports of heavily staffed Russian government
funded operations to leverage social media to influence the 2016 US elections
have surfaced. While the Russian government denies it, it is clear that Russia
has taken the gap provided by both Brexit and Trump to exert soft power and
position itself more prominently in the global political order. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And you can be sure that China is already well equipped in
this arena as well, as they already possess extensive capabilities to monitor
online conversations in China.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are also internal threats to consider.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Just last month a UNISA employee was exposed – along with his
sister – of creating several fake news websites and distributing them via a
series of Facebook pages. Apparently, the pair had been operating similar
websites from at least early 2016. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We have also seen a dramatic increase in Trump-styled
disinformation campaigns being carried out by political actors in South Africa.
The EFF, in particular, have made use of twitter to make accusations against
other politicians, their families and businesspeople; a few facts are often
strung together to arrive at completely spurious conclusions. But they are not
alone in their ‘shoot from the hip’ tactics; irresponsible rhetoric and spin
has come to characterize our political realm.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And to be sure, South Africa is currently fertile territory
for divisive rhetoric and misinformation campaigns. The reasons are simple.
Even though South Africans now enjoy democratic freedom, South Africa endures
that highest inequality in the world. And that inequality is even higher in our
major cities. When viewed through a historical lens, this inequality is easily
construed as a continuation of Apartheid era forms of exclusion. Rampant
inequality, historical racial cleavages and the slow pace of land reform are
but a handful of the broader issues that can and are being used to manipulate
the political sphere in South Africa. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is also massive frustration among ordinary South
Africans with the political establishment; they are largely viewed as elites
who are out of touch with the everyday realities that ordinary people
face.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Among poor and marginal
communities, major ‘service delivery’ protests have risen exponentially over
the past decade or so; it is now convention to take to the streets and make localities
ungovernable in order to draw government’s attention to the pressing issues
that these communities endure. We are a society that is balanced on a knife
edge; we are acutely aware that our current condition is not sustainable. This
renders our body politic extremely vulnerable to populist actors – who may
occupy the fringes at first – but can quickly move to the centre if tipping
points are breached. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And to be sure; the internet and social media are the key
avenues through which they can amplify their public voice and tip the scales
one way or another. It is cheap, easy to use, and the damage it wreaks is
difficult to undo once it has been done. Its fundamental asymmetry makes it
attractive to those who are currently outliers or outriders, but aspire to
greater power. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So to the point of why we are gathered here today; what can
we do about it? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Well firstly, we need to understand that this problem cannot
be ‘regulated away’. Regulations simply cannot keep up with the rapid changes
occurring in the technologies and innovations that govern this space. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What we need to do is to begin building the capabilities that
can actively engage and counter fake news and polarizing and incendiary
rhetoric online. We need dedicated organizations that are well staffed, and
possess the right intellectual capital, as well as the software and hardware
they need to be effective. We also need to test and establish the methodologies
that have been developed to counter online interference. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We need to become better at countering online interference
through two key avenues; (1) through directly crippling the online ‘nodes’
through which messaging is artificially amplified, and (2) drawing on the
self-organising capability of the internet to boost engagement by reasonable, level-headed
people and key influencers who can help dampen out the loud and irresponsible
actions of online ‘trolls’.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And importantly, we need to make sure that we share all the
information about how to set up these capabilities and make them effective; so
that other groups across the world can set up similar capabilities in their
local contexts. Over time, a broad network of such organizations will become a ‘learning
network’; sharing case studies, methods, techniques and the like to improve
each other’s success rates at countering interference. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To reiterate, the strategy for dealing with online
interference will not be successful if a purely regulatory stance is adopted. We
need to be embedded within the new terrain and evolve with it. This asymmetric
threat can be fought asymmetrically; and this is good news for us, as we can
leverage knowledge based resources and bring them to bear on this nascent
threat. And to be sure, as it is with any threat, measures and countermeasures
will co-evolve in response to each other into perpetuity. We need active
capabilities to be effective in our efforts to safeguard social cohesion and
democratic politics. Our electoral integrity will increasingly be defined by
our ability to be effective – in real time – in this new terrain of political
contestation. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Having heard this talk, you may feel that it would be easy to
convince those who can help establish such a capability to throw their support
behind it. But we are faced with a situation where people are so overwhelmed by
the multiple ‘threats’ they are constantly bombarded with, that they have
become somewhat numbed, unable to clearly assess the threat before them. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We know that the internet, social media and mobile phones are
changing society, but we are in deep denial about the extent to which its reach
has rapidly grown. This is a very real threat. And as it is with elections;
once they are over and the winners and losers have been announced, it is
extremely difficult to roll back. There are no second chances, and the organizations
who have come before you here today are not merely interested in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">studying </i>how these political disasters
occur <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">retrospectively</i>. Our central
objective is to insert ourselves into this space in real-time so that we can
play a meaningful role in actively protecting our democracy. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After many years of sacrifice, struggle and strife we emerged
with a hard won democracy; and we have seen – in recent years – what it takes
to safeguard it. What we <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">must </i>recognize,
at this crucial point in history, is that the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">terrain of contestation</i> has changed, and we must adapt with it, or
face the consequences of lagging behind it.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
Thank you!</span></span><br />
<div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Note: The author and speaker of this piece is the Executive Head of the Centre for Analytics and Behavioural Change (CABC NPO).</i><br />
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/Op%20Eds/Protecting%20the%202019%20South%20African%20Elections%20from%20Interference%203.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 9.0pt;">
https://medium.com/dfrlab/electionwatch-american-bots-in-south-africa-1487a537bf59</span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/Op%20Eds/Protecting%20the%202019%20South%20African%20Elections%20from%20Interference%203.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 9.0pt;">
https://medium.com/dfrlab/electionwatch-american-bots-in-south-africa-1487a537bf59</span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-50403507642944067412018-11-11T11:25:00.002+02:002018-12-28T12:04:25.084+02:00Leading the Fourth Industrial Revolution: Organisations, Techno-Mirages & Ethics in the Posthuman Era<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-drgWx0emL6g/W-h4QN3QnfI/AAAAAAAAAJo/lTWuSVnNrV4Mt0eYcfm9CuXjgLpsi4xmwCLcBGAs/s1600/robot-ea35b00f2b_640.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="426" data-original-width="640" height="266" src="https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-drgWx0emL6g/W-h4QN3QnfI/AAAAAAAAAJo/lTWuSVnNrV4Mt0eYcfm9CuXjgLpsi4xmwCLcBGAs/s400/robot-ea35b00f2b_640.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Change is inevitable. Yet if we are to believe that a new era
is dawning we <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">must</i>, and this is an
obligation, seek to understand what is fundamental about the changes unfolding
around us that will bring about a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">transformative
</i>transition, that is; a transition where things are made anew. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We are told that we are entering into a ‘post’ era. That new
generations will be ‘post-literate’; transcending the need to read and write – perhaps
even ‘post-language’ where communication is mediated by technologies directly
from one mind to another without the need for words. That we are headed towards
a ‘postcapitalist’ political economy: one where technological innovation will
force 20<sup>th</sup> Century capitalism to out-evolve itself. That we will
live in a ‘post-labour’, ‘post-work’ world; one that could either be
techno-utopian or techno-dystopian, depending on who you ask. That we will live
in a ‘post-gendered’, ‘post hetero-normative world’; where identity will be
more flexible and difference and otherness will enjoy broader social
acceptance. That borders and boundaries will become more fluid. And that there
is perhaps a prospect of a ‘post-politics’ emerging that will upend and replace
the political dichotomies of the 20<sup>th</sup> Century. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But perhaps more profoundly, that we will become a
‘posthuman’ society, where the anthropocentric view of humans as the centre of
the world will be replaced by a recognition of humans as part of a broader
ecology of interactions with non-human species enjoying an equal status; their
undeniable interconnectedness, interdependence and inter-reliance taking
precedence over human exceptionalism. A society where we increasingly inhabit
the planetary significance of our daily choices, one that will increasingly be
mediated by technologies that reside inside and outside of our bodies, and
perhaps, even our minds.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is a thread running through all these ‘post’
discourses; and that thread has come to be known by the often contested term;
the fourth industrial revolution or 4IR. The posthuman “other” characterizes
the fourth industrial revolution. Whether it is artificial intelligence or automation;
the cyborg or human-machine augmentation; mutation or hybridization at the genetic
level; the increasing dominance of augmented reality as central to human
socio-economic interaction, or whether it is the identity fluidity that emerges
from some or a combination of these factors; the posthuman society is
characterized by the phenomenon of merging with the other. However, agonistic
or not the reaction to this is, it is the posthuman position that merging and
interdependence will increasingly characterize the condition of the other,
whether we speak of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">other</i> of
science fiction, or of histories that have hitherto been denied. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet what is this posthuman society of the other? And <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">can</i> it really decouple from its past?
Clearly, it cannot do so neatly. It <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">will</i>
likely be a fraught and agonistic process; a process that is more likely to
become stuck in an oscillation between the realities of its inheritance and the
mirages it aspires to actualizing. It is clear – to me at least – that there is
great danger in lapsing into a blinkered technology-centric vision of the
fourth industrial revolution. Not only does it present its aspirations as
inevitable outcomes; it presents transformative transition as linear, when it
is anything but linear. Rather it is characterized by evolutionary change,
which is distinctly non-linear, metastable and unpredictable. What future does
this posthuman society then auger? And how can we grapple with it? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Posthumanism is a post-dualistic theory: it is a theory that
favours neither this <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nor</i> that binary
option for categorizing phenomena; it departs from the position that is always
both. In this; posthumanism and the posthuman society, acknowledges the
complexity of the transition that is unfolding. And that complexity is
ultimately (well, currently) a human one to wrestle with, as it necessitates
grappling with the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ethics</i> of the
fourth industrial revolution and what it will mean for a posthuman society. For
ethics, and the principles that inform ethics, are central to navigating new
futures; they provide the foundation upon which leaders can navigate the turbulent
‘whitewaters’ of change. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When we look at how the fourth industrial revolution is
positioned in popular discourse, there is very little serious thought given to
ethics, which is key to leadership. The emphasis is on the technological and
not the social aspects of organization. Yet it is critical to think through the
fourth industrial revolution from the perspective of posthumanism; as it is a
philosophical project that is concerned with the ethics of precisely<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> this</i> new future.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, what are the implications for how society is
organized? How will human beings live, love, work, play, endure crises, express
themselves, explore their spirituality and materiality, form and break bonds
constitute families and communities, vote, engage in the political realm and
take political action, and so forth. Indeed, how do we want them to? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, the question is even greater; how might our values,
beliefs and norms evolve or <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">co-evolve</i>
with the socio-technological changes of the posthuman era? Will we be able to
distinguish signals from the noise? How will being hyper-connected, embedded,
immersed in the augmented realities that we are embedded in affect us? At what
point do we begin to drown in the noise while synthetic agents gain greater
clarity, perhaps ultimately replacing us?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And what kind of ethics – or rather – ethical frameworks do
we require to effectively navigate the changes that will unfold, that is;
especially those that are emergent, unpredictable? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Clearly, a morality based ethics will suffer in an
environment where rapid and unforeseen changes dominate the socio-technological
society and its organization. Morality is relative, that is; between human
beings, but also over time. Morality based ethics will not be able to cope with
the vast changes that are set to unfold. It simply cannot remain constant with
respect to temporal change. So where will we derive an ethics for the fourth
industrial revolution from?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Will it simply be a survivalist ‘non-ethics’ that informs
leaders and leaderships, a spiral to the bottom where power and the ‘tragedy of
the commons’ is replaced by the ‘tragedy of the private’? Where accumulation by
a few intensifies and inequality grows?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Where democratic integrity is sacrificed in the desperate
scramble for political/raw power; where nothing else matters but ‘winning’.
Where the performative is amplified, elevated above all else in the
hyper-linked, high frequency update information era?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If we are to purposively construct the posthuman society, or
at least guide it into existence; we will have to ‘dig deep’, so to speak. We
will need to identify the principles that we can agree on instead. So as things
change over time we need to be able to rely on principles that are; (firstly)
temporally robust and (secondly) that we can renegotiate as required. These
principles will have to be post-dualistic in nature; they will need to be both
resilient yet adaptive at the same time. This is what a post-dualistic
framework for deriving ethics requires.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What jarring complexity is this? Where neither good nor bad,
virtue nor evil; dictates the transformation that unfolds. That it is always
both, a duality that persists and pervades regardless of the professed ethics
of an era. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We will get to this later.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, let us ground this discussion in a set of thoughts
about the organization of the future:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What will the organization of the future look like? How will
it be designed? What will its societal role be? What kind of ‘citizen’ or
‘legal person’ will the organization of the future be? How sustainable will it
be, not just in terms of its profit margins, but in terms of how it uses
resources and impacts the environment? Most of all, what do we want it to be?
These questions cannot escape that when we tackle the future there is always a
strong normative element to it; it is not just about what will emerge, but what
we <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">want</i> the future to be. Although we
cannot entirely control what emerges, we have to strive to actualize the future
we want from what ultimately unfolds in reality. We are grappling, so to speak,
with the process of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">becoming</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What can we do to position leadership for a future that is
currently thought of in binary terms; of an imminent techno-utopia or
techno-dystopia? Well, first and foremost, we have to acknowledge that what
emerges from the fourth industrial revolution will largely be undecideable –
note; not neutral – but undecideable. Every innovation will likely be a coin
with two sides; a duality of possibilities lying latent within it. How it meets
society and co-evolves with it, and what that reflexivity reproduces, cannot be
easily discerned. We have no crystal balls to rely on. Well at least I don’t,
and my conviction is that only snake oil salesman pretend to know!<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My feeling is that this duality between techno-utopian and
techno-dystopian utility, enabled by the full range of possibilities that each
innovation hosts, will ultimately emerge as complex phenomena; those that do
not easily fit into this box or that, or this binary classification or that. Rather,
each innovation will seed, grow and reproduce in the territories that provide
them with a clear <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">need</i>, and a clear <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">means</i> through which the innovation can
be adapted to meet that need. And their value and sustainability will in turn
be a result of how well they help sustain the boundaries of those territories,
and perhaps extend them. That is; in how well it helps reproduce and entrench the
territory that it seeds in.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And as the new technological, social, economic, cultural,
environmental, institutional and organizational factors emerge, combine,
disperse and recombine; new forms will be born in each of these domains. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Natality</i> will likely characterize the
state of things.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So, in this new era, how will organizations be designed? How
will they function? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">They will need to enhance their
adaptive and creative capacity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Diversity, inclusion and valuing
codependence over individualism is necessary for this. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">So is a transdisciplinary skills base
that can facilitate cross-pollination of ideas and perspectives.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">They may need to be able to expand
and contract relatively quickly in order to survive. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Perhaps they will have to think more
carefully about how they distribute their functions, processes and controls – as
well as their assets and resources – in order to be able to do so. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Might that also be the case for the
skills, capabilities and networks that underlie their core competences?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Linked to this, might they be
increasingly decentralized? Where networks of organizations replace one large
organization (“web-like, scattered and polycentred” as Rosi Braidotti – the
eminent scholar of posthumanism, puts it).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">They may need to build in
redundancies into their organizational design, so that they can quickly access
multiple fall-back configurations in order to adapt. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This has implications for
organizational design that prioritizes efficiency measures over adaptability.
Efficiency does not equal resilience.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">They will also likely increasingly
need to prioritise sub-optimisation over efficiency: Simply optimizing every
contributing part of an organization will not be enough; indeed, in complexity
theory the sub-optimisation principle states that when the parts of a system
are optimized the whole functions sub-optimally and vice-versa. This may seem
counterintuitive but it is true of all natural systems, including our bodies;
if your body’s parts were all functioning optimally now you would be dead
within minutes. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hierarchy versus heterarchy: While
hierarchies are important, they may need to become more fluid, that is; more
heterarchical, where agents, functions, controls and processes rise to
authority depending on how the context evolves, that is, a more complex,
adaptive hierarchy. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the question of how organizations will look and
function is tied up with the questions of how societies will be organized, and
how governments – even democracies – will function. But we do not have the time
to go into that here.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">…<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the question of what principles should inform the ethics
of the fourth industrial revolution and the posthuman era, I alone cannot
prescribe them. Perhaps a better question to ask is, <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“What should guide these principles?”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Let me suggest some practical guidelines:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">First;
that we live in a world with finite resources. That doing <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">more</i> with <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">less</i> resources
will prove critical to how well we navigate the prospect of resource scarcity
and that the kind of societies and world we will live in will depend on it. Whether
we live in a world that is characterized by inequality and scarcity, or whether
we live in a world of abundance and equitable distribution will depend on it.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Second;
that we are both a part of, and depend on our life-supporting ecosystems. We
are indisputably part of the natural systems on which we depend for our
survival. And in the anthropocene humankind is driving changes in theses
natural systems that are unprecedented. We are not only changing the global
climate, we are also severely degrading global ecosystems. 18 years ago the
millennium ecosystem assessment found that 12 out of 24 of the global
life-supporting ecosystems were severely degraded. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Third;
that we should endeavour, as far as possible, to retain human connection. That
communities and societies cannot thrive when people are individuated and
atomized, where social bonds are mediated through superficial ties
characterized by momentary, transient and ephemeral interactions. We need to be
able to cultivate deep bonds that allow us to feel rooted. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Fourth;
that politics cannot function if people are relegated to the private realm and
live lives that are devoid of any engagement in the public realm. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Fifth;
that complex change is irreversible; it cannot be rolled back. We will have to
build the adaptive capacity to be able to cope with changes that we cannot
control, for there will likely be many. The paradigm of control will need to be
replaced by one of adaptability. This adaptability requires building both
adaptive capacity and creative capacity; embracing a more inclusive and dynamic
process for contestation and cooperation from which ethical positions can
emerge. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Sixth;
that we have long blurred the lines between our biological bodies and
technologies, and that while the fourth industrial revolution promises to
leapfrog the synthesis between human beings and technologies it is not a new
phenomenon. That we have precedents that we can draw on in this respect; it is
not a break with history but an inevitable consequence of it. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Seventh;
that the virtual realm is already a full part of our reality; that reality is –
and perhaps has always been – augmented by the technologies through which we
communicate. That all our societal systems – political, educational,
socio-cultural, economic, recreational and so forth will evolve with it. The
question is not if, but how we evolve with it, and on what terms.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Eighth;
that undecideability will characterize much of the decision-making about how to
navigate change and the unknown; that decisions will have to be made that are
deeply fraught and fundamentally irresolvable. The notion of what is “just”
will increasingly be fraught with contestation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ninth;
that potential changes in the nature of work need to be accommodated in such a
manner that systemic changes are embraced that can help absorb and convert these
changes so that meaningful and purpose-filled lives are actualized. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Tenth;
that the ethics of leadership will need to broaden, become more inclusive and
cater for both human and non-human species and systems, as well as their
interdependencies.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">There
are perhaps more, but we need to move on …<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So how we navigate between the false dichotomies ascribed by
utopian and dystopian techno-mirages will ultimately depend on what kind of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">leadership </i>is provided through the
myriad and multi-leveled transitions that society will likely undergo. And that
in turn will require an ethics – of leadership – that is located in a framework
of principles that we can generally agree on; principles that speak to the kind
of society we would like to live in, yet<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> can</i>
still evolve. Principles that can be used to make decisions that guide the
trajectory in one way or another, towards a suitable set of outcomes; given the
balance of probabilities. That is, a set of principles that also accommodates
what is <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">evolutionary</i> about the
‘techno-society’ that is set to unfold with the advent of the fourth industrial
revolution. A set of principles that we must agree to renegotiate along the way
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">without</i> losing what we value of what
we are. And a leadership ethics that can accommodate change, and allows for its
own renegotiation, on strict and reliable – yet inescapably subjective – terms.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">From an academic perspective, the notion of a non-universalizable
ethics stands in confrontation to the roots of the philosophy of ethics that
characterizes the Western Academy. Rather, as Rosi Braidotti puts it: <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“… it [i.e. the Western
Academy] perpetuates the institutionalized habit of thought – reactive and
sedentary – of erecting philosophy to the role of a master theory. The image of
the philosopher as the legislator of knowledge and the judge of truth – a model
rooted in the Kantian school – is the exact opposite of what posthuman critical
theory is arguing for; post-identitarian, non-unitary and transversal
subjectivity based on relations with human and non-human others.” <o:p></o:p></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[inserted text]<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Rather, she argues for a posthuman ethics that is an ethics
of “collectivity and relationality”, one that can contest and transform power. In
closing, it is worth reminding ourselves that what is most powerful about this
view, is that we will <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">all</i> be part of
constructing the ethics of the posthuman era; that the ethics of the era will
be emergent, and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">that</i> will require,
above all; strong <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">social organization</i>
to navigate. Perhaps a posthuman perspective on the ethics of the fourth
industrial revolution then ultimately offers us a critical opportunity; an
opportunity to reconstitute a meaningful polis from which a more inclusive,
dynamic and resilient society can emerge.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Thank you!</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><i style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">***Note: This is a transcript of an address delivered to the Alumni Reunion of the Graduate School of Business, University of Cape Town at the Radisson Red Hotel on 20th October 2018.</span></i></span></div>
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<br />
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-3978017256483239082018-11-11T11:15:00.000+02:002018-11-18T22:17:53.013+02:00Capitalism’s Revolutionary!<br />
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<a href="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-fww07I4k_hs/W-h0V2RwbWI/AAAAAAAAAJg/8S5xoDltL3EXlw-k1sOW8mFnWbrdCialQCEwYBhgL/s1600/IMG_20181111_182043.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="403" data-original-width="640" height="250" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-fww07I4k_hs/W-h0V2RwbWI/AAAAAAAAAJg/8S5xoDltL3EXlw-k1sOW8mFnWbrdCialQCEwYBhgL/s400/IMG_20181111_182043.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are many different views on
the Trump phenomenon. From classic twentieth century racist in denial, to bold
harbinger of a new ‘tell it like it is’ politics; what is undeniable about
Donald Trump is that his sheer audacity to upset all things sacred has proved
polarizing, even terrifying to some. There are many diverse perspectives and opinions
on the new US president and the leadership phenomenon he embodies. Yet of the
many lenses through which Donald Trump is viewed and analysed, precious little
attention has been drawn to what is <i>revolutionary</i>
about his often ill-advised leadership. </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It may at first appear strange to
think of Donald Trump as a revolutionary. Indeed, to most people, the notion of
revolutionaries conjures up imagery of left-wing ideologues. Cutout screen
prints of Lenin and Che Guevara pop into one’s mind. It is understandably
difficult to imagine a right wing conservative as revolutionary.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet if we reflect on Donald
Trump’s rise to power objectively; it fits the narrative of revolutionary
change on many levels. First, Trump’s leadership represents a fundamental challenge
to the existing US political establishment; both the Washington political establishment,
as well as the conservative establishment of the Republican Party. Second, Trump
was always regarded as a marginal figure, an outlier and a sideshow to US
politics; someone who ran for president to increase his own ratings rather than
to actually get the job. Even he admitted so, and was veritably surprised when
he eventually won the US elections. Yet this is typically how revolutionary
change occurs; what is regarded as an outlier – an aberration in the system
rather than a norm – moves to the centre and induces a shift that ‘changes
everything’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While outliers may languish in
relative obscurity for a long time, when the right conditions emerge for them
to rise to authority they are quickly elevated and become symbolic enactments of
the trends that had until then only persisted in the undercurrents. These
conditions usually have a traceable but entangled history that explains its
emergence retrospectively, but cannot be discerned while it is brewing. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And indeed, the conditions for the rise of
Donald Trump were in the making long before his ascendancy to the presidency. A
lot has been brewing in 21<sup>st</sup> Century America.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The contestation around Barack
Obama’s bid for presidency invoked a veritable backlash from the republicans.
The discord within the party went so deep that it was hijacked by the Tea
Party, which propelled a hopelessly inadequate candidate – Sarah Palin – into
the spotlight. As right wing conservatism hijacked establishment conservative
politics, the political climate began to change. Brash, confrontational and
simplistic politics began to take centre-stage and establishment conservative
leaders – who originally reacted with some concern – quickly came to understand
that this new strategy was working for their party, even if it went against their
sensibilities. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The frustration with
establishment politics, liberal centrism and emphasis on human rights for
marginal groups<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(such as LGBTQ people,
Muslims and immigrants) – some of which fall far outside of the moral universe
of religious conservatives in particular – was real and palpable; and moderate,
establishment conservatives bent with the winds and changed their tune
accordingly. Loud ‘take no prisoners’ styled soap-boxing began to masquerade as
the ‘truth that everyone knows but is afraid to speak’. In this environment
political correctness became more and more vilified as unfair shackles that
were unfairly imposed on the conservative right; ‘robbing’ them of their fundamental
right to free speech.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this new ‘facts don’t matter’
political discourse, projecting strength and conviction in one’s own beliefs
became paramount. Strongman and strongwoman leadership styles captured the
public imagination and the more of a “maverick” they were the better. Globalisation’s
discontents on the right – traditionalists and religious conservatives who felt
they had yielded too much control over how society was evolving – were ecstatic
that the “liberal establishment” were getting a long overdue shellacking! </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When Obama won in 2008
conservative rebellion went into overdrive. Television adverts aired
proclaiming “a thousand years of darkness”, delivered in a somber, foreboding
tone by 80’s action hero Chuck Norris. Other conservative social media and Fox
News styled media outlets joined the chorus of thinly veiled fear mongering
that the ‘anti-Christ’ had emerged and usurped the reins of their beloved
America. Less severe versions called Obama a Muslim, a Kenyan, definitely not
an American, and Donald Trump was front and centre of the ‘how-low-can-you-go’
campaign that contested Obama’s American citizenship. Reality television had
blown Donald Trump’s public profile up to gargantuan proportions; while <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/07/the-rise-of-celebrity-populist.html">at the same time the status of celebrity elites was being conflated with that of political elites</a>. Celebrities and politicians were now
equivalents; the new monarchy of global capitalisms ‘end of history’. All that mattered was being famous; it no
longer mattered what one was famous for, as long as your television ratings were
high. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this milieu a new political
terrain was being established; one where a <a href="https://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/07/the-rise-of-celebrity-populist.html">celebrity populist</a> like Donald Trump could ride the wave of a perfect storm; one that would
build and wreak the damage of a storm surge upon America’s shores. Whereas
anti-globalists were until then – rightly – thought of as left-wingers thumbing
their noses and raising their fists at unbridled global capitalism, structural
adjustment, debt-fueled growth, environmental destruction and its ill effects
across the world, globalization’s new conservative discontents were undergoing
a revolution from within. While invoking the imagery of Ronald Reagan’s and Margaret
Tatcher’s conservative ‘strength’ in this new revolution, they were in reality
– and ironically – rebelling against the very foundation of global capitalism
that Reaganite and Thatcherite policies had seeded. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And the most prominent
spokespeople of this new revolution took the form of Nigel Farage, Boris
Johnson, Steve Bannon and last, but not least, Donald Trump. Yet it is Trump
who has proven to be the most prolific and powerful of the lot; as it is within
his power to effect changes that the entire world will reverberate to. As the
most powerful leader in the world the reach of his decision-making is truly
vast and extensive. His ambit of change goes far beyond mere puffery, way
beyond all this ‘trivial’ Brexit nonsense; his agenda is one that will wreak
havoc from near to far. Everyone will know his name! </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet capitalism’s revolutionary is
quick to point out that all he merely wants is to “make America great again!”,
that his primary concern – over and above anything else – is America. He even
went so far as to proclaim himself a “nationalist” in a controversial move that
saw him draw criticism from both democrats and republicans alike. Many
interpreted it as a deliberate effort to signal the white nationalists within
his core support base; a veiled attempt to encourage them to get out and vote
in the midterm elections. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And as has become customary with
Trump, he dug his heels in, just recently restating his defense. “You have
nationalists, you have globalists!” he proclaimed, in what at first seemed like
a bizarre pivot that was intended to deflect attention away from his
all-too-common flirtations with white nationalists and their sympathizers. On
closer inspection, however, it is the perfect lens through which Trump’s
political ideology can be understood. Capitalisms revolutionary is in reality a
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">national capitalist</i>. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">National capitalism a la Trump is
not a new ideology, even though it has re-emerged in a new era. It is a
throwback to the colonial era; when elite-ruled countries were run like armed
business enterprises that sailed the high global seas looking for quarry, while
fortifying their own territories against all and sundry who would attempt to do
the same to them. They had no real allies or enemies, only mutual interests that
brought transient alliances, broken as quickly as they were secured. National
capitalism a la Trump is nothing more or less than a revival of the political
philosophy that led to the privateers of old. Here, the free market ideology of
Reagan and Thatcher is bounded; less taxation, less restrictions on businesses and
corporates within national boundaries, while outside of the national boundaries
the free market ideology is spurned, and is instead replaced by a dog-eat-dog vision
of the world, where all that counts is who supports you. There are no friends,
there are no enemies; only alignments of purpose. Regionalism be damned!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And as Trump himself emphasizes,
national capitalism in this era is profoundly anti-globalisation in many ways.
First, it replaces outsourcing with in-sourcing; in a bid to boost local
employment. Second, it is xenophobic and fanatical about retaining closed
borders, again; in a bid to protect local employment from foreign
‘invaders’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Third, its foreign policy is
protectionist; it shields national economies from foreign trade. Countries are not joined by mutual interest, but
rather by mutual favours. Fourth, its foreign policy is anti-diplomatic; it
exerts raw power, manipulates aggressively – often invoking intimidation and
threat – and embarks upon proxy wars (e.g. trade wars) to exert its dominance; moreover </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">allies are not truly allies if they do not pay up for the benefit of your defense</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. Fifth,
foreign policy is framed exclusively in terms of national interest; global
interests take a back seat and are denigrated as the prerogative of those who
would want the liberal agenda to spread across the world.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, to what end can a political
ideology based on anti-globalisation alone extend itself? There are far too
many of us on the planet not to be fundamentally interdependent; far too many
economic, social and environmental linkages to live in a bilaterally determined
world. Cooperation is necessary. Without doubt there are many problems with
global capitalism in its present form, but they have only become a concern to
the US now that it is having a negative effect on them. As long as they were
‘winning’ everything was okay. But with China and Russia making inroads on the global
political economy, a new world order is threatening to take hold. In a world of
debt, China’s savings are the main source of its power (Chinese savings
constituted 46% of GDP in 2017 and 25% of the world’s gross national savings).
This is true even without considering its highly skilled workforce, huge
domestic market, ability to act at scale, large population and unparalleled historical
legacy of diplomacy. The global order, fueled by unbridled free market global
capitalism, is now considered a threat to America. And so Trump and his followers
believe that it must be fought against, and every effort must be made to rein
it in; yet <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">only</i> for as long as it
threatens America. When that changes, Trump’s political ideology will likely be
adapted to embrace open global markets again, but only as long as America is
‘winning’. And to be sure, Trump is not above rigging the game, as long as it
brings power to his cause (and himself). For him, the ends justify the means.
It’s national capitalism or bust!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Trump’s leadership style is well
suited to this kind of philosophy. He presents himself as a strongman who has
the ‘guts’ to take on existing systems and the stamina to defeat them. All he
has to do is draw them into his fight, and he will eventually win. He is also
patrimonial, extending favours and withholding rents to manipulate allies and
foes alike. He is also nepotistic, and is quite unashamed of being so; indeed
he conducts himself as a modern day monarch of sorts, keeping the business of
ruling within the family. He is also unashamedly bombastic, taking every
opportunity to put his foes on the back foot by reminding them of how much
better he is than them, that is; at <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">everything</i>,
it would seem. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He is also iconoclastic;
unafraid to shake up age-old institutions and replace them with his own (often
half-baked) ideas about how things should be. He is performative; invoking high
drama and spectacle in service of his agenda. He is duplicitous; contradicting
himself regularly, often within hours of his last statement; he is insincere
when appeasing and sincere when attacking. He also treasures loyalty to
himself, while using and dispensing of people as though they were expendable.
He is imperious and hierarchical; he is the primal larger-than-life alpha-male
to whom all and sundry is secondary. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Trump’s world is one where spin
masquerades as analysis. He is a specialist in this arena; he can easily spot
the ‘spin as reality television’ strategy that the traditional media has so
unthinkingly embraced. So his contempt for the press is borne from an
understanding of their methods; that they are no different from the
profit-driven survivalist models that reality television itself depends on. Moreover, the mythology around Trump is the
“art of the deal”, which grants him an upper hand over the press; because his
persona is constructed to solicit ‘support without understanding’. You don’t
need to understand him; you just need to trust him. The press, on the other
hand; are the ‘enemy of the good’ who simply can’t be trusted. Their hypocrisy
is evident to him; and it makes him scornful of them. In his understanding of
the press; they are simply running sensationalist news stories because it helps
them make the profits they need to survive in the cut-throat world of
advertising-driven media where click-bait rules. He sees through them because
he knows the game; in fact, he can play it better than they can.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And to many Americans he is
exactly what is needed to protect their interests. America’s ‘obsession’ (as
they see it) with its global role has come at a great cost to those at home. In
a peculiarly sanctimonious neocolonial twist; they believe that they have
become the victims of their own ‘good will’ towards the world. Championing
freedom and democracy across the world has ‘bled’ them dry of resources, and
these resources could be better spent on the American people themselves. This
simplistic, revisionist interpretation of the US’s global hegemony has proven
to be an effective rallying cry for those who feel marginalized and forgotten,
even irrelevant. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, in what might otherwise have
been a little covered event, the recent death of a US soldier in Afghanistan during
the midterm elections shone a spotlight on how far the US had drifted from its
post-WWII, cold-war foreign policy rhetoric of being driven by a global
humanitarian cause; something that the average American believed in, and which
in part constituted American identity. Major Brent Taylor, 39 years old, a
former mayor of the town of Ogden, Utah, and a member of the national guard;
voluntarily went on another tour of Aghanistan because he believed something
different. According to his family he loved the people of Afghanistan, and
believed so strongly in the “cause of freedom” that he set aside his personal
interests (he is survived by his wife and seven children, the youngest of whom
is 11 months old) and obeyed a greater call to duty. In his words, “the value
of freedom is immeasurable”, and his last Facebook post was one advising
Americans to use the freedom they had and to go out and vote. “Service is
really what leadership is about” he stated, a view that would lead to him
sacrificing his life in the real belief that the cause of freedom was one that
extended to all human beings, irrespective of their nationality, religion,
creed, or otherwise.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reason that his death,
occurring so near to the midterm elections, struck a deep chord within
Americans; is that it echoed a long-held sentiment upon which the greater
mythology of America’s global mission rests. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Freedom!</i> That has always been the US’s characterization of its
struggle for global hegemony; that it is for the good of the world. That it’s
mission is to bring American styled democratic freedom to the world. That is why
Americans regard America as the “greatest country in the world”; it is it’s enduring
symbolic power as a protector of freedom and liberty. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Trump has thrown all of that out
of the window. He couldn’t care less about the grand ideology of freedom.
Freedom, to Donald Trump, is the freedom to get rich. The only freedoms he is
concerned with and vigorously defends; are that of the national market, and the
freedom of elites from taxation. He is entirely unconcerned with the project
for global human freedoms. It is not paramount in his value system. His value
system is simply about winning. If you are a winner, then you deserve to be
free. If not, well tough luck! Losers must endure their lot. Survival of the
‘fittest’ is central in his conception of the world. And the ‘fittest’ are
those with power! Irrespective of whether they are truly the ‘fittest’ or not,
as long as they possess power, then they deserve their place in the world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is important to reflect on
what history tells us about times when a global political ideology was turned
inward and re-positioned as a nationalist project. The most prominent example
is that of the Nazi’s (i.e. national socialists) and Adolf Hitler. They put
national interests and national exceptionalism front and centre of their
politics; mobilizing support on the basis of fear, anger and a superiority
complex; an outrage at having lost their status in the world and a grim
determination to reclaim their ‘rightful’ place in the global hierarchy. Their
central philosophy was also one of “winning”, that is, the survival of the
‘fittest’. In this worldview, the weak suffer what they must. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A primal game of dominance
emerges from this brand of politics. It is, in its essence; anti-freedom, anti-social,
anti-equality; even anti-<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">political!</i>
It does not even bother to be Machiavellian, where real power motivations
remain hidden or unacknowledged. Instead, open, brash and unconstrained – even
unhinged – performances and spectacles dominate the public sphere. These
unravel loosely; the way a mob does, unpredictable, never far from a great act
of volatility. This kind of leadership easily breeds a state that can turn
against its own people and presents a danger to the world. It is an
uncontrolled revolution; one that proceeds by random-walk rather than a clear
plan. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are those that will balk at
such comparisons, relegating them to the realm of hyperbole and paranoia, but
it is worth remembering how quickly and easily outlier political ideologies can
escalate into existential threats for those who do not fall within its
ideological echo-chamber. This is true whether the ideology lies to the left or
the right. History has shown us that much. There are too many examples to
account for here, but there are clear signs that precede the emergence of such
an existential threat. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It may be surprising to cast
Trump as a revolutionary, but that is indeed what he is. He just does not fit
comfortably into the historical stereotypes associated with revolutionaries. He
is a revolutionary of another kind; one that represents; not the oppressed and
exploited, but those whom liberal centrism threatened to render<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> irrelevant </i>(as Noah Yuval-Hariri puts
it). His revolution is as much that of his constituency’s, that is; the
struggle against irrelevance. For four decades they have stood by as the world
moved on without them, as their worlds have grown smaller, as their normativity
and primacy has receded, and they are deeply aggrieved at their displacement.
This is not restricted to religious and traditionalist conservatives in the US;
it is a sentiment shared by many across the globe who have lived traditional
and religious existences and who feel that the globalization of liberal Western
sub-cultures threatens the fabric of their societies and communities. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whether it is the Taliban, or the
religious right wing conservatives in the US, or traditionalist European,
African or Asian cultures; globalization has presented them with deep,
existential challenges of their own. It is no surprise that they would resist
it and retreat further into their narrow worldviews, as they feel the threat of
erosion of their historical foundations. And to be sure, it is mainly
patriarchal systems that have come under threat, so it is no surprise that men,
in particular, are reacting to these changes in the manner they have. It is also
no surprise that they would invoke God and their ‘way of life’ in their
protests against a changing world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Globalisation's discontents, as it
turns out, are not just a bunch of old left-heads who are high on Marxist
rhetoric and revolutionary fervor. Rather, they constitute huge swathes of the
global population who have not kept pace with either the economic or
socio-cultural changes of this era. And they are elevating their own
revolutionaries to power in rapid succession. Whether it is Europe, Eastern
Europe, the UK, the US, India, the Philippines, Brazil, or the “country first”
rhetoric that has been adopted by African leaders (e.g. South Africa and
Kenya); the mood has swung, and those who previously felt powerless in the face
of global change have asserted themselves.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Capitalism’s revolutionary,
however, has gone much further. He is fast building an ideology out of the
anti-globalisation movement; an ideology that takes its cues from the right,
and which presents a serious quandary for the left. It may well result in a
shake-up that leaves both the left and the right barely resembling their
origins. And its nationalist emphasis may well result in a breakdown of global
cooperation mechanisms and a new, more defensive world where each country is
left to fend for itself. Ultimately, capitalism's revolutionary might be the
prophet of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kali_Yuga">Kali Yuga</a>; the age of disintegration. It is clear that he does
not intend to raise the level of the debate; he is going to drag it down into
the muck where he is comfortable. And if in the end <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">everything</i> descends to the same level that he drags things down to
… well … then God help us all!</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-73253943779828647932018-07-31T09:58:00.001+02:002018-07-31T21:35:31.412+02:00The Roots of South Africa’s Discontent: A Post-Apartheid Challenge to Reconciliation and Historical Justice<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The South African polis has
become a veritable minefield. Venturing an opinion has become difficult. One’s
legitimacy is under constant challenge, no matter which camp of the political
and social spectrum one resides in. No longer are debates held in a manner
where mutual respect, acknowledgement of each other’s perspectives, and
intelligent, evidence-based, ethics-based or morality-based arguments are
tendered. The decorum that the political elite once clung to – some would
legitimately say, obsequiously – has all but been flung out of the window. The
gloves have come off and been cast aside, seemingly for good; or at least until
something breaks and a transition of some kind follows in its wake.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When one takes stock of the
<a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2018/07/the-politics-of-despair-south-africas.html">multiple dimensions</a> along which crises are unfolding in South Africa, it is
difficult to avoid coming to the conclusion that the <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2018/07/the-politics-of-despair-south-africas.html">conditions for ‘polycrisis’ are present</a>, and that this may lead to instability,
and possibly, collapse of one kind or another. What is certain is that South
Africa sits at a tipping point. The politics of disruption has quickly
entrenched itself within the South African polis. Yet to focus purely on the
disruptions themselves is to miss what is driving them. The causes of
discontent are easily obscured by the noise that accompanies the disruptions,
as well as the speed and frequency with which they occur in the era of
hypermedia. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It can be likened to focusing on
the activities of an internet troll; the sheer obscurity and outrageousness of
a troll’s behaviour – their offensive rants, and gaslighting and pivots when
challenged – make it difficult to identify the roots of their behaviour. Indeed,
this era is characterised by the paradox of radicalism without clear roots i.e.
radicalism for its own sake, for the <span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">attention</span> it garners, or as an identity marker, but to dismiss
what is transpiring in South Africa today as simply a product of the global
trend towards this kind of rootless radicalism is too simple and cursory an
explanation. There are clear roots to the troubles that South Africa is
currently undergoing, and they are historical in nature. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Before discussing these roots,
however, it is important to outline the key issues around which South Africans
have become polarized.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">South African organizations have <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/general/118218/too-many-white-senior-managers-in-south-africa-deputy-minister/">largely failed to adequately transform</a> over the past 22 years. While the state
itself has transformed, is <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/114026/government-vs-private-sector-salaries-in-south-africa/">demographically and gender transformed to a high degree (and generally well-qualified)</a>, private sector organizations, academia
and institutions of higher learning, as well as others (e.g. some civil society
spaces) have failed dismally in their transformation efforts. Historically
white private sector organizations and institutions have remained white, with
<a href="https://www.fin24.com/economy/whites-still-top-management-posts-report-20140409-2">whites occupying senior positions in great majority</a>. A <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/business/173911/these-graphs-reveal-the-truth-about-black-and-white-management-in-south-africa/">recent 2017 report</a> by the E</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">mployment Equity Commission found that in top management <i>"</i></span><i><span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;">68.5% of positions are occupied by white South Africans, 14.4% by black South Africans, 8.9% by Indian South Africans, and 4.9% by coloured South Africans. Foreign nationals make up 3.4%".</span> </i>Historically white universities and institutions of higher learning
have also failed in their transformation efforts.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The most tangible or explicit
result of the failure of transformation is that economic growth has not been
inclusive. Instead, South Africa – according to the World Bank – exhibits the
highest economic inequality in the world. South African cities exhibit even
greater economic inequality (as indicated by their Gini coefficients). Moreover,
this inequality is not only economic. It is multi-dimensional. Post-Apartheid
democratic South Africa is characterized by deep, historical material, social,
spatial and economic inequalities. It has not sufficiently overcome its past,
instead it has reproduced the very inequalities that many previously
disadvantaged and exploited peoples in South Africa expected would be
alleviated and reversed under democracy. Many black and brown South Africans
who experienced severe exclusion, dispossession and exploitation under
Apartheid now feel as though their exploitation is inter-generationally passed
on; their children are as unlikely to escape poverty, unemployment, lack of
mobility, inadequate access to services and so forth as they were. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The other, less tangible result
of the failures of transformation is that cosmetic change has served as an
obstacle to genuine actualization of diversity, which in turn has fostered
resentment and frustration among black and brown South Africans. Where black
professionals and the like have entered traditionally white institutions they
often feel patronized, overlooked, regarded as ‘token appointments’ and subject
to subtle – yet powerful – forms of institutionalized racism. This affects how
they experience their sense of belonging to these organizations as well as
their prospects for advancement within them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Economic mobility has not
resulted in adequate social mobility, and the networks that operate behind the
scenes – and where great institutional power resides – remain exclusive ‘old
boys clubs’ that regulate access to opportunities for growth and advancement in
very much the same manner as they did historically. Class and race exclusion
overlap strongly in South Africa, but race always trumps class; professional,
middle class black and brown South Africans feel that they are not regarded as
equals amongst their white peers. They are paid less, expected to work more to
gain the same status, and are unfairly subjected to unwarranted skepticism,
subtle prejudice, and are often racially caricatured rather than accepted as
individuals. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is difficult to argue with the
statistics and evidence that illustrate the overwhelming failure of
transformation, yet this does not prevent conservative and right wing groups
such as Afriforum from denying the privileged status they enjoy in South
Africa, and for laying the blame for lack of upward mobility of black and brown
people at their own doorsteps. Thinly veiled arguments are made that insinuate
that black people are lazy, entitled and merely jealous of the “haves”. In a
recent television interview, Ernst Roets of Afriforum – without any sense of
irony – strongly denied the existence of white privilege in post-Apartheid
South Africa, while at the same time arguing that white people were more likely
to be better qualified and therefore legitimately enjoyed disproportionate representation
in organizations. This is a consummate demonstration of precisely how systemic
racism and race bias is reproduced in post-Apartheid South Africa.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To add insult to injury, the
conditions under which many black and brown South Africans live – especially
the working classes and the poor – are characterized by; (1) high levels of
unemployment, (2) poverty, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(3) precarious
household budgets, (4) high unemployment (especially severe among the youth), (5)
poor state education systems, (6) high levels of crime and violent crime in
particular, (7) gender violence and discrimination, (8) high levels of violence
and abuse of children, (9) the slow pace of land reform, (10) land tenure insecurity,
as well as (11) ridiculously large housing backlogs (current backlogs alone
will take about 40 years to meet under current social housing delivery rates in
most major cities). This list of factors is merely illustrative; an endless
list of social ills that characterize the everyday experience of most South
Africans, not all of which can be adequately accounted for here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Early post-1994 efforts towards reconciliation
and cosmetic change ultimately stifled public expression, debate and engagement
over key issues and matters that were critical for long term nation-building. For
white South Africans reconciliation and cosmetic change meant that they did not
have to do any serious introspection about how they inhabited a society
historically governed by stark and brutal racial prejudice. The system was evil
and they were not. While this is true, in that most white South Africans are
not inherently evil or racially prejudiced in the sense of exhibiting overt
hatred towards black and brown people, the realities of the historical
advantages they enjoyed, the privilege and power they are automatically awarded
by virtue of the colour of their skin, and how the system and institutions of
racism manifest in micro-interactions in everyday life, essentially went
unchallenged, unarticulated and consequently, unaddressed. This has ultimately
worked against social cohesion and national unity. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the late 1990s and early 2000s
young black professionals who sought to bring these dynamics into the open, to
air them so that they could be discussed and resolved in service of
transformation efforts, found themselves quickly ostracized and/or marginalized.
They were accused – sometimes openly, but more often than not in behind the
scenes conversations – of ‘rocking the boat’ or seeking to destabilize
organizations. Those who kept their heads down and didn’t ‘rock the boat’ got
ahead, because they played along with the farce without challenging the – often
predominantly white – senior managers and leaders of organizations. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Back then there were very many
black and brown people who were equally uncomfortable with raising issues that
may be regarded as contentious or difficult to deal with. Such is the South
African condition inherited from Apartheid; people are generally afraid of
confrontation and uncomfortable disagreements and discussions, so they try to
find consensus too quickly. They become uneasy when difficult questions are
posed. This is especially the case with white South Africans; their guilt
overwhelms most conversations about race, and they are so entirely unaware of
their primacy and centrality in these interactions – due precisely to inherited
privilege – that they blunder into them seeking to shut them down too soon, or to
gain quick and premature false agreement that temporarily keeps the peace but
leaves the issue festering in the background of affairs, waiting for another
day. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">White guilt has proven to be a
massive obstacle to reconciliation in real terms. That curious phenomenon; one
that I’ve come to regard as ‘feeling guilty about not feeling guilty’ has stood
as an unmovable bulwark against transformation; one that absorbs and halts all
attempts at open and honest exchange around inherited privilege, systemic
racism, exclusion and how South Africa’s history has translated into the new
democratic dispensation. In its most ignorant manifestation it attempts to cast
current day South Africa as emanating from a post-1994 tabula rasa; as though
the slate was wiped clean of its history and the nation was made anew purely by
obtaining the vote and political power. White guilt is both superficial and
powerful at the same time; it skirts around the depths, refusing to enter into
it, yet at the same time it fortifies and entrenches privilege amidst a sea of
poverty, precarity and exclusion. It is, in that sense, a purely self-serving
phenomenon.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Fast-forward to today and all the
frustrations and tensions that were rendered latent in the post 1994 and early
2000s have mounted, accumulated and compounded into a wave of discontent that
has taken the nation by storm. Issues that were resident in the background of
affairs have now moved into the foreground, occupying disproportionate
attention in the minds of many. Yet to the marginal majority, for whom a
history of dispossession, exploitation, deliberate exclusion, overt and covert
racism has fed their suffering for generations, it isn’t that surprising that
the core issues that govern South African society have risen up and taken
centre stage.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this environment, misinformation,
fake news, incendiary and polarizing rhetoric, hate speech and intimidation are
at an all-time high in South Africa, mirroring the global trend that has
brought about the rise of the alt-right, Brexit, the election of Donald Trump, and
electoral instability in many parts of the world. In very many cases these
narratives are artificially amplified and differences that reside in a society
are stoked by foreign-based information warfare styled ‘public relations’ firms
such as Bell Pottinger and Cambridge Analytica, as well as foreign intelligence
agencies and mercenary hacker groups. The goal is to create ‘chaos within the
ranks’ so to speak, so that their political and economic decision-making
processes can be manipulated. As a new global order is being contested new
scrambles for power, markets and resources are unfolding at the same time.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet while some of these
influences have no doubt had a significant impact on South African politics,
most tellingly the activities that Bell-Pottinger undertook in service of the
notorious Gupta family and the embattled ex-president of the republic Jacob
Zuma and his family, the fissures that were exploited have been resident in
South African society for a long time. It was easy to bring these fissures to
the surface, as after many years of frustration at lack of material
transformation and change – compounded by lack of service delivery and responsible
government – black and brown South Africans in particular have grown deeply frustrated
at their unchanging plight. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is important to probe further
into why such polarizing and divisive politics and political trends have
manifested so quickly – and seemingly without warning – in South African
society. There is a streak that runs through the various contestations that
have arisen, and the politics that have accompanied them in the socio-political
realm. Whether these contestations revolve around the settlement that was
brokered in the transition to democracy, the policies of the post-Apartheid
democratic government, the deep inequities and inequalities that persist in
South African society, poverty and lack of service delivery, the failures of
transformation efforts in post-Apartheid South Africa, or frustration at
cosmetic change, and so forth, the seed is intimately linked to what is
breaking in South Africa today; and that is quite simply the pact over which
reconciliation was brokered. Simply put, South Africa’s reconciliation is coming
undone and is under intense scrutiny. This is itself informed by a strong sense
that historical justice has been sacrificed for political expediency and the
security of black and white elites at a great cost to those who suffered under
the Apartheid and colonial systems. As one young female activist recently put
it on a television news show, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>“Without justice there can be no
reconciliation.”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The land issue, for example, is
essentially about historical justice; and it is perhaps the most visibly so. Yet
it is this pressing need for historical justice that runs through the core of
the disgruntlements that have pervaded the socio-political realm. Pretty much
every issue that has arisen and polarized the South African political spectrum
revolves around the need for historical justice. Whether it is about more
material developmental issues such as the land, housing, spatial inclusion,
service delivery, healthcare, education and poverty – or more political issues
such as the legacy of Nelson Mandela, the need for transformation, and the need
to establish new institutions that govern society and the social contract upon
which it rests – it is inescapable that the need for historical justice
underlies and underwrites these conversations. It is ever present in the
sub-text, and one does not even need to listen carefully to discern so; it is
inescapably present. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Other issues such as – the plight
of Jacob Zuma, the plight of traditional leaders, the EFF’s agenda, the
legitimacy of the BFLF’s tactics, or Cyril Ramaphosa’s leadership, ‘white
monopoly capital’, the push for decolonization of societal institutions, and
others – are framed in terms of the inadequacy of reconciliation and the need
for more to be done to ensure historical justice. And further contestation is
unfolding around whose perspective on historical justice is most legitimate, or
more precisely; whose perspective on what justice constitutes is most
legitimate. Whatever the issue of contention it is voiced mainly in relation to
the question of whether it is just or not. And for the most part, the question
of whether an issue is just or not is framed, almost exclusively, in terms of
its historical roots. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And as it is with history, it can
be rewritten to suit the needs of anyone who exists in the present. So it is no
surprise that unscrupulous and power-mongering leaders have selectively and
often dishonestly exploited these issues and tritely constructed partial
perspectives that serve to further their own agendas. And so the issues that
are central to the polarization of South African society today have come to be
heavily manipulated to serve whoever’s agenda it suits. The narratives that
have been constructed around the most hotly disputed and polarizing issues in South
African society selectively deploy ‘facts’ and ‘evidence’ as mere props, using
them selectively to construct an argument in favour of, or against. Evidence is
presented without any sense of rigour, attempt at objectivity, recognition of
subjectivity, or any sense of balanced analysis as it is commonly understood. Partial
perspectives have come to dominate the debate around what constitutes justice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the matter of who
counts more – or rather, who has counted more – in the transition to democracy
has opened up a public debate that has logically led to vociferous contestation
over the question of who <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">should</i> count
more. That is; who has legitimacy in the debate over justice and restitution. Over
the past five years or so this has increasingly been linked to the question of
who <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">belongs</i> in South Africa. That is;
a thinly veiled discourse is unfolding, one that masquerades as black
consciousness, but in fact argues for a <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.com/2016/04/indigenising-rainbow-nation-justice-or.html">programme of indigenisation and nationalisation</a>. The Economic Freedom Fighters, and to a lesser extent Black
First Land First, have been at the forefront of these political movements. At
their core, their politics and the message that appeals to their base(s) revolves
around questions of historical justice and restitution; in particular, that
historical justice and restitution has not been achieved in post-Apartheid
democracy and that more radical action is required achieve it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ruling party, the African
National Congress, has also taken up the call for historical justice and
restitution, drawing it into the centre of political power in South Africa. This
has legitimized the matter significantly and the public debate around these
issues now attracts a broad range of actors and participants. Effectively,
questions of historical justice and restitution have now been mainstreamed, and
it is highly unlikely that these questions can be taken off the table, or moved
to the background now or in the foreseeable future. It is no exaggeration to
state that these are the issues upon which the future of politics in South
Africa rests. The question is how they will be handled, and what will come of
them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Will the process of resolving
historical justice and restitution be accompanied by a thoughtful process of
national reflection, healthy debate and consensus building over what future to
actualize in the wake of our past - or will it be a programme that is
characterized by even deeper division, intimidation and fear mongering? Will it
result in inclusive economic growth and prosperity, or will it merely provoke
an avalanche of internal and external divestment and economic recession? It is
impossible to tell what route it will ultimately take, but what can be said
with a good measure of confidence is that the current socio-political climate
in South Africa augers no good. It will take very skilled leadership to turn
this ship around and set it on a course towards a more just and
socio-economically healthy destination. South Africa, after all, is a very
young democracy, and twenty two years into it, it is wobbling disturbingly. It
will require deep consideration of the issues that are holding it back, and
bold but patient and transparent leadership and engagement to steer it back
onto a positive trajectory.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-54922453574530569702018-07-26T15:48:00.001+02:002018-07-27T15:49:48.108+02:00The Politics of Despair: South Africa's Deepening Polycrisis<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Democracy Gone Awry: South Africa's Polycrisis</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is a distinct sense of
déjà-vu mounting in the current South African spectrum of daily life. To
anybody who lived through the 1980s there is an unmistakable sense that South
Africans are again living through a period of profound transition; one that is
balanced on a knife edge. Some may argue that there is always an
intensification of tensions, contestations and conflicts in the run-up to a
national election (due sometime in the first half of 2019), but to do so would
be to ignore the developments that have been steadily mounting post-2008. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
politics of disruption is nothing new in the South African spectrum. Indeed, it
has a long history and a rightful place in South African politics. However,
disruptive political activities have been escalating along a variety of key
vectors, indicating that the conditions for sea-change are once again emerging,
and in significant measure. The politics of despair has taken hold as South Africans have steadily lost confidence in their political establishment. Many are turning elsewhere in the search for leadership, and the vacuum is being exploited by thoughtless and reckless radicals, as well as opportunistic actors. In this piece, I explore the multiple dimensions of
South Africa’s current ‘polycrisis’ and its implications.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Local protests and dissatisfaction with local authorities: <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Unrest in local communities has
been growing steadily over the past decade in South Africa, often finding
expression in protest actions, many of which turn violent or become disruptive.
Inaccurately termed “service delivery protests” – because they reflect
dissatisfaction with a lot more than inadequate service delivery – local
protest action has reached proportions not experienced since the 1980s. To
illustrate; in 2004 major service delivery protests (i.e. those that turned
violent and disruptive) across the country amounted to around 14. By 2009 they
were in excess of 100, and by 2013 or so had risen to over 400 for that year.
This is a strong indicator of the emergence of disruptive politics as a new
norm in communities across the country, one that finds expression with startling
and troubling frequency and intensity. In many cases, it is simply a case of
the wheel that squeaks the loudest getting the most grease. People – especially
the poor and marginal – feel that the only way to draw attention to their
pressing needs is to disrupt daily activities and bring their localities to a
standstill. Threats, intimidation, incendiary rhetoric, public violence and
xenophobia have become the norm. It is a form of civic brinkmanship that has
escalated simply because irate and fed-up communities and their leaders have
come to view such drastic action as the most viable route through which to get
authorities to act on matters that are affecting the communities they are
responsible for governing.<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> <o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Inter and intra-party contestation and strife: <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Inter- and intra-party strife has
intensified in the South African political landscape. Both the ruling party –
the ANC – and its opposition – the DA – are fraught with embarrassing internal
tensions, humiliating public disputes and contestations of power both within
and between parties. At the highest levels, the ANC is split along its
tripartite alliance lines (i.e. the ANC, the SACP and COSATU), as well as along
factional lines (i.e. the old Zuma-faction and the new Ramaphosa faction).
Moreover, at lower levels the ANC is split at provincial levels (most
worryingly in KwaZulu-Natal) all the way down to branch levels, where
contestation for power has taken dangerous turns in many cases. Violence,
intimidation and political assassinations have spiked, while the nature of the
incidents are often difficult to adequately discern as criminality and criminal
agendas are also playing a role (i.e. they are not purely political
contestations in some cases).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Political alliances between
parties, as well as governing coalitions have been coming undone in
spectacularly bitter and acrimonious fashion, and the public have been caught
in a no-man’s-land of inadequate governance and leadership as a result. Their
public representatives seem unable to put their personal differences aside for
the sake of ensuring good governance and accountability. Instead, grandstanding
and open conflict has become the norm as public representatives trade insults
in person and on social media. In some cases, blows have been traded, and
chairs, water jugs and tables have been flung at each other.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Parliament has all but come to a
standstill over the past few years as inter-party wrangling and disputes have
combined with disruptive politicking to foster a profound lack of cooperation
between parties. Parliament’s ability to legislate intelligently has been
severely affected. In addition, parties have increasingly sought to contest
their positions outside of parliament and legal disputes have escalated as a
result. Parties have sought to both mobilize their bases, as well as to
approach the courts to resolve matters that ordinarily would be resolved through
political channels. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In part, it was the disruptive
political style of the then-new radical-left styled EFF that introduced
disruptive parliamentary politics to the South African parliament, and it was
extremely successful at the outset. It drew public attention to parliamentary
matters and processes and parliament TV’s viewership shot up to over 3 million.
However, with the usually sober and more formally politically oriented DA now
following suit, it is difficult to avoid coming to the conclusion that
parliament has become somewhat of a messy affair and the public are more
disillusioned than ever with their representatives in it. Hence, other avenues
are emerging through which dissatisfaction is finding political expression in
the public realm.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><br /></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A crisis in leadership:</i> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A leadership vacuum has arisen in
South Africa, where leaders that would ordinarily be regarded as stable and
reliable are now regarded as weak, ineffective and floundering. The new leader
of the ANC <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and the country (Cyril
Ramaphosa) as well as the leader of the opposition party (Mmusi Maimane); have
both been severely compromised by the lack of coherence and unity in the top
leadership structures that support them, as well as in the ranks of their
respective parties. The ANC is split along its tripartite alliance lines (i.e.
ANC, SACP and COSATU) as well as along the different factions that have arisen as
power struggles have escalated. The DA’s new social democrat oriented black
leadership is at odds with its traditionally liberal base, and the conservative
base it acquired when the National Party disbanded. Both parties are
experiencing deep internal turmoil, which translates badly into the public
realm, as it reinforces the perception that political leaders are inconsistent,
often corrupt and self-interested, and cannot be trusted. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet the lack of leadership is not
restricted to the top levels of political parties, the government or the state;
it extends all the way down to the local levels. To some degree the upcoming
2019 elections has no doubt prompted a lot of jostling and contestation for
power as party lists are being prepared, but the profound absence of leadership
at local levels is not new. Many local councilors have been hounded out of
their own communities and their houses burnt in their wake as local communities
frustration with their lack of delivery, corrupt practices and self-aggrandizement
grew intolerable. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That result of the erosion of
reliable leadership at all levels of political power and representation is that
the political ‘establishment’ in South Africa today is under intense scrutiny
and mistrust. This has opened up the space for radical and/or strongman-styled
actors to garner support and accrue power by offering up simplistic solutions
that often play on prejudices that South African groups are predisposed
towards.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Emergence of right wing groups: <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While right-wing activity in
South Africa has always existed, especially within the ranks of the old
conservative white right, a new kind of right-wing sentiment has grown and
manifested in recent times, one that is more in keeping with the global rise of
the alt-right than the old mainly white right wing of the past. Organisations
such as “Gatvol Capetonians” and the “Cape Party” – that purport to ‘speak the
truth that everyone is afraid to’ – have quickly gained public prominence. So
have white Afrikaner right-oriented organizations such as those who perpetuate
the notion that a “white genocide” is unfolding in South Africa, and that white
South African farmers – in particular – are being exterminated. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gatvol Capetonians (“gatvol”
means “fed up” in Afrikaans) argue that anybody who was not born in Cape Town
pre-1994 should leave sell their properties and leave the province. This,
despite the fact that the majority of migrants into Cape Town are black and
hail from the Eastern Cape, and do not own property. Racial tensions are being
actively fostered by this emerging rhetoric. The problems that people face on
the Cape Flats are very real, but the solutions being posed are outlandish (for
example, calls for secession of the Cape from the rest of South Africa). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whether it is Gatvol Capetonians,
the EFF, BFLF or Afriforum’s representative Ernst Roets, the common thread
running through their radical views is that they not based on any critical
thought or comprehensive evidence. Rather, they cherry pick statistics and
evidence to construct arguments that they are already predisposed towards i.e.
they ‘fit’ whatever evidence they can find that furthers their own agenda. They
do not debate; the spout outlandish opinions in quick succession and there is
great difficulty in countering their unrelenting hogwash because it quickly
becomes a game of catch up. Much like the rapid fire nonsense that Donald Trump
spouts, it outruns attempts to ground them and hold them up in the clear light
of day. They bamboozle, they do not debate. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The discursive orientation of
these organizations is nothing new, but what is alarming is the extensive
support they are receiving from the public as the leadership vacuum from formal
organizations and institutions has grown. Moreover, while it is often
speculated that their outrageous claims and opinions are merely attention
seeking efforts to gain support and power, the reality is that when they obtain
power they then come under pressure to deliver on the mandates they forcefully
proposed. Both Brexit and Donald Trump come to mind here; it is not enough to
simply gain power through radicalization; one’s radical agenda has to be
fulfilled. The notion that what they say will be different from what they do when
they govern has not been borne out.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ethnic and insider-outsider tensions: <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ethnic tensions have always
simmered in the background of South African political affairs, rising up every
so often when dissatisfaction with one group or another is perceived as
securing, guarding and consolidating power along ethnic lines. Under the
presidency’s of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki (both ethnically Xhosa),
accusations of Xhosa dominance in government and the state ran rampant,
sometimes not without good reason. Disgruntlements over the ‘disproportionate’
representation of South Africans of Indian ethnic origins have also arisen from
time to time, and have recently intensified as firebrand leaders such as Julius
Malema and Floyd Shivambu have tendered accusations of an Indian “cabal”
operating behind the scenes in government, orchestrating political witch-hunts
and the like. This anti-Indian rhetoric has a long history in South Africa, yet
it is nonetheless surprising to witness the ferocity of the attacks that have
been mounted by Julius Malema in particular; his recent speeches in
Kwazulu-Natal touched on pertinent issues but they were presented in a style
that was suited to cheap electioneering, and exhibited no genuine commitment to
resolving them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Zulu secessionism was once
strongly motivated for in KwaZulu-Natal (where at the time violent conflict
raged) and some measure of Zulu ethno-nationalism persists to this day. The
recent utterances of the Zulu Monarch, King Goodwill Zwelethini – where the
term “war” has been repeatedly used to describe the need to defend the land
that falls under the stewardship of the King and his traditional leaders – is
cause for considerable concern. As the most populous ethnic province in the
country, it constitutes both a key voting bloc as well as rallying point for
Zulu ethno-nationalism. While South Africa is very ethnically diverse (with
over eleven official languages and more ethnic and other groups to boot),
political power typically resides in a majority within the Zulu and Xhosa
speaking ethnic groups and open contestation between them often rises up. Bear
in mind that Zulu secessionist rhetoric has a long history and is far more deep
rooted than the knee-jerk secessionist rhetoric of groups such as Gatvol
Capetonians.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Xenophobia has also arisen, as it
tends to with regularity in the South African socio-political spectrum. South
Africans are not just xenophobic; they are afro-phobic in particular and
foreign migrants, refugees and asylum seekers have increasingly come under –
often unfair and prejudiced – scrutiny by prominent leaders, academics, civil society
organisations and common every citizens alike. Often their utterances – that
claim that foreigners are engaged in illegal trade, criminal and illicit
activities, human trafficking and ‘stealing jobs’ – are completely unfounded
and are in stark contrast to studies that delve into the actual evidence.
Foreign migrants bring both much-needed skills into the country and create
employment for South Africans through their own entrepreneurship and
resourcefulness.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This xenophobic discourse is
mirrored by groups such as the aforementioned Gatvol Capetonians. It draws on
the same sentiment that Donald Trump rose to power on with his “America First”
slogan. It speaks to the notion that there are insiders who belong and
outsiders who do not; a notion that is increasingly untenable in a world where
globalization is deeply entrenched and is for the most part simply
irreversible.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The land question: <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The slow pace of land reform has
been a concern for many years in the new democratic dispensation. One of the
major undertakings of the new democratic ANC government was to guarantee that
land reform and restitution would be a priority. The memory of dispossession
and forced removals under the Apartheid government strike a particularly
significant chord within the hearts of most black and brown South Africans, so
it is not without surprise that when the question of how to speed up land
reform took the form of a call to amend the constitution so that land could be
expropriated without compensation – by the state – it quickly became a hot
issue. It is predominantly a political ruse, however, as the provisions for
expropriation of land without compensation are already provided for within the
ambit of the constitution. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Local participatory gatherings
are currently being held in communities across the country to allow the
citizenry to air their views on the matter. What has fast become clear,
however, is that the way in which the citizenry understand and interpret the
land question has quickly snowballed, and often bears little resemblance to the
original question that has been put to them. The land question is essentially a
proxy question; one that revolves around the notion of justice. Dispossessed
people are demanding justice, and in many cases have taken the law into their
own hands. The uptick in land invasions, and a close look at how new invaded
land is being named (e.g. “Ramaphosaville”) indicate that government and
leaders have quickly lost control of the narrative. It is quickly snowballing
and becoming more nebulous; used as a proxy debate for a wide range of issues
that previously disadvantaged and oppressed peoples in the country are
fulminating over.<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In a country where many black
South Africans still lack housing and land tenure (and these issues are closely
linked), and are still excluded from living in areas that provide better access
to services, opportunities and quality of life – especially in the urban
metropolitan areas – the profound sense of injustice that has arisen is wholly
unsurprising. Current day spatial inequality mirrors<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and reproduces Apartheid spatiality so
closely that it is no surprise that it is experienced as the continuation of a
historical injustice that has become intolerable over two decades into
democracy. The land question is a readily exploitable issue for those who are clamoring
for political power. This, combined with its resonance within the public as key
contestation point of historical injustice, has quickly elevated the issue
beyond the control of any one leader, party, political grouping or the like.
The land question, so to speak, has left the building and is growing in and of
its own accord. It has now become a matter that is escalating rapidly as a
proxy agenda for broader scale justice and restitution. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><br /></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Youth bulge and inter-generational contestation:</i> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A younger, more educated,
globalised and mobile generation now exists as a significantly large
demographic in South Africa. The youth faces many challenges, not least of
which are; high levels of youth unemployment, lack of access to opportunities
for self-improvement and advancement, race and class barriers to socio-economic
mobility, a cultural and political generation gap between themselves and older
generations who lived under Apartheid, poverty and precarity, as well as the
lack of transformation of the organizations and sectors that make up South
African society.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><br /></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Social grant system uncertainty: </i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The South African Social Security
Agency has been embattled by a series of delivery problems and challenges that
have raised the ire of grant recipients, who typically depend heavily on state
security to make it through each month. Problems with a service provider CPS
(Cash Paymaster Services) – that was found by the constitutional court to have
been illegally contracted, and was also ordered to pay back R316m in revenue
that it should never have been paid – as well as recent problems with a new ICT
and card system, have hit grant recipients hard. Accusations of corruption and
incompetence have arisen, with the then Minister of Social Development
Bathabile Dlamini coming under fire from opposition parties and the media. Also
head of the ANC Women’s League, she is famous for her acknowledgement that all
ANC National Executive Committee politicians have “’smallanyana’ skeletons”,
which if revealed, “all hell would break loose”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Parallel state actors/agencies:<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Parallel state organizations such
as the ANC Youth League, the ANC Women’s League, the Umkhonto Wesizwe Military
Veterans Association (MKMVA), Black First Land First (BFLF<a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/The%20Politics%20of%20Disruption%206.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>)
have been agitating against the political enemies of their parent bodies,
targeting them wherever they may be; whether they are in government, the state,
civil society, the media, academia, the private sector or elsewhere. Some of
these organizations have longevity, while others seemed to have popped up
overnight with the precise aim of spinning an opposing narrative to that of
long established and trusted institutions and organizations. They tend to spin
out opposing narratives and hurl abuse at independent state organizations such
as chapter nine institutions, the Public Protector’s Office, the National
Prosecuting Authority, research councils and so forth, as well as civil society
organizations such as the South African Council of Churches. In the case of recently
formed organizations such as MKMVA (its constitution was adopted in 2012) and National
Interfaith Council of Churches (NICSA; a pro-Zuma faith organization formed in 2011)
they clearly mirror longstanding organizations such as the ANC Veterans League
and South African Council of Churches (SACC). Many of these recently formed and
constituted organizations defended Jacob Zuma and his presidency vociferously,
and seem to have emerged precisely to defend him, his presidency and his
network. What they succeeded in then, was being able to introduce so much noise
into the public discourse that issues were easily obfuscated and confused;
spin, counter-spin and counter-counter spin constitutes the endless cycle that
they engage in and what is most concerning is that they will surely continue to
do so, having already reaped a great deal of success from doing so in the
recent past. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Misinformation, fake news and incendiary rhetoric on social media: <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The recent, largely successful
deployments of misinformation, fake news, incendiary and polarizing rhetoric, hate
speech and intimidation in South Africa – i.e. due to direct and deliberate
interference by internal and external agencies on South African media and
social media – are cause for great concern. The relative speed with which the
now-exposed Bell-Pottinger was able to seed and amplify divisive and polarizing
rhetoric, and quickly fast-track terms such as “White Monopoly Capital” into
the public discourse, is in part due to the prevalence of such glaring fissures
in South African society. These fissures are fueled by the profound injustices
that persist in South African society today, many of which links directly to
the injustices of the past. Poverty, inequality, lack of access to services,
spatial exclusion, class exclusion, the failure of transformation, and so
forth, are all viewed – by those who suffer the consequences of them – as
inherited diseases that have persisted from the past into the present. They are
hence easy issues to exploit within South African society, and national
narratives can be easily manipulated by unscrupulous and power-mongering actors
and agencies that seek to further their own agendas by playing on these
differences. The threat from social media and internet based misinformation,
fake news and the like are especially dangerous when viewed in light of the
critical upcoming 2019 national election.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A gutted State Security Agency:<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The path towards decline of the
ability of the State Security Agency to gather, interpret and act on
intelligence in an efficient and effective manner is described in some detail
Jacque Pauw’s book, “The President’s Keepers”. The gutting of State Security is
one of the embattled previous President’s (i.e. Jacob Zuma’s) ‘finest
achievements’, in the sense that it was effectively incapacitated to deal with
the political and criminal matters that adversely affect local and national
security. The upshot of the decline of capacity within the state security is
that they are no longer able to adequately monitor trends and acquire critical
information about activities that may threaten local stability, and to act to
thwart them effectively. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Expansion of organized crime:<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The creep of organized crime into
other sectors has steadily advanced over the past decade or so in South Africa.
No longer is organized crime content to control the drug trade and other
patently illegal activities, they have now sought to infiltrate politics and
business. Trafficking in cigarettes, the mini-bus taxi industry, local politics
and even high level provincial and national politicians have come under the
influence of underworld characters who seek to advance their own interests
through accessing the patronage networks that exist around the powerful and
wealthy elites (i.e. whether political or other). These are not new
developments in South Africa’s history (e.g. Brett Kebble’s legacy), but they
appear to have intensified and entrenched themselves more deeply than before. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Endemic and systemic corruption:<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While corruption is nothing new
in the South African societal landscape, the extent to which corrupt government
officials, business-people, police, officers of the court, criminal actors and
others have become emboldened to commit corruption within South African society
reflects that systemic corruption is deepening and intensifying. Ordinary
working class citizens know exactly how corrupt South African society is and are
hardly surprised when corruption scandals break. Middle class citizens are
often shielded from the realities of corruption in South Africa because they
live chaperoned existences and remain disconnected from the realities that the
majority of citizens endure. Nonetheless, they are not above corrupt practices
themselves, and they exhibit a large amount of cognitive dissonance when it
comes to making the links between their corruption and that of those in power.
It is, however, indisputably all part of the same continuum.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those in power simply believe that it is not
corruption when <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">they</i> are doing it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What Are The Implications? Polycrisis and the Potential for Collapse<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The factors accounted for in the
previous section are disruptive in the pejorative sense of being corrosive and
destructive movements, all of which are occurring along multiple lines or
vectors. These are evolving in parallel, and are also inter-linked. Moreover, the
backdrop to the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">emergence</i> of these
vectors is high inequality, severe unemployment, poverty, and lack of adequate
service delivery, housing and land tenure among the poor. Taken together these
indicate that an unholy brew is bubbling up; one that has the potential to
wreak havoc on the South African political landscape. When polycrisis takes
root, it opens up significant spaces in the leadership vacuum that can easily
be hijacked by populists and/or strongman leaders who give the impression that
they have (or are) the answer (or solution) to the massive uncertainties that
have descended upon the lives of ordinary people. Failures and loss of faith in
established leaders and political groups increases the likelihood that
unscrupulous and opportunistic actors and agencies will gain support and
consolidate power.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Polycrisis can also render the
social, economic and governmental systems of a country unstable and prone to
collapse. This collapse may well be emergent, in that it may be unpredictable.
If a combination of inter-linked factors combines in a particularly unfavourable
context a ‘perfect storm’ may ensue and collapse may unfold entirely without
any means to foresee or prevent it. That is, the risk of sailing too close to
the wind and hoping for the best when you are unsure of how well your rig will
stand up to it. Yet that is exactly the trajectory that South Africa is on
after two terms of Jacob Zuma’s leadership. It is a veritable mess, and it is
entirely likely that whoever plays a role in cleaning up the mess will likely
be severely under-appreciated for their role in doing so. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not an attempt to be alarmist
or to blow matters out of proportion. It is merely to take an objective look at
what is transpiring in South Africa and what undesirable outcomes may result
from it. It is important to engage in this kind of analysis, as without it we
tend to focus on single-issue politics, or pet issues, and quickly grow
incapable of seeing ‘the big picture’ as such. Some positives no doubt do exist
in South Africa (e.g. strong civil society, independent judiciary, corruption
prosecutions, new leadership orientation in the ANC, etc.); but a weakened
government, state, local politics, regulatory and legal environment make it
difficult to believe that a positive trajectory is unfolding. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An intense brew of factors is
currently bubbling up in the socio-political cauldron of South Africa and there
is little clarity on what will emerge from it. It is simply to fast-moving and
turbulent to tell. It is certain that the ingredients for breakdown and
possibly collapse are present, but that does not mean that they <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">will</i> occur. In respect of what is needed
to move beyond the current reality in South Africa, there is a clear need for a
new national consensus. However, if that can be brokered in a manner that
empowers ordinary people, improves representation of their issues and revives
government so that it acts in a responsive, accountable and transparent manner,
then there will be hope for a positive future emerging from this period of
uncertainty. What cannot be ignored, however, is that with such an
unpredictable mixture, and such a great amount of turbulence, that great
uncertainty persists and that it is entirely possible that South Africa may
descend into collapse of one kind or another. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Camaren/Desktop/The%20Politics%20of%20Disruption%206.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even though the BFLF is technically a
political party it behaves like a parallel state organization rather than an
actual political party.<span lang="EN-ZA" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-86389752702180712972018-03-30T08:35:00.001+02:002019-03-18T19:20:19.662+02:00Democracy in Decline: The Tyranny of Self-Interest<i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">"He proved his supreme ability for organizing the masses into total domination by assuming that most people are neither bohemians, fanatics, adventurers, sex maniacs, crackpots, nor social failures, but first and foremost job holders and good family men.</i><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>The philistine's retirement into private life, his single-minded devotion to matters of family and career was the last, and already degenerated, product of the bourgeoisie's belief in the primacy of private interest. The philistine is the bourgeois isolated from his own class, the atomized individual who is produced by the breakdown of the bourgeois class itself. []</i></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>The mass man whom Himmler organized for the greatest mass crimes ever committed in history bore the features of the philistine rather than of the mob man, and it was the bourgeois who in the midst of the ruins of his world worried about nothing so much as his private security, was ready to sacrifice everything - belief, honor, dignity - on the slightest provocation. Nothing proved easier to destroy than the privacy and private morality of people who thought of nothing but safeguarding their private lives."</i></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, [line space inserted] </i></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Democracy Lost in Translation</span></span></b></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The 1990s
were a difficult time in South Africa. In the transition to democracy the
country was on a knife edge. Many expected that civil war would break out. The
1980s had been turbulent; and it all seemed to come to a head in the years
leading up to the first democratic elections in 1994. Nobody was sure of what
would happen when the new era dawned. Fear and paranoia ran rampant, especially
among the white populace; some people stock-piled food, others kept their guns
at the ready. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But fears soon
transformed into a sense of purpose. A new vision permeated the national
psyche. We began to enjoy the hope of a new future; one in which we became an
exception to the rule, an inspiration to the world. We became acutely aware of
our moment, and its place in history. Pride replaced fear in our estimation of
ourselves, even though the fear did not entirely leave us. Our history, after
all, was resident deep within us, and between us, and had made its place in the
world. There was an immutable intransience to it. It was resilient, enduring
even if it was moved into the shadows, for however long. Our history, it would
prove, was unending.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet we
still tried to outrun it. We tried to be ‘normal’. And so we joined with a
vision of ourselves that matched what we imagined normal was like. And all we
had was our desperation to be part of the ‘outside world’, as we knew it then.
Two decades of television shows governed our understanding of what democratic
life – freedom – was like. From Dallas to the Cosby Show, we were caught up
with the possibility of a life outside of our existence; one that seemed simple
and actualisable because it was fiction. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Work hard,
live well and prosper!” became our reason for existence. It quickly replaced
all our former aspirations for a new society, a new way of life, a pathway to a
greater future. We understood the meaning of life as the well-being of all of
us derived through work and play. Our reason for existing was no longer the
hope of a new future for our children and theirs. It was now the simple
actualisation of success through material gain.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Materialism
and ‘security’ became the purpose of everyday life. Securing employment,
acquiring property, and starting a family became the hallmarks of a life well
lived, and the more abundance one enjoyed the better. People put a lot of time
into imagining what the cars they drove and what the clothes they wore said
about them. It was a fantasy of life that closely mirrored what we already had,
and so we failed to detect what we were diverging from. And we were not to know
the magnitude of this divergence until we had been wholly caught up in it, too
far down the line to beat a quick retreat.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We became
what we had never imagined we would be. We evolved into a caricature of a
society, fuelled by lives lived in dislocation. Communities became less
important than the individual. Individual existence came to dictate what was
important, and that was simply looking out for oneself. “What’s in it for me?”
and conversely, “What will it cost me?” came to dictate the terms of individual
existence more than it ever had before. And in truth what was there to stop it?
We no longer lived for each other, or for a future that we could mutually
enjoy; we lived for the day to day, and it seduced us into an endless lull. It
self-replicated ad nauseam, and that suited us just fine, for it rendered no
need to reconcile the present with the overwhelming past that stuck to us like a
late afternoon shadow on a sun-drenched day. There was no escape from it but to
pretend it wasn’t there, or to seek shelter from it.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And it went
on for a remarkably long time. Just enough so that most would forget, and be so
caught up in the now as to be unable to effectively recall the past. That past
which was most recent was even more obscured by the present, precisely because
it was so close to it. The distant past receded, and was banished into latency,
where it settled restlessly, churning away in the background of affairs like a
subdued, unfinished brawl. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Time flowed
quickly, and much water passed under the bridge. A new century arrived, and we
became entrenched in what we had unwittingly absorbed and uncritically
embraced. The new materialism dug its roots in deep, and flowered conspicuously.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br /></span></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">“I’m rich bee-yach!!” w</span></i><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">ent Dave Chappelle’s penultimate jingle of the Chappelle Show; the
very last thing you heard after each show. Being rich became all important. It
became even more important than power. Materialism entrenched itself so deeply,
that everyone, whoever they were, and whatever their station, was caught up in
it. We began to express our identities through our consumer choices; it gave us
status, located us within the social hierarchy. Even charity became a status
activity.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Families
and family life became commodified. Conspicuous consumption extended to the
whole family; what cars they drove; what schools their children went to, where
they went on holiday, what gym memberships they had. As the world outside
became more uncertain and fast changing, the more we retreated into the private
realm of families, jobs and credit-fuelled extravaganza’s of spending. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This was
the end of history in South Africa. Never before had such a profound rejection
of and suspicion of the public realm existed, even under Apartheid. It was not
simply apathy. Rather, the public realm was viewed as an intrusion into the
comfort of the private realm. Fighting for the public good became increasingly
viewed as an activity fuelled by an immaturity, and an idealism that bore no
resemblance to the prevailing realities of the new worldview that had taken
hold.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">‘Homo-economicus’,
the rationally self-interested, atomised and individuated everyman became the
standard bearer for the new society. It was natural then that apathy in the
public realm was justified as being a responsible job-holder or parent. It was
natural that the very forces that negate the sustainability of community and
society were elevated, and began to do their work. Introversion into the
private realm served to escalate the disintegration in the public realm. And it
was thus in many different parts of the world, as societies everywhere
struggled to absorb and accommodate the tacit values and beliefs that
underpinned the project of ‘globalisation’.</span></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Troubled Era: The Erosion of Democracy and the Public Realm<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</div>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>"The principles of monarchy and despotism - namely what keeps them going - are respectively honor and fear. What keeps democracy going is the far more demanding matter of 'a constant preference of public to private interest .... [it] limits ambition to the sole desire, to the sole happiness, of doing greater services to our country than the rest of our fellow citizens ... a self-renunciation, which is ever arduous and painful'. This is one of the main reasons why democracy does not work, Montesquieu is suggesting, because people are not that selfless."</i></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>A.C. Grayling, Democracy and Its Crisis</i></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We now live
in an era where democracy and democratic rule itself has come under scrutiny.
“Democracy is not the panacea for our social and developmental ills that we
thought it would be” many exclaim in frustration in the developing world. “It
is failing us, just as it is failing the developed world!” they conclude. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Look at
how well China has developed itself! And it did it without democracy.
Centralisation and ‘moderate’ authoritarian rule yields better outcomes that
simply adopting democratic rule. It was over-sold, a lie, and we are suffering
as a result of it!”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In my
travels across the African continent I have heard many versions of this theory
being advanced. And to be sure, neoliberal democracies have indeed failed in
many developing world countries, like my own. South Africa wholly adopted the
neoliberal prescriptions after its transition to democratic rule and now boasts
the ignominious honour of being the most unequal country in the world. This
inequality is a social and political force for extreme polarisation, and the
further we have ventured into our relatively young democracy, the more
fractious and divided the once hailed ‘rainbow nation’ has become. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And so, our
African counterparts regard us as a cautionary tale of sorts. Even though we
unquestionably have the most advanced economy, institutions and democracy in
Sub-Saharan Africa, we have replicated the very conditions that the struggle
for freedom from Apartheid rule sought to achieve. We have entrenched spatial,
racial and class inequality and it is tearing the nation apart. So much so,
that we have no room for anybody else in our society.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My
colleagues across the continent see us as a postcolonial ‘baby’, in a sense,
who has yet to learn the lessons that freedom and the responsibilities that
come with it, incur. “Oh we went through that too ...” I often hear, before
being educated about the history of this particular country or that on the
continent. Most often I am ignorant of their histories. All I know is our own.
I am not uncommon in this. South Africa is a self-obsessed, self-referential
nation; it was cut off from the continent for too long to truly comprehend its
sense of belonging within it. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We struggle
with our African identity despite our professed Pan-Africanism. We are a contradiction.
We stand both with and against our African kin; we are simultaneously of Africa
and apart from it. We desperately want to be a part of it, but we do not want
it to be part of us. We are the prodigal nation of Africa, and while it
celebrated our return to it, we bore menace upon those who came across the
borders to settle with us; we hacked them to pieces, burnt and stabbed them to
death, plundering and raping without pause for thought. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Our
Afro-phobia is inescapable; we do not kill Europeans and Americans, we kill
those who mirror us the most. Their dark skins, their desperate escapes from
tyranny and war, their poverty and suffering do not move us. What is missing in
us that we turn to violence against those who we should be longing to rejoin
with? Where did the struggle die, and our freedom become cause for a
viciousness and callousness that our conquerors once wielded over us? Where did
we go wrong?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Perhaps we
should have slowed it all down further than we did. Perhaps we should have
transferred power to a socialist government who would have taken care of all,
and gradually migrated society to a greater equality. Perhaps we should have
done as China did. Perhaps we should have kept our heads down and plotted a
more gradual, sensible way forward ... and forced the system to yield a more
equitable and fair society. Perhaps then we would not be so resentful of our
African brothers and sisters living amongst us, who spend their time eking out
a living, staying below the radar of the increasingly paranoid and xenophobic
South African state. Perhaps, perhaps not ... who knows? We are here now.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We are
adrift in the new democratic dispensation. We have scarcely an understanding of
what it means to act in accordance with democratic principles. Neither do we comprehend
what changes need to be made in our society and its institutions in order to
actualise democratic governance and order. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To be sure
we are not alone in this. Many countries around the world are suffering the
same ignorance and despair at their democratic conditions. Yet what is
particularly disturbing is that our democracy is premised on one of the most
progressive constitutions in the world. Surely our democratic project deserves
more than just polarising rhetoric, populist promises, un-principled
power-brokers acting as though they are above the law, and dumb silence where
clear violations of ethics, principles and the law are identified?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We are now
reaping what we sowed early on in our democracy. The ‘honeymoon’ period – and
the euphoria of new freedoms – blinded us to the future we were making. Our
aspirations to modernity left us hankering after a kind of life we had only
witnessed on television screens and in the movies. We had no idea what we were
ushering in to our society. And we have lost the fundamental threads that held
us together as a society as a result. Trust has evaporated, and we have no
social contract left to speak of, except that which services our own
self-interest. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Without a
healthy society democracy becomes very difficult to enact faithfully. Democracy
becomes a house without foundations, devoid of principles, ethics and
accountability. It becomes mere bureaucracy at best, or it becomes ochlocracy
(mob rule) or oligarchy (elite rule) at worst; where Machiavellian power
dominates societal and political activity, further eroding the very basis of
democratic leadership and governance. Real-politik, it its worst, serves more
to undermine democracy than to uphold it. It breeds distrust, provokes intrigue
and in reality promotes duplicity, where what is professed goes contrary to how
one acts.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When
hypocrisy reigns in the public realm, you can be sure that the private realm
becomes a safe-haven for many. Yet it is precisely this retreat into the
private realm that catalyses the rise of the superficial in the public realm.
Without genuine engagement in the public realm, without real transparency and
accountability, what hope is there for a public realm that can effectively
regulate power, politicians and elites? <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Awakening Democracy: Enacting Freedoms<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So what is
left to us? It is rather simple. It is to actively engage in the public realm
with whatever is at our disposal to do so with. It is to enact our freedoms. As
Hannah Arendt puts it,<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>“Men are
free - as distinguished from their possessing the gift for freedom - as long as
they act, neither before nor after; for to be free and to act are the same.” <o:p></o:p></i></span></span><br />
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><br /></i></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Hannah
Arendt, What is Freedom? Between Past and Future</i><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whether on
a large scale or a small scale we can all make our voices heard, and make our
contributions to ensuring a healthy society. We can all endeavour to service
our social contracts; simple things like keeping our word, servicing our
obligations and agreements, helping out where we can, and raising our voices
when clear wrongs are committed. We can also organise ourselves into small
groups, even large groups, to raise our voices up loudly and clearly so that
the powerful cannot ignore us. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We can also
stand with and by those who are wronged. We can get out in our numbers and make
our support unequivocal and difficult to ignore. We can make a stand against
those who sweep things under the carpet and hold them to account. We can give
of our time and money in service of good causes that enhance society’s capacity
to absorb social ills and turn them around. We can find a way to look beyond
our personal lives and securities, and act within society itself to safeguard
it against abuses of power. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If this is
too much for us to do, then we must reconcile ourselves to being effectively
powerless in the face of the myriad abuses of power that our absence from the
public realm creates room for. There is no way around this central reality. It
is not just the price we pay for a healthy democracy; it is the right and privilege
– or entitlement – that democracy affords us. It gives us the power to engage,
take action and change the things we are unhappy with. In short, our engagement
in the public realm entitles us to power, and what greater freedom do we enjoy
than the exercise of power, especially in light of how long and hard the fight
for it was? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-29163603342501923472018-03-10T10:30:00.001+02:002018-03-15T13:48:00.978+02:00Ramaphoria and the South African ‘Shock Doctrine’: A New Future, or More of the Same?<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Leadership in a Divided
Society</span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The new president of South Africa
and the African National Congress, Cyril Ramaphosa, has a difficult leadership challenge
on his hands. He has inherited a divided ANC, an at-times dysfunctional
government and state, a polarised polis and a largely disgruntled society.
Perhaps it is precisely because of these tensions that his leadership has
appeared contradictory.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the one hand, President
Ramaphosa has courted the private sector and middle classes and won their trust
and affection. On the other hand he is pandering to the proponents of radical
economic transformation and sent the middle classes and elites into a panic by
embracing the call for the expropriation of land <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">without compensation</i>. In doing so, he is pandering to those who
remain marginal in South African society, both in terms of societal power, as
well as in terms of massive and deeply entrenched inequality. Inequality, one
might add, that hails from an unquestionably long history of theft, exploitation
and injustice.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">According to the World Bank,
South Africa’s levels of inequality are the highest in the world. So when
President Ramaphosa plays to both sides of the gallery – so to speak – he is
playing to audiences that are relative extremes in relation to each other. On
the one hand, the comfortably ensconced middle and upper middle classes enjoy
first world levels of quality of life. On the other hand, the working classes
and the poor essentially suffer the precarity and insecurity that is typical of
developing world existence. South Africa is, and remains, a tale of two
societies. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So while President Ramaphosa has
echoed the anti-corruption, good governance and pro-economic growth sentiments
that remain the central issues of concern for the middle classes, he has also
sought to harness the current of deep dissatisfaction with the status quo that
has emerged and intensified among the working classes and the poor over the
past decade. Yet, there exist key differences between those who occupy these
‘two societies’. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the one hand, the middle
classes largely believe that the status quo is working for the country, and
that all that is required is a return to the policies and practises of the
early democratic government under Presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki.
While a strong sense of the need for social welfare styled service provision
and so forth is acknowledged as necessary in South Africa, there is also a
streak of meritocratic bias in the values that persist within the middle
classes and the elite. That is, the belief that South African society provides
ample opportunity for anybody who is willing to work hard enough to be able to
enter the middle classes and enjoy a relatively high quality of life.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the other hand, the working
classes and the poor – who have seen large increases in socio-economic
inequality unfold in the democratic dispensation, and their incomes stagnate
while prices have increased – have come to fundamentally question the status
quo of South African society. Their plight is characterised by service delivery
failures, lack of socio-economic mobility and high levels of local corruption,
poverty and unemployment. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is a pervasive sense that
poverty and debt traps have become entrenched, while policies such as
affirmative action and land reclamation have failed to deliver the upward
social mobility that many dreamed would become a reality in the new
post-Apartheid society. Instead of the intergenerational upward mobility that
was promised to those who were oppressed under Apartheid, it is poverty,
inadequate service delivery, crime, corruption and all manner of social ills
that is being transferred – and even intensified – from one generation to the
next. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Hope</i> is fast becoming a fool’s
promise.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To be fair, reconciling and
bridging the great divide between these two ‘sides’ of South African society
presents a vastly difficult leadership challenge for whomever occupies power in
South Africa. It is plainly impossible to court both with the same levels of
devotion. Bridging the divide necessitates a fair amount of give and take.
Compromise and negotiation is necessary to chart a way forward that all of
society is generally comfortable with. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Reconciling the Great
Divide</span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">However, there is a limit to what
can be reconciled. Reconciliation requires that some middle ground can be
brokered over a set of competing perspectives and beliefs. It becomes far more
difficult to negotiate compromise when the views that are in opposition reside
at the extremes. And in this case, that is what President Cyril Ramaphosa is
attempting to do; he is attempting to broker a shared understanding between
sectors of society that hold extreme, opposite views. He is attempting to
create a complex duality out of a stark dualism. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The middle class view that the
status quo is adequate and that all that is needed is more of the same
neoliberal oriented economic growth to put the country on the right track is an
extreme view. The fact that neoliberalism has become the status quo over the
past three or four decades should not detract from the fact that over the past
two centuries or so neoliberalism, historically; remains a predominantly
out-rider philosophy. Moreover, the notion that the current status quo is
adequate is a deeply disturbing one. How can a country with South Africa’s
history pander to a status quo that has reinforced and entrenched – in many
ways – the racial and class inequality that was cultivated under colonialism
and Apartheid? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, when we consider the
push for radical economic transformation, it is clear that it also hosts some
deeply questionable and extreme positions. Its first major proposition is to
grow black inclusion in the productive economy through the creation of “100
black industrialists” by prioritising the reallocation of state procurement
funds to the tune of ZAR 500Bn/year. This approach is problematic, in that it
functions on more of the same <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/05/radical-economic-transformation.html?m=1">neoliberal logic</a> and closely mirrors <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/07/the-shadow-state-what-does-it-mean-in.html">Apartheid era strategies for growing white Afrikaner capital</a>. It may well serve only to
<a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/05/radical-economic-transformation.html">reinforce the black elite</a> rather than uplifting the marginalised majority. It
may also ultimately degrade the ability of the government and state to deliver
on its mandate effectively and reliably. Moreover, it also stands<a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/05/radical-economic-transformation.html"> a good chance of failing outright, and compromising the very basis of South Africa’s stability</a> and success as a transitional economy. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The second major proposition that
falls under the umbrella of radical economic transformation is the
expropriation of land without compensation. It has been widely sold as
requiring a majority parliamentary vote to change the constitution. The push
for land expropriation without compensation is a rather cynical one. As
explained by Prof Steven Friedman, the <a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2018/03/06/steven-friedman-land-reform/">constitutional provisions for land expropriation without compensation already exist</a>. The narrative that has
emerged, and been seized upon by the ANC (who previously <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">always</i> argued against it), is a far more cynical political ruse to
shore up the support of its frustrated support base in the run-up to the 2019
national elections. It is a narrative that enables the poor and marginal to
express their dissatisfaction with the status quo, and to draw attention to the
wounds of the past that continue to haunt the vast majority of South African
society.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Crisis and Compromise:
South Africa’s Very Own ‘Shock Doctrine’</span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Professor Friedman explains that
South Africa <a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2018/03/06/steven-friedman-land-reform/">has a long history of ‘creating a crisis’ and then ‘standing by to negotiate a way out of it’</a> in order to bring about economic change. It is true
that this approach characterises how change has historically been brokered in
South African society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Forcing crisis remains the
central strategy of local ‘service delivery’ protests in poor municipalities
that have escalated drastically over the past ten years. It is also the logic
behind the brutal attacks that have been meted out to foreign shop owners and
the illegal settlements that have been imposed on them. Some civil society and
political actors have also embraced crisis as a catalyst for change. Crisis
draws attention to matters that would otherwise go unaddressed or ignored, and
elevates an agenda to the highest levels of government and society.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet the question remains, can
President Ramaphosa and his leadership successfully chart a way towards
compromise, given the current state of division in the nation, as well as
within parliament and the African National Congress itself? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In a society where the middle
classes and the poor and working classes have been talking past each other for
most of the past decade, is the strategy of creating a crisis to expedite
compromise a wise one? First, will it work or will it only deepen polarisation
and division? Second, do we want to perpetuate a politics that is stuck in the
crisis-compromise mode of operation? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In respect of the former
question, it is important to question whether a deeply divided and fractured
ANC leadership that is largely incapable of compromise itself, can in fact lead
the country down the road to a mutually agreeable way forward? When the
positions are so far apart, what kind of compromise is actually possible? Under
President Jacob Zuma, democratic rule was largely viewed as a “winner takes
all” one. What has changed within the ANC that provides sufficient cause to
believe that this view has changed? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I would argue that very little
cause for hope exists in this respect. There is very little reason to believe
that the ANC is capable of conducting honest introspection into its shortcomings
by itself, let alone those of the country. The ANC is duplicitous,
self-referential, bellicose and allergic to an honest appreciation of its own
flaws. It can’t even openly admit what its flaws are.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In respect of the latter question,
it is imperative at this critical juncture in the relatively short history of
South African democracy, to ask whether we should uncritically perpetuate the
politics of desperation that seeded under colonialism, escalated under
Apartheid, and reproduced itself in the democratic dispensation. </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Surely it must
be acknowledged that one of the main motivations behind the anti-Apartheid
struggle was to break with the destructive and divisive cycles of the past?
What does it mean when we diagnose the ‘crisis-compromise’ doctrine as part of
the ‘DNA’ of South African politics and uncritically embrace and perpetuate it?
Even if it is true that we have endured our very own political
‘shock-doctrine’, so to speak, is that what we want? And if the answer is ‘no’,
then should we not be expecting far more of our leadership than simply </span><i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">more of the same</i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This South African variation on
the ‘shock doctrine’ – one where crises are falsely created, allowing for a leadership
(or “big leader”) to take the gap and cast themselves in heroic terms – has
already emerged as a destructive form of politics that has taken hold in many
parts of the world. Whether we look to the US President Donald Trump, the
Phillipino President Rodrigo Duterte, Indian President Narendra Modi, or the
emergence of anti-multiculturalism and anti-immigration right in Europe and the
UK, it cannot be ignored that a socially divisive and polarising rhetoric has
fuelled their political discourse. Simply put, they scare people so they can
manipulate them into acting from their worst fears and impulses.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this sense, the kind of
visionary leadership and emancipatory politics that South Africa now requires
is a far cry from what we are seeing emerge under President Cyril Ramaphosa.
The moment that he helped create – by riding the wave created by the
opposition, civil society and many concerned and outraged citizens – is being
lost in this latter day ‘gameification’ of the South African political realm.
We need sincere leadership that is deeply committed to actualising a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">better</i> society than we are; not
leadership that merely works within the current and historical constraints that
have held South African society back. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Path to a New
Future: Breaking the Cycles of the Past!</span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The main task of leadership in
the democratic dispensation is – and remains – to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">break with the past</i>. And while there are many threads of the past
that need still need to be broken, the question of whether we are actually
breaking with the past, or merely reproducing it, needs to be closely
scrutinised. Many nations have only reinforced the conditions they have sought
to undo by unconsciously adopting the political strategies, tactics and
rhetoric that hold them back. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An appropriate analogy here is
the United States of America’s inability to tackle its gun violence problem;
precisely because its fallback position – and indeed its ‘land of the free’
identity – has become entangled with the rhetoric that the solution to gun
violence is “more guns in society” (i.e. if more people had guns they would be
more empowered to stop mass shooters from carrying out attacks). The fact of
America’s relationship to guns is that gun sales surge after every new mass
shooting. America’s addiction to guns has proven very difficult to break, and
crisis only reinforces it. The crisis is inverted; it is not the proliferation
of guns, but the lack of it, that is the problem.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When a false crisis is
precipitated to force a compromise, that compromise is then a product of
manipulation, and not a genuine compromise that emerges from real reconciliation
of differing perspectives and desires. It is, in many ways, a strategy employed
by cynical political operators who view society as ‘children’ to be manipulated
into doing ‘what is good for them’. The problem with this approach is that it
perpetuates the kind of leadership and governance that negates the evolution of
society towards greater freedoms. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Instead, society lurches from
crisis to crisis, from one adrenalin rush to another, and it is never able to
settle and stabilise. Instead of a more predictable society, politics and
economy we end up with more uncertainty and surprise by going down this road.
The illusion of momentary ‘reconciliations’ is cast as progress, when in
reality we remain stuck in cycles that, over time, tighten like a noose around
the neck of the nation, strangling the possibility of change, and of a new
future. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The famous saying, “give me
liberty, or give me death” has some relevance in this respect. Instead of
moving towards a future of greater freedom we are slowly strangling ourselves
with the cycles of the past, inching towards our inevitable political death. As
a nation that is constitutionally founded on the hope of actualising a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">new</i> future, we are enjoined by an
aspiration to establish a new kind of society. It is high time that our leaders
and politicians began to act like it again. We have had enough of cheap tactics
and staid rhetoric. We need to build a compelling vision for how to actualise
the new future we fought so hard for.</span></div>
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-83349929955395219432018-02-17T12:58:00.001+02:002018-02-17T13:00:42.651+02:00The Politics of Omission: The Good, The Bad and the Unsaid<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; text-align: justify;"><i>“Much unhappiness has come into
the world because of bewilderment and things left unsaid.”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Fyodor Dostoevsky</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Silence of the Wolves<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In politics, what isn’t said out
loud is often more important than what is. This has certainly been the case
with the African National Congress’s recall of the president of the Republic,
Jacob Zuma. It may seem incredible, but the entire recall process occurred
without the ANC actually <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">stating</i> what
President Zuma had done to provoke such a drastic action. The new ANC Secretary
General Ace Magashule – a Zuma loyalist – went so far as to say that President
Zuma did nothing wrong at all! Not to be outdone, President Zuma himself also
took to the microphone, stating – in a television interview designed to reach
his base – that he had not been given any reasons for his recall.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reality of course is that
there are many clear and indisputable reasons for recalling President Zuma. The
Constitutional Court found that he had violated his oath of office when he
refused to abide by the binding recommendations of the Public Protector over
upgrades to his homestead. He has 783 charges pending related to his
involvement in the arms deal of the early 2000s. He – and his son – have been
implicated in “state capture” activities, along with a network of private
sector, intelligence, government and state actors. Under his leadership,
parliament and government have been hamstrung by protest. The state is failing
badly in many areas. ‘Service delivery’ protests skyrocketed under his
leadership, and a culture of disruptive, often violent protests have seeded in
communities who feel that they only way they can draw attention to matters that
plague them is by taking direct action. Political assassinations, intimidation
and corruption have spread at the local level. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For all intents and purposes,
Jacob Zuma should have exited power a long time ago. It was the ANC that kept
him in power, refusing to act upon his many transgressions, scuppering all attempts
to depose him. Many who were calling for his removal now were deeply in bed
with him and his cronies and enthusiastically enjoyed the spoils of his wayward
leadership. And so it was, that even when they decided it was time for him to
go, they could not bring themselves to speak out loud the many and varied
transgressions and failures of his leadership and his government. It is ironic,
but in keeping with the tradition of duplicity, rhetoric and double-speak that
became entrenched under his leadership. That is, to say one thing and do
another. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, in order to heal an illness,
is it not true that it must be diagnosed? That it must be named? The refusal to
publicly acknowledge and take responsibility for the disastrous situation the
ANC created, simply means that it cannot enter into an honest period of
self-reflection, healing and renewal. It is still stuck deep in the mud left
behind by its own floodwaters; the waters that broke when the dam wall that was
supposed to hold power in check and to account was summarily detonated under
Jacob Zuma’s leadership. It will take government and the state a long time to
recover. Yet it will not recover until the truth is spoken out loud and
acknowledged, and those who allowed this mess to occur take responsibility for
their ill-advised actions. Blind loyalty and self-interest, when combined, has
proved to be a disastrous model for the exercise of power in South Africa.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The grave danger that the state
of the ANC places the country in should not be underestimated. The spectacular
unravelling of the ANC’s tripartite alliance, and its descent into factionalism
and discord, should concern every South African. By standing by Jacob Zuma
through all his misadventures, the ANC dragged itself, the government, the
state and the country <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/15/business/south-africa-economy-ramaphosa.html">into a lengthy period of decline</a>. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, whenever the ANC was
previously called to act upon Jacob Zuma’s misdeeds they resisted. They argued
that a ‘second recall would fatally wound the ANC’. In reality, this second recall
has proved quite the opposite; it has resulted in widespread jubilation and
celebration (even if premature at this stage), and has proved rejuvenating and
hope inspiring for the majority of South Africans. The ANC threw South Africans
under the bus when they needed to put the country first and self-correct from
within. They simply cannot be trusted just because one leadership position has
changed.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ANC’s refusal to acknowledge
the reasons why Jacob Zuma’s leadership was a failure is telling. It tells us
that it is incapable of conducting an honest dialogue with itself, let alone
with the rest of the country. Simply translated, this means it is incapable of
self-correcting in an open, transparent manner. Instead, behind the scenes
Machiavellian power will be exercised to purge undesirables, and these
undesirables will be determined by those who hold the most power. It tells us
that we can expect more of the same type of leadership from the ANC, that is, a
leadership that makes decisions and takes actions behind closed doors and pulls
strings behind the scenes to retain power; a top-down elitist model of
leadership where rhetoric reigns supreme but decisions are made according to
the prescripts of a cold and calculating ‘realpolitik’. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What We Don’t Want?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The question South Africans need
to ask is simply whether this is the kind of democracy we want? To celebrate
Cyril Ramaphosa as the <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/2018/01/21/moeletsi-mbeki-ramaphosa-is-no-saviour-and-other-inconvenient-truths_a_23339146/">‘hero’ who has come to rescue us from the villain</a>, is to
perpetuate the very same ‘big man’ leadership model that created the room for
Jacob Zuma to abuse his power. Surely this isn’t the road we should be going
down again? Surely we should be going back to the drawing board and examining
how power, elite networks, institutions and government functions operate? Surely
if we speak of radical change then it must be deep rooted, and not merely
superficial? Yet the politics of omission is the very definition of keeping
things superficial, vague and non-committal. We already know what this
produces. And it is up to us to prevent it from happening again. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To be sure, a purge of the ANC’s
ranks is necessary, but it is unlikely. The need to ensure unity within the ANC
will likely take precedence, and a fine balancing act will ensue. The
technocrats will take charge again and there will be no end of great strategies
and plans for a great future. However, without critical insight into the systemic
and embedded fault lines within the government and state, ensuring robust and
resilient progress in the long term will prove difficult. Deep reflection is
required. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">South Africans have had their
fill of inspiring visions. What we need now are reliable, accountable
implementation agencies that do not squander state funds in meandering
bureaucratic processes and half-baked plans that ultimately entrench maladministration
and corruption. The South African state is unique among countries of its ilk
because it collects its taxes successfully, and consequently has a significant
fiscal basis from which to carry out its mandate. The steady erosion of the
state’s capacity to deliver on its mandate, and government’s ability to
function coherently, has left the country wounded. As it limps on into this
next phase, let us not fall prey to the same euphoric guff that created the
space for Jacob Zuma’s leadership to lead the country astray in 2007. That is,
let us not see only our hopes, dreams and desires into this situation. Let us
see it for what it is; a difficult new beginning that must be closely guarded
and monitored. We should not entrust power without safeguards. To do so would
be to ‘do the same thing again and hope for a different result’, the very
definition of insanity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Where To From Here?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Political analysts have been
swept up by the moment, making all kinds of proclamations about a new era of
transparency, accountability and visionary leadership that returns South Africa
to the international prominence it once enjoyed under presidents Nelson Mandela
and Thabo Mbeki. Of course it is only natural that the public would want to
enjoy the cathartic release of seeing president Zuma go, and to begin to hope
and dream again, but it is quite another thing when political analysts begin
feeding sentiment rather than providing sober analysis.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is without doubt a critical
moment. However, pretending that all it takes is this moment to turn the
country around is deeply disturbing. Much more is required to turn the ship
around, to get it back onto the right course. A great deal of damage has been
done, internally and externally. It is not simply a matter of getting the
economics right; it is a matter of doing the hard work of transforming
institutions so that they cannot easily be hijacked or ‘captured’ again. It is
about addressing the key systemic deficiencies of the South African state, government
and economy. It is about rebuilding society’s confidence in a broken body
politic. It is also about awakening the South African polis. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Instead of losing ourselves in
premature celebration we need to exhale for a moment – and indeed enjoy it –
but then move quickly to ensure that the pressure that existed before Jacob
Zuma departed from office is still being exerted. This necessitates
challenging, at every opportunity, the ANC leadership’s inability to admit to
and acknowledge its deep internal troubles and problems, and how these have
manifested in patently disastrous outcomes for the country. Skirting around
this central reality is – in my view – not political diplomacy, but duplicity.
Good leadership acknowledges, confronts and deals with its central challenges;
it does not speak with two tongues but provides clear explanation of what is
wrong and what needs to be done about it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">By speaking out loud what the ANC
refuses to, we can force them to acknowledge the great distance between the
reality they profess, and what we know to be true. And as this distance grows,
like a wedge between the ANC and the people of South Africa, they will
eventually be forced to humble themselves before us and confess what they know
to be true in their hearts; that they are no longer an organisation that serves
the people but an elite of self-serving opportunists (with some exceptions) who
take power for granted. While we celebrate the possibility of change, we should
not forget how we ended up here. We must consolidate our will and action to
guarantee that the future we desire and deserve comes to fruition. And the
first step in that direction is to air out loud the good, the bad and the
unsaid. </span></div>
<br />ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-83315091157268808502018-02-01T14:40:00.001+02:002018-02-01T14:41:53.901+02:00All The President’s Men!<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Some interesting developments are
unfolding since the election of Deputy President of the country, Cyril
Ramaphosa, to the presidency of the ANC. Two key contradictions have emerged in the wake of Ramaphosa's ascendancy to power;
(1) contradictions within the ANC and (2) contradictions in the public discourse.
The former is more obvious and has been readily picked up by the media and
those who are politically engaged, while the latter is much less obvious and
appears to have gone unnoticed for the most part.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Obvious Contradiction <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, let’s account for the
obvious contradiction; the one that everyone has been focused on. It is not the
main subject of this piece, but it provides a useful background to the
discussion that follows, especially for readers who may not be entirely
familiar with recent events in South African politics.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The sitting president of South
Africa, Jacob Zuma, is approximately a year away from the end of his second
term, after which he will have to depart from office. However, there is a
precedent that the ANC set when Jacob Zuma was elected as ANC president while
the sitting president Thabo Mbeki still held office. When Jacob Zuma ascended
to the presidency of the ANC the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the ANC
argued that it was untenable to maintain “two centres of power”. Thabo Mbeki
had to go, and they eventually recalled him in what was widely regarded –
across the Continent and the world – as a deep humiliation. Indeed, his
departure speech, which was televised to the nation, although dignified,
betrayed a deep hurt at the way in which he had been treated. He was proud,
educated and highly literate leader who was booted out of office despite having
served the ANC for 50 odd years of his life at that time. Yet the ANC NEC
insisted that it would work against the ANC and the country’s interests to
maintain “two centres of power”.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">All that appears to have been
forgotten now that Cyril Ramaphosa has been elected president of the ANC while
the embattled, lame duck president Jacob Zuma still holds high office. Indeed,
it has been a lesson in political spin to watch ANC leaders find creative ways
of explaining to the public why the same treatment shouldn’t be dealt out to
Jacob Zuma. The most bizarre explanation is that they are trying to find a way
of ensuring his exit without humiliating him. The irony of this is that
President Jacob Zuma has proved largely immune to any form of humiliation; his
presidency has been deeply controversial. He is accused of corruption<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/All%20the%20Presidents%20Men%20ver%201.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
involvement in “state capture”<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/All%20the%20Presidents%20Men%20ver%201.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
as well as violating his oath of office<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/All%20the%20Presidents%20Men%20ver%201.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
The reality is overwhelmingly converse; Jacob Zuma’s presidency has humiliated
the ANC and him and his cronies should have unceremoniously been shown the door
a long time ago.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The media and political
commentators have been quick to identify the “two centres of power”
contradiction that the ANC now finds itself in. It has taken a particularly
cynical joy in drawing ANC politicians out and challenging them for their
duplicity. It’s all a bit of a song and dance, a predictable routine that the
media go through with the ANC leadership; baiting them into difficult corners
and watching them weasel themselves out of them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Less Obvious Contradiction<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet this blatant duplicity is not
the strangest phenomenon emerging in the South African political realm. Indeed,
there is a much deeper and more disturbing pattern emerging, one that reveals a
particularly undesirable continuity between the presidency of Jacob Zuma and
that of his successor Cyril Ramaphosa. In my estimation it is a deep problem,
one which warrants attention. I won’t pretend to understand exactly why it
exists, so I will simply diagnose it and guard against the dangers of it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When Cyril Ramaphosa was elected
ANC president recently in December of 2017 many South Africans, loyal ANC
members and stalwarts, private sector actors and the intelligentsia celebrated
it enthusiastically. Confidence in the ANC, which had been at an all-time low,
began to surge again. Cyril Ramaphosa is widely being touted as the person who
will save the ANC and turn it around. There are very many reasons why this is
debatable, but nonetheless, South Africans – who have been living with
political and economic uncertainty, and a president who has roundly embarrassed
and humiliated them – desperately needed cause for hope. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cyril Ramaphosa’s election to the
presidency of the ANC has undoubtedly provided that hope. Many in the public
and private sector have rallied around him, and he has received endorsements
from many commentators, ANC leaders and stalwarts, as well as private sector moguls
and big-shots. Yet although this booming hope in Cyril Ramaphosa’s abilities
are not without merit, the truth is that he faces an extremely difficult
challenge. The ANC NEC and the top six are still divided – almost fifty-fifty –
between his slate and that which supported Jacob Zuma’s candidate (i.e. his
ex-wife Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma). The forces of internal factionalism within the
ANC are still playing out, and he has a very tough challenge on his hands (indeed, <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/2018/01/21/moeletsi-mbeki-ramaphosa-is-no-saviour-and-other-inconvenient-truths_a_23339146/">some view them as near insurmountable</a>).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The internal friction between
camps is playing out in spectacular fashion now that Ramaphosa has been elected
president. After years of inaction the National Prosecution Authority (NPA) has
sprung into action and appears to finally be acting on corruption matters that
it has long ignored. The NPA sunk so low as to allow itself to be used as a
political pawn to harass and intimidate Jacob Zuma’s detractors and accusers.
The bogus cases against the South African Revenue Services (SARS) “rogue unit”
(a special investigation unit that looks into financial crimes at the highest
level) and the ex-Minister of Finance and ex head of SARS Pravin Gordhan are
cases in point. There were many others as well, too many to go into here.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Now, suddenly, it appears as
though the NPA is ready and in position to take action against those who have
been widely accused , even by the ex-Public Protector, of being engaged in
“state capture” (i.e. influencing and rigging state tenders and deals for the
gain of a network of politically connected private sector actors). Headlines
have rung out with huge muster and bluster that those engaged in corruption will
now face the music and have to answer the charges against them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And the strangest thing of all is
that Cyril Ramaphosa is being enthusiastically credited with the new surge to
ensure accountability in the political realm and private sector in South Africa.
“Cyril is making things happen!” his supporters gleefully exclaim. It is indeed
more than strange, particularly because agencies such as the NPA and the Public
Protector’s Office are supposed to act “without fear, favour or prejudice” and service
the constitution. As such they are not supposed to be unduly influenced by any
political leader or government in their decision-making. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, in the case of the Public
Protector’s Office, it is a Chapter 9 institution. The first and foremost responsibility
of Chapter 9 institutions is to the constitution and the public of South
Africa. They are subject only to the Constitution and the law, and answer to the
National Assembly, not the President. In the case of the NPA its mission is similarly
defined, although it is not a Chapter 9 institution, that is; </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Guided by the Constitution, we in the National Prosecuting Authority
ensure justice for the victims of crime by prosecuting without fear, favour and
prejudice and by working with our partners and the public to solve and prevent
crime.”<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The fact that Cyril Ramaphosa’s
election to the presidency of the ANC is being credited with these recent but
long-overdue actions is truly bizarre. The fact is that they should have
been doing their jobs all along, as they are sworn to do. Who is in power
should not matter at all! Indeed, it is deeply worrying, because all it means
is that should we – for whatever reason – end up with a new leader who exerts undue
influence on them to delay or ignore certain cases, it is highly likely that
they will yet again be placed on the back-burner or even scrapped entirely. In short,
we should not be celebrating the idea that it is Cyril Ramaphosa’s influence that
has enabled them to take actions that should be taken without fear or favour
in any event.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Celebrating Ramaphosa as an agent
of change within the ANC, and possibly within government, is one thing. Celebrating
him as an agent of change in respect of constitutionally independent functions
of the state is quite another! We should not be celebrating these recent
developments uncritically as it means that instead of bringing about <i>systemic</i> changes in the way our state
functions – especially those functions and powers that are independent of
government – we are merely feeding into the same destructive “follow the
leader” phenomenon that landed the ANC and the country in this mess in the
first place. <b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Importance of Systemic Change<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the clear light of day, the
entire state cannot be regarded as “all the president’s men”. The ANC perhaps
can play ‘follow the leader’ as much as it desires, but certainly not the state
in its entirety. Separation of powers has – in reality – proved to be the last
resort for those who sought to ensure that justice is served in respect of
government and private sector corruption (and especially that where the
president and his network of operators are concerned). It is the courts,
leading all the way up to the Constitutional Court, that opposition parties and
civil society groups have had to go to in order to ensure that justice is
served and that constitutionality is upheld. It is the Public Protector’s
Office – under its previous leader Thuli Madonsela – who fearlessly spoke truth
to power and held the powerful to account as equals before the law.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The valorisation of leaders in
South Africa – and on the continent as a whole – is one of the largest
obstacles to actualising true democracy. Yet it is a difficult mind-set to
shake. Indeed, even the ANC’s mantra that “no single person is above the ANC”
went out the window in the case of Jacob Zuma. And now, some of us are
celebrating Ramaphosa’s ability to wheel and deal and manipulate matters of
state behind the scenes (<i>allegedly</i>, I
should add). This is antidemocratic in its essence. When constitutionality is
sacrificed for ‘political pragmatism’ and ‘realpolitik’ in this manner, we open
the door to the forces that undermine constitutionality and democratic process.
In order to hold power to account, we cannot – and should not – elevate our
leaders above the law and the constitution.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are those, some
masquerading as “saviours of our democracy”, who would sacrifice principle and constitutionality
to ‘hold those who threaten the integrity of state’ to account. This kind of
change is ridiculously shallow and difficult to sustain. What we need is
deep-rooted systemic and structural change that helps ensure that the processes
by which the state is run and governed can effectively mitigate abuse of power.
We are a relatively young democracy. As such we have to interrogate the system
we have and make changes that can improve it over time. Superficial change that
is merely the product of a change of leadership is hardly the route to a
resilient democratic state that – along with an active citizenry – can self-organise
and self-regulate power on its own terms, independent of this or that leader or
leadership.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This should not be difficult to
understand. The long struggle against the authoritarian Apartheid state was
precisely geared towards empowering the people and the state to hold power to
account. All that has become blurred now, and our focus is on larger-than-life
leaders and their particular qualities. The era of new populism that has taken
hold across the world has elevated “the big man” instead of levelling the
scales between those in power and those who elect them. While it is easy to
understand the enthusiasm behind the notion that “Cyril is getting things
moving now”, it is an enthusiasm that loses sight of the basis of our democracy
and the long hard-fought struggle to actualise it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If we are serious about making
lasting political changes that can strengthen our democracy we need to go
beyond quick fixes and dig deep into the systems that reproduce the conditions
for those who would abuse power to do so willy-nilly and get away with it. We
need to interrogate the bureaucracies and the processes and principles by which
they function, and make the changes that are necessary to ensure that good
governance is ensured – and where failures occur, that they are quickly
corrected. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Accountability, transparency, sound
principles and rule of law cannot ever be replaced by the election of a
benevolent leader, no matter how good or trustworthy that leader is. The real
test of a democratic state is how well it is able to cope with a variety of
potential leaders, good or bad, and ensure that all types are held to account
when it becomes necessary. That, more than anything else, should remain front
and centre of our efforts to build a real, lasting democracy. But we’re all too
busy celebrating the first mile of the marathon without pause for thought that
there are many more to go. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The danger in allowing our polis
to evolve in this piecemeal, superficial fashion is that the effectiveness of the
state will vary, and remain dependent on whether good and bad leader and leaderships
are in power. Having never bothered to address the fundamental structural and
systemic factors that reproduce undesirable leaders and leaderships we are
bound to relive them and suffer their main effects. That is, keeping us in the
doldrums of progress towards real democracy, as has been the case with much of
the rest of the continent. </span></div>
<br />
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i.e. 783 charges in the arms deal of the early 2000s</span></div>
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i.e. a facilitator of “state capture” by private business interests to whom his
son is intimately linked</span></div>
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<div id="ftn3">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/All%20the%20Presidents%20Men%20ver%201.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> As
per the Constitutional Court judgement on his handling of the Public
Protector’s findings on illegal upgrading to his rural homestead, Nkandla.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-81194653429565978042018-01-26T09:24:00.001+02:002018-02-01T11:33:06.491+02:00Obsessing Over Day Zero<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">"Merely thinking about what the world wants
gets you nowhere: you have to think about what the world ought to want, and
just doesn’t know yet that it can’t live without."</span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span style="background: white;">Theodore
Gray </span></i><i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span style="background: white;"><br /></span></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After three years of drought,
Cape Town’s taps are set to run dry within the next few months. “Day zero”, as
it has been termed, is ostensibly approaching unless some kind of “miracle”
occurs. It is with great curiosity that I have been observing the prevailing
obsession with “day zero”, which has quickly become the centre-piece of social
media, news media and social conversations.
The only other topic that is receiving as much airtime is the ‘who is to
blame?’ brigade, that has gradually grown in chorus as middle class outrage
has grown. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cape Town’s middle classes are
used to living in a relatively well-run city, and apart from electrical
blackouts and load-shedding that occurred years ago, and the avalanche of summer fires that spark up
every summer, there has been little that directly affects their lives in a
debilitating way. Of course, the same is not true for the poor and working
classes, who struggle with service delivery, affordability and access to
infrastructures. The lives of those living in informal and semi-informal
settlements are undoubtedly worlds apart from their middle class counterparts;
temporary outdoor sanitation, shared water standpipes, illegal electricity
connections, shack-fires and un-managed waste, pollution and drainage plague
their daily lives. You won’t hear much about that however. Instead, as journalist
<a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2018/01/23/dm-helen-zille-drought/">Chris Bateman put it</a> (somewhat hyperbolically), </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“The indigent, who’ve always collected water from communal taps – might
finally have something we don’t – running water”.<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet while the plight of the poor
evokes sympathy from the middle classes, it rarely evokes the same levels of
outrage that have unfolded at the imaginary of day zero as it quickly
approaches. Images of Armageddon scale end-of-days disaster scenarios unfolding
are heatedly aired and rapidly amplified on social media. Everything
will grind to a halt, we are told. The city’s economy will implode. Do we know
what we are in for? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Well prepare for long-queues of
outraged residents jostling, fighting and spitting bile, an unholy urban mess
requiring martial law style intervention by the military to contain. Prepare
for the death of tourism, agriculture, industry, schooling and the closure of
all official local government offices and businesses. Prepare for serious
damage that will be done to bulk water infrastructures as water pressure and
regular supply are denied, destabilising infrastructure due to irregular flows passing through the system (this concern is entirely valid and foreseeable). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cape Town’s middle classes, who
are typically unschooled and inexperienced in undertaking efforts that
necessitate collective action are
falling over themselves, spluttering with prescient rage at the denial of their ‘basic human rights’.
There is even a petition to the United Nations that has done the rounds on
social media; a truly ironic and self-centred undertaking given the patent invisibility
of the plight of the poor and marginal in the city. In a spectacular act of real-time revisionism of history in the
making, we are reminded, more than anything, of the particular middle class
predisposition to render themselves ‘more equal than others’. <i>First among
equals</i> so to speak.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In my daydreams I picture the
middle classes rising up, appropriating <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Suspended-sentences-for-Cape-Town-airport-poo-protesters-20150819">Ses'khona’s “poo-protests”</a> and laying
waste to City Government buildings with mountains of portaloo poo that has gone
uncollected for too long. Perhaps the DA will move Herman Mashaba down to run
Cape Town in the wake of Mayor Patricia de Lille’s soon-to-be departure. Anything’s
possible it seems, when a city runs out of water.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I am labouring the point, but it
is particularly bizarre to observe how the discourse over day zero has emerged.
Day zero is being treated as an end-point, an insurmountable eventuality that
will cripple all the key functions of life, work and service provision in the
city. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reality, however, is that
this drought has been three years in the making, and for many years now, those
who understand that the climate is changing, and that the Western half of the
country is steadily drying, have been making the case for adaptation. For over
a decade many of us have been actively engaged in educating and informing
leaders, policy-makers and planners that there is a pressing need to begin
preparing for water-scarcity conditions to unfold in the city (i.e. whether
they occur gradually or abruptly). The need to adapt to the new reality has
been made abundantly clear, not just to those in power, but also to the very
same middle class citizenry who now appear to be caught totally unawares in the
cross-fire of the impacts of a severe, long-term drought.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The issue that should be
provoking outrage is the slow progress of efforts towards adaptation. We know
what is happening with the climate in the Western Cape. Why have we been so
slow to prepare for it? And yes, the bulk of the blame should be going towards
local and provincial government for their lack of preparation and their
inadequate communication and planning for adaptation. However, middle class
ignorance must also be taken to task in this respect, as an active, educated
citizenry who are themselves pushing for adaptation and embracing behavioural
change would go a long way towards speeding up the transition to a more water
resilient city and province. This is a fact, it is not speculative. We’ve been
slow to act and we’re paying the price. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I for one am glad that day zero
has sparked up the fears and imaginations of the city’s middle class residents (as
well as businesses and industries they own and/or work in). This is simply
because the greatest difference in potable water consumption and sanitation can
be made through their actions and forward-looking investment in water efficiency
measures. It is they who – with the support of local and provincial government
– can make the largest difference in ensuring the long-term sustainability and
resilience of the city and provinces water supply. Yes it is true that industry
and agriculture are the largest consumers of water overall, but there is a lot
that can be done simply by adapting middle class households and residential
properties, as well as businesses, to the realities of water scarcity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If day zero is the tipping point that will help
catalyse this transition then it would have served a good purpose. However, if
it turns out that day zero comes and goes within a month or two - and private sector water providers spring up and take the gap (which is a high likelihood) - then it is
likely that all the hype around it would have proven largely ineffective, as
the middle class citizenry return to ‘business as usual’ yielding little
long-term behavioural, infrastructural and systemic changes to speak of. It
would all have merely been another storm in a teacup and it might even result
in a push-back and distrust of ‘disaster narratives’ that emerge in the future.
The upshot of ‘crying wolf’ may be an even more disengaged and apathetic
citizenry, who have many other pressing concerns in their daily lives to attend
to.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We have the attention of the
broader citizenry right now. It is worth making strategic and visionary use of
it to seed and catalyse the transition to a new understanding of climate
change, resource scarcity and the need for adaptation in the city and province.
It is worth capitalising on the attention that is being drawn to the issue to
stimulate broader engagement and involvement of the citizenry, business,
industry and agriculture in the processes of planning and development in the
city and province.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is a key moment for the
city. It can unlock a wholly new, constructive trajectory for the city and its
residents. It is an opportunity to increase mutual understanding and dialogue,
and forge unity in the citizenry and the various sectors of society in the
Western Cape. We can begin learning how to work together, and to actively take
control of the processes of preparing for the future. We can become more
engaged and socially cohesive at the local level, and learn to work together to
safeguard our communities and work-places from the eventualities of the 21<sup>st</sup>
Century. Ultimately, we can strengthen local democratic practises through this
crisis. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The problem with how the day zero
narrative has been unfolding is that it has been bereft of stabilising,
visionary leadership. Rather, the city and province miscommunicated the extent
of the crisis for a few years in the run-up to day zero in order not to ‘panic’
the citizenry and the various sectors of the economy. Moreover, there were some
industry and business actors who simply refused to believe local government’s
projections, relying instead on their own internal experts who made false
assumptions and made incorrect calculations as a result. I recently spoke to a
senior official in government who was exasperated at having to wade through
bogus calculations and correct them. There are even industry players that
decided to escalate production, in a ‘tragedy of the commons’ styled set of
logics. There is little doubt that strong, concerted leadership could have
diminished these challenges and helped to forge a broader consensus
on how to mitigate water scarcity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While the proverbial glass may
not be half-full in reality, it is worth considering what can be gained through
this crisis. It may well not last much longer, but it will undoubtedly revisit
us because we live in a province that is extremely sensitive to climate change
impacts. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Western Cape Premier’s <a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2018/01/23/dm-helen-zille-drought/">Helen Zille’s very latest piece</a> was all scare tactics and alarmist bluster, sounding the
alarm about the great emergency that has descended upon the city as if we didn’t
know it was coming for ages. It was absolute guff, and for more reasons than I
can deal with here! The fact is that these ‘crises’ and ‘anarchy is on the
horizon’ narratives are part of the problem. Calm down, plan and do your job.
Moreover, do what you should have been doing ages ago when you learned that
climate change would ultimately impact the Western Cape severely, even if there
wasn’t a clear idea of when exactly each crisis would take place. It is not
only disingenuous; it is blatant lies to suggest that this crisis somehow
‘crept up’ on officials (as she puts it “Suddenly, after months of coaxing”).
The truth is that there have been very many studies and documents that have
warned of the eventuality of drought and water scarcity in the Western Cape.
And all this has been written about and communicated many years ago when Helen Zille
herself was Mayor of Cape Town.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet for all the 'coaxing' (and now
the turn towards punitive measures), the average citizen has precious little at
their disposal to meet the city’s new 50 litres per person per day limit (i.e. now
reduced from 87 litres), simply because the tools to monitor, adapt and limit usage
have not been put in place. Indeed, how does an average citizen actually know
how much water they are using, and simply at the household level at that? Many
are already making courageous efforts to save water, but what enables them to
know how much they are using? How much does a dishwasher use? How much does a
washing machine use? How much water does a shower or a bath use up? What about
cooking, making tea and coffee? How do you calculate your usage; does it
include the flushes at work, or the teas and coffees you purchase. How much
double accounting is going on? How much is being left out that should be
counted? Is there an app that one can use to get an estimate at the very least?
If these tools exist, why are they not widely publicised? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Placing the blame on a confused
citizenry that has been misled about the real nature of this crisis in the
run-up to the crunch point is – simply put – ridiculously poor leadership. It
appears that even when we are deep in substantive crisis, our politicians are
more likely to think about how it affects their votes, and as befits them, put
their effort into scripting a narrative that conveniently casts them in heroic
terms. The average citizen should, at this point, feel fully justified in
telling them to take a hike. They screwed it up; they should rather be honest
about it, humbly beg forgiveness and get on with the job of fixing things. And
to be sure, the fixes need to be constituted of more than just short-term
disaster risk management planning and implementation; it needs to be
constituted of a clear set of actions that will help build resilience of the
city and province into the <i>long term</i>.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Failure to take actions,
implement plans and put the tools in place to reduce water usage, have more
accurate monitoring and evaluation, and significantly transition our bulk and
local water infrastructures to high-efficiency recycling and reuse will – in short
– be a charade of leadership designed to cope with short-term crises and not addressing
long term systemic vulnerability. This failure would essentially mean that
while the middle classes invest in boosting their resilience (and as private sector water services expand), the real crisis
that is building – where the poor and marginal are increasingly squeezed by
higher tariffs and service delivery failures, ultimately leading to outbreaks
of disease, deaths and unconscionable and inhuman living conditions – will largely
remain unaddressed. In the end, a lack of long-term planning may mean that “let
them drink wine!” might well end up being the only recourse the middle class
takes in respect of the poor and marginal in this city, as has been the historical
tradition in the Western Cape. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">P.S. After posting this blog on 26/1/2018 the City of Cape Town has put out a guideline to how to achieve 50 litres per person per day in the form of the infographic below. Better late than never they say, but this piece argues otherwise ... nonetheless, please share it widely, even if you're not in Cape Town!</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-BPqxqmAOkd4/WnLego8QE_I/AAAAAAAAAIQ/pPew0wNAOQsy2YEbgDKi13gRrGYH0v3SgCLcBGAs/s1600/facebook_1517475484028.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="1131" height="640" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-BPqxqmAOkd4/WnLego8QE_I/AAAAAAAAAIQ/pPew0wNAOQsy2YEbgDKi13gRrGYH0v3SgCLcBGAs/s640/facebook_1517475484028.jpg" width="451" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-11989665973757743172018-01-13T15:15:00.000+02:002018-01-14T13:12:50.027+02:00On Practice: Ritual and its Benefits<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In August 1996 the Dalai Lama
visited South Africa. I was twenty-two years old at the time, studying for my
honours in physics. When I heard that he would be speaking at a local
university – then called the University of Durban-Westville – I knew I couldn’t
miss it. Buddhism had intrigued me since the age of 14, and I felt compelled to
hear him speak first hand. It was, as it turned out, an opportunity of a
lifetime; one that has never happened again. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The lecture hall was packed to
the rafters. He entered, dressed in maroon and yellow robes, accompanied by a
small entourage of monks and organisers. He looked healthy, his skin shone, and
when he spoke we were all captivated. He was very pragmatic in his speech, and
nothing he spoke of seemed far-fetched or esoteric. His magnetism was
undeniable; one could sense his clarity and essential good-heartedness. He
laughed easily and possessed a cheerful disposition. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Earlier, the master of ceremonies
– a monk – had asked the audience to write down any questions they may have for
the Dalai Lama. These would be collected, and some would be selected for the
Dalai Lama to answer. I had a burning question; one that I had been
contemplating for a relatively long time in my short life. It was a simple
question, but I did not know the answer. I wrote it down and sent it along with
all the others. The question was,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“What is the role of ritual in religion?”<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When the question-and-answer
session arrived I listened closely, hoping that my question would be fished out
of the lot somewhere along the way, but it was not to be. The question was
never asked, and my 21 year younger self didn’t enjoy the good fortune of
having his burning question answered by a luminary whose opinion could be trusted
and respected.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, all these years later, I am
coming to an understanding of what the answer to my years-old question is. And
it has surprised me, as it seems the answer was there all along. I just didn’t
have the lived experience to discern it. The answer, it appears, lies in understanding
the nature of practice. It is an ironic discovery, as it is in my nature to
take to disciplined practice with relish. When I enjoy something, and get drawn
into it, practice comes without much effort. When I establish a routine it
generally sticks. I may waver from it occasionally, but I inevitably return to
it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I have practiced martial arts
since I was a child. I’ve always loved it. I enjoy the movement, the
strengthening of spirit, and the clarity of mind I acquire through practicing
martial arts. I’ve changed what and how I practice, moving from Karate in my
early years, to full contact Kung Fu for the majority of my teens and early
twenties, to boxing, to Tai Chi and Chi Gung in my later years. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">About twelve years ago I began
running long distances. I was never a good long distance runner, but after I
began to understand it better I became hooked. I still run, and
although I vary the distances I run, I still run pretty regularly. Between 2005
and 2010 I threw myself into Tai Chi and Chi Gung training, but I have to admit
that I found it very challenging. I had to undo a lot of the external martial
arts training that I had worked so hard over the years to programme into my
neural system and psychology. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Tai Chi, in particular, required
a sensitivity that just did not exist in the hard martial arts realm in which I
had been trained. It went against all my previous training; in Tai Chi one had
to engage in push-hands without trying to win ... suspending that will to win
proved very difficult for me. I had been trained to think that the psychology
of winning was critical for victory in the martial arts. Now I was being asked
to let go of that and it proved very difficult for me to get my head around.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To add to this, I discovered,
while studying Tai Chi, that despite my ability to generate powerful and speedy
strikes, with both my hands and legs – both of which I thought required
extremely good balance – that my understanding of balance and movement in Tai
Chi was that of a novice. I felt hopelessly ill-equipped; and I could tell that
my master could sense how much I was straining to find the movements and
perform them effortlessly, so that they flowed from me. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I fared better at Chi Gung, and I
could feel that I took to it more naturally. I had not had any previous
experience of being trained at meditation, so I embraced it without any
preconceptions. As a result, my Chi Gung training proceeded a lot better than
my Tai Chi training. I felt the benefits of both, although I have to admit that
I felt a bit inadequate in my Tai Chi training; as though I would never really
understand it properly.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After five years of training I
quit classes to focus on completing my PhD studies. I continued with my Chi
Gung meditations at home, but my Tai Chi training was on and off. I would train
every now and again, usually over holidays, to remind myself of the Tai Chi
short form, and would abandon it for long periods. Nonetheless, I would return
to it occasionally; something about the practice of it had made it a part of
me.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My master was – and is – an
exceptional individual. He is the only true martial arts master (i.e. in all
senses of the word) that I have had the pleasure of training under. He would
tell us not to worry about how good or bad we were; but just to keep training.
One day, if we were lucky, all the training would sink in. One day if we trained
hard enough the “chi” would “come”. It can take 10 or 15 years, he would tell
us. He was asking us to put our faith in practice; that mastering Tai Chi was a
matter of doing, not of thinking or understanding.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My uncle is a jazz musician.
Since I was young he would compare my martial arts training to that of a
musician’s. “You have to practice your chops,” he would say. You learn one move
– or chord – then you learn another, you practice them over and over, then you
string them together – practice that over and over – and what emerges is a
song. Harmony is not just a matter of chance; it is a matter of practice. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My grandfather turned 90 recently.
He has been a South Indian classical musician since he was a teenager. His
instrument is the clarinet. About a decade ago I bumped into him by chance at
an airport. He had just returned from a trip to Australia to visit my uncle. We
had an amazing conversation. He told me that after many decades of playing the
clarinet his playing had gone to a new level. I cannot do justice to what he
was describing; but he was essentially saying that he could now move fluidly
between the masculine and the feminine; that there was a continuity and harmony
between the voices he played – alto and soprano – that he had now mastered
after many years of playing. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This conversation with my
grandfather gave me the strength to continue writing; at the time I was writing
a lot but I was struggling to break through a find my own voice as a writer.
This chat with my grandfather was, in retrospect, an early indication of the
value of practice. That devoting oneself to practice is the key to unlocking
one’s own voice. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is only recently however, that
I’ve come to a new understanding of the value of practice, and how intimately
tied practice is to ritual. Indeed, practice – in order to be regular – becomes
ritualised to some degree. Whether I think of long-distance running, martial
arts, music, art or writing, regular practice becomes ritualistic in nature.
Ritualising an activity makes its practice more entrenched, a part of everyday
life; you begin to live with your practice instead of trying to figure it out.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In June last year I suffered a
terrible shock. A long-term work relationship that I had thought was beyond
question became very questionable very quickly, and it became very clear to me
that I was not valued in the manner I thought I was. Accepting this was
difficult. Letting go was even harder. My anxieties arose and I automatically
began to train Tai Chi every morning. It helped a great deal. It lifted my
spirits and gave me a sense of clarity. It strengthened my spirit. I needed no
further justification to engage in regular practice; every morning I awoke and
after a cup of tea or coffee, I would immerse myself in the Tai Chi short form.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My Tai Chi practice became a
ritual. The more I practiced the more I reaped its benefits. For the first time
in my training I began to feel rooted and my movements became effortless. Each
movement emerged of its own accord. There was no forcing it. One movement
flowed into the next without effort. There was a natural line of movement that
the body takes through the form that I had not been able to find for years. Now
– seemingly all of a sudden – I had found that line and it made all the
difference. No matter how I felt before training, after thirty minutes of
training I would begin to feel the natural flow of the movements of the form.
After training my body felt released from all the middle-aged aches and pains
it carries, my body felt light and my mind was calm but focused. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The act of ritualising my Tai Chi
practice transferred into my other daily activities. Everything from the way I
cooked, to the way I worked and drove around the city changed. Daily practice
of this kind allowed for an awareness to emerge; one that enabled me to
navigate the anxiety and uncertainty of change in a manner that I had been
unable to before. Whenever I felt the walls closing in or my thoughts running
astray I immersed myself in the ritual of Tai Chi practice and emerged level
headed, released from reliving the senseless chatter of the mind.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So I’m finally beginning to understand why so
many religions embrace ritual. I wasn’t able to understand it before because I
was focused on the symbolic acts of ritual and their meaning, and not what
their practice entailed. I thought ritual was just mind-numbing, symbolic
devotional routine. I failed to understand that ritual entrenches practice. It is
about <i>doing</i>; embedding oneself in practice
and not philosophising about it. Ritualising activities takes one deeper into practice
and yields a deeper awareness. This enables meaning to emerge from practice;
meaning that goes far beyond the symbolism of ritual. Rather, meaning emerges
from devotion to practice, taking the form of a new awareness; a way of being
in and with the world that is not a product of the agitated mental gymnastics of
philosophical introspection but a product of letting go of thought and immersing
oneself in doing.</span></span></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-27155078248075519082018-01-10T14:44:00.000+02:002018-01-10T20:35:18.296+02:00The Politics of Short-Term Gratification: All Eyes on the ANC!<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">More Hype, Less Media!</span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Media, media everywhere, and not a thought in sight!</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ANC is firmly back in the
spotlight, commanding centre-stage as the most important act on the South
African political stage today, whether for the right or wrong reasons. However,
much like the eclectic US President Trump, it is working to the ANC’s
advantage. The extent of media coverage that the ANC is currently receiving
effectively blocks out other political actors and groups and reinforces the
notion that the ANC alone is the sole political force through which South
African politics and economics is brokered. Indeed, this is what ANC
spokespersons tell us all the time. It is what they would like us to believe. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is hence thoroughly in the
ANC’s interest to continue occupying the media spotlight, and with the next
national election due for April 2019, keeping the focus on the internal
dynamics of the ANC – however tumultuous and dramatic – will likely serve to
reinforce the idea that the ANC alone is the key political force in South
Africa and that votes for opposition parties are essentially wasted on the vain
hope that power will change hands one day. Opposition votes will continue to be
viewed as symbolic expressions of disillusionment with the ANC rather than what
they are becoming, that is; a growing force that is increasingly able to effect
political change at the highest levels in the country (albeit through
coalitions). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this sense, the media itself
has fallen hook, line and sinker for the ANC’s crude gambit. In their exuberant
attempts to secure ratings through continuous live coverage and play the role
of 'watchdog' they have effectively granted the ANC the kind of media primacy
that US President Donald Trump enjoys. Secrecy, controversy and intrigue can
work wonders on an unsuspecting and ill-informed public, and it is the media’s
job to remain critical – not just of its targets – but also its own coverage.
It is incumbent on the media to have a sense for what impact its coverage ultimately
has. There is a point at which continuous, repetitive and unenlightened
coverage – replete with long, hypothetical discussions based on gossip and
hearsay – begins to resemble mere hype rather than cogent political opinion and
analysis. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="line-height: 115%;">December 2017 ANC
Conference: Turning Point or More of the Same?</span></b><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In December 2017 the ANC’s internal
party presidential, top-six leadership and National Executive Committee
elections were held at the 54<sup>th</sup> National Conference of the ANC. The
dynamics that played out put the ANC squarely back in the public spotlight, as
the country hankered after news that trickled out from the conference. The
media were denied full access to the conference, and kept separated from
delegates by a fortress of temporary fencing. This lack of access worked
wonders, as intrigue, speculation, debate and titbits of gossip dominated the
media panels that sought to provide all-hours coverage of the event. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Dramatic changes unfolded with
the changing of the guard, with the Deputy President of the country – Cyril
Ramaphosa – emerging victorious as the new ANC President. Yet the drama was not
because sweeping changes came about in the leadership composition, but rather
that the two competing slates were so close, yielding an almost equal mix of
each in the final results. These results mean that the ANC is likely continue
limping along as a divided house, with internal conflicts and Machiavellian
skulduggery dominating its politics. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Embattled, outgoing ANC president
(and President of South Africa), Jacob Zuma, supported the slate headed by his
ex-wife Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma. The opposition slate was headed by Deputy
President Cyril Ramaphosa, the current Deputy President of South Africa. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The core campaign message behind
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma’s campaign was that the ANC and the country were long
overdue for a female president, and she enjoyed strong support from both the
ANC Women’s League and the ‘Zuma faction’ as it has become known. Detractors of
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma saw her bid as compromised by her ex-husband’s alleged
involvement in widespread corruption and “state capture”. In short, her
ascendancy to the presidency of the ANC, and soon the country, would ensure that
the sitting president is protected from being held to account for his alleged
misdeeds. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cyril Ramaphosa’s main campaign
message revolved around saving the ANC from corruption, healing the deep
divides (nay, fractures) within it, and revitalising the economy. His
detractors point to his great wealth (he is a billionaire) as a compromising factor (he is favoured by the private sector), as well as his involvement
in the Marikana massacre, which led to the death of 34 miners who were fired
upon by the police (78 were seriously injured). Although he has apologised for
his role in the events that led to the massacre, his detractors see it as just
a ‘band-aid’ attempt to regain public trust and rise to power. He is
nonetheless, widely respected across society, and critically, he commands the
respect and trust of the private sector. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Both candidates have paid lip
service to the ANC’s new political vision of radical socio-economic
transformation, although it is unclear to what extent their proposals are
radical in the sense of being deeply rooted in the quest for structural and
systemic change. My view is that both candidates would service the status quo
while shoring up support (for the 2019 election) through heightened rhetoric
rather than radical action. Neither candidate is in any sense truly radical. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ramaphosa is a former trade
unionist who has extensive experience in managing divisions. He was a key in
formulating the constitution, and enjoys the faith and respect of the private
sector. Dlamini-Zuma was once Minister of Health, represented South Africa
faithfully at the UN and more recently was the head of the African Union.
Neither candidate would likely have shaken up South African politics and
economics to the extent that the rhetoric of "radical socio-economic
transformation" would imply.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cyril Ramaphosa’s election to the
presidency of the ANC is no doubt a result of the ANC’s very genuine concerns
that its electoral support base is set to decline significantly in the upcoming
2019 elections. They need to stay in power, and to retain a majority; Cyril
Ramaphosa was the only candidate that could effectively ‘guarantee’ these outcomes. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, with a middle-of-the-road presidential
candidate, a split-slate top-six leadership and NEC, more of the same is likely
to unfold. So why all the attention, and to what end?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="line-height: 115%;">The Dangers of
Continuous, Unfettered Coverage</span></b><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The problem is that the ANC’s
internal politics are largely becoming more important than the democratic,
constitutional parliamentary processes through which political change should be
administered in South Africa. Instead, parliamentary actions are increasingly
fought through the courts, and the ANC’s internal politics, processes and
interests take precedence over that of government.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">All eyes remain fixed on the ANC
and opposition parties and other political actors – such as civil society organisations
and foundations – appear to be a secondary feature of the political realm. They
are hardly receiving any media coverage at present, and when they do it is as
though they are an afterthought or sideshow to the ANC’s publicly unfolding
political soap opera. Both the fiery Economic Freedom Fighters and the
litigious Democratic Party appear to have receded into the background as the
ANC’s internal processes have taken centre-stage in the public eye. This is
damaging – in my view – for many reasons. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Firstly, instead of the
embattled, split ANC being held to account for its refusal to act upon
corruption and constitutional violations by the president over the past 8
years, it is now being viewed as the great hope for renewal of the South
African polity. All reasonable indications are, however, that the ANC’s
infighting, lack of accountability and poor transparency is set to deepen and
that the internal splits within the ANC will continue to render it effectively
dysfunctional as a governing party. The ANC is being rewarded, instead of
penalised, for failing the South African people.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the relevance and
importance of opposition parties and opposition politics is being diminished.
They are simply becoming increasingly viewed as secondary to the ANC’s internal
politics and processes. This, in effect, renders parliament and constitutional
processes secondary. The ANC as a political party has effectively usurped its
role. And it has unfolded with precious little critique of this ‘switch’ from
political analysts and commentators. With the exception of very few analysts
(e.g. Angelo Fick comes to mind, as his analysis always links back to
constitutionality and parliamentary process) the majority have uncritically
reinforced the notion that the ANC’s internal politics are paramount. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The narrative typically unfolds
in the following manner, that change can "only be administered from within the
ANC" and that one has to "look to the ANC’s internal processes and political
dynamics" to understand what is transpiring in South African politics (e.g.
with respect to recalling Jacob Zuma and countering government corruption).
Analysts relish in having inside information from within the ranks of the ANC
as to what is transpiring at any given moment in time. They hang on every word
that comes out of the ANC leadership, interpreting and reinterpreting their
utterances ad-nauseam. It is as if only the ANC exists in the South African
political spectrum. Everyone else is irrelevant.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It smacks of the same empty celebrations
that accompanied Zanu-PF’s recent removal of its long-term president Robert
Mugabe in Zimbabwe, in what was effectively a palace coup. Should the ANC
finally take long overdue action to remove President Jacob Zuma it would
effectively amount to the same thing; that it took a palace coup within the ANC
to remove a president that was found by the constitutional court to have
violated his oath of office, a president who is widely implicated in a network
of unscrupulous business and political operators who have engaged in corruption
on a grand scale, and a president who the courts have ordered should answer for
783 charges of corruption brought against him for his alleged wrongdoings in
the now-infamous arms deal of the early 2000s. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When celebrating political action,
it is important to understand what one is celebrating. In my view, the
celebrations that are unfolding in South Africa early in 2018 are premature and
misleading. We are not celebrating true democratic action and transparent,
responsible governance. Instead, we are celebrating the desperate actions of a
deeply compromised majority ruling party that – until now – was facing the
prospect of severe losses in the upcoming national elections in 2019. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We are also celebrating the
irrelevance of opposition party and civil society politics and ignoring the
massive efforts they have made to shift the ANC onto a more responsible
political trajectory. The ANC are not our saviours. They have not
self-corrected, despite having had many opportunities to do so. They have
merely changed tact in order to ensure their own survival. We would be fools to
believe otherwise; the proverbial proof of change must surely lie in real,
meaningful actions to effect change and not in symbolic transfers of power. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The upshot of all of this is that
the ANC is back in the spotlight and is being presented by the media (albeit
unwittingly or uncritically) as the key mover and shaker of South African
politics (or as the ANC labels themselves; the "centre of power" in South Africa). It’s every move and utterance is being slavishly amplified through
the media, without thought for the displacement of other political actors and
groups that have fought tooth and nail to counter-act the effects of the
decline of the ANC. The ANC is no doubt celebrating because in the run-up to the
2019 elections they loom so large in the public imagination that it is likely
to translate into continued support from the electorate. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Simply put, if the over-riding
narrative (or implication) is that the country’s woes can only be fixed from
“within the ANC” then voters get the impression that there are no alternatives
that they can look to through which they can effect meaningful change.
Reinforcing this notion by treating the ANC’s internal politics as
all-important and all-powerful in South African politics is short sighted and –
in my view – inaccurate. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ANC is beset by deep internal
turmoil and in-fighting. It is no longer the ANC that possessed a coherence that
justified its large electoral majority. In a short-term perspective it is true
that what transpires within the ANC is bound to have a great impact upon the
country, but treating the ANC as though it is the be-all and end-all of South
African politics is mistaken. The ANC’s politics and coherence has declined
while the opposition has gained ground and is on the ascent. This is not just
an empirical fact; it is the objective reality. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ANC long ago became an
unsustainable and untenable alliance of ill-fitting partners; it simply cannot
survive in its current form and remain useful to the South African people.
Continued unchallenged political power will likely remain useful only to the
ANC itself, and the private sector cronies that line up to oil the hinges of
the revolving door between politics and business that has become central to the
ANC’s administration of its political power. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Politics of the
Short-Term: An Uninformed Public and Political Realm<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Today, the ANC’s National
Executive Committee (NEC) is convening, yet again, without direct press access.
It is a matter of great interest, as President Jacob Zuma’s future will likely
be discussed. Rumours that he will step down are already doing the rounds, as
they always do in the run-up to these large ANC NEC gatherings. The press has
taken the bait. To be fair, coverage of discussions around impeachment that are
unfolding in parliament is also being given airtime, but the end result is that
it simply juxtaposes ANC internal processes against parliamentary processes. If
the ANC NEC decides – in a large majority – to retain Jacob Zuma as President
of South Africa it is unlikely that any parliamentary motion for impeachment will be
successfully passed. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet again the nation is being
held hostage to internal ANC processes and dynamics. We are all watching and
waiting to see how divided the NEC is over Jacob Zuma’s leadership, and if it
could feasibly translate into enough ANC members siding with the opposition to
remove Jacob Zuma in an impeachment attempt. If this feels like déjà-vu, it is.
We’ve been here before. The question, “where to from here?” has receded into
the background of affairs as we all watch and wait to see what the next big
announcement will be; glued to screens in anticipation. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This ‘politics in real time’ is,
in many ways, killing off the politics of the long-term. That is; the politics
that is essential to providing vision, promoting national unity and stimulating
public dialogue and debate on matters that are critical to socio-economic
well-being and sustainability are taking a back seat to soap opera styled
politics a la Trump. Will he be there today, tomorrow, or the next day? Ooh,
the anticipation! Cue the next rapid-fire panel discussing speculative hype,
replete with constant downward eye glances at their mobile phones so that they
can catch the next tasty morsel as it hits the twitter-sphere and WhatsApp
groups.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To be sure, there are those who
will justify all this by emphasizing that a ‘new way’ is emerging amidst the
broader changes that the media are subject to and that they need to remain
current. I for one don’t buy it and will continue to cast a wary (at times weary)
eye over it all as it unfolds, ad nauseam, into infinity, with no clear end in
sight. In this day and age it is becoming increasingly important to separate
the signal from the noise, and it appears that all the benefits of technological
and online development are merely translating into more noise than signal. And
even the media ‘watchdogs’ appear not to be keeping watch on this!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-9964280228611926202017-11-15T11:27:00.001+02:002018-02-08T14:33:41.407+02:00The ‘Thief-in-Chief’: Searching for the Roots<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Grand Theft Corruption</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The narrative is clear. The
president of South Africa sits at the centre of a ring of operators –
clandestine, criminal and official – that are abusing their power and ruining
vital state institutions so that they can enrich themselves without facing any
consequences. Circumstantially, it is only logical to conclude that this
unsavoury network is linked to the president in one way or another. The
overlaps and points of connection are too many and too precise to merely
qualify as coincidence. The same characters appear in multiple scandals, and
the overlap between them – i.e. being in business together, or being related or
connected to each other in one way or another – is undeniable. The network that
converges around the president is just too densely interconnected and
interdependent to be regarded as coincidentally linked to him.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But this does not mean that
direct proof of the President’s guilt (of criminal activities) beyond reasonable
doubt has been provided. Perhaps it will in the future, but as yet no clear,
undeniable proof of the president’s misdeeds has been made public. Perhaps
there is someone, or a few people out there, who could provide damning,
incontrovertible evidence of the president’s guilt; evidence of direct
involvement beyond any reasonable doubt – a video or audio recording, a full
money laundering trail from source to sink, a hidden treasure trove, or any
other clear, undeniable offence – but until now all we have are the whistleblowing
of good people to rely on. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Those who are party to corruption
and really know how deep the rabbit hole goes are keeping mum, making active
efforts to thwart attempts to hold the corrupt to account. It appears that
numerous active cover-ups have been undertaken to ensure that no such “smoking
gun” ever emerges to see the light of day.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In a functional democracy such
clear, indisputable proof (i.e. a “smoking gun”) would be unnecessary. The mere
suggestion of guilt of corruption of a sitting president would be enough to
warrant stepping down in order to protect the integrity of high office. The
fact that the constitutional court found that he had violated his oath of
office should have been enough. But we live in fraught and conflicted times.
Crass, unethical and polarizing (even unconstitutional) leadership is fast
becoming normalised, not only within South Africa but in other parts of the
world as well. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, as the drip-drip of
allegations has turned to a flood of corruption expose’s and scandals, hope
that the guilty will be held accountable for their actions has ebbed. South
Africans are inundated with bad news. Each event settles only briefly in the
collective consciousness of the nation before another wave crashes, pushing
each previous event to the peripheries where it dwindles, eventually
dissipating into the great ocean of misdeeds. It is no longer a question of
whether South Africans believe that corruption on a grand scale is unfolding
within its leadership and state institutions. The real question is, “so what?”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The majority of South Africans
know very well what it feels like to be stolen from. They have endured
wholesale theft for many centuries; a theft that consolidated and entrenched
itself under the Apartheid regime. Corrupt government and local officials,
abuse of power and institutions, unfair practices, exclusivity and clandestine
networks, and myriad other ills have long been resident in South African
society. South Africans know full well how the powerful can act with impunity
and escape accountability. Elites have run South Africa for a long time, and
they are above the law. Whether through the power of being connected or the
power of wealth, by being able to out-endure and strangle official processes,
they float above the laws and regulations that bind the average citizen. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Corruption at the highest levels
in South African society is nothing new. Unholy alliances between government,
business and organised crime are a recurring feature of the South African
political landscape. It wasn’t long ago that Brett Kebble, the youth league and
organised crime figures dealt shock blows to the nation. Members of the ANC youth
league acquired shares in gold while Kebble got on with racking up billions of
Rands in unpaid taxes, organising hits on foes and non-compliant officials and
creating a labyrinth of front companies and other financial mechanisms through
which money could be laundered, hidden and channelled to exert power. This has
happened before. What has changed in recent times is that; (1) these
destructive arrangements have now moved up to occupy the highest levels of
power, and (2) a powerful network has escalated the program of extraction from
the state.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Exposes, Analyses and Opinions: Big on Narrative, Short on Analysis! <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So when the author of the
recently released “The President’s Keepers”, Jacques Pauw – a widely renowned
and respected long-term political and investigative journalist – states that “South
Africans are gatvol ... South Africans have had enough!” one has to ask the
question; <i>who</i> exactly is he referring
to? If it is truly the case that the majority of South Africans are so fed up
with corruption that they have reached their collective limit, then where is
the mass public outcry? Where is the broad-based mass action that should follow
from having reached such a limit?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The answer to this question is
that while South Africans may be fed up with corruption in the halls of power,
the reality is that the situation is way more complicated than the reductive
narrative of the ‘thief-in-chief’ can adequately portray. Thus far, South
Africans have been inundated with highly detailed exposes and scandals, yet
there is precious little detailed analysis to accompany it. As a result, there
is no clear understanding of <i>why</i> such corruption on a grand scale could so
easily become entrenched, and why it
was able to escalate so quickly during President Zuma’s second term. Rather,
the focus of most investigative journalism accounts and intellectual opinions and
analyses has been squarely on <i>how</i> we have
arrived at this point.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Post 1994, South Africa was
upheld as a symbol of good governance and robust democratic institutions. So what
went wrong? What went wrong is that the myth that was central to the
construction of South Africa’s new democratic dispensation imploded in dramatic
fashion. The latent but ever-resident vulnerabilities of the South African
state and society were successfully activated by those who understood the
difference between the mythical construction of the new, democratic South
Africa and the reality of how it has historically functioned for the majority
of those who live within it. Ones propensity to believe this myth depends, in
large part, on where one sits in South African society and how deeply one
understands the daily, lived experiences of the marginal majority.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is also no clear
understanding of how to reform the institutions of the state, business and
politics – and perhaps even our political system – in order put in the checks
and balances that will prevent such breakdown from occurring again. The
assumption that we already have all the right checks and balances, and all that
is needed are good, trustworthy leaders, is a deeply flawed one. It should be
self-evident that these checks and balances have failed us and are hence likely
to again. All it would require is a similar network of unscrupulous power-mongers
and greedy feeders to establish and entrench themselves with power and there would
be a quick return to an unsavoury ‘business-as-usual’. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is plenty of historical
evidence to suggest that the likelihood of such networks re-establishing or reproducing
themselves again over time is high. South Africa has some deep historical
flaws; systemic vulnerabilities that were created and maintained over the many
hundreds of years over which South Africa was constituted as a nation. These
flaws are so entrenched that they are woven into the nation’s DNA, so to speak.
They cannot easily be overcome; they will adapt and find ways to make a return.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Historically, we live in a
fundamentally corrupt society. When Jacques Pauw states that “the South Africa
that Zuma has created has rendered sleazebags blameless, guiltless and even
righteous” in the concluding paragraphs of his book he is engaging in a
spectacular act of selective amnesia. We have whitewashed evil-doers and
exonerated them before in our history, as recently as during the transition to
the new dispensation. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not to detract from the
value of the book Jacques Pauw has written. He does a remarkable job of
identifying the parallel intelligence networks that facilitate “state capture”
and scripting understandable narratives that put into perspective how different
actors and events are linked. However, it is misguided to diagnose our current crisis
as a nation purely in terms of the two terms that Zuma has served. The South
Africa we are now faced with has not been “created” by Jacob Zuma. It has
always been there; his leadership merely brought it to the surface.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is hence folly to think of our
current situation as merely the product of the wayward activities of the
‘thief-in-chief’ and his merry band of plunderers. No matter how attractive,
sensationalist and absorbing the myriad exposes of corruption are, we should
keep do our best to remain focused on the systemic weaknesses that allow for
such a dangerous network to rise to power. To become too easily blinded by the
‘thief-in-chief’ narrative, would be not to see the woods for the trees.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I am arguing that it is not
useful or strictly speaking correct to think of the current situation as purely
a product of recent history; that it is in fact a product of deeper historical
forces that have entrenched themselves and become systemic in South African
society <i>and</i> its political realm over
a longer period of time. The corruption that we are witnessing today has deep historical
roots, roots that reside in the <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/07/the-shadow-state-what-does-it-mean-in.html">deep state</a>, as well as in broader
South African society. To make any analysis of the current situation without
acknowledging this history is farcical. There are no quick fixes for the
problems we are currently experiencing. Removing the president and all his
‘men’ would only give the nation temporary reprieve; it will not prevent the
rot from sinking in again. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As a nation, we cannot
out-legislate or out-run this reality. We have to undergo a serious
self-analysis. We have to be willing to dig deep into our historical and
current realities and identify what systemic traits undermine our best efforts
to rise above our history.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span></b><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Machiavellian Survivalism: A Response to Oppression<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I have already dealt with the
role of the deep state in a <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/07/the-shadow-state-what-does-it-mean-in.html">previous piece</a>. The question I am
concerned with in this piece is why corruption is – in many ways – regarded as
normal in broader South African society? The propensity for Machiavellianism is
high in South African society. The capacity for clandestine, illegal and
unethical practices is a direct product of oppressive practises and unfair
social arrangements that have historically prevailed in South Africa. When the
law is illegal or unfair, and when those in power act unjustly, society finds
ways around formal systems and establish parallel mechanisms for satisfying –
even mundane, daily – needs and desires. Dual realities have hence always
prevailed in this nation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When I was growing up, our first
recourse over theft or conflict was not to report it to the police; it was to
work through informal networks – which included criminal elements, friends,
family, etc. – to attempt to find resolution to the matter. We all knew who the
thieves were in our neighbourhood, and there was a tacit agreement that their
activities were to be conducted outside of it. When thefts did occur we
consulted with them first about who the likely perpetrator was, and often
requested them to attempt to reclaim our property for us as they knew who the
likely fences for particular things were (e.g. for jewellery, car radios,
televisions, etc.).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It was also well-known and
understood that school principals sometimes accepted bribes in order to give a
child with wealthy parents a place in their school (in my school these were
known as “donations to the library”). Parents paid bribes to get their children
into universities. We also knew that obtaining a car license was far easier if
you had a driving instructor who was sufficiently connected and could ensure
that a bribe was received by the examining officer. You could get a docket to
disappear if you were up on charges. You could also find people who were
willing to perpetrate ill-deeds on your behalf, or provide you with protection,
if you were willing to pay for their ‘services’. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Bribery and corruption at local
levels is <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/07/the-shadow-state-what-does-it-mean-in.html">nothing new in South Africa</a>. It is also nothing new at the highest
levels of power. A familiar South African refrain goes something like, “don’t
you know how things <i>really</i> work
around here?” It is only within a society as fundamentally schizophrenic as
ours, where one’s ‘reality’ can prove so fundamentally different from others – where altruistic naivety can coexist alongside
shrewd Machiavellianism – that enlightened values and virtues can be espoused
as normative while devious operators play puppet-master behind the scenes. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That our country has historically
suffered a profound schizophrenia of parallel lived realities is indisputable.
Is it any wonder that this dual reality has now manifested at the highest levels
of power? Indeed, has it not done so before? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To speak of a ‘shadow government’
without acknowledging that we live in an inherently corrupt, dual society to
begin with; replete with parallel systems of justice, trade, employment,
service provision and so forth – is disingenuous. What we are currently
experiencing is a product of our central condition as a nation. We are a
country of parallel realities, and what we are now witnessing is that our
demons are surfacing. What has long been resident within South African society,
always just beneath the surface, is now rearing its ugly head in dramatic
fashion. If we are brave enough to confront this central truth, then perhaps
our current “state of capture” may yet be turned into an opportunity for an
exorcism. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is a particularly
privileged class – mostly middle class and suburban – in South Africa who, it
would seem, live under the impression that their experience of South Africa<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20Thief%20in%20Chief%205.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
is shared by all South Africans. This misconception is a product of living within
a reserved and inward bubble, of having very little contact with the majority
of South Africans who endure a completely different reality. Spatial and
economic segregation reinforces this effect, yet because of their relative
privilege and power the middle classes are able to assert their views as though
they are normative. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not to suggest that the
suburban middle classes have no role in repairing our broken politics and
society. To the contrary, they have a critical role to play. </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">They can only play
a useful and effective role, however, if they are able to stop speaking for the
majority of South Africans and start listening to them instead. Instead of
going in to poor and low income communities solely with the purpose of
mobilising them behind a middle class agenda, it would be truly transformative
if they invested the time and patient listening that is required to orient them
to the daily struggles of their less privileged fellow South Africans.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The marginal majority endure
daily realities of living with poverty, extreme vulnerability to violence and
crime, exploitation by corrupt officials, police and councillors, lack of
access to services and low social mobility. Violence against women and children
is at an all time high in some areas. It is clear that old community structures
and regulatory networks and institutions have broken down. We have more civil
society organisations than ever before, but they are seldom rooted in
communities playing valuable roles in ensuring that every-day grassroots
struggles of ordinary people are adequately mitigated.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Crisis of Representation<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is a crisis of
representation in South African society that mirrors the polarisation in power
at the highest levels of South Africa. This crisis of representation is a
product of social ignorance; a complete misunderstanding of the vastly
different realities that South Africans from different backgrounds experience.
The middle classes have the majority voice in South Africa, that is, through
the media, institutions, organisations and business. Yet they are hopelessly
out of touch with the daily lived realities of the majority of poor, low-income
communities. Hence their protestations against the ‘thief-in-chief’, while
legitimate, comes across as mainly driven by their own self-interest, and not out
of genuine concern for the broader citizenry and the welfare of the country.
They want things to go back to ‘normal’. The problem is that, that ‘normal’ is
not working out so well for everyone.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The middle class also tend to suppress
or ignore racial tensions that have emerged within the middle class itself.
They talk past each other and not to each other. They are themselves divided
and trust across racial boundaries is deficient. There are no quick and easy
fixes for the deep dislocations that lie at the heart of South African society.
It will require time and effort to build a coherent broad-based coalition that
can represent the broader majority of society. When recently asked about the
dearth of broad-based civic action in South Africa, trade unionist and struggle
stalwart Jay Naidoo replied that it was because, “it is hard work”. This is the
central truth that South Africans need to wake up to; that there are no quick
fixes for the problems we are currently enduring. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We need a new national dialogue,
consensus and vision that all South Africans can get behind in the main. We
will never have complete agreement over everything, but there are definitely
fundamental objectives that we can agree on and work towards. Our success as a
nation – or national project – will depend heavily on how hard we work to build
and sustain democratic governance in South Africa; governance that is regulated
from the bottom-up. We need to go beyond the ‘winner takes all’ politics that
has dominated the post-1994 democratic dispensation and build the cross-race
and class linkages from which broader consensus can emerge. Only then can we
act coherently as a broader public or polis. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While it is no doubt critical and
necessary to expose the wrongdoings of those in power, it should by now be
self-evident that ramping up the expose count is unlikely to provide the
impetus to provide the sustained momentum that is necessary to stop the rot in
South African politics and build towards a better future. A parallel process
needs to take root; one that is clearly non-partisan, one that brings people
together and can facilitate sincere and beneficial interaction between South
Africans from all walks of life. We need to begin building the base for
sustained, democratic action within society itself now. Yes, it will require
hard work, but it is only through this that the long-term benefits of an active
citizenry and a healthy democracy can be achieved, and the ghosts of our past
left behind.</span></div>
<br />
<div>
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</span><br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
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<br />
<div id="ftn1">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20Thief%20in%20Chief%205.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> That
is; of well policed and well run neighbourhoods, good living conditions and
privileged access to justice, services, finance and so forth.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-17280429863371303152017-10-26T12:59:00.000+02:002017-11-07T08:41:49.802+02:00The Politics of Patronage: Rents, Power and Transformation<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What is Developmental Neopatrimonialism?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The African political condition
has a label. <i>Neopatrimonialism</i>, as it
is termed, refers to a system of rule by an individual and/or political party
that where loyalty is predicated on the distribution of economic rents to
‘clients’. These are individuals, groups, networks and organisations that are linked
in some way or another, that is; through kinship, common purpose or agendas,
social networks, and so forth. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Those in power and those within
the patronage networks are informally linked, even though the distribution of
rents may occur through the formal bureaucratic systems of the state. Hence,
states where neopatrimonialism is prevalent are considered hybrid systems,
where formal and informal networks operate to secure power and access to rents
and resources. While neopatrimonialism has taken root in many different parts
of the world, postcolonial African states are – by and large – regarded as
typified by neopatrimonialism.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In classical economics and politics, neopatrimonialism
is frowned upon. It is regarded as symptomatic of bad governance, misallocation
of resources, maladministration, corruption and other ills that plague
dysfunctional states. This is especially the case where Africa is concerned. Debates
rage, however, on everything from the developmental utility of neopatrimonialism,
to the precise definitions and typologies that the deployment of the term
should be restricted to (based on empirical evidence). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As recently as 2011, <a href="https://slidelegend.com/developmental-patrimonialism-africa-power-and-politics-programme_59c49e5f1723dd5142fc8ba4.html">Tim Kelsall argued</a><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/Rents%20and%20Power%20cam%202.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
that under certain conditions neo-patrimonialism can yield positive economic
growth and commensurate developmental outcomes, stating that, “crucial to
making neopatrimonialism work for development in Africa has been a system for
centralising economic rents and gearing their management to the long term”.
Kelsall, cautions, however, that “developmental patrimonialism has a limited
shelf life and will not be appropriate everywhere” and stresses that it is not
a “’one-size fits all’ solution”. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">He list three reasons why. First,
that neopatrimonialism seems to work best in the least developed countries
where “relatively simple economic structures are more responsive to
relationship-based governance”. Second, that it is unlikely to work in all
political systems, and that in countries with regular democratic change rent
administration will likely be oriented towards short-term outcomes and that
centralisation of rents in these cases “would be likely to prove very controversial
and damaging”. Third, that the centralisation of rents in countries where a few
large “ethnic groups” compete for power would likely prove “exceedingly
difficult”.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The view that neopatrimonial
developmentalism may yield positive developmental outcomes is regarded as a
heterodox economics view (i.e. opposed to classical economics). It is important
to acknowledge that developmental neopatrimonialism is, in reality, a diagnosis
and not an approach. It is a phenomenon that economists are in the process of
understanding, and not a theoretical prescription for how states should
function. That is, it is not normative in its orientation. That is the reason
why Kelsall cautions so strongly against its use as a prescription beyond
strictly bounded conditions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Neopatrimonialsim: A Prescription for South Africa?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Where South Africa is concerned
the deployment of developmental neopatrimonialism as both a diagnostic
framework, as well as a prescriptive framework, should be undertaken with great
caution. There are many reasons why South Africa cannot be understood or
classified in terms of developmental patrimonialism. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It should be self-evident that in
the case of South Africa does not meet the criteria for neopatrimonial
developmentalism even though traces of neopatrimonialism do inhabit the
political and business realms. South Africa is; (1) is relatively highly
developed in relation to the rest of Africa (indeed, it is regarded as a
transitional economy alongside countries such as Brazil), (2) has strong democratic
processes and independent state institutions, and (3) is ethnically, racially
diverse and relatively class diverse, and cosmopolitan. These attributes place
it outside of the neopatrimonial state that Tim Kelsall writes about.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet, there is an emerging current
that seeks to justify neopatrimonial developmentalism as a legitimate framework
for the transformative agenda that the ANC seeks to achieve. This relies on the
assumption that the ANC, with its electoral dominance, may serve as a
centralised administrator of rents in service of a transformative agenda, led
by a strong, uncompromising leader or leadership.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is true that the electoral
dominance of the African National Congress, which has ruled since the advent of
democracy in 1994, may offer some hope of centralised administration of rents
into the long term as a developmental strategy for the future. However, given
the fragmented and fractured internal politics of the ANC it is a vain hope to
imagine that the ANC would continue ruling unchallenged and without significant
internal splitting in the medium to long terms. Indeed, open dissent and
threats of imminent split from the ANC tripartite alliance are now common,
everyday occurrences, with both the Council of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)
and the South African Communist Party (SACP) expressing daily outrage at the
status quo of the ANC’s current leadership. The ANC may have ruled for
twenty-two years, but it will not likely rule for as long moving forward. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the developmental utility
of neopatrimonialism is largely gauged and assessed in economic terms. The limitations of adopting an economic
worldview on what is a profoundly social and political matter must be made
clear and reconciled if any kind of neopatrimonial developmental state is to be
socially and politically transformative in the true sense i.e. enabling the
destabilisation and reconfiguration of inherited hierarchies, power imbalances
and structural inequalities that prevail in South Africa.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Should the neopatrimonial developmental
state merely reinforce and/or recreate similar hierarchical disparities (i.e.
in terms of power, wealth, inequality, access, mobility, etc.) then it remains
largely a political ruse that in reality masks a program that reproduces the
status quo. And it is clear in South Africa right now that the status quo is
untenable. Twenty-two years into the ‘new’ democratic dispensation, social and
political fragmentation and national disunity prevail alongside deep political
turmoil and uncertainty. The state and polis have become stuck. Concerned politicians
are looking outward to society for the solution to the political crisis. They
want a revival of 1980’s style rolling mass action to place pressure on the ANC
leadership. Thus far, nothing has yielded significant results. The long road,
it is evident, has become the priority. Clearing up the mess, however, will
likely take a long time. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ever present danger of a
shape-shifting state is an important and critical factor to account for in any
conception of South Africa as a neopatrimonial developmental state. South
Africa is historically characterised by high levels of structural inequality
that delineates along unmistakeably racial lines today. South Africa today
still displays its apartheid inheritance in patterns of wealth, poverty,
spatial segregation, land and housing ownership, access, mobility and
drastic socio-economic inequality. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, the postcolonial
Apartheid state relied on the administration of rents to maintain minority
rule, and to maintain economic dominance of the white settler minority. Rents
were administered in service of lifting poor whites out of poverty and
into stable, relatively middle class livelihoods and incomes. Rents were also
administered to create and maintain the Afrikaans private sector. Race-based
laws and ideologies were instrumental in ensuring that both the state and the
private sector reinforced and reproduced this program of white power. This
entrenched structural race-based inequality in South Africa both socially and
economically.</span><br />
<ul>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While the Apartheid state did not
strictly fit the mould of developmental neopatrimonialism, it did administer
rents as a transformative socio-political and developmental agenda. It appears
as though, the same logic is being applied to actualise the transformative
agenda that the ANC seeks to bring about today i.e. ‘radical economic
transformation’. Radical economic transformation seeks to create a new black
industrial class (i.e. “100 black industrialists”) through administering the
R500Bn state procurement budget preferentially to black business. This agenda
seeks to take black economic empowerment beyond mere ownership in the financial
economy, to full participation in the productive economy of South Africa. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The agenda to increase black
ownership of the productive economy of South Africa is not, in itself, problematic.
What is problematic is the notion that this will automatically alleviate the
suffering of the majority of poor black people in South Africa; that their
lives will be transformed through this agenda. Moreover, it is also problematic
to embrace a neopatrimonial model, in which rents </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">are administered through a
small power-elite, led by a ‘strongman’ styled ruler. In my view, this
perspective is disastrous and anti-democratic. Real radical transformation
would strengthen both the political and economic processes through which South
African democracy is administered and not treat them as trade-offs. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That is, we would not seek to
weaken the political realm in order to strengthen black economic participation.
We are being presented with a false binary here. We should be seeking to
strengthen both bottom-up, grassroots participation in political
decision-making and governance, <i>and</i>
boost economic inclusion at the same time. <i>That</i> is what would constitute a truly transformative agenda. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Developmental patrimonialism is a
poor diagnostic and prescriptive framework for South Africa. It is a diagnosed
phenomenon. It is not visionary, and is not – in any sense – new. It is merely
newly diagnosed and appraised. It is, in many ways, a 20<sup>th</sup> Century
framework, one that is an extremely poor normative framework for where we
should be headed in the 21<sup>st</sup> Century. The danger in adopting it as a
prescriptive framework – in any measure – is that it may reproduce more of the
same while promising a different result. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To get something new, you have to
think and act anew. Developmental neopatrimonialism, as a prescriptive
framework, is an idea that is hopelessly out of touch with the 21<sup>st</sup>
Century; its movements (i.e. political, technological, social, cultural, etc.)
and its potentials. The neglected direction is simply asking; what kind of
democracy is desirable and possible in South Africa that can ensure a better
future for all who live within it given the potentials afforded by 21<sup>st</sup>
Century developments? It is asking how democracy can evolve to hold power to
account, and ensure that power <i>and</i>
wealth is more fairly and evenly distributed throughout society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The means to hold power to
account, being active in the space of power, and thereby revitalising the polis
are emerging in the 21<sup>st</sup> Century. <a href="https://medium.com/organizer-sandbox/liquid-democracy-true-democracy-for-the-21st-century-7c66f5e53b6f">Liquid democracy</a>, <a href="https://aidc.org.za/radical-municipalism-future-deserve/">radical municipalism</a> and other visions for enhanced local power, and inclusive participatory-based
developmentalism and governance are some examples. In these new forms of
democracy, power is increasingly decentralised and distributed. Developmental
and political visions are to be informed and regulated by new forms of
grassroots power and not merely acquiescent to the state and elected
government. They are attempts at finding the means to overcome the failures of
representative democracy and the difficulties of direct democracy. They are
attempts to move democracy beyond the status of the “best-worst system” as it
is regularly referred to as these days. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is perhaps worth reminding
ourselves that South Africa has one of the most progressive constitutions in
the world. In this spirit, it is time to take up a new challenge; that of
evolving our democracy into a system that is truly progressive in how it
allocates and administers power and decision-making. Democracy in South Africa
needs to be closer to the people, and in order for this to become a reality that
goes beyond merely holding local Indaba’s and conducting formulating Integrated
Development Plans. 21<sup>st</sup> Century ideas, technologies and systems need
to be embraced. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">We are increasingly living in a world where new
possibilities are emerging and will inevitably impact the norms that prevailed
in the 20<sup>th</sup> Century. True leadership, that is in touch with and
acutely aware of the changes that are unfolding in this century and their vast
implications, would recognise that need to begin testing and building the
mechanisms that will enable democracy to evolve and meet the needs of the 21<sup>st</sup>
Century. While the benefits of neopatrimonial developmentalism are acknowledged
as actualisable only under very specific – and limited – conditions, the
possibilities that the 21<sup>st</sup> Century offers to improve democratic
processes and practises are many and varied. Surely this warrants closer
attention, scrutiny and consideration? We cannot merely consider old
prescriptions when facing a fundamentally new future. Surely our innovative and
creative capacity should be put to work in service of what the future offers
rather than the past.</span>
</span></div>
<div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<hr size="1" style="text-align: left;" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="ftn1">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/Rents%20and%20Power%20cam%202.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Kelsall, T. (2011). Developmental Patrimonialism? Rethinking Business and
Politics in Africa, Africa Power and Politics, Policy Brief 02, June 2011.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-22665116184185877302017-08-10T21:53:00.000+02:002017-08-11T13:31:35.740+02:00South Africa: Learning from Failure, Building a New Future!<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The recent parliamentary vote of
no confidence in the President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma, failed – albeit
narrowly – to yield enough votes to remove him from office. Even though 35 ANC
members voted for his removal – in a hotly debated secret ballot – in the end
it was not enough to shake the proverbial tree. There have been many attempts
to remove the President from power, both within Parliament and the ruling party
itself, but all have failed. The ANC, in its current form, closes ranks around
President Zuma, for better or for worse. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is perhaps understandable that
such a vote would be hotly contested and debated in parliament, and would prove
difficult to pass. Parliamentarians number 400 in the South African parliament,
and their world is a small but powerful microcosm in the greater scheme of
things. It is primarily in the interests of both the ruling party and the
opposition for the President to remain in place. Parliamentarians whose jobs and networked
capabilities depend on the President’s patronage, as well as those who depend
on the ruling party remaining in power, have all the incentive to fend off
efforts to remove him (even though this will likely have deleterious effects on
the ANC as a whole). Opposition parties know full well that the President is
their greatest asset in their quest to eventually win national power from the
ANC. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet what has proved more
puzzling, especially to the middle class citizenry, is why the public have still
not as yet come out in staggering numbers to protest the very many
transgressions and failings of President Zuma, his leadership and their
extended elite network of power. When the public come out in protest they do
not do so in the numbers that can be said to represent an overwhelming
majority. So what is it that is preventing the broader citizenry from pushing
for much needed change in South Africa? Is it apathy; some combination of
discontent and disengagement? Is it race or class difference? Is it that people
are too busy with the affairs of everyday life? Is it that they are confused,
with no clear signals upon which to act?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Until now, the prevailing
assumption has been that when South Africans are presented with clear evidence
of wrongdoing, they will be spurred to action. Yet wave after wave of leaked
evidence and information of wrongdoing has broken upon the shores of the
national conscience only to dissipate into its steep gradient and disappear
beneath the sand. What has become clear is that the notion that providing the
public with the information and knowledge that they require to be spurred into
action is itself flawed. No amount of information, whistleblowers, leaks,
expert reports and the like is likely to propel the South African public into
action. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To the middle and upper middle
classes in particular, there is a deep frustration with the lack of unified
protest to what they have come to view as the central challenge facing South
Africa right now, that is; a crisis of governance characterised by corruption,
maladministration, nepotism and cronyism that all centres on the leadership of
the president and his network(s). Yet what they fail to appreciate is that this
perspective – even if valid – remains a partial perspective. It does not accurately
reflect the concerns of the diverse South African populace as a whole.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If one takes the time to speak to
the different groups that constitute South African society it quickly becomes
evident that there are deep divisions over what the central South African
condition is thought to be, and what remedies the nation should adopt. This, in
my view, lies at the heart of the deadlock over the fate of President Zuma. It
is a matter of agreement over what the central concerns of the nation are and
how to deal with them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Even though South Africa enjoys a
progressive, enlightened constitutional framework, it remains a fraught society
in many ways. A cursory mapping of the plethora of issues that dominate the
South African political spectrum is – in this respect – instructive. While
concerns over corruption, ‘state capture’, and lack of service delivery do cut
across race and class in South Africa other issues rise to prominence depending
on whom one listens to. Issues such as spatial, social and economic exclusion,
deep and entrenched inequality, the slow pace of land reform, high levels of
unemployment (especially among the youth), high levels of crime and violence
(particularly violence against women, children and immigrants), institutional
racism and the need for decolonisation, lack of transparency and
accountability, healthcare, education, rising food insecurity, resource crises
(e.g. food, water, energy), lack of access to infrastructure and commensurate
service provisions, national disunity
and polarisation along race and class lines, and a stagnant economy in which
youth face dim future prospects; all appear to feature somewhat differently in
the hierarchy of concerns that South Africans construct in their personal
spaces and groupings.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the fact that each
concern that is mentioned in this in-exhaustive list could realistically be
regarded as a matter that is of crisis proportions, means that South Africans
are not incorrect in their respective diagnoses. They are presumably merely
selecting the issues that impact on them, and their immediate communities, the
most. The fact that they exclude others in their priorities is simply because
they may not feel that they are as immediately impacted by them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In simpler terms, South Africa is
in the midst of what can be characterised as a ‘polycrisis’. There is a
relative smorgasbord of crises that proliferate in the different spaces,
demographics and groups that constitute the nation. This polycrisis also
enables another, more nefarious capacity, that is; it allows for the exploitation
of one or more of a matrix of issues, which can be harnessed to spin
counter-narratives. Raise one issue and there are simultaneously more than ten
other issues that can be raised to counter it, or drown it out, deposing it
from its supposed prominence in the hierarchy of critical issues facing the
country.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For every allegation, every
expose and every scandal there exists a set of potential pivots that can be
harnessed to obfuscate, distract from, nullify and/or drown out the original
issue. It allows for the proliferation of noise in response to any signal that
attempts to propagate through the socio-political ether of the country. It
explains why Bell-Pottinger was able to so easily find traction with its
Gupta-funded divisive messaging. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not just a feature that
has come to govern the South African polis and societal realm, but exists in
other countries as well. In the post-2008 world, even developed nations are
facing more challenges than they did in the post-war 20<sup>th</sup> Century.
It explains how climate change denialism perpetuates in developed nations such
as the USA and Australia, despite clear scientific evidence to the contrary. It
also explains how President Trump’s various cock-ups and scandals consistently
fail to result in any meaningful corrections on his part or the Republican
Party’s. The world, it seems, has entered a new phase – a ‘post-literate’,
‘post-truth’ phase – in which moral equivalence can be invoked with impunity to
muddy the waters – so to speak – to make them appear deep.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And so the quest for emancipatory
political moments, where tipping points are breached and leaders deposed by the
will of the people, or where parliamentarians rise up in revolt against their
elected leader, has proved difficult to bring about in South Africa. And this
should, at this stage, come as no surprise to anybody. To expect anything else
would be to be profoundly hopeful or naive, or perhaps both.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reality is that South Africa
has reached a much deeper tipping point than simply desiring the removal of the
sitting president. The tipping point that South Africa is now at is that it is
embroiled in a national crisis of identity. After twenty-two years of existing
on the rainbow nation vision, one that prioritised constitutionality over
radical material societal transformation and upheld ‘nation-building’ as its
primary project, South Africa is ready for renewal. And it is no coincidence
that the readiness for renewal has been accompanied by a profound breakdown
within South African society, one that has seen deep polarisation and
contestation emerge in the polis.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Such a crisis requires, first and
foremost, that it be recognised as such. We cannot act thoughtfully upon our
current condition without first acknowledging it in its entirety. Once we have
accepted the new reality, the next commitment we require is to move beyond the
desire for short-term change – however critical those changes may be in the
short term – and to accept that a longer term view needs to be taken on how the
next phase of national unity should be approached. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While it remains a political and
moral imperative to challenge the leadership of President Zuma, and to seek his
removal from office, this action alone will not bring any sense of comfort or
relief to the majority of South Africans. Indeed, it may even give the middle
classes in particular, a false sense of security and allow them to lapse into
apathy once again. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reality is that if we are to
bring about a new unity amongst South Africans, it needs to be behind a shared
vision of who we are and what we want to be as a society. Building this new
vision requires an opening up of spaces in which broader, more diverse
expression and exchange around what is important (and to whom) in our society,
can occur. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In my estimation, two elements are
key to this process, namely; (1) building a national consensus through a series
of prolonged engagements that range from the grassroots all the way to the
upper echelons of power, and (2) stimulating active citizenry at the community
level so that grassroots engagement with political power enters a new
heightened phase i.e. stimulating town hall styled politics and civic
engagement across a variety of existing and new platforms. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This requires taking a medium to
long-term view towards steering South Africa onto a new national developmental
and socio-political trajectory. It requires an investment in communities, civic
organisations, civil society and the varieties of interest groups that need to
be boosted in order to ensure that their voices are heard through a process of
continual bottom-up regulation of political and economic power, rather than
simply expressing themselves every four years at the ballot box. That is, it
requires building the complex social machinery within South African society
that can produce a healthy democracy for all who live in it. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It also requires the kind of
visionary, committed leadership that South Africa was fortunate to enjoy in its
transition out of Apartheid and into the new democratic dispensation. It
requires a complete revision of what it means to be a public servant, and how
the public service and political power is viewed in society. It requires all
sectors to commit to and embrace a new national transition – to engage with new
ideas such as ‘radical economic transformation’ and help put flesh on the bones
of the ideas that underpin it – and for the middle classes in particular to
recognise and acknowledge that their lived reality is vastly different from
that which the majority of South Africans endure on a day to day basis. It is
lunacy to expect people who are unemployed or under-employed, and who are
preoccupied with day-to-day matters of survival, to prioritise the deposal of
the sitting president as the most important factor in their lives because it
simply isn’t.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">President Zuma is almost into the
last year of his presidency, yet the calls for him to be removed, or to step
down, continue unabated. This is understandable, but in reality it is too late
in his presidency to make any substantive difference to the damage that the
nation has endured under it. At this stage it is only a moral matter;
one of setting an example so that others do not follow in his footsteps, one of
demonstrating that democratic ‘checks and balances’ do function in the South
African political spectrum. Removing him will not automatically set the nation upon
a trajectory towards a better future; neither will it yield any substantive
change where it is most needed in South African society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At this stage, the inescapable
reality is that a broader, more prolonged phase of engagement and building
democratic power from the bottom-up is necessary. If those who are out marching
in the streets (I was one of them) are committed to bringing about meaningful
change in South Africa they need to embrace the reality that it will take more
than protest actions – undertaken every few weeks or months – to convert the
current mess that the nation is in by steering it into a positive period of
reflection and growth. Simply put, we need to roll up our sleeves, dig in our
heels, and commit to building the kind of democracy that can go the distance.
It’s time to recognise that we are entering a new phase, and the crisis we are
in runs deep. It will require dedicated social activism from the broader
citizenry, and building bridges across the diverse South African
socio-political and cultural landscape, to adequately address. We need to be in
it for the long haul. There simply is no way around it!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-42574291903752399112017-07-11T13:51:00.000+02:002018-02-08T14:11:04.782+02:00The ‘Shadow State’: What does it mean in South Africa?<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Background</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The recent “Betrayal of the
Promise” report, to which I contributed, stated outright that a ‘shadow state’
was now in operation in South Africa, a product of a ‘silent coup’ (i.e. the
most recent cabinet reshuffle). Although the report was a product of an eight
week exercise, and as such merely presented a scoping of a more in-depth study
that was yet to unfold, one would not have been amiss if one departed the
launch of the report under the impression that the report was in fact the
outcome of a full study. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reality, however, is far from
the truth. While the study was no doubt valuable, it merely represented
heuristic ‘proof’ that the key models that were being used to assess the
available information on “state capture” actually fitted the subject of the
study. The key models were that of the neo-patrimonial developmental state (Tim
Kelsall, 2013)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
and the shadow state (William Reno, 1995)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
These models were tested by fitting the periodised sequence of events that have
occurred within the state, government, state-owned entities, and the main
networks of actors that have been responsible for them (i.e. those constituting
a loosely networked quasi-criminal ‘shadow state’). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">By mapping the periodised
sequence of events, fitting a narrative and interpretation to them, and then
mapping the networks of actors to these narratives – as well as neo-patrimonial
developmental state theory and the ‘controller-elite-broker’ models – heuristic,
but circumstantial, proof was presented. This ‘proof’ however, was not
conclusive proof of wrongdoing (even thought it may have come across to the
public as such). It was merely <i>heuristic</i>
proof that the subject – and commensurate models – was/were deserving of deeper
study and inquiry. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The main value of the report to
society was that it presented a whole systems framing and perspective on the
various activities that have been conducted in what has come to be known as state
capture in South Africa. Yet some serious questions lingered at the back of my
mind after the report was released. It seemed to me that the narrative had been
hastily cast and somewhat oversimplified the complexities of the subject. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As many others have pointed out,
is it not true that state capture actually goes back far in South African
history? Is it true that it has moved into a new phase – and escalated – under
the Zuma presidency (as proposed by the report), or does that new phase reside
further back in our recent history, as some have suggested? Moreover, are the
models that have been applied to the subject – in particular the concept of a
‘shadow state’ (in William Reno’s conception of it as typical of failed
‘warlord’ run states) – readily applicable in the South African context?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These questions have preoccupied
me since the release of the report, and in the
interests of ensuring a more thorough public debate I feel compelled to share
some of my thoughts on the matter. It would be irresponsible not to, as it is the
prerogative of any decent academic or public intellectual to question their own
work thoroughly. My central fear is that many of the suppositions of the report
have been readily lapped up and propagated as fact by the media, social media,
public intellectuals, academics and the like without adequate scrutiny. After
all it is still an idea that has yet to be thoroughly investigated and
researched. It is not yet the outcome of an in-depth study that has undergone
thorough research, peer review and significant broader interrogation of its
central premises.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Shadow State, Deep State and Parallel State<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The model that has bothered me
the most in the report is that of the ‘shadow state’, as the model of the
shadow state that was put forward in the report was initially formulated in a
study of the war torn and fragile state of Sierra Leone by William Reno.
Conceptually, transposing the model of shadow operations within such a context
onto that of the South African state may be a leap too far. After all, the South
African state – despite all its problems – is a far cry from a failing,
war-torn postcolonial African state. In light of this, it is worth exploring
other conceptualisations of shadow governments, in particular the “deep state”,
which is compared to Reno’s shadow state in <!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>REF _Ref487539498 \h <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->Table 1<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:data>08D0C9EA79F9BACE118C8200AA004BA90B02000000080000000E0000005F005200650066003400380037003500330039003400390038000000</w:data>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]-->
below.</span></div>
<div class="MsoCaption" style="page-break-after: avoid; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_Ref487539498"><br /></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoCaption" style="page-break-after: avoid; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_Ref487539498">Table </a><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-bookmark:_Ref487539498'></span><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-bookmark:_Ref487539498'><span style='color:windowtext'><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>SEQ Table \* ARABIC <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span></span></span><![endif]--><span style="color: windowtext;">1</span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-bookmark:_Ref487539498'></span><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--><span style="color: windowtext;">:
Comparison of Reno's Shadow State with the Deep State<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<table border="1" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: none; margin-left: 12.5pt; text-align: center;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 218.55pt;" valign="top" width="291"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Reno’s
Shadow State<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="border-left: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 213.8pt;" valign="top" width="285"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Deep
State<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 218.55pt;" valign="top" width="291"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Postcolonial<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 213.8pt;" valign="top" width="285"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Modern<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 218.55pt;" valign="top" width="291"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Colonial in nature<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 213.8pt;" valign="top" width="285"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Bureaucratic in
nature<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 218.55pt;" valign="top" width="291"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Strong centralisation
(i.e. around a leader/group)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 213.8pt;" valign="top" width="285"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Weak
centralisation (i.e. self-organising)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 218.55pt;" valign="top" width="291"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Conspiratorial<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 213.8pt;" valign="top" width="285"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Not necessarily
conspiratorial (i.e. entrenched)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 218.55pt;" valign="top" width="291"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Unsophisticated
(Sierra Leone, Angola) <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 213.8pt;" valign="top" width="285"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Sophisticated
(USA, Post-Soviet Russia, Turkey) <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The shadow state as referred to
by William Reno is defined by several key features. First, it is a postcolonial
state. Second, it is colonial in nature (i.e. it has undergone no radical or
substantive change). Third, it is a state that is characterised by strong
centralisation; typically around a patron or strongman. Fourth, it is
conspiratorial in nature i.e. actions of those who act on behalf of the shadow
state are conspired. Fifth, it is relatively unsophisticated (largely
extractive in purpose) in relation to a functioning state (although its
extractive activities may be sophisticated); Reno’s shadow state is typically
invoked when discussing weak and/or fragile states. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Reno’s shadow state differs from
that which is referred to as the “deep state” as characterised by Mike Lofgren
(2016)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
a more recent characterisation of ‘shadow state’ activities. First, in contrast
to the Reno’s postcolonial shadow state, the deep state is modern and refers to
states such as post-Soviet Russia, Turkey and the USA. Second, the ‘shadow
state’ of the deep state is bureaucratic in nature. Third, it is characterised
by weak centralisation and is not tightly controlled from the top; rather, it
is self-organising. Consequently and fourth, it is not necessarily
conspiratorial in nature; it is entrenched within the systems of the
government, state, private sector and intelligence communities. Fifth it is
highly sophisticated in nature and its purpose goes beyond the extraction or
acquisition of wealth; it is concerned with the exercise of power locally
and/or regionally and globally. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The parallel state also warrants
mention, as it has relevance for the South African context. The “parallel
state”, was introduced by historian Robert Paxton. The parallel state refers to a
group of institutions and organisations that emulate the state in their
management structures and organisation, but are not official arms (or part of)
the legitimate state and government. These organisations – such as parties,
youth and recreation organisations, work/labour collectives, some religious
groups, unions and militias – buttress and reinforce the ideological programme
of the state and/or government.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Classifying State Capture in the South African State: Shadow State, Deep
State or Parallel State?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">William Reno’s shadow state, the
deep state, and the parallel state all find a certain amount of traction when
applied to the South African context. This is because of South Africa’s unique
history, transition to democracy and particular national challenges that result
from these. It is worth undertaking a closer inspection of the relevance of
these conceptual frameworks in order to better articulate the complexity of the
phenomenon of state capture that has so readily been taken up in the South
African popular discourse.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The overlooked factor – one that
is central to understanding how South Africa differs from William Reno’s shadow
state – is it’s long intelligence history. In contrast to Reno’s shadow state,
the current dispensation is not strictly a postcolonial one; it is a post-Apartheid
one. The Apartheid state was postcolonial to a large degree, but more
critically it was a post-WWII state; it was formulated in the cold war and
sought legitimacy through cold war arrangements. The Apartheid state
undoubtedly inherited colonial features (law, culture, race, class, economic
inequality, dispossession, etc.) but is also a profoundly modern state that
embedded itself within cold war arrangements and depended on them for its
survival. That is why the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 heralded the end of
Apartheid; it lost its leverage in the global arena. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Early on in post-war South Africa
(i.e. 1949), Britain was directly involved helping set up Apartheid South
Africa’s intelligence systems, ostensibly to fight off “indigenous communism” in
the region. Britain helped South Africa transition from its colonial
intelligence arrangements into that of a modern state intelligence designed for
playing a strong role in the cold war. When South Africa escalated its
Apartheid program (i.e. from the 1950’s onwards) – one which steadily made it
more of a global pariah – eventually declaring itself a republic and
withdrawing from the Commonwealth in 1961, its need to have a strong role in
the cold war as a bulwark against the spread of Soviet influence intensified
(James Sanders, 2006)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn4" name="_ednref4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">South Africa had to work behind
the scenes and eventually around global sanctions. It had to develop a
relatively sophisticated deep state ‘shadow’ capacity in order to do so. This
had to be deeply embedded within the bureaucracies of the state, private
sector, military, and within society itself<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn5" name="_ednref5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
Thus the deep state was deeply embedded and entrenched early on in South
Africa’s history and deepened and intensified over time. Strong centralised
control was <i>not</i> necessary; the capacity
for shadow activities resided – in large part – within the state itself. Hence
there was no need for conspiracy to spawn out activities, and it was quite
believable when latter day Apartheid politicians completely denied having any
knowledge of “third force activities” conducted under their watch. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Shadow activities relating to the
movement of money, diamonds, gold, arms and oil – for example – were conducted
for a long time under the Apartheid government and intensified towards its end
when global sanctions were imposed on the isolated Apartheid state (Hennie Van Vuuren,
2006<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn6" name="_ednref6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>; 2017<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn7" name="_ednref7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>).
Under sanctions (circa 1986 till the end of Apartheid), these and other shadow
activities intensified (Van Vuuren, 2017)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn8" name="_ednref8" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[viii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
out of necessity, and it is entirely likely that this phase left the South
African state more vulnerable to leaders and actors that sought to orientate it
for similar purposes later on (as has proved to be the case in the present).
This is an important observation, as the uptick in corrupt activities
attributed to state capture under the Zuma administration may have deeper
roots; it may well be that deep state activities conducted towards the end of
Apartheid (Van Vuuren, 2017)<a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_edn9" name="_ednref9" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
were the actual uptick that rendered the South African state particularly
vulnerable to being hijacked. Indeed, this may explain (and does in my view)
why the arms deal was so easily corrupted under the new democratic dispensation
(even near the end of Apartheid SA was still selling arms, for example, the G5
cannons that were sold to Saddam Hussein).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The deep state (in Lofgren’s
conception) is characterised by closely intertwined networks between sections
of the political class, the intelligence community, defence, the judiciary,
national treasury and private sector actors (e.g. especially the defence
industry in the case of the USA, but also Wall Street and Silicone Valley). Under
Apartheid the deep state exerted control over precisely these functions and
sectors in service of the Apartheid project and the accumulation of wealth in
private (white) hands.</span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoCaption" style="page-break-after: avoid; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_Ref487524613"><br /></a></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoCaption" style="page-break-after: avoid; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_Ref487524613">Figure </a><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-bookmark:_Ref487524613'></span><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-bookmark:_Ref487524613'><span style='color:windowtext'><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>SEQ Figure \* ARABIC <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span></span></span><![endif]--><span style="color: windowtext;">1</span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-bookmark:_Ref487524613'></span><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--><span style="color: windowtext;">:
Comparison of Historical and Current South African Deep State <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoCaption" style="page-break-after: avoid; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8uNun05uXTA/WWS6W4sHO_I/AAAAAAAAAHs/_3v1LXKueRgpe9-5Mvcok9kRW7bW4pmrwCLcBGAs/s1600/Picture1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1073" data-original-width="1600" height="427" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8uNun05uXTA/WWS6W4sHO_I/AAAAAAAAAHs/_3v1LXKueRgpe9-5Mvcok9kRW7bW4pmrwCLcBGAs/s640/Picture1.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /><!--[endif]--></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A comparison of the historical
Apartheid era deep state and the current era deep state is illustrated in <!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>REF _Ref487524613 \h <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->Figure 1<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:data>08D0C9EA79F9BACE118C8200AA004BA90B02000000080000000E0000005F005200650066003400380037003500320034003600310033000000</w:data>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]-->
above. The parallels between the evolution of the Afrikaans Nationalist agenda
under Apartheid and the Black Nationalist Agenda (i.e. radical economic
transformation) under the Zuma administration are striking. The adage that
history repeats itself may ring true, and would indicate that ignoring or
miscasting the role of the deep state may lead to an incomplete diagnosis of
what is transpiring in relation to state capture and how to go about tackling
it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Under Apartheid the deep state
was – for a long time – closely aligned with the prevailing establishment (i.e.
the political and business classes). It continued until the Apartheid deep
state became untenable in the global arena and fell afoul of the establishment,
resulting in the end of Apartheid. The new deep state agenda, by contrast, is
in reaction to the prevailing establishment and seeks to depose it. The deep
state is increasingly being aligned with the agenda of radical economic
transformation (RET). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One key factor here – that
relating to National Treasury – is important in this context, as the deep state
– in Lofgren’s conception – also exerts control over some of the functions of
the national Treasury (his conception is in relation to the USA). The efforts
to gain control over National Treasury in South Africa has thus far been cast
as simply the objective of a patronage network that is driven by self-interest
and/or a political project to bring about radical economic transformation.
However, viewed from the perspective of the deep state, efforts to gain control
over National Treasury may indicate a deeper movement i.e. an effort to
consolidate and strengthen the deep state so that it may drive a longer term
agenda. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Note that while the stated
outcome of this longer term agenda may be professed as a transformative,
equity-driven agenda in reality, yielding control over this agenda to the deep
state is more likely to further entrench the close relationship between the
political and business classes and result in deepening inequality and enhanced
oligopoly (i.e. if the USA model of the deep state is actualised in SA).
Misdiagnosing the driving force behind state capture as mainly resulting from
the Gupta-linked network is to focus on the symptoms of state capture rather
than its root causes. In order to remedy the situation over the long term it is
necessary to understand what historical arrangements and bureaucratic
orientations hep <i>reproduce</i> the
phenomenon that has been described as state capture. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Discussion</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It goes without saying that the
South African state itself bears no comparison to the weak or fragile states of
post-colonial war-torn African states. It is a state characterised by strong
institutions and organisations and the separation of powers within the state
still holds (despite attempts to subvert it). South Africa has strong societal
institutions – private sector, academia and civil society – that remain
outspoken, active and engaged in holding power to account. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is true that significant
polarisation currently characterises the South African polis. However, much of
this can be attributed to the parallel state activities that have been
undertaken by organisations and groups such as the ANC Youth League, the ANC
Women’s league, the MKMVA (ANC military wing veterans association), parties
such as Black First Land First, and the like, who – aided by propaganda
machines such as Bell-Pottinger and the Gupta-owned newspaper the New Age and
satellite television channel ANN7 – have contributed to spreading divisive
ideological rhetoric in service of a political project designed to retain power
within the ANC. It must be noted that these activities have split the ANC
internally as well, and many dissenters have voiced their objections, some even
calling for the current President, Jacob Zuma, to resign.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It would be ludicrous to suggest,
however, that socio-political polarisation of this nature rendered the South
African state a weak or failed state. It is still the strongest state in
sub-Saharan Africa. It has inherited the institutional memory, organisational
structures and modes of practise of the Apartheid state and has struggled to
shake these characteristic features in the new dispensation. Moreover, it has
inherited the legacy of strong intelligence capacity of the Apartheid
government and has, in many ways, wielded this capacity similarly. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While it is reasonable to argue
that William Reno’s shadow state model – dependent on strong controls, the
prevalence of a patron-elite-broker model that fixes deals and facilitates
illicit transnational financial flows – may apply to the Gupta-linked network (as
proposed in the Betrayal of the Promise report), to tender this as an
explanation for activities that underpin state capture as a phenomenon in the
South African state may be too much of a stretch. Indeed, one of the areas in
which this model falls flat is that – to date – no clear direct evidence
linking the supposed patron (i.e. the President) to the activities of the
shadow network has emerged despite many whistle-blowing efforts, including the
latest massive tranche of insider information that has resulted from the leaked
Gupta emails scandal. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That the president escapes direct
and clear blame may have more to do with the activation of South Africa’s deep
state potentials. This would explain the self-organisation within government
and the state around the President’s agenda a whole lot better. It would
explain why he does not necessarily have to act and instruct in the typical
manner of a warlord or strongman; he would have no need to engage in direct
messaging and top-down command and control in order to activate the cooperation
of the deep state. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the President’s
experience as an underground anti-Apartheid operative and intelligence boss
(however exaggerated) may well explain that his learnt management style may
actually gel well with the deep state itself. An intelligence boss manages cell
groups that are distributed, and who have no contact with each other. In
contrast to top-down military styled command and control and intelligence boss
manages through indirect contacts, messaging and responds to signals that may
appear benign to others. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In complexity language an
intelligence boss manages through non-linear signals, often exerting indirect
command and control across a distributed network of cell groups – while a
conventional military command and control structure manages through top-down
command and control where the ideal is if every unit has good situational
awareness of each other’s activities and progress. They are fundamentally
different models, and the activities of the deep state align more closely with
the former, while the activities of Reno’s shadow state align more closely with
the latter in terms of strong top-down command and control (i.e. even though
distributed cell groups would still be in operation they would be strongly controlled
by the strongman leader or controller). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What was not adequately
appreciated in the Betrayal of the Promise report was that the president exerts
strategic control over a system that is much broader than the Gupta-linked
network. He enjoys the cooperation of many arms of the government, state and
societal institutions (e.g. media, academia, private sector, etc.). President
Zuma may not be university educated, but he is nonetheless a master strategist;
indeed he is reputed to have been the chess champion amongst political
prisoners held on Robben Island. The statement made at the launch of the
Betrayal of the Promise report about the President’s intelligence – i.e. “he
wants to be a Dos Santos but he doesn’t have the grey matter” – revealed a
startling lack of insight into President Zuma’s strategic ability as a leader
who has survived myriad efforts to displace him from power. Indeed, such a
statement was not only academically irresponsible and grossly subjective (some interpreted
it as racist); it revealed a lack of broader perspective within the project
itself about what the capture of the <i>state</i>
actually entails.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, a singular focus on the
Gupta-linked network, to the exclusion of other elite groups who wield undue
influence over government, the state and the economy is unlikely to reveal the
full complexity of arrangements and mechanisms that facilitate capture of
decision-making in government, the state, quasi-state and private sector
organisations and institutions. Indeed, it is a bit like the puzzle of the
blind men feeling different parts of the elephant while trying to figure out
what it is; if all you took hold of was the elephant’s trunk you would
reasonably assume it was a snake of some kind. Squeezing the analysis of an
elephant by drawing exclusively on evidence of its trunk is bound to reveal
only a partial perspective on the elephant.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Implications for Study of State Capture</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Understanding a phenomenon as
complex as state capture – given the complexity of the South African state and
its history – is not a simple matter of transposing William Reno’s warlord
model onto the President and the Gupta-linked network and marrying it with a
theoretical understanding of neo-patrimonial developmentalism. While this
approach yields a valuable analysis, and a starting point, it will not get to
the root of state capture as a phenomenon. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While there may be a mix of
models at work in explaining state capture in South Africa as a phenomenon, it
is important to recognise that the platform for more recent shadow activities
is the deep state itself. Any systemic view on the subject must acknowledge
this. In particular, the uptick in activities in the latter day Apartheid era
deep state – in response to global sanctions – may well explain why the now
vilified arms deal was so effectively hijacked by corruption and intrigue. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is important to distinguish
between the importance of the deep state and Reno’s shadow state in diagnosing state
capture as a phenomenon. The program to exert broader control and influence
over the deep state is about harnessing broad-based support for the black
nationalist agenda as a long term political project, whereas the shadow state
network articulated by the Gupta-linked network is geared towards exerting
control in service of a program of wealth and resource extraction. In simple
terms, the deep state is where the <i>war</i>
is being fought, while the Gupta-linked network is where a serious – perhaps
decisive – <i>battle</i> is being fought
i.e. the Gupta-linked network may be battling on the front lines, but it is not
the war.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Acknowledging the role of the
deep state as a platform for state capture in South Africa, and the role of a
parallel state in generating and maintaining an ideological and political
project, is hence critical for any honest academic analysis of state capture
that seeks to delve into its complexities. Moreover, it is important because it
has massive implications for how remedies are formulated to address the
phenomenon of state capture. For one, it makes it plainly obvious that averting
state capture is not simply a matter of removing the President, and neither is
it simply a matter of breaking up the elite and patronage networks that have gathered around the President. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These measures may, in the end,
only yield a temporary reprieve from the phenomenon of state capture. Indeed,
if another network and leadership established itself it may well revive the
same behavioural patterns. This is not to negate the symbolic value of the
removal of the current leadership and compromised networks associated with it;
it would no doubt send a signal to society and the political class that
democratic institutions are robust and active citizenship is alive and well in
South Africa. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet while symbolism is important,
it is far more important – when probing a matter as serious as state capture –
to avoid lapsing into popular discursive biases when conceptualising state
capture as a phenomenon with a view to identifying the areas and mechanisms
(i.e. the networks, controls, functions and processes) that would have to be
addressed in order to bring it to an end. It is critical that any study of
state capture undertake to understand it in its broader complexity and avoid
reducing it to a point where the study is in fact grasping only the trunk of
the elephant. Indeed, it is entirely unlikely that such an approach can reveal
much of any use beyond temporary uptake as a convenient narrative that inserts
itself in the spaces where political interventions are being hatched. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What is critical moving forward
is to apply the different lenses through which shadow activities can be
understood (i.e. Reno’s shadow state, the deep state and the parallel
state) and provide an evidence-based account of how these interweave to produce
the current circumstances the South African state finds itself in. This
requires delving into both the long-term and short-term history of shadow, deep and
parallel state activities conducted within the Apartheid state and the new
dispensation. It also requires that the new political project – i.e. radical
economic transformation – be contextualised in terms of its historical
precedents in South African history (in particular, the efforts of the National
Party government to establish an Afrikaans business class using the state). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Understanding what latencies and
potentials reside within the South African state that support shadow, deep and
parallel state activities, and which have developed and been inherited through its historical
evolution, is critical, as breaking the cycle requires that these propensities
are dealt with at their roots. In order to create a new history a breaking of
cycles <i>is</i> necessary, but first we
have to recognise that what we see and experience in the present has historical
precedent and is not simply the emergence of something new. To scholars and
enthusiasts of history there should be a strong sense of history repeating
itself under the Zuma presidency, and in order to break with that history we
need to acknowledge it and understand it deeply, lest we merely offer up
superficial and symptomatic treatments for a disease that we carry deep within
our veins and our bones; treatments that distract us from the reality of our
condition and eventually brings about our end nonetheless.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Note - 08 February 2018:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Since writing this piece, two key readings lend support to the notions of; (1) a the predominance of "deep state activities" over "shadow state" activities in South Africa, and (2) the need to probe South Africa's fraught Apartheid history to understand how "state capture" can so easily take root in current day South Africa. They are:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] Book (2017): The President's Keepers, Author Jacques Pauw: This book details the role of the "deep state" (although the author does not use that term explicitly) - i.e. <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/five-key-points-from-jacques-pauw-s-the-president-s-keepers-those-keeping-zuma-in-power">the state security and intelligence machinery </a>- in understanding exactly how "state capture" has unfolded in South Africa. It is a great read, and puts the phenomenon of state capture into perspective.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2]The <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/2018/02/08/evidence-of-state-capture-the-tip-of-the-iceberg-tribunal-panel_a_23355984/?utm_hp_ref=za-homepage">findings of the Peoples Tribunal on Economic Crime</a> that was presented on 08 February 2018, which stated that "the panel believes evidence heard regarding contemporary state capture, too, was just the tip of the iceberg", and recommended an "immediate investigation into state capture in all its forms". The panel made heavy reference to Apartheid era economic crimes - both by local and international players - in helping create the environment for the normalisation of "state capture". The Tribunal is headed by former Constitutional Court Justice Zac Yacoob.</span><br />
</div>
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Kelsall, T. (2013) Business, Politics and the State in Africa: Challenging the
Orthodoxies on Growth and Transformation, Zed Books.</span></div>
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Reno, W. (1995). Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone, Cambridge
University Press.</span></div>
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Lofgren, M. (2016). The Deep State: The Fall of the Constitution and the Rise
of a Shadow Government, Penguin Books.</span></div>
</div>
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Sanders, J. (2006). Apartheid’s Friends: The Rise and Fall of South Africa’s
Secret Service, John Murray Publishers (UK).</span></div>
</div>
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Sanders, J. (2006). Apartheid’s Friends: The Rise and Fall of South Africa’s
Secret Service, John Murray Publishers (UK).</span></div>
</div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_ednref6" name="_edn6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Van
Vuuren, H (2006). Apartheid Grand Corruption: Assessing the scale of crimes of profit
from 1976 to 1994, A report prepared by civil society at the request of the Second
National Anti-Corruption Summit, May 2006, Institute for Security Studies, Cape
Town. </span></div>
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Vuuren, H. (2017) Apartheid Guns and Money: A Tale of Profit, Jacana Media, South
Africa.</span></div>
</div>
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Van Vuuren, H. (2017) Apartheid Guns and Money: A Tale of Profit, Jacana Media,
South Africa.</span></div>
</div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/camar/Desktop/The%20'Shadow%20State'%20in%20South%20Africa_cam2.docx#_ednref9" name="_edn9" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Van
Vuuren, H. (2017) Apartheid Guns and Money: A Tale of Profit, Jacana Media, South
Africa.</span></div>
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ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-50778809430031908182017-07-02T12:59:00.000+02:002017-09-12T18:29:13.909+02:00Beyond Revolution: Thinking the Future, Acting on the Present!<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Adding to the Paralysis: Branded Academia and the Proliferation of
Noise</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this era the need to brand and
market everything as stylized ‘products’ has become pervasive. Whether we speak
of technologies, services, goods, recreation, art, literature, food,
information or knowledge, the need to ‘package’ for broader consumption has
become ubiquitous. We live in the era of the ‘product’, and nothing escapes it.
It is an era where people have come to view themselves, and each other, as
products of one kind or another. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For many people this value system
has become normative, unquestioned. Many of them argue that they are not
putting form before content, but rather giving form to good content in order to
ensure its greater absorption. This is understandable when it comes to regular
products that are bought and sold in the marketplace, but when it comes to
information, knowledge, art, literature and intellectual and academic work some
distinct dangers emerge. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, there is a profound difference
between letting a piece of work speak for itself and engaging in a drawn out
campaign of speaking for the work or gift-wrapping it in the paraphernalia of
the zeitgeist. This is because efforts to distill form (read “brand”
proposition) and content (read substance) often follow very different
processes. While distilling form focuses on the ‘elevator pitch’ to describe a
work, distillation of content must necessarily proceed with care. Content is
misrepresented by the need to generate consumable form. Letting the market
dictate your choices about a piece of work compromises it from the outset.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The significance of a piece of
academic or intellectual work should ideally rise to authority by virtue of how
well its content is received by a readership – whether it consists of peers or not
– rather than the amount of effort and money that is invested in a marketing
campaign to promote it. The drive to brand and market a piece of academic or
intellectual work often leads to disingenuous representation of the value of
the work. Heuristic arguments are presented as proof. Hypotheses are presented
as conclusions, and correlative evidence is presented as causal.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Props are employed to lend
legitimacy to the work. Big names and big titles – that serve as brands
themselves – are brought in to endorse the product. The complexities in the
work are reduced to produce an easily consumable narrative. Simplistic
terminology and phrases are deployed as sound bites to be taken up and spread
through the ether of social and conventional media, to be thoughtlessly regurgitated and
reiterated in the macro and micro interactions that make up society. It must
penetrate and become normative, everyday, banal, in order to be regarded as relevant. Here and there real theoretical terminology and phraseology are
sprinkled like holy water throughout the text to lend it a false legitimacy as
an intellectual product.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The aim is to plant phrases,
terms and a simple narrative into the mainstream discourse. The aim is not to
faithfully delve into the complexities of the subject matter and emerge with an
understanding that either crystallizes a vast amount of information,
theoretical knowledge and perspectives on them, or acknowledges the
irreducibility of the subject matter and works honestly with that. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Knowledge and theory take a back
seat to rhetoric and posturing. Much is lost when content is displaced for
form. Content then becomes unqualified, malleable; wielded for whatever purpose
it is directed towards. It becomes anything to anyone. Today, words such as
“resilience” and “sustainability” have become precisely that despite their
rigorous academic and intellectual definitions. They have become mere jargon,
spread out into different spaces and places and wielded in order to create a
facade of meaning and authoritative perspective. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When it comes to books, one has
to wonder what exactly is being sold. Is it the author or the book? If you’ve
ever submitted a book proposal to a publisher you quickly learn that having a
“social media platform” or “public image” is often more important than whatever
content you propose. Celebrity sells. Kim Kardashian can sell a ghostwritten
cookbook or ‘life philosophy’ book today and it would outsell any book by
Sartre or Albert Camus. In fact they would likely not even get published in the
first place. Only pop philosophy has a place in the ‘market’ for books today.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">New terms, phrases, concepts,
conceptual frameworks, ideas penetrate the popular discourse and become
entrenched, without any rigour first being applied to them. They become the
feedstock for tropes that multiply across the media and social media spectrum.
There is great pressure to stay up to date with the latest terminology. It has
become colloquial and is readily consumed in the same way as the 52 season
fashion year (i.e. weekly) is. Amidst the constant stream of noise clarity
becomes more distant. Meaning is not only relative; it becomes lost. There
isn’t even an educated sense of its relativity. Facts become untrustworthy.
Events become fleeting. Attention spans become shorter. Focus is lost. The
polis and society are rendered bamboozled, confused, indifferent and apathetic.
With nothing to hold on to there is no capacity to act. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Under these circumstances action
is more likely to emerge from those who disengage. Only those who are capable
of detachment can gain perspective and the traction to act. And so it is those
who retreat from the milieu, whether into minimalism, anarchism, spiritualism,
extremism, popular lifestyle cults, and the like, who – rightly or wrongly –
consolidate the capacity to act. For in order to act in opposition to the
status quo one requires a perspective that enables one to do so.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And so it is with groups like
‘hacktivists” (e.g. Anonymous), whistleblowers ( e.g. Wikileaks), extremists
such as Al Qaeda, ISIS, Boko Haram, sustainable lifestyle enthusiasts,
traditionalist and religious groups, doomsday preppers etc. that are taking
action – whether at micro or macro-scales – in defiance of the prevailing
global system. Conservative groups and anarchist and hard left groups are more
present in the space of political action. Political action is coming from the poles not the middle (with some exceptions).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The broader spectrum of society
(i.e. those in the middle), however, are caught in an un-chartable sea of
information and half-baked knowledge offerings. Academics, experts and
intellectuals emphasize the performative over the substantive and render their
offerings as snake-oil salesmen do. They prepare Ted talks, stage performances,
use subliminal messaging and appeal to the lowest common denominator in their
quest for recognition. It no longer matters whom the recognition comes from, as
long as they are many. Success is having an audience. It is not necessarily
related to the quality of their offerings. So the audience is wooed, seduced,
but left with little of real value in their hands, and are largely unable to
act upon the knowledge they have been sold. It is a benign disposable product,
bereft of the power to transform worldviews, lives and societies. It is easily
cast aside for a new one. It does not root. It is, in this sense, not truly
radical, and so cannot bring about anything new. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are exceptions of course,
but one has to wade through a tsunami of bogus intellectual content to find
them, or one has to “be in the know” – part of a select group who filter out
the crap for you – in essence a ‘knowledge elite’ of sorts. This needs to
change, but in order for it to change there needs to be a mounting rejection of
the modes of production through which academic and intellectual thought is
transmitted into the popular domain. There is already a clearly discernible
rejection emerging and this is reflected in the movements towards alternative
media sources and intellectual opinions. Online journalism, blogging and
fact-checking platforms are more sought after today as distrust of conventional
media and academic and popular intellectual expert opinion – i.e. the
establishment – has grown. Information and knowledge economy offerings are
facilitating this movement and will likely play a key role in facilitating the
full transition to a post-media society. The question is; how will this
decentralised, distributed set of movements play out? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, what will it result in? Will it facilitate the emergence of yet more
confusion? Will it serve as a liberating force that diverges and coalesces but
nonetheless provides the basis for coherent action? Will it grow into a
polarised virtual polis or will it facilitate greater understanding and
consensus building? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Disengagment: Getting Unstuck and Taking Action<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This evolution depends, in large
part, on how self-organisation within the new spaces unfolds, as well as how
controls are exercised on these newly emerging spaces. In particular, how
closely emerging forms of self-organization couples with organisation within
society itself – i.e. at the grassroots – will likely determine how effective
the new and emerging spaces are at seeding and catalysing broader societal
transformation and transition. And currently, in this era, that coupling is
growing closer as society increasingly decouples from the conventional
establishment and societal institutions that service it i.e. governments,
media, experts, academics and public intellectuals alike. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whether they are virtual or
physical, the spaces in which new offerings and capabilities are emerging need
to be carefully guarded, lest they be sabotaged or co-opted to reproduce more
of the same as that which has come before. Currently there are no clear signals
that indicate what exactly will emerge in this space. Instead, a duality has
emerged where right and left poles have been energised. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the same time there is also
profound anti-ideological sentiment growing. Movements such as the Occupy
movement, and the Five Star movement in Italy, are anti-elitist movements, but they
also exhibit profound discontent with prevailing ideological approaches towards
political life, work, consumption, ecological and environmental sustainability,
lifestyle choices, ownership, and much more. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The critical factor is
disengagement from the mechanisms that reinforce the status quo – conventional
media, traditional establishment politics, advertising, academia, popular
intellectualism, trade and commerce, banking, food, agriculture and so forth –
and mounting a fresh attack on them from a position of disengagement. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is not enough to work within
the system. The system needs to be confronted on all sides and forced to change.
It needs to steadily be given less and less degrees of freedom to manoeuvre and
self-replicate itself, for it is in the nature of the system to maintain
itself, to retain its basic identity and to adapt only where forced to, all the
while seeking to preserve itself. It will meet movements and attempt to absorb
them where it cannot crush or thwart them. That is how it survives. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So the offerings that are
formulated from the outside need to resist being co-opted; they need to proceed
from a view that it seeks to replace conventional systems entirely. They may
originally be forced into some kind of symbiosis with existing systems but it
must always remain clear on the need to displace and replace the system. Offerings
that target the functions, controls and processes by which the system
propagates are critical in this battle, as only by effectively replacing and
displacing these can the system eventually be defeated. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This approach is one that seeks
to establish an evolutionary approach to revolution, one that embraces
innovation and emergence as the sources of change rather than attempting to
simply tear down and replace systems in a top-down manner. It is an approach
that seeks to let emergence and innovation from the bottom up lead the charge
rather than grand ideological or theoretical impositions from the top-down.
Whereas the former relies on the broader participation of society and its many
groups and individuals the latter typically revolves around rallying a populist
movement around the designs of a tiny political and intellectual elite. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The key strength of this approach is that it draws on society itself to seed and catalyse change and is
hence owned by society itself. It is not the preserve of intellectual,
political and wealthy elites to engineer as they see fit. It devolves power,
even if imperfectly, and opens up room for the prevailing power hierarchies to
be challenged and undermined. Elite power, wealth and influence is set against
the choices of the broader majority – enabled by innovative and new mechanisms
– forcing elites to adapt instead. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Systemic change is possible. It
has the potential to emerge from peer-to-peer interactions, transactions and
the like, which can spawn new vehicles through which society administers its
various functions and processes. It can cut out the middlemen and render the
power-bases of elites outdated and defunct. It can bring services and benefits
to a broader range of the citizenry. It can eradicate borders, boundaries and
constraints and introduce new ways to work, live, learn and contribute. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The possibilities are endless and
a new era beckons. However, we need to begin rejecting the systems that stand
in the way. Branded academia and intellectualism cannot forge a new way forward
for us because it is fundamentally dependent on and constrained by the very
same system that is standing in the way of change. Even a return to more
traditional academia and intellectualism will likely fail to provide the kind
of vision that is required for 21<sup>st</sup> Century society; it simply
cannot go beyond its limited silos and entrenched disciplinary constraints to
deal with the complexity of 21<sup>st</sup> Century life or its challenges. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What is needed is a new era of
knowledge production and absorption entirely; one that breaks with the systems
of the past four centuries and the post-war consensus to open up new spaces
where knowledge creation is assessed, valued and disseminated differently.
Disengagement is the first step - a purging of sorts is necessary – and the
second step is to begin to envision and create new vehicles for society to
interact with. How society responds will be the determining factor, and not how
the market or elites respond. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this framing, freedom of
choice will matter as much as the abundance of choice, if not more, as true
freedom is not just having an abundance of choice but having diverse choices
available to society. When society’s choices begin to shape the future, and are
not exclusively shaped by prevailing power structures, then freedom – at a
societal scale – becomes realisable. We need to go beyond the notion of freedom
as purely that of the individual – even though it is critically important – and envision freedom of society as a whole if we are to speak coherently about
freedom.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The role of knowledge in enabling
diverse choice is undeniable, but the current systems of knowledge are compromised,
outdated and ill-fitted to the challenges of the 21<sup>st</sup> Century and the
future. A shift in the modes of knowledge production is necessary, and can potentially
help generate broader transition towards a substantively different kind of society.
The first step is to disengage, but then we must act. It is not enough to merely
disengage. We must begin building the new. And it has never been clearer that the
time to begin is now. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-32277150732486219352017-06-04T09:46:00.000+02:002017-06-08T00:18:55.526+02:00Helen Zille Suspension: Maimane in a tight spot!<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-fMH0_KBNo3M/WTO3uPOvgOI/AAAAAAAAAHY/WpapHfDnd4EAOws5akPRLYYZ6T2E2L2LgCLcB/s1600/FB_IMG_1470630995913.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="984" data-original-width="1062" height="370" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-fMH0_KBNo3M/WTO3uPOvgOI/AAAAAAAAAHY/WpapHfDnd4EAOws5akPRLYYZ6T2E2L2LgCLcB/s400/FB_IMG_1470630995913.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Helen Zille’s suspension [1] from the
DA must come as a surprise to her echo chamber on twitter. Many of them hold
her in such high regard that they have come to believe that she can do no
wrong. Many of them readily lapped up her latest controversial outburst, which
expounded on the infrastructural <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/03/the-helen-zille-twitter-controversy-oh.html?m=1">merits of colonialism</a>. Notwithstanding the
<a href="http://www.theconmag.co.za/2017/03/24/zilles-tweets-and-historys-miasma/">historical inaccuracies </a>in the history lesson she delivered to the country her
supporters were largely unmoved. Much like Donald Trump, they appear to have
found a voice in Zille that expresses their deeply held beliefs, regularly
espoused in the comfort of homes, but frowned upon out in society.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Some of Zille’s supporters’ views
are based on deep-seated beliefs they have held for a long time. Under
Apartheid, even liberals espoused them without pause for thought. But times
have changed. There is a new language in society, one that identifies and
critiques these views as symptomatic of systemic and structural racism. And it
is this that has proved to be the tragic flaw that has undone Helen Zille’s
political career; her statements, and her staunch defence of them, typify the
casual systemic racism that underlies so many of the micro-interactions in
South African society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is not simply that she doesn’t
get it (she honestly doesn’t), it is also that she refuses to accommodate the
view that any such thing as systemic and structural racism exists. In the
current political climate – globally and locally – this is quite literally a
conversation stopper. In the current political climate in South Africa it
effectively serves as a block on any kind of reconciliation dialogue. It is one
thing not to understand, it is quite another thing to refuse to understand.
Indeed, she dismisses the discourse around systemic and structural racism as
the purview of “critical race theorists”. As she once instructed @Lenz_Gavin on
twitter, “The “Critical Race Theorists” who take issue with me are the polar
opposite of DA supporters”. It is now quite clear that her reading of the
current social and political context was markedly off target. </span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What is telling is that she
refused – point blank – to accept, or even accommodate, the view that her
remarks were not only <a href="http://www.theconmag.co.za/2017/03/24/zilles-tweets-and-historys-miasma/">historically inaccurate</a>, </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ignorant of </span><a href="http://www.enca.com/opinion/helen-zille-on-colonialism-12-tweets-and-a-chat-vs-scholarship" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">scholarship</a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> and </span><a href="http://www.theconmag.co.za/2017/04/11/on-zille-and-the-familiar-distortions-of-black-history/" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">revisionist</a>,<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> it was also deeply hurtful and condescending to
the black majority in South Africa. The tone and blunt delivery of her remarks were thoughtlessly and needlessly crude. Very many people attempted to convince her
to take a softer stance, to be more conciliatory in her approach; to understand
why her comments were hurtful to the majority of people in this country.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet her response was to credit
herself with initiating a ‘much needed debate’ on the issue. This notwithstanding that it was the student protests put the decolonisation debate
on the public agenda two years ago in the first place (she has disparaged them
at every turn on her twitter account). Later, she went on to suggest that
pandering to victimhood, or even indulging in it personally, was not what she
had been brought up to do. After all, in her view, as a woman and a descendant
of Holocaust victims, she has had to endure a great deal to get where she is
today, and she didn’t get there by feeling sorry for herself. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet it is precisely this ‘pull
yourself up by the bootstraps anti-victimhood’ narrative that has, for the past
two decades, served as a formidable block against real reconciliation. It is a
view that is typically espoused by white South Africans who enjoy all the
privileges of a society characterised by a pervasive racist colonial and
apartheid history that is undeniably mirrored in the features of the current
system and its inherited structural inequality. It invokes the <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/04/the-helen-zille-labyrinth-revisionism.html?m=1">mythical narrative</a> of the ‘resilient settler’ who endures against all odds to ‘tame’ the
new territory and bring ‘civilisation’ to the natives. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This mythical narrative
conveniently de-emphasises the fact that colonial and settler wealth and
industry was built on the backs of slavery and the widespread theft of land and
resources, and left a legacy of profound under-development in the colonies that
persists to this day. As someone who has served on very many transformation
action programmes and committees, since the late 1990’s, it is in my opinion
the key stumbling block to transformation because it prevents white people from
being able to put themselves in the shoes of black people. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This prescriptive narrative,
which masquerades as a recipe for the emancipation of black people in South
Africa, is in reality a defensive reaction on the part of many white South
Africans. Historical guilt renders many white South Africans fragile; unable to
adequately listen to the experiences and perspectives of black victims of an
inherited system that robs them of their dignity and equality in everyday
interactions. Black people experience this narrative as being talked down to,
even chastised, without being listened to. It reinforces the structural and
systemic inequality that they bear the burden of purely due to the colour of
their skin and alienates them from white society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To most black people this
‘anti-victimhood’ narrative is a denial of the very real societal conditions
they endure under a historically racist, exploitative system that was designed
precisely to provide a rationale for the exploitation of black people and their
resources. The impacts of history don’t stop when an election is held or a
constitution is written, it takes a long time for society to outgrow its
historical properties. To assert that because we now live in a democracy we are
all magically substantively equal – whether socially, economically or before
formal systems such as the law and the state – is simply delusional. It is a
simple fact that our history remains with us. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Helen Zille’s preferences for a
meritocratic South Africa are built on this tenuous narrative, and bear no
relation to the reality that the majority of black and brown South Africans
endure on a daily basis. South Africa has the highest inequality in the world,
and that inequality delineates along racial and spatial lines. South Africa is
still largely a divided country. Brokering reconciliation is an ongoing
process; it did not end with the early presidency of Nelson Mandela. It is
remarkably politically imperceptive to get this wrong in the current racially
divisive climate in South Africa, where serious disgruntlements over the
Apartheid settlement – made during the transition to democracy – have emerged. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Simply put, she has misread the
broader current socio-political context in South Africa in this critical
moment. In a time when she should be the ‘listening leader’, she has chosen to
be the ‘instructive leader’. And when it comes to the black majority – which
the DA’s new black leadership has targeted with such great effort – Helen
Zille’s views constitute political suicide. It may resonate with her
one-million strong echo-chamber on twitter, but it certainly does not resonate
with the black majority in any measure except as antagonism. This is something
that the new black leadership of the DA understand and have taken great pains
to explain. This is part of the statement that DA leader Mmusi Maimane made regarding
Helen Zille’s suspension today,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>“It has become quite
fundamentally clear that Premier Zille and I hold fundamentally different
attitudes about the direction the Democratic Alliance needs to accomplish in
2019, and the goals and priorities that this flows from. Ms Zille’s views and
statements on colonialism are views that I do not support and I believe,
without doubt, undermine the reconciliation project. There is no question that
(in) those original tweets, and in fact subsequent justifications, were some
things that I found personally deeply offensive, and I believe were offensive
to many South Africans, and are damaging to the respective project that we are
trying to build. If we are going to achieve reconciliation we need to be able
to ensure that when we build that dialogue that we understand the history and
the context of certain issues.”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is a lot in this statement
that needs to be understood in terms of the current South African political
context. On the surface, the issues around reconciliation are clear, but there
is a deeper story here. It is that Helen Zille’s political beliefs <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2016/08/will-real-da-please-stand-up.html?m=1">run in a very different direction</a> to the direction that the new leadership of the DA is
taking. At its core, Zille’s political messaging <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/02/the-elusive-heart-of-da-liberal-or.html?m=1">threatens to split the old (mostly white) conservative core</a> from the DA. Her twitter account has
effectively served as an echo-chamber for an alternative vision for the DA’s
politics. Quite literally, her twitter echo-chamber is very akin to a tea-party
styled caucus within the DA, and her Trump-like antics have proven very
effective in stirring them up. It is a potentially disastrous situation for the
DA to end up in. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is especially the case when
one considers the current impacts of the very public fragmentation and dissolution
of the ANC. In this context, an opposition party that is also in political
distress is likely to prove a very unattractive option for voters in the 2019
election. South Africans are tired of political uncertainty and infighting;
they want a stable government that they can trust to get on with their jobs.
They don’t want another ruling party that is caught up in internal battles that
paralyse the legislature and the economy. Yet this is precisely the problem
with coalition governments in South Africa; historically, they have proved to
be at great risk of lapsing into dysfunctionality. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Zille has remained <a href="http://www.enca.com/south-africa/breaking-defiant-zille-reacts-to-suspension">defiant</a> about
her suspension. She immediately released a statement stating that a particular
section of the DA’s constitution had been violated in suspending her, and that
she had offered to apologise, and that the ‘truth’ would come out later down
the line. Should she proceed down this path (which she is likely to), her
refusal to back down may prove devastating for the DA and her political legacy.
It shows a profound lack of political judgement for an ex-leader of a party to
draw the new leadership into a divisive battle. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And make no mistake, this is not
simply the matter of a few ill-advised tweets, it is about the political
direction that the DA is taking. She is now contesting the new leadership’s
political direction directly, she is no longer engaging in an indirect battle
over twitter. She is engaging in a direct confrontation with the party
leadership and its structures, and this confrontation serves as a proxy battle
for control over the party’s core vision. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If it were merely the case that
Helen Zille was committing political suicide to make a point then this matter
would not be such a dangerous one. But she is the former leader of the party. Her
challenge to the party leadership is potentially catastrophic for the DA. Under
normal circumstances, most people would simply pass it off as her inability to
accept that she was no longer in power, having enjoyed the position of number
one so long, and missed being in the limelight. But the real danger lies in the
potential for Zille to force the conflict into a space that forces a split
within the DA or results in a significant loss of its core voting base, who are
essentially social conservatives. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And she may very well proceed
down that road. She simply cannot accept being wrong about anything, and has
developed a Trump-like ability to bully and intimidate. She is a proud person
who will not give an inch. It seems that to her, giving an inch would constitute
a total and wholesale loss. She is, in this way, a person of extremes. And her
support base is as well, for as it is with leaders of her ilk, the general
public either loves or hates them, there is little in-between. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The current leader of the DA, Mmusi
Maimane, is the polar opposite of Helen Zille in this respect. He is a natural
consensus builder and unifier, he listens carefully to what the electorate are
saying and feeling. He is empathetic rather than a brutal logician. He is
reading more than what a simple statement says in legal terms; he is reading
what it means in the minds and feelings of millions of people for whom it is a
very difficult decision to vote for the DA ... he is connecting with the
emotions and sentiments of the majority, something that Helen Zille just cannot
do in the same way. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">He has correctly discerned that
Zille’s statements and arguments send out precisely the wrong kind of political
messaging for the DA and after ignoring them for a long time he has been forced
to act. Mmusi Maimane is a diplomat who does not enjoy this kind of
confrontation. Indeed, he only really started taking the fight to Jacob Zuma
after the EFF made their disruptive appearance in parliament and shook up South
African politics. He then understood that he could throw some direct blows at
the president, but yet, even in his most critical moments he still wears an
aura of diplomacy. In a sense, he really is a gentle man, and he does not seem
to relish the opportunity for confrontation the way others such as Julius
Malema do. He’d rather maintain his dignity and that of chambers, but the winds
of change have forced him to adapt his game, and he has done so admirably. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My feeling is that he was hoping
that Helen Zille would fade gracefully into the background over time, but as
the pressures of the current political moment have mounted her repeated
intrusions into the political messaging of the DA has forced him to act. He
seemed reluctant at the press conference yesterday. This is something he had to
do; it was not what he preferred to do. It is simply not in Maimane’s character
to thoughtlessly wade into a fight; for him that kind of behaviour is
ill-advised. To Helen Zille, however, conflicts are opportunities to
distinguish oneself. There is a gulf between them in terms of their qualities
as leaders. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Zille may not get it, but her
actions run the very real risk of painting Mmusi Maimane as a token black
leader. Black South Africans – especially in the professional class – are
keenly aware of fronting, where talented and capable black professionals
(sometimes not that talented) are positioned at the head of white companies and
organisations to give them legitimacy. Many of my generation have found
ourselves being offered positions of leadership only to then discover upon
taking the reins that the former white leadership works overtime to keep you in
check, hovering over you as you take every decision, exhibiting a profound lack
of trust in your ability to take the lead and see through the agenda that your
role prescribes. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Rendering Maimane vulnerable to
being painted as nothing more than a ‘puppet’ or token leader, in the current
political context is perhaps the most destructive potential outcome of Zille’s
current political messaging. Should she succeed in dragging out this conflict,
bringing about more acrimony and division in the process, it will matter little
if her desire for a personal victory and vindication is satisfied. She will
have delegitimized the party leader in the process, weakening him in the public
perception, as well as from within the ranks of the party. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is a ‘lose-lose’ situation
that is all of Zille’s making. If she had, had the foresight and humility to
back down earlier and make a sincere apology, Mmusi Maimane’s position as
leader would have been strengthened, and her reputation would have suffered
little permanent damage. Her intransigence, however, has proved to be a fatal
flaw, one that could do permanent damage to herself and her party. Simply put,
this is not about the semantics of her statements, or what is strictly correct
in textbook or legal terms; it is about being able to read the current
political mood and sentiment. This requires soft skills, a quality that is
distinctly lacking – by all accounts – in Helen Zille’s leadership style. Her
potentially disastrous miscalculation is proof that the DA required a change of
leadership in order to make inroads into the black voter base and broaden its
electoral base. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Political leadership requires a
modicum of diplomacy and etiquette. This is especially the case when leadership
of a political party is transferred. It is simply unacceptable for an old
leader to engage in political messaging that serves to obstruct and sabotage
the vision that the new leadership are building and implementing. The most
recent leader simply holds too much political power with the party and its
electoral base to be constantly engaging in conflicts that masquerade as
‘debate’. It has the ultimate effect of sending out mixed messages to the
electorate. In the case of the DA in South Africa it sends out the potentially
disastrous message the new black leader of the DA is simply a token leader that
is too weak to see through a new vision for the party.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Helen Zille had a very long run at the helm of the DA and her leadership certainly had its highlights. But her leadership is now over, and she needs to give the new leadership space to lead the party as they see fit. That is what is required of her, but it will take a small miracle to get her to roll back her zeal and act in the interests of the party because she possesses a fundamental tragic flaw; her ego is too large to accommodate the perspectives of others. When she engages in debate one gets the impression that she is too busy preparing her own opinion to faithfully process the perspectives that are being put to her. This situation can only end badly. The question is whether Zille will pay the price for her miscalculation, or whether it will be the DA as a party that suffers in the run-up to the 2019 national election.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">NB:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] It has since emerged that the DA leader may have <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/colonialism-absolutely-diabolical-zille">jumped the gun</a> by announcing Helen Zille's suspension as she was still entitled to a few more days before making submissions to the party why she should not be suspended. The party have hence revised their position to state that they were merely announcing a <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/colonialism-absolutely-diabolical-zille">notice of intention</a> to suspend her. She has 72 hours to make submissions. Zille has milked the opportunity, suggesting that Maimane may have misunderstood the DA's constitution, further weakening his position as leader of the party in the public eye.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Update: Helen Zille was suspended from all party activities by the DA's Federal Executive on 7 June 2017, and a disciplinary hearing will be held from Friday 9th June where she will answer to charges of bringing the party into disrepute. She is predictably defiant, and has defended her position. Time will tell what toll this will have on the DA, but it is already clear that the organisation and its leadership is undergoing considerable strain. Zille's legacy may ultimately be defined more by its unsavoury decline towards its end rather than its highlights. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<br /></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-75285839423803549172017-05-31T21:39:00.000+02:002017-05-31T21:52:43.678+02:00South Africa in Crisis: Which Way Forward?<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That South Africa is politically
crippled is beyond doubt. The legislature is dysfunctional; its leadership is
compromised and more often than not the national parliament is a circus,
especially when the president is in attendance. Political leaders no longer enjoy
the trust of the majority of South Africans, even amongst supporters of the
ruling party.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, the state is under
attack from rent-seeking networks who profit disproportionately off the
substantial procurement budget of the state (i.e. R500 billion). It is now common
knowledge that the president and his family is deeply embroiled with an Indian
born family – the Gupta family – who have been central to a mountain of
scandals related to the procurement budgets of state-owned entities and government
departments. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Only this weekend, the emails of
the Gupta family and their network of associates were leaked to the press.
Every day new scandals emerge, scandals that would normally be enough to force
the resignations of those who have been exposed; purely on the basis of
preserving the integrity of the offices they occupy. Yet nothing happens. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Apart from a few very junior
fall-guys, hardly anybody suffers severe consequences for corruption and
maladministration. More often than not the guilty party is taken out of the
public eye for a while, only to then be elevated to a new position. In other
words they are rewarded the same way as a foot soldier in a criminal network
is; they go to jail without ever confessing the whole truth knowing that a
reward awaits them on the other side of their time inside. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Loyalty lies at the core of one’s
survival in the political leadership and bureaucracy of the South African
state. Without it, one is consigned to an existence of fear and anxiety; you do
not enjoy ‘protection’ and are hence vulnerable. You may not get that
promotion, despite how competent you are. You may not get that job, despite
being qualified for it. You may not get social housing, healthcare, and so
forth, without having the money to smooth a few palms. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is little comfort in this
new South Africa if you are not connected to power, whether at the local
levels, or higher. In this way South Africa is moving backwards. It is becoming
a country that shares the same qualities that the Apartheid state possessed.
Under the disproportionately unequal distribution of power under Apartheid the
only way to ensure that one’s needs were addressed was to access power and
demonstrate loyalty to it. This loyalty was bought in many different ways, not
only through bribery. This is a critical point to keep in mind, as it is through
this that society was subdued and kept ‘in its place’ so to speak.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An authoritarian regime demands loyalty to it
at every rung of the ladder of power. It demands that loyalty be openly
declared and demonstrated through acts. It does not tolerate mere loyalty
through words, loyalty has to be proved. And ironically, despite our liberal
egalitarian constitution and the progressively structured state and government
we have put in place we have, in essence, reproduced the same structural and
power relations that dominated societal relations under Apartheid. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is not a casual statement to
make, that is; that we have reproduced the systemic flaws of Apartheid in our
new democracy. Indeed, it is one that should provoke pause for thought. How,
despite the concerted and energetic efforts to transform South African society
in the transition to democratic rule, did the very same structural and power
relations reproduce themselves? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Is there some kind of stubborn
DNA that government, the state and society possesses? Is there something deep
within the people that colonialism and Apartheid reproduced? Is there a tacit
system of rules, controls, functions and processes that survived all attempts
and efforts to transform government, the state and the key institutions and
organisations within South African society? What is it that is holding us back?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Perhaps it is a combination of
these factors that come together to render the government, state and society
irreversibly set on a trajectory that it struggles to redirect. Perhaps
whatever efforts are made to transform it, it will nonetheless find ways to
regroup and continue along the same path. It is resilient and stubborn because
it has entrenched itself over many centuries. It cannot easily be undone. The
current leadership, and their failings, are but actors in a saga that has
endured over hundreds of years; a saga that pauses reluctantly only when
exceptional leaders happen to grace us with their wisdom and patience. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This has occasioned many with the
view that the current death-spiral that the ANC government is locked in – torn
apart by factionalism and ridden with scandals of corruption and
maladministration – is nothing more than a continuation of the status quo that
South Africans have endured for centuries. There is nothing new about it they
claim. All that has changed is that whereas corrupt and predatory behaviour was
once largely the preserve of powerful colonial and settler elites, it now wears
the face of the black elite. Calm down, they say, it didn’t bother you before;
the only reason it bothers you now is that black people are doing it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is a perverse logic, one that
brokers nihilism as though that is all we can hope for. We are forever to be
caught within an unequal, exploitative system that denies the majority their
rightful seat at the table. They are forever to be the loyal subjects of
patrons who wield power over them instead of serving and representing them
faithfully. Yet this perverse logic is merely the logic of acquiescence. It is
not the logic of struggle. It is its opposite. It draws on a long psychology of
reconciling with oppression and conspiring with it against one’s own people. It
is not a logic that can bring about anything new. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Half-baked ideological rhetoric
is marshaled to stir up the undecided and the lumpen proletariat. Promises
that will never be fulfilled are lapped up because the central question – i.e. how
– is not adequately interrogated. Yet the questions that should be at the top
of our minds, and should constitute the key social questions that we – as a
society – are concerned with, are not concerned with how we can bring about a
better future. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Our questions are, by comparison,
more concerned with who should take the blame for the system that we endure
under. We are not concerned with the question of how to give birth to new
trajectories and sustain them. We repeatedly fail to draw on our ability to
generate new possibilities, to draw on our creative imaginations and sustain
the vision that flows from them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Perhaps this is because we are so
removed from power, so powerless in reality, that we cannot imagine how we can
be active agents in changing the society we live in. Perhaps this is because of
our “growing alienation from the political process”, as literary master and Professor
Njabulo Ndebele put it today in an address to the South African public given by
the board of trustees of the Nelson Mandela Foundation. He drew on a statement
of academic Khaya Sithole, who describes our condition as: </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>“The replacement of the politics
of participation by a politics of ratification, in which citizens ratify
decisions taken elsewhere by others through a system now viewed as fragile”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Power gone unchecked has rendered
South Africa a confused mess. The absence of an active citizenry, one that
exercises its prerogative as constitutional citizens, has rendered democracy
itself ineffective. In the vast chasm where true power should lie, lies instead
a collective vacuum. The citizenry have abdicated their role as the ultimate
arbiter and judge of the powerful. Its elected leaders and unelected elites
have hence run amok. They have taken the gap – so to speak – and it has widened
considerably, leaving nothing but confusion and apathetic despair in its wake. As
Njabulo Ndebele put it, they are not concerned with the constitution from which
our citizenry draw their collective purpose and vision for the future:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>“Instead, they use and abuse the
constitutional state to build parallel bases of power and extract wealth
shamelessly for themselves and their networks. It is no wonder that this
untenable situation has led to calls across the land for the head of state,
President Zuma – largely regarded as the author of the current malaise – to
vacate the highest office of state. We urge him to listen to the voice of the
people.”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The elites in power have moved so
fast that they have left us reeling. Their project is to bend the constitution
to their will, and to violate it if necessary, in service of an ill-defined
political project; one that has been constructed behind closed doors in
smoke-filled rooms, far away from the grassroots, where the voices that should
count the most reside. The citizenry – on the bottom – are left with nothing
but sound-bites and searing rhetoric to guide us. We are expected to ignore the inconsistencies
and the multiple agendas that load this project, and to throw our support
behind those profess to act in our name. They demand our loyalty. They no
longer deem us worthy of earning it from us. </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">That is what unchecked power
ultimately leads to. Power, after all, takes its place amongst the worst of
addictions; it is not something to be granted without oversight. It remains to
be seen whether South Africans have yet understood what is required from them to
preserve their democracy; that they cannot rely on their leaders – whether in
government or elsewhere – to perform their primary role for them, that is;
holding power to account. </span></div>
ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-87017026662522285702017-05-24T11:56:00.001+02:002017-05-24T12:54:11.413+02:00The ANC in Freefall: Tipping Point or Turning Point?<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is now beyond doubt that the
ANC is spiralling out of control, twisting in the ever widening gyre, displaced
from its once undisputed heights as the oldest liberation party in Africa. The
freefall has been felt across all sectors in society and is the central subject
of discussion in homes across South Africa. Although many commentators are
hesitant to label this political moment as a critical turning point for the
ANC, it is – in my view – indisputable that this is a critical tipping point.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The scales have, after eight
years, finally tipped against President Jacob Zuma and his leadership. They
stand alone, and the winds of change threaten to consign them to the dustbin of
history. They will resist, they will fight and they will sabotage, but some
will turn against their former allies in the Zuma leadership and pledge
allegiance to the winds of change. This is just simple opportunistic politics
at work. Those who still have a future in government and the ANC will do what
they can to redeem themselves from the ‘rot’ that has infected the ANC at all
levels. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Already, the signs are clear that
both Fikile Mbalula and Malusi Gigaba – the new Ministers of Police and
Finance, respectively – have chosen to backtrack from the Zuma leadership’s
front line. Fikile Mbalula is engaged in a court battle with the former –
illegally appointed – head of the Hawks Special Investigation Unit (i.e. Berning Ntlemeza), and Malusi
Gigaba has considerably diluted the rhetoric around ‘radical economic
transformation’, equating it with “inclusive growth” instead. These turnarounds
are significant. Both Mbalula and Gigaba are young politicians – ex-heads of
the ANC youth league – and have a promising future in government. President
Zuma is a lame duck president who is on his way out, whether through recall or
the end of his term in 2019; they have to think about their futures beyond his
leadership.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Even older, more seasoned leaders
such as the Minister of Public Enterprises Lynne Brown have opted to evade
taking a stand for the Zuma power elite that she once supported wholeheartedly.
Instead of taking direct action against the Eskom board for its ridiculously
inept and blatantly deceptive ‘re-employment’ of Brian Molefe as Chief
Executive – i.e. claiming that he had taken early retirement at 50 after he had
very publicly resigned last year to clear his name and act in the interests of
“good corporate governance”, only to be later sworn in as a member of Parliament
(which clearly forbids him from remaining in the employ of the state) –
Minister Brown instead chose to leave the decision in the hands of the courts
and has called for an independent inquiry into Eskom and its practises. It is a
significant climb-down, that has led many to intimate that Brown had been put under pressure to
support the return of Brian Molefe as Chief Executive. Indeed, former Minister
of Finance Pravin Gordhan questioned her directly at yesterday’s parliamentary committee whether she had been instructed to support Brian Molefe’s reappointment by the
board.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The tripartite alliance, on which
the ANC rests its broad-based legitimacy (i.e. with the South African Communist
Party and the Council for South African Trade Unions) is in tatters. Both
alliance partners of the ANC have called for President Zuma to step down, and
COSATU has gone as far as to pronounce that President Zuma will not be welcome
to address COSATU gatherings. Last month he was booed off stage at a COSATU
event, which had to be cancelled because of the anger that the crowd directed
at him. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Last week the South African
Council of Churches – perhaps the most reputable non-partisan body, which
played a key role in mobilising mass action against the Apartheid state –
announced that it was ready to question the moral legitimacy of the state. In
an event that ran almost three hours, where they detailed SACC had learnt from
its Unburdening Panel, which sought to provide a safe, confessional space for
those who had been compromised by corrupt activities in government and the
state. It was clear to the SACC that the South African state was under its most
extreme threat that it has ever been under democratic rule. Possessing the the most
formidable, politically neutral force for public action in South Africa, the
SACC’s entry into the fray over the collapse of the ruling party speaks volumes
for the desperate crisis that the ANC has plunged the country into.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Government and the legislature
have become all but dysfunctional, sabotaging itself and pulling in different
directions, seemingly over every decision it needs to take. The only unity
currently exists between opposition parties, who have joined hands in an all
out effort to counter what has broadly become known as “state capture”.
Government is in paralysis, and this is a direct consequence of the paralysis
within the ANC itself, which finds it difficult to break ranks with its elected
ruler, his leadership and the “power elite” that they act in concert with to
execute their programme of state capture. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Opposition from within the ANC to
the Zuma leadership (and by extension his network) has mounted, but it remains
to be seen how effective it will prove to be in bringing about his removal. It
is a sad sight to behold; a once vaunted liberation party – one that brokered
the most significant political transition and humanitarian constitution – now
lies defeated by its own hand. It is foreseeable that in the absence of any
significant ability to self-correct, the ANC will not remain in power after the
2019 elections. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With regular crises in service
delivery (from water to electricity, healthcare, education, social grants,
housing), debilitating crises that have arrested heavily indebted (i.e.
effectively bankrupt) state owned entities and companies (SOEs/SOCs) such as
Eskom, SAA, Transnet, SABC, etc. and the mounting unemployment, inequality,
poverty, rising prices of services and goods, and an slow-growing economy that
has been declared junk status deterring foreign investment; it is clear that
the ordinary citizenry are running out of options to meet their day-to-day
needs. Their leaders seem incapable of taking the actions that are necessary to
safeguard the public interest and the public good. The broad perception is that
it is no longer the ANC itself who is in control of decision-making, but a
behind-the-scenes patronage network that has gathered around the leadership of
President Jacob Zuma.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It remains to be seen whether the
tipping point will prove to be a turning point for South Africa in real terms,
that is; whether the President and his leadership will be recalled by the ANC
or forced out of office by broad-based public protest. But what is clear is
that there is now tacit agreement from all sectors of society, as well as the
entirety of political leadership in the country – perhaps even within the Zuma
network itself – that the country cannot possibly endure under this kind of
leadership and enjoy a prosperous future that is characterised by transparent
and ethical governance. More of the same is bound to erode the South African
state to such a degree that it no longer functions as a capable bureaucracy,
and to split and polarise the political and social realms to such an extent
that society itself becomes dysfunctional. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The phrase, “the fish rots from
the head” has come to characterise the plight of current day South Africa.
There is no skirting around the fact that the loss of legitimacy of the ANC
government has plunged South <span style="text-transform: uppercase;">A</span>frica
into its largest crisis since the decline of the Apartheid state in the 1980’s.
This crisis is multidimensional. It is simultaneously a crisis that is constitutional,
governmental, economic, social and political; one that threatens to bring
about a perfect storm. South Africa has stood on the edge of the precipice before,
and has managed to marshal its considerable socio-political resources to convert
tragedy and adversity into emancipatory transition and reformation. There is little
doubt that it is time for South Africa, as a country, to gather its strength and
take back the reins of power from those who have abused it, and do the hard work
of restoring its national sanctity again. <span style="text-transform: uppercase;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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ThoughtFactoryhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00746567274947807445noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7845175448489786271.post-52845301131551797442017-05-12T12:09:00.000+02:002017-05-12T21:32:23.145+02:00Radical Economic Transformation: Bureaucratic Hurdles to an Innovative State<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is well-established that from
the perspective of black professionals and entrepreneurs transformation in the
private sector has <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/general/118218/too-many-white-senior-managers-in-south-africa-deputy-minister/">failed</a>; that with a few exceptions it was met – not only by
direct resistance – but by various forms of sabotage and subterfuge. From the
very onset of the new democracy affirmative action and black employment equity
was met with paranoia and dissent from white South African society and opposition politicians such as <a href="http://www.politicsweb.co.za/party/this-bill-is-a-pernicious-piece-of-social-engineer">Tony Leon</a>. My generation directly experienced the fronting,
tokenism, use-and-discard, obstruct and marginalise, ‘make-examples-of’ style
of obstructionism that white middle and upper management employed to ensure
that transformation – as a project – was doomed to failure in the spaces that
were under their control.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The central message was that transformation
was only acceptable if it occurred on their terms. This has bred profound
levels of resentment and disenchantment amongst black professionals in
particular over the past 22 years. So the support for a radical transformation
agenda is understandable. The central theme running through it, however – which
many white South Africans have not grasped as yet – is that what makes this
agenda radical is that it represents a profound change of direction i.e. a
complete decoupling from the white-run private sector. It is radical because it
seeks to disengage entirely and “go it alone” so to speak. The ultimate aim of
going it alone is to mount an attack on the white run private sector from a black
business base that is capitalised by the state (i.e. through procurement
funding from the state and state-owned-enterprises).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The conversations occurring
between black professionals and entrepreneurs now is about setting their own agenda, strategy and
rules, and moving ahead without the white-run private sector entirely. Attempts
to recast radical economic transformation as empty, populist sloganeering are
hence deeply misplaced, and proof of this is that for the first time black
professionals are not even bothering to explain themselves or attempting to
correct the misconceptions that white society may harbour over the new agenda.
The way they see it, the time for ‘asking for permission’ has long passed, and
no explanations are necessary. This train is leaving town, and fast.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And while it is difficult to find
a black South African who would not agree that some form of radical economic
transformation is necessary, it is a greater truth that this is essentially a
battle being launched by the professional class. It is they who are fed up with
existing elites – both the black comprador class who benefited from the
transition as well as white run business – and have the power to effect change.
The political ‘beauty’ in this agenda, however, is that it finds easy appeal amongst the black majority – who have endured the worst effects of unemployment,
inequality and poverty in the new dispensation – and advances the interests of
the black professional and political class at the same time.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not to suggest that there
aren’t real thinkers, activists, academics and political leaders formulating
sincere ideas for broader societal change through this agenda [1], but merely to
make an analysis of how the popular discourse around this agenda is emerging.
It is self-evident that the current moment is ripe for it, but it would be
folly to think of this as just simply an opportunistic moment. It has incubated slowly
over the past 22 years and has matured beyond the point of return. Even if
President Jacob Zuma and his entire patronage network are systematically
removed from their positions of power within and outside of the state, the
sentiment and desire for radical economic transformation is now well seeded and
will continue to grow. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet the fundamental narrative
that underlies radical economic transformation – as espoused by the new
Minister of Finance Malusi Gigaba – warrants closer scrutiny. This narrative
poses that the <a href="http://www.gov.za/SPEECHES/MINISTER-PRAVIN-GORDHAN-2017-BUDGET-SPEECH-22-FEB-2017-0000">R500bn</a> annual budget for procurement can and should be leveraged
to support black business and entrepreneurs, so as to fast-track the growth of
black ownership and participation of the broader economy. Central to this plan
is the vision of creating 100 black industrialists, who it is hoped, will
essentially yield trickle down effects to the larger black populace through
employment, support for small to medium scale black business and entrepreneurs,
and the participation of black business in the productive economy where goods
are produced, services rendered and value chains created (as opposed to the
comprador classes’ participation in the financial economy i.e. owning shares
and stakes in white run business and sharing in white capital).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So the key question regarding
what is radical about this agenda – as I have argued in a <a href="http://thoughtfactory-cam.blogspot.co.za/2017/05/radical-economic-transformation.html?m=1">previous piece</a> – is
simply, why this neoliberal response to the transformation challenge? Relying
on outsourced functions of the state and state owned business to catalyse black
business, that is; using state procurement funds as a ‘stimulus package’ for
BEE, essentially plays within the rules of neoliberal economics. It does not
challenge it in any substantive way; it just challenges white run and owned
business on the same terms that many would argue has led to the deep
inequality, widespread unemployment and poverty that the radical economic
transformation agenda purports to challenge. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Indeed, when the president stated
that radical economic transformation means that “nobody will go hungry”, many
would have assumed that he was referring to a state led response to the
troubles affect the black working class and poor. They would not have
immediately assumed that he was referring to another trickle down economic
strategy as a solution for poverty and unemployment. Indeed, he expounded on
the definition as meaning, “fundamental change in the structure, systems
institutions and patterns of ownership, management and control of the economy”.
Yet, if one looks at who has championed this cause most vociferously and
faithfully, it has been the Economic Freedom Fighters party, who challenge the
status quo not just on matters of ownership, but on the structural basis of the
economy and society’s institutions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While it is true that
left-oriented proposals for nationalising the banks and mines have been put
forward in the debate – even by the Minister of Finance’s advisor Professor
Chris Malikane, amongst others on the left – the reality is that the minister
has decisively announced that it is not ANC policy to pursue this route. </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If we observe that the National Empowerment Fund and the IDC have been </span><a href="http://www.sanews.gov.za/features-south-africa/radical-economic-transformation-beyond-sloganeering" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">merged to support the programme to develop black industrialists</a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, alongside the efforts to
establish a state-owned bank in Kwazulu-Natal, and combine this with repeated
and concerted efforts to establish control over the National Treasury, it is
clear that the programme for radical economic transformation primarily targets
the black professional and entrepreneurial class; a class that is intimately
tied up with the black political class.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So what we are in fact being sold
is radical economic transformation ‘lite’, one which plays within the
establishment rules to mount an offensive on the establishment itself (what
left commentator Jeff Rudin terms “<a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2017-04-25-zumas-plan-for-radical-economic-transformation-is-just-bee-on-steriods">BEE on steroids</a>”). The question is, why this
middle of the road response?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The answer, in part, is that
resistance to change in South Africa lies not only within the private sector,
but also within the bureaucracies of the state itself. It is true that <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/114026/government-vs-private-sector-salaries-in-south-africa/">the state is well transformed</a> along gender (52% women) and racial lines (77% black
African), and is constituted of a high proportion of highly educated
professionals. Yet to look only at these figures is to overlook the essential
nature of the South African state bureaucracy. As a bureaucracy the state has
not been able to unlock itself from its history as a colonial and Apartheid
apparatus. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Despite the very many
restructurings and changes the state bureaucracy has endured over the past 22
years it proceeds with the same set of logics regarding how its functions,
controls and processes are constituted and exercised. So, in my view, the
central question that should be posed at this juncture is; what prevents the
bureaucracy from remaking this new ‘radical’ agenda in their own image?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In order to understand a
bureaucracy, it is critical to look to its initial conditions, as it reveals
how its history informs the memory it carries with it. Bureaucracies are not
clean slates, they have histories and these are important. When the bureaucracy
is designed for a set of purposes, all of which are focused on maintaining the
status quo at the very least, and allowing for incremental changes at the
worst, then what are the chances that a radical agenda will successfully be
implemented by it?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the case of South Africa,
leadership mirrors the Fanonian analysis of nationalist leaderships’ in Africa,
in that while their rhetoric is radical their actions are relatively timid,
even mundane in their reproduction of the status quo. Indeed, the economic
policies of post-Apartheid South Africa were designed to fit in well with the
global Western neoliberal economy and its key institutions (e.g. the IMF and
World Bank), and has changed very little from that trajectory over the past 20
years. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moreover, within the bureaucracy
– i.e. from functionaries to middle managers to leaders – the bureaucracy of
the liberated post-colony shares an unmistakeable reticence to embark upon new
trajectories, precisely because they necessitate deviating from the norm. And
this norm brings comfort to the urban middle and lower classes, as well as the
urban proletariats. This unfolds while the rural proletariat – and religious
and social conservatives – experience the rapid disintegration of their
traditional way of life and commensurate value systems.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So a radical change is underway,
but it is a different process, one of urban modernity – mislabelled in a
reductionist manner – as ‘liberalism’. The reason it is not plain liberalism is
that it is a product of spatial, demographic, class and identity changes that
are intimately linked with the processes of modernity and urbanisation. The
only true radicals that emerge in this context are so extremist in their
bearings, arguments and convictions that they strike the fear of God into all
reasonable people, who in turn shrink from them and tighten their reigns on
whatever small realm of control they possess. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This facilitates the middle class
‘stop the rot’ motivation to block all change, and the office bearers and
job-holders within the bureaucracies adopt reactionary positions that steadily
erode and outpace attempts to introduce anything radical to the functions,
controls and processes they oversee. In turn, leaders respond with
authoritarianism and autocratic leadership, and attempt to force through
programmes of action, which is then scuppered at different levels within
organisations. It appears as though incompetence is the reason for the failure
of these new programmes, but that does not tally well with the fact that the
public service is generally highly skilled and educated. Something else is
occurring; tacit resistance has taken hold. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Here, the bureaucrats draw on
their knowledge of process, ‘best practise’ and institutional memory to weigh
down radical agendas. The memory of bureaucracy, which is so deeply conditioned
within its structures and processes, acts against change, or at least slows it
down. The tacit values, beliefs and norms that underlie the functions, controls
and processes of bureaucracy, continue to inform practise despite what new
policies are put in place. In other words, the bureaucracy is resilient; it resists
change, and vary rarely transforms wholly except under extreme pressure or on
its own terms. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In cynical terms, the South
African state bureaucracy hosts an organisational culture of rules and
procedures that is strictly enforced when it is least necessary, yet is
loosened when it is most important. That is, it is inflexible when flexibility
is necessary and vice versa, and this can facilitate rent-extraction
strategies. In the long term this can also facilitate parallel state activities
that emerge in response to the restrictions of bureaucracies. The essential
point I am making here is that it is not simply constitutionalists versus the
proponents of radical change; there is a deeper, underlying constraint on
change in the South African state, its bureaucracies.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So in order to adopt a truly
radical trajectory, one that seeks to challenge the global and local economic
status quo, the key questions that need to be asked need to revolve around what
constitutes an innovative state, and what kind of bureaucracy is necessary to
facilitate that? That is, a state that can create space for flexibility and
adaptive capacity in how it goes about pursuing change. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A senior, renowned colleague of
mine at the CSIR in the 2000's used to say, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“You know, the CSIR is great at
developing solutions. Then they throw them over the wall and hope they hit a
passing problem.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This statement goes to the heart
of the matter. State bureaucracies can do innovation for innovation’s sake, and
do it exceptionally well, but they often fail to adequately or competently
harness these innovations to create broader impact and change in society at
large. This same colleague of mine hence advised me that the only way to go
about innovation in the CSIR was essentially to bend the rules and act as a
“maverick” would (his words).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This has relevance for the new
agenda for radical economic transformation, as its response to the challenges
of bureaucracy in South Africa has also been to bend the rules, even violating
them outright where necessary (as they see it). Moreover, in response to the
bureaucratic resistance they face they have responded by proposing a strategy
that responds with the privatisation of key functions and services of the
state. Simply put, the process of privatisation become central to the
transformation agenda because it takes those functions and services outside of
the realm of control of the bureaucratic state to a large extent (i.e. the
state becomes a mere collection of executive managers of outsourced functions). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yet there are many dangers that
accompany this kind of approach. It has the potential to erode state capacity
instead of transforming it substantively and enabling it to act in innovative
ways in support of a radical agenda. This can fast become a self-reinforcing
effect, leading to a situation where the state is overly dependent on private
sector actors to fulfil its societal mandates. If these private sector actors
grow into sizable monopolies and can exert significant power upon the state in
turn, the state can essentially be held ransom by the private sector even more
than it already is. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Neoliberal capitalism, whether
practised by black capitalists or white capitalists, tends to follow the same
trajectory; it steadily erodes the capacity of the state under the guise of
improved efficiency and lower cost when in reality it inflates cost, drops
safety standards and pursues profit as a its central driving principle. One
only has to look to failures in privatised education, healthcare,
transportation and the like in the USA, for example, to understand the dangers
of such an approach. It is not a radical agenda that ensures that ‘nobody goes
hungry’; in reality it will likely have the reverse effect.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So the question of what is
required for radical economic transformation in South Africa requires closer
scrutiny of the structural constraints within society’s institutions, and
central to that question is the nature of state bureaucracies that the
democratic dispensation inherited from the Apartheid and colonial states. These
state bureaucracies were originally premised on an agenda to facilitate
extraction of resources of the country so that they can be administered amongst
a small minority. These bureaucracies enforced and upheld racial capitalist
exploitation and political oppression of the majority in service of that same
minority. They are, by their vary original nature, designed to resist changes that
seek to effect a redistributive agenda, except on terms that they dictate, and
at a pace of change that they feel comfortable with. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Simply overcoming this by moving
functions of the state outside of it, and conducting parallel state activities
within patronage networks is not the answer to South Africa’s pressing
developmental challenges. The answer lies in embarking upon a truly radical
transformation of the institutions of society and the state as a whole, so that
a new footing can be established from which to move forward, one that
significantly breaks with the colonial and Apartheid traditions, and not one
that replicates it. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In that spirit, I will leave the reader a quote to ponder on, from a writer and journalist who has personally witnessed over twenty odd revolutions firsthand: </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>"In every revolution, a movement grapples with a structure. The </i></span><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">movement attacks the structure, trying to destroy it, while the </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">structure defends itself and tries to extinguish the movement. The </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">two forces, equally powerful, have different properties. The </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">properties of a movement are spontaneity, impulsiveness, dynamic </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">expansiveness—and a short life. The properties of a structure are </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">inertia, resilience, and an amazing, almost instinctive ability to </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">survive. A structure is rather easy to create, and incomparably more </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">difficult to destroy. It can long outlast all the reasons that justified </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">its establishment. Many weak or even fictitious states have been </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">called into being. But states, after all, are structures and none of </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">them will be crossed off the map. There exists a sort of world of </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">structures, all holding one another up. Threaten one and the others, </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">its kindred, rush to its assistance. The elasticity that helps it to </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">survive is another trait of structure. Backed into a corner, under </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">pressure, it can suck in its belly, contract, and wait for the moment </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">when it can start expanding again. Interestingly, such renewed </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">expansion always takes place exactly where there had been a </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">contraction. Structures tend toward a return to the status quo, </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">which they regard as the best of states, the ideal. This trait belies the </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">inertia of structure. The structure is capable of reacting only </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">according to the first program fed into it. Enter a new program—</i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">nothing happens, it doesn’t react. It will wait for the previous </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">program. A structure can also act like a roly-poly toy: Just when it </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">seems to have been knocked over, it pops back up. A movement </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">unaware of this property of the structure will wrestle with it for a </i><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">long time, then grow weak, and in the end suffer defeat."</i><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">—Kapuscinksi (Shah of Shahs, 1982)</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">*** Note that this piece is a product of the thought processes I have been undergoing while writing my next book, which critiques the role of bureaucracies in post-colonial African democracies, as well as in large aid, development and donor organisations that operate on the continent.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] For a range of sincere, thoughtful contributions to the debate on radical economic transformation please see the following links:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">a) </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">http://firstthing.dailymaverick.co.za/article?id=88602#.WRWGAdqGNdg</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">b) </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2017-04-26-on-the-side-of-the-angels-or-the-predators-big-business-and-its-role-in-the-current-crisis-part-two/#.WRWGR9p95dg </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">c) https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2017-04-13-radical-economic-transformation-padlock-to-poverty-or-key-to-prosperity/#.WRWHg9p95dg </span></div>
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