tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19864546164693403922024-03-14T06:33:19.787+00:00The Crimson ObserverMyles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.comBlogger370125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-73703947326965517852012-11-07T15:27:00.001+00:002012-11-07T15:27:26.537+00:00Gilmore shakes his clenched iron fist at corrupt Uganda<p>Having ostracized the Vatican from his diplomatic wigwam Tánaiste <strong>Eamon Gilmore</strong> has now shaken his iron fist at Uganda and given its prime minister a flavour for <em><strong>‘Labour’s way or Frankfurt’s way’</strong></em></p> <p>The brazen and barefaced misappropriation of <strong>€4 million</strong> by the Nomenklatura of Uganda of money donated by struggling and compassionate Irish taxpayers should serve as <strong>a sharp wake-up call</strong> to our own authorities and lead to a radical and fundamental policy change with respect to <strong>Irish Aid.</strong></p> <p>We have been informed by the Tánaiste that this money is to be repaid. The Prime Minister of Uganda has told the Irish public that he is not implicated in its misappropriation. But there are no instances, anywhere on the globe, of endemic corruption prevailing among public officials who are not aided, succoured, protected and abetted by politicians, as various costly tribunals in this country and the media reports about Uganda over many years have so clearly illustrated. It is also noteworthy that it was not the Irish authorities who uncovered this misappropriation and this begs the critical question of how much more of the €600 million+ spent on Irish Aid reaches unauthorised banks accounts in disreputable and decrepit jurisdictions.</p> <p>Officials attached to the office of Uganda’s <strong>President Museveni</strong> were accused last year of accepting millions of dollars in <strong>bribes</strong>. The Ugandan Parliament met in emergency session and demanded that the Uganda’s prime minister, foreign minister and internal affairs minister recuse themselves from office while the parliament investigated allegations that millions of dollars in bribes were paid by an oil company. Sam Kutesa, the foreign minister, who was involved in a separate scandal involving the use of public money to renovate a hotel, resigned in October 2011.</p> <p>The Ugandan Government was also accused of losing an estimated <strong>€115 million</strong> in 2007 from various scams during the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting. The former Ugandan vice president resigned after being accused of being a beneficiary to the tune of €3 million to provide luxury cars used to transport visiting dignitaries.</p> <p>As recently as last August <strong>Transparency International</strong> cited Uganda as registering the highest incidence of bribery cases in East Africa and fingered the Ugandan police and the Ugandan judiciary as being the most corrupt institutions in that country.</p> <p>Against this appalling and indefensible background the Tánaiste is telling us that he is asking his Department to examine <strong>how Ireland could assist the Ugandan Government</strong> to recover misappropriated funds through processes similar to those employed by our Criminal Assets Bureau. This tongue-in-cheek exercise in solicitous introspection is to take place at a time when Ireland has had to face the implications of €500 million of assets being unlawfully and wilfully dissipated by the Quinn family by recruiting a Russian entity, unfamiliar to most Irish taxpayers, to untangle that opaque cobweb arrangement with the inducement of an upfront payment of <strong>€31 million</strong>  with no strings attached and <strong>20%</strong> of the proceeds of what is eventually retrieved by the State from this dreadful illicit debacle.</p> <p>Uganda is set to become the beneficiary of revenue derived from the recent discovery of large oil reserves, estimated to have the potential to deliver at least <strong>2.5 billion barrels</strong> that will yield tax revenue of over <strong>€1.5 billion per year</strong>. The Ugandan Government has been fit to <strong>spend over €570 million on military aircraft</strong> to protect this asset. It is time for Irish Aid to cut the umbilical cord of easy Irish cash.  The limited resources of the Criminal Assets Bureau need to be fully and forensically and rigorously employed in this country hunting rogue bankers and other delinquent renegades and not used teach the Ugandan Government how to discover the road to virtue, especially in the light of our curtailed resources and the fact that not a single recruit has been enrolled in <strong>An Garda Siochána</strong> in four years.</p> <p>The compassion of the Irish people must not be exploited by either vested interests, do-gooders or corrupt manipulators, nor should aid programmes be of indeterminate character. A root and branch reform of the Irish Aid programme is urgently required combined with an immediate severe pruning of its budget.</p> <p>Should tax relief could be granted to those who wish to donate to corrupt countries in a personal capacity?  The era of saddling society as a whole with an outrageous burden of <strong>unaffordable generosity</strong> that fosters a culture of infinite chronic dependency must <strong>end</strong> now. </p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-28483667285013641132012-11-06T11:33:00.001+00:002012-11-06T11:33:20.068+00:00First anniversary of Michael D Higgin’s lacklustre, unfocused presidency marked today<p>According to the editorial writer in <strong>The Irish Times </strong>on 5 November<strong>,</strong> 71-year old  <strong>President Michael D Higgins ‘</strong><em><strong>has performed assertively and well’</strong> </em>during his first year as President of Ireland. Does this mean he is <strong>convincing, credible and effective</strong>?  </p> <p>When the wreath laying, headstone tapping and fraternal greetings to the widows’ of long-deceased fallen idols are segregated from the activity of his first year in office, what remains that defines his presidency?  </p> <p>He has been a critic of the EU’s failure to balance austerity with growth and job creation, but <strong>what interventions has he made directly</strong> to counter this and to stimulate employment other than offer idle chatter?  Who is he <strong>connected to</strong> that is strategically relevant to enhancing the prosperity of Ireland?  Who accepts his phone calls?</p> <p>His speeches tend to be long and weary <strong>commentaries</strong> about abstract concepts of general concern over which he has limited or no, capacity to influence.  Any one of the sloppy and slovenly <strong>Independent TDs</strong> in Dáil Éireann could embrace a similar platform of self-righteousness  but Higgins is Head of State, not a local, scruffy ward heeler.  How, <strong>creatively</strong> and <strong>dynamically</strong> is he using the resources of the presidency?</p> <p>The Irish Times interview with President Higgins <i>(A Year in the Áras, 3 November)</i> conveys an impression of a one-dimensional presidency on a <strong>perpetual campaigning carousel</strong>, engaging only in a zealous, but somewhat ambiguous, quest for a philosophy that might produce a purer form of virtue and an ethical culture that is more robust. The theme of this endeavour is to be adapted in 2013 from the attribution in 2012 that unregulated markets caused <em><strong>‘a post ethical, or unethical existence’</strong></em> to wider reflection and deliberation on what is described as <em><strong>‘the crisis in ethics and the crisis among intellectuals’.</strong></em>  What impact will that have on the stature and wellbeing of Ireland other than being fire side conversation over a stale pint of Guinness?</p> <p>But as far as the public is concerned <strong>the presidential election campaign is over</strong>, having resulted in President Higgins achieving the highest-ever number of first preference votes in the seven contested presidential elections. Public focus is now on what the President is actually <strong>delivering</strong>. It is regrettable, therefore, that President Higgins did not avail of this interview opportunity to describe the <strong>impact, effectiveness and strategic accomplishments</strong> of the first year of his presidency.</p> <p>The long-term unemployment rate is <strong>8.8%</strong> and <strong>29%</strong> of those in the 20-24 year age group are unemployed. But nowhere in this interview does the President refer to his attitude towards investor sentiment, profit, employment creation, opportunity, innovation, incentive or risk mitigation all of which are critical catalysts to relieve the debilitating and tragic catastrophe haunting Irish society. Why should President Higgins seem to be so detached and <strong>aloof from the benchmarks of economic vitality </strong>and the complexity of investment decision making, or is he taking the achievement of a dynamic investment flow from sectors that are rigorously regulated and closely scrutinised too much for granted?</p> <p>The interview describes the thousands of encounters the President has had this year and the journeys he has taken. But it does not elaborate as to what proportion of these interventions have had a significant or <strong>influential impact</strong>, or which are a reflection of the eminent <strong>stature</strong> and the privileged global <strong>access</strong> the unique prestige of his office confers.</p> <p>The President is preparing a speech for delivery in the New Year intended to truthfully represent the history of <strong>The 1913 Lockout</strong> to ensure that the efforts of workers of that era, struggling to achieve even the most minimal power to protect themselves, is accurately portrayed by him.</p> <p>But what initiatives and interventions to <strong>promote investment</strong> and <strong>employment creation</strong> does he intend to take to ensure that the workers of 2013 and the hundreds of thousands deprived of work are afforded the <strong>opportunity</strong> to achieve a modest level of self-sufficiency and dignity to sustain themselves and protect the <strong>integrity</strong> of their families?</p> <p>President Higgins attributes the widespread failure of institutional leadership in Ireland to<strong> moral turpitude</strong>, prompting ‘a different search for a source of morality’ –as if morality was something one discovers in a Swedish furniture warehouse. He states that <em><strong>‘the President’s discretion is what defines the Presidency’, </strong></em>the essence of which is moral authority, but he also wants to extend the boundaries of the presidency.</p> <p>What specific, focused, targeted <strong>accomplishments</strong> would he like to describe at the conclusion of the second year of his presidential legacy in November 2013 that are shown to have had a compelling and enduring impact; are the product of the discretion and boundaries already available to him and are crafted by his irrepressible insight, passion, acumen and charm combined with the counsel, guidance, pragmatism and experience of his officials? </p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-8353783510101028652012-10-22T14:31:00.001+01:002012-10-22T14:31:42.699+01:00Ireland’s Children's Referendum is also a vote of confidence in the Health Services Executive<p>Changing the nation’s Constitution will be a futile exercise if the nation’s health services do no deliver enhanced child welfare services. Voter turnout on the day will speak volumes.</p> <p>Concern has been expressed that voter turnout at the referendum on 10<sup>th</sup> November to alter the rights of children <i>vis-à-vis</i> their parents will be low. Perhaps this concern is rooted in a conviction by voters that this initiative will promise much but deliver little, despite the escalating nature of the underlying problem of child abuse that the referendum is intended to deal with.</p> <p>Ireland eventually ratified the 1989 <strong>UN Convention on the Rights of the Child</strong> in September 1992 because the Government considered that people under 18 years of age need special care and protection that adults do not require. Ratification meant that the Government agreed to be held legally accountable for this commitment.</p> <p>The <strong>Child Care Act of 1991</strong> imposes an obligation on the HSE to promote the welfare of children who are not receiving adequate care and protection.</p> <p>But the definition of the corporate mission of the HSE is <i>‘<strong>to enable people to lead healthier and more fulfilled lives’.</strong></i> Neither the ratification of a United Nations convention, nor the statutory obligations of legislation that have been in place for 21 years to deal with the welfare and wellbeing of vulnerable and isolated children, has persuaded the HSE to reflect the special requirements of the child in its corporate mission statement in the way the Government would like the Constitution to. Yet, <strong>James Reilly</strong>, <strong>Minister for Health</strong> and the Secretary-General of his Department have direct control of the HSE in all material respects.</p> <p>During the decade to April 2010 a total of 196 children died who had been in the care, or after-care of the State, or were known to the HSE. The <strong>112 children who died from non-natural causes</strong> include 30 deaths that were drug related; 28 suicides and 16 deaths attributable to unlawful killing.</p> <p>While the interests of children merited a dedicated cabinet minister in the current government, it is also noteworthy that the mandate of the <strong>Joint Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children</strong> concerns proposed health policy, the future planning of health services and scrutinising the way healthcare is delivered. The focus of the Oireachtas sub-committee on Children and Youth Affairs is on future legislation and the review of spending estimates. There is no special priority by these Oireachtas committees on child welfare outcomes of those vulnerable children who are catapulted from the care of their own parents, however unsatisfactory that may be, into the care of the State.</p> <p>One need look no further that the recent report by the <strong>Inspector of Prisons</strong> into <strong>St Patrick’s Institution</strong> to glean an insight into the consequences of inhuman, delinquent and incompetent oversight of young people in the long-term care of the State that no constitutional referendum could ever put right.</p> <p>The population of children in Ireland aged 18 years and under, has increased by 8.8% from 2006 to 2011. But the population of children in the care of the State has increased by 15.4% to <strong>6,160</strong> in this period. The population of children under the age of 14 increased by 12.9% between 2006 and 2011, so the demand and necessity for State intervention is likely to increase further based on these demographic trends.</p> <p>The <strong>United States Congress</strong> considers a detailed report on child welfare outcomes every three years that is intended to inform the public and policy makers about the performance of the State in delivering child welfare services and the priorities that need to be set.</p> <p>If the Government are to convince voters to support this referendum they will need to demonstrate that that apparatus of State has the leadership, integrity, capacity, commitment and will to deliver better and more effective child welfare outcomes and that these outcomes be deliberated on in public by an Oireachtas committee so that the public are fully informed as to what is happening.</p> <p>The seriousness of the issue of child abuse is of the utmost gravity and the first step in the campaign of persuasion is for the Government to demonstrate clearly and convincingly that a change in the Constitution will be simultaneously accompanied by integrated, holistic, effective and well executed policies, not mere window dressing in the form only of a constitutional referendum that will otherwise offer few advantages to those most needing support, care and guidance.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-72253854312721445722012-09-17T15:45:00.001+01:002012-09-17T15:45:50.265+01:00Omnipotent editorial practices and lousy leadership dooms the Irish Daily Star<p><a href="http://lh3.ggpht.com/-25poj17yHVs/UFc3mMY_ocI/AAAAAAAADiY/mmjkHxC0yOk/s1600-h/star%25255B3%25255D.jpg"><img style="border-bottom: 0px; border-left: 0px; display: block; float: none; margin-left: auto; border-top: 0px; margin-right: auto; border-right: 0px" title="star" border="0" alt="star" src="http://lh6.ggpht.com/-am9R4tFQWY4/UFc3m91TVKI/AAAAAAAADig/Grxym5jvIeg/star_thumb%25255B1%25255D.jpg?imgmax=800" width="235" height="137" /></a> </p> <p>Last week the editor of the <strong>Irish Daily Star</strong> published an unwanted and intrusive  photograph of the <strong>Duchess of Cambridge</strong> taken while she was sunbathing topless on vacation and at a private venue.</p> <p>The editor of this newspaper described his decision as <strong><em>‘a service to the paper’s readers’.</em></strong>  The Irish Daly Star is owned in a joint venture company, <strong>Independent Star Limited</strong> controlled by <strong>Independent News & Media Plc</strong> and <strong>Northern & Shell.</strong></p> <p>The outraged Jewish chairman of Northern & Shell, <strong>Richard Clive Desmond</strong>  (aged 60), 57th richest man in Britain with a net worth of £590 million, has announced a decision to dismantle the joint venture underpinning the Irish Daily Star while the other partner describes the publication of the photograph as a <em><strong>‘poor editorial decision’.</strong></em></p> <p>If this was<strong> ‘a service to readers’</strong> that the Stars readers’ really wanted, desired and valued the consequences would be reflected in higher circulation figures for the issues concerned. If it was not a service to readers it was an exercise to feed the pocket of a mercenary parasite.</p> <p>But while daily newspaper circulation in Ireland has declined from 2006 to 2011 by <strong>14%</strong>, from an average of <strong>635,595</strong> newspapers per day in the first half of 2006 to <strong>536,025</strong> in the latter half of 2005, the reduction of circulation of the Irish Daily Star has been significantly <strong>more severe</strong>.</p> <p>An average of <strong>104,054</strong> copies of the Star sold each day in early 2006 according to statistics published by National Newspapers of Ireland but the corresponding figure for the latter half of 2011 was <strong>81,105</strong>, a decline of<font color="#ff0000"><strong> 22%</strong></font>, or a drop of almost <strong>23,000</strong> copies daily.</p> <p>Turnover has dropped from €43.1 million in 2006 to €40.6 million <font color="#ff0000"><strong>(-5.9%)</strong></font> in 2011 while profit on ordinary activities before taxation dropped from €5,841,787 to €4,293,102 <font color="#ff0000"><strong>(-26%)</strong></font> in the same period, a trend that would make Mr Desmond’s instincts edgy and uncertain, to say the least.  His wife apparently divorced him on grounds of <strong>‘unreasonable behaviour’</strong> but is he likely to make such a definitive statement about the future of the Irish Daily Star and back away from the consequences? Hardly, if a history of <em><strong>‘unreasonable behaviour’</strong></em> has been eliminated.</p> <p>How could the apparent omnipotent attitude of a newspaper editor who panders like a poodle to a voyeuristic predatory parasite with a camera really consider the publication of compromising photographs of a married woman to be ‘a service to readers’?</p> <p>What consequences could such arbitrary decision making have on the interests of advertisers?  What reputable corporation would want to compromise the image of their products through association with a media that is so detached from the social values of Irish people?</p> <p>Clearly waning circulation and growing disinterest in the Irish Daily Star by newspapers readers have taken their toll on the patience of at least one participant in the controlling joint venture.</p> <p>But if Chairman Desmond’s decision to cut and run is devoid of commercial rational and the standard of leadership of the Irish Daily Star is not risible millions of euro in new venture capital will emerge and a new source of income will arise for Irish professional service providers.  Advertisers will flock to the paper to promote their strategically important products and services.  Readers will return in their tens of thousands and Editor O’Kane’s judgement will have been vindicated.</p> <p>If it is not vindicated 80 people will be out of work as another Irish newspaper fails.</p> <p>Last week Editor O’Kane stated that <em>‘I can think of no reason not to publish them’</em> referring to the photographs, having presumably paid the parasite who snapped them.  </p> <p>Today it is reported that media controlled by <strong>Silvio Berlusconi</strong> (aged 76) is to publish similar photographs. He may regard this as another noteworthy milestone of his long life but perhaps the most important facet of his durable legacy will be feeding the appetite of a million starving maggots from his carcass after his demise, while a thousand hookers look elsewhere to make a living after he takes tenure in a chipboard coffin.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-45590126133002028212012-09-11T12:30:00.001+01:002012-09-11T12:30:44.158+01:00Should Hugh O’Flaherty use a media soapbox to engage in political advocacy?<p>Today’s edition of the <strong>Irish Independent</strong> features a front page banner proclaiming that <em><strong>‘Hugh O’Flaherty Joins the Independent’</strong></em>. O’Flaherty is a former justice of the Irish Supreme Court who resigned abruptly in 1999.</p> <p>It has not been customary for a former judge of any Irish court to climb onto a political soapbox after ceasing to be a judge, or even to revert to court advocacy. Has that not been the argument to justify paying them such absurdly high salaries and exceptionally generous retirement packages?</p> <p>The decision of Hugh O’Flaherty to peddle his political sound-bites through the Fourth Estate is extraordinary. He resigned abruptly from the Supreme Court because interventions he had made with respect to a the <strong>Philip Sheedy</strong> case were deemed by the Chief Justice to be possibly open to misinterpretation and could therefore potentially damage the administration of justice and the integrity of judicial process.</p> <p>Mr Sheedy, an architect,  was convicted following the death of <strong>Anne Ryan </strong>in a fatal road accident near Tallaght in 1996. He had been driving a recently acquired high-performance sports car while intoxicated.  He was convicted of causing death by dangerous driving in the Dublin Circuit Court presided over by <strong>Mr Justice Cyril Kelly</strong>.  <strong>Mr Justice Matthews</strong> had been asked by Kelly to preside over the sentencing of Sheedy who applied a four-year sentence with leave to apply for a review of the sentence after two years in October 1999.  </p> <p>Sheedy was initially jailed in Mountjoy Prison for the first six months and then moved to an open prison, Shelton Abbey.  While at the open prison he was visited by his friend <strong>Joe Burke</strong>, a former building contractor and Fianna Fáil county councillor and confidante of <strong>Bertie Ahern,</strong> who had loaned Ahern £3,500. Sheedy had been employed by Burke as an architectural adviser in <strong>J & H Burke Enterprises Limited.</strong></p> <p>Ahern approached Justice Minister <strong>John O’Donoghue</strong> to enquire in July 1998 if Sheedy could be granted day release from prison but this request was rejected.  </p> <p>O’Flaherty’s intervention occurred after me apparently casually met Sheedy’s sister in October 1998 and he invited the County Registrar to his Supreme Court chambers to have the Sheedy case relisted, as an application to have the review date vacated was granted by the sentencing judge on 6 November 1997.</p> <p>Following O’Flaherty’s intervention <strong>Mr Justice Kelly</strong> <em>(not the Jusge Matthews who sentenced Sheedy)</em>  reviewed Sheedy’s sentence on 12 November 1998  The remainder of the sentence <strong>was remitted</strong> but <strong>neither the Gardaí or the Director of Public Prosecutions were told about the review or that Sheedy had been released from jail.</strong></p> <p>The DPP <strong>challenged</strong> Kelly’s decision in February 1999 at which time Sheedy had voluntarily returned to prison. O’Donoghue asked the Chief Justice to <strong>investigate the case</strong> whose finding was that Kelly’s handling of the Sheedy case and O’Flaherty’s intervention compromised the administration of justice. Both Kelly and the County Registrar resigned their positions which at that time was that of High Court judge in the case of Kelly.</p> <p>Mr Flaherty seems to have abandoned his desire in 1999 for privacy but is the custom of former judges keeping their personal views private not better practice for the sake of judicial independence?</p> <p>If not, where is this process heading? Will judges next feature in television advertisements climbing out of kitchen cupboards on their hands and knees to flog the virtue of their journalistic scoops?</p> <p>The purpose of the Constitution is to define the nation and its boundaries values, one of the most cherished of which is the integrity and independence of the judiciary. That principle ought to have precedence over the ramblings of a former judge about political decisions if the entire judicial system is not to degenerate into a television soap opera based on three-minute sound bites by wannabe actors.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-77584008269283973222012-09-06T14:21:00.001+01:002012-09-06T14:21:35.697+01:00Dr Jerimiah Newman, Bishop of Limerick was ‘no pushover’<p>The <strong>Safeguarding Board</strong> of the Catholic Church in Ireland has published the findings of its second audit of safeguarding practices and policies.  A summary of the findings for the first and second tranche reveals:</p> <p> </p> <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="401"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="153"> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"><strong>First Tranche Review <br />(6 dioceses)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="91"><strong>Second Tranche Review <br />(4 dioceses)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="70"><strong>Three religious Authorities</strong> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="153"> <p align="right">Number of individuals subject to an allegation</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">85</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">89</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="70"> <p align="right">89</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="153"> <p align="right">Number of allegations received</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">164</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">335</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="70"> <p align="right">224</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="153"> <p align="right">Convictions related to these allegations</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">8</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">12</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="70"> <p align="right">6</p> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>The three religious authorities reported a higher incidence of abuse allegations than the dioceses and the reviews also found significant practice deficits, such as non-reporting or delayed reporting of allegations when these emerged.</p> <p>The <strong>Diocese of Limerick</strong> was one of those included in the Second Tranche.  The audit dealt with complaints received from 1975 to the present.  Since 1940 some 500 priests ministered in Limerick and 26 of these were the subject of complaints.</p> <p>The Bishop of Limerick from <strong>May 1974</strong> to <strong>April 1995</strong> was Limerick native, <strong> Dr Jerimiah Newman</strong> (31 March 1926-7 April 1995), former President of St Patrick’s seminary Maynooth.  His 21-year tenure compares with that of his predecessors – David Keane (1923-1945) – 32 years, Patrick O’Neill (1945-1958) – 13 years and Henry Murphy (1958-1974) – 16 years.</p> <p>The report found that reporting practice was very poor and even potentially dangerous.  There was documentary evidence that Newman, while apparently having knowledge of a priest’s  abusive behaviour in England, allowed him to minister in Limerick where he abused again.</p> <p>The Diocese of Limerick heritage web site contains a biography of Newman which reads</p> <p><em>‘<strong>Dr Newman was by nature a student of philosophy, specialising in social philosophy and with particular emphasis on Church/State relations.  His research, lectures and many publications earned him international renown.  He as gifted with a clear, sharp logical mind allied with great mental powers of retention and recall and had a tremendous capacity for work.  He was a man who had the courage of his convictions and was outspoken on many of the social and political issues of the day .  It was not easy to score debating points against him.  Loyalty to the teaching of the Church and to the Holy See was a top priority for him.  As Bishop of Limerick, his presence and influence were felt, not only in Limerick, but nationally.  His statements on matters of Church and State made the headlines and got widespread attention.</strong></em></p> <p><em><strong>Though he was kind and considerate in dealing with his priests, he was never what one might call ‘a pushover’.  His priests respected him for the way he treated them and for the confidence and trust he put in them.  He had a pleasant sense of humour, was quick witted and a good conversationalist.  These qualities enabled him to relate well with people.  He showed the common touch, as could be witnessed by the ease with which he mingled among young and old.  He was indeed much loved and appreciated.  He was concerned for the welfare of the people throughout County Limerick and displayed competent leadership on the relevant issues of the city and region.</strong></em></p> <p><em><strong>As President of Maynooth College he got an insight into University organisation which enabled him, as Bishop of Limerick to make a positive contribution.</strong></em></p> <p><em><strong>He left behind a well organised diocese where the faith of the people is very much alive and pastoral policy in its many and varied aspects is clearly outlined.</strong></em></p> <p><em><strong>In any list of great Bishops of Limerick, the name of Dr Jerimiah Newman would have to be among the first’</strong></em></p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-527873966193445942012-09-02T12:31:00.001+01:002012-09-02T12:31:12.760+01:00Where now with the abortion issue in Ireland?<p>Abortion has been illegal in Ireland under the <strong>Offences Against the Person Act 1861.</strong></p> <p>The <strong>8th Amendment</strong> to the Constitution in October 1983 introduced for the first time a constitutional ban on abortion by inserting Article <strong>40.3.3:</strong></p> <p><em>‘<strong>The State acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect and, as far as is practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right’.</strong></em></p> <p>The <strong>8th Amendment</strong> was passed by a margin of 66.9% to 33.1% based on 1,265,994 votes and a voter turnout of 53.67%.</p> <p>provides The <strong>14th amendment</strong> to the Irish Constitution in 1992 specified that the constitutional ban would not prohibit the right to distribute information, subject to restriction as maybe prescribed by law, about abortion services in other countries. The 14th Amendment was passed by a margin of 59.8% to 40.2% based on 1,732,433 and a voter turnout of 68.1%.</p> <p>The Report of the <strong>Expert Group</strong> established by the Minister for Health following the judgement of the Grand Chamber of the <strong>European Court of Human Rights</strong> is anticipated shortly.</p> <p>This case involved three applicants A, B, and C, each of whom had a crisis pregnancy and their claim against Ireland was that there had been violations of Articles 2,3,8,13 and 14 of the <strong>European Convention on Human Rights.</strong></p> <p>The Grand Chamber determined that there had been a violation of Article 8 in respect of one applicant, C. <strong>Article 8 states</strong> that:</p> <ol> <li><em>Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence. <br /></em></li> <li><em>There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. </em></li> </ol> <p>The Expert Group, under the leadership of <strong>Mr Justice Seán Ryan</strong>, has been mandated to <strong>examine this judgement</strong> and the <strong>implications</strong> of it on the provision of healthcare services to pregnant women in Ireland. They are also asked to <strong>recommend</strong> a series of <strong>options</strong> on how to <strong>implement the judgement taking into account the constitutional, legal, medical and ethical considerations involved in the formulation of public policy.</strong></p> <p>During the decade between 2002 and 2011 a total of <strong>51,945 women, resident in the Republic of Ireland,</strong> had an abortion in England and Wales, of whom <strong>415</strong> were under the age 16 years and <strong>5,922</strong> were between the ages of 17 and 19. The corresponding total figure for Northern Ireland was <strong>12,195</strong> pregnancies terminated.</p> <p>A total of <strong>1.96 million</strong> abortions were conducted in England and Wales from 2002 to 2011 and 81% of these abortions were carried out for single women, a proportion that has risen from 76% since 2001. Some 20,299 of these abortions were carried out because there was a congenital malformation of the foetus under <strong>Statutory Ground E. </strong>These included <strong>deficiencies in the nervous system</strong> and <strong>chromosomal abnormalities</strong> as well as issues connected to maternal factors, congenital infectious disease and other disorders.</p> <p>An abortion is a pregnancy lost in the first trimester, or 14 weeks, of pregnancy. The term, however, is applied to the termination of pregnancy by other means. A miscarriage occurs when a pregnancy is lost between 14 and 28 weeks which has traditionally been the point of independent viability although viability has been established as early as 24 weeks. A foetal heartbeat is evident from approximately 20 weeks gestation and a foetus can be independently viable from 24-28 weeks.</p> <p>British abortion legislation does not apply to Northern Ireland and practice there varies from that in Great Britain. About 30 pregnancies are terminated each year in Northern Ireland on grounds that the foetus is abnormal.</p> <p>The European Convention of Human Rights is of considerable significance for any discussion of the law relating to abortion for two reasons. Firstly the <strong>European Court of Human Rights</strong> can express an <strong>opinion</strong> as to whether there has been a <strong>violation</strong> of the Convention is a complaint is brought by an applicant. Secondly, the Convention has a <strong>special status in EU law</strong>. The 1992 Treaty of the European Union (Maastricht) provides that the EU shall respect fundamental rights <i>(inter alia)</i> as guaranteed by the Convention as general principles of EU law.</p> <p>But Protocol 17 to the Treaty of the European Union states that:</p> <p><em><strong>Nothing in the Treaty on European Union, or in the Treaties establishing the European Communities, or in the Treaties or Acts modifying or supplementing those Treaties, shall affect the application in Ireland of Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution of Ireland.</strong></em></p> <p>There has also been a steady reduction in the number of Irish residents seeking to terminate crisis pregnancies in Britain with the annual number <u>declining each year</u> from 6,522 in 2002 to 4,149 in 2011.</p> <p>Referendums in 1983 and 1992 have shown that it is extremely difficult to formulate referendum proposals on abortion. Ambiguities have been exposed in defining abortion and it is next to impossible to identify terms that convey certainty of meaning.</p> <p>The <strong>All Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution</strong> deliberated on this issue from 1997 to 2000.  A Green Paper on abortion was referred to the Government in 1999.Submissions were considered from a wide range of interests – civic, medical and religious.</p> <p>The Committee considered 7 scenarios:</p> <ol> <li>an absolute constitutional ban on abortion</li> <li>an amendment to the Constitution provision so as to restrict the application of the X Supreme Court case in 1992 concerning the threat of self-destruction can amount to a substantial risk to the life of the mother.</li> <li>the retention of the status quo</li> <li>the retention of the constitutional status quo with legislative restatement of the prohibition on abortion</li> <li>legislation to regulate abortion in circumstances defined by the 1992 X Case</li> <li>a reversion to the pre-1983 position</li> <li>permitting abortion on grounds beyond those specified in the X Case.</li> </ol> <p>The Committee agreed that a major problem facing Ireland is the large number of crisis pregnancies which resulted in recourse to abortion services elsewhere; that a decade ago there was an urgent need to reduce the number of crisis pregnancies and the importance of alternatives to abortion being available.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-75776806603485609392012-08-19T13:22:00.001+01:002012-08-19T13:22:39.181+01:00Aran and Connemara, August 2012<div style="padding-bottom: 0px; margin: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; display: inline; float: none; padding-top: 0px" id="scid:66721397-FF69-4ca6-AEC4-17E6B3208830:a5ee8756-d3d2-4b44-b632-b7c66686d45e" class="wlWriterEditableSmartContent"><table border=0 cellspacing=0 cellpadding=0 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Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-70121690183146072772012-07-31T14:44:00.001+01:002012-07-31T16:22:06.912+01:00The Quinns’, the GAA and politics<p>Back at what must seem like the dawn of time around 350 B.C. the Greek philosopher <strong>Aristotle,</strong> from the age of 28, developed an approach to philosophy based on observations of the natural world and his publication <i>On Rhetoric</i> had a major influence on public discourse to this day.</p> <p><strong>Aristotle</strong> identified three pillars of persuasion, <strong>ethos</strong>, <strong>pathos</strong> and <strong>logos</strong>. </p> <p><strong>Ethos</strong> refers to ethical appeal - the credibility of the speaker and the potential scope for identity with an audience; Concepts such as character, respect, identity, trustworthiness come into play.</p> <p><strong>Pathos,</strong> standing for suffering or experience<strong>,</strong>  refers to the emotional connection with an audience; the emotions and tone of a speaker conveys the essence of the message or what the topic evokes; the emotional chord struck within an audience stirred by, for example language, imagery, sympathy, empathy and appeals to the imagination. Pathos is the foundation for rapport when an audience identifies with the author or speaker’s perspective.</p> <p><strong>Logos</strong> concerns the logical, internal consistency or factual foundation of an argument; the logical appeal and whether it is coherent and makes sense; is it supported with data, facts or evidence. Each of these pillars can be deployed to underpin a dialogue.</p> <p>In summary ethos establishes credibility; pathos fosters the bond of a relationship through shared experiences, common outlook and mutual interests; while logos appeals to reason and logic.</p> <p>Last Sunday night, 29 July there was a street protest to support the <strong>Quinn</strong> family in <strong>Ballyconnell</strong> <strong>Co Cavan</strong> which attracted almost 4,000 participants with a platform headed by prominent GAA supporters and personalities. The following day the former President of the GAA, <strong>Seán Kelly</strong> now a <strong>Fine Gael MEP</strong> for Munster was interviewed on Radio Kerry and extended his support to the protestors, who displayed banners proclaiming ‘<em><strong>Anglo Steals a Business; Seán Quinn Gets Jail. Why?’, ‘Cowardly Kenny Supports Illegality’</strong></em> and <em><strong>‘Let the Quinn Case for to Brussels. There Is No Justice Here’</strong></em></p> <p>Are the prominent personalities of the GAA and most particularly Kelly, confusing ethos with pathos in their desire to demonstrate tribal loyalty to the Quinn family and hawking the reputation of the GAA and the State in the process?</p> <p>While this saga is undoubtedly painful for the family it is also a matter of phenomenal national significance to the economic wellbeing of each taxpayer in the country who is faced with the prospect of bearing a massive personal financial burden as a consequence of grossly dysfunctional investment decisions that are the subject of litigation.</p> <p>Kelly argues that his demonstration of <em><strong>‘moral support’</strong></em> from a GAA perspective is a case of showing support <em>‘<strong>for our own’</strong></em> and <em><strong>‘standing behind those in trouble is what the association is about’.</strong></em> That gesture amounts to attaching the ethos and credibility of the GAA to an issue which is before the courts of the State and which involves a massive conflict of interests with the electorate.</p> <p>This platform of support is based on pathos rather than ethos – an effort to trigger an emotional response from a bewildered community. But the price of this approach is for an officer of the State, a member of the Oireachtas, is to imply that the independence, authority and integrity of the judicial system, as enshrined in the Constitution, may not deserve public confidence.</p> <p>It surely cannot be possible for <strong>Seán Kelly</strong> to be partly loyal to the electorate of Munster as their MEP, partly loyal to the Constitution, party respectful of judicial due process and partly loyal to the Quinn family whose interests conflict with those that Kelly is supposed to represent in Europe.</p> <p>This is not an issue for the forked politician’s tongue, no matter how aggrieved the vested interests concerned may feel. Neither Mr Kelly, nor any elected politician, or political party has any right to bring the judicial process of the State into question. </p> <p>The reputation and stature of the GAA might be better preserved were its leading lights not to become a spontaneous cheerleader, stooge or pain-bearer at the head of public expressions of sympathy by neighbours and friends of a vested interest.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-2438616353881231702012-07-24T18:30:00.001+01:002012-07-24T18:40:07.995+01:00Should Seanad Éireann be mothballed?<p>The chattering classes have declared that <strong>Seanad Éireann</strong>, the <strong>Irish Senate</strong> is unfit for purpose but are divided as to whether its should be reformed or abolished.  Taoiseach <strong>Enda Kenny</strong> declared in 2009, 16 months before he succeeded to his current role that he proposed to save the State <strong>€150 million</strong> by abolishing the Senate; reducing the number of TDs by 20 to 146 and cutting the salaries of Taoiseach and ministers to achieve greater parity with other jurisdictions.  A decision to reduce the number of TDs by 8 has been taken, as has a decision to reduce the number of town councils from 75 to 50.</p> <p><strong>The Irish Times</strong>, in its editorial on 24 July, states that no compelling case has been made so far for abolition and that the issue should be considered by the <strong>Constitutional Convention</strong> which is due to convene in September. The Times maintains that ‘reform should be radical’ but that the Upper House should not compete with the<strong> Dáil</strong>.  Its role should be to ‘influence’ and provide ‘medium to longer term perspectives’.  It could, for example,  become a voice for Irish emigrants, provide gender balance and fair representation for third-level institutions, along with facilitating among its membership subject matter or sector experts. In other words, an institution that should be maintained <em><strong>but which requires an excuse to survive</strong></em>.</p> <p>The fundamental choice is whether Ireland should continue to have a bicameral parliamentary structure, like the 13 larger members of the <strong>European Union</strong> or a unicameral structure like the remaining 14 members (<em><strong>Bulgaria, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Portugal, Slovakia, Sweden)</strong></em> and countries of comparable size and scale, such as <strong>Norway, Israel</strong> and <strong>New Zealand</strong>.</p> <p>Federal state typically have two houses of parliament while unitary states have one, and this is also the case in certain regional administrations such as Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.  Where there is no second house to act as a revising chamber providing a second review of legislation other provisions are made.  <strong>Luxembourg</strong> maintains a Council of State for this purpose.</p> <p>The first Dáil, which met in January 1919, was a unicameral body.  The 1922 Constitution provided for a senate.  Half of its membership was nominated by the head of government and half were elected by the Dáil.  This procedure was intended to ensure that Unionism was not politically overshadowed.</p> <p>A change in 1928 resulted in senators being elected by the Oireachtas from a panel nominated by it.  This led to a conflict between Dáil and Seanad in 1936 prompting the establishment of a Commission under the chairmanship of the Chief Justice, Hugh Kennedy.</p> <p>The 1937 Constitution, passed by a margin of 51/29 with a voter turnout of 75.8%, established the current Seanad – 60 members of whom 11 are nominated by the Taoiseach.  Six are elected by graduates of two universities while graduates of the University of Limerick and Dublin City University are disenfranchised, as are graduates of institutes of technology.  Apart from university graduates the electorate comprises members of the Oireachtas and county councillors.</p> <p>Seanad Éireann is a deliberative body with limited powers to initiate  and review legislation but with the authority to be a forum for discussions on matters of public interest.  A Money Bill cannot be initiated in the Seanad nor delayed for more than 21 days before returning to the Dáil, which has the power to reject Seanad recommendations.  The Seanad has the power when combined with one-third of the membership of the Dáil to request the President not to sign a Bill into law on the grounds that the Bill contains a proposal of such national importance that the will of the people thereon ought to be ascertained.  But that power has never been used.</p> <p>The rationale for a bicameral parliamentary structure is based on a need to take account of interests that may not be adequately represented in the Dáil and the need to review legislative proposals before they are transposed into law.  A senate is intended to offer checks and balances on the legislative process – but how is this possible if the membership of a senate is elected from such a narrow franchise, as is the case currently and is a mirror image of the government?</p> <p>The Irish Government derives its authority from the Dáil although up to two members of government can be appointed from the Seanad.  This occurred only twice when <strong>Garret FitzGerald</strong> appointed his buddy Senator <strong>James Dooge</strong> (1922-2010) as Foreign Minister in 1981 and Senator <strong>Seán Moylan</strong> (1888-1957) who was appointed Minister for Lands in 1943 by deValera.</p> <p>The tenability of the Seanad has been considered on many occasions.  A Seanad Electoral Law Commission was convened in 1958 comprising 19 members under the chairmanship of a Circuit Court judge, Joseph McCarthy but it reached no concrete conclusions after nine months of deliberation.</p> <p>The Committee on the Constitution which was inaugurated in 1967 at the prompting of Seán Lemass then considered the issue but more recent analysis has focused on the duplication of representation as between the Dáil and the Seanad as well as its relevance in contemporary political life.</p> <p>Few items of legislation originate there although some technical matter have done so.  Senators cannot raise parliamentary questions and sittings, which typically take place on a Wednesday and Thursday, are determined by the need to consider Bills passed by the Dáil. But in the last analysis party politics impacts both the nomination and election of senators.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-74212910755931320442012-07-11T11:39:00.001+01:002012-07-11T11:39:57.766+01:00Irish Constitutional Convention set to become a Hall of Mirrors<p>Both the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste in their <a href="http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2012/0711/1224319791935.html#">article</a> in <strong>The Irish Times </strong>on 11 July advise that the Constitutional Convention is to be the vanguard of profound social reform.</p> <p>The challenges of the 21<sup>st</sup> century they believe need to be met include curtailing the <strong>presidential term</strong> of office from seven to five years and giving citizens resident outside the State the right to vote at embassies overseas.</p> <p>The length of the presidential term was not an impediment to the distinguished and illustrious transformative presidencies of Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese. The experience of the most recent presidential election highlighted concerns about the availability of a sufficient number of candidates with adequately compelling credentials to become President; whether they fully understood what the function of Head of State is and who could persuade the electorate that the presidential office would conducted with dignity, distinction and honour during their tenure.</p> <p>The prospect of those outside the country being granted a <strong>vote</strong> begs the question of whether those who do not pay <strong>tax</strong> should have the privilege of voting. Perhaps the Convention may consider that there is some legitimacy between the presence of a tax evader in the membership of the Oireachtas making the laws of the nation and a constitutional entitlement for the wider Diaspora to determine who should be Head of State. </p> <p>Another topic for the Convention is to be the greater <strong>participation of women in public life.</strong> If this is the urgent priority with the stature the political parties would like to convince us us it has, why did they only spend €76,896 of the €4,805,258 of taxpayers’ money granted to them in 2011 on the participation of women in public life? Surely some solid background effort on the ground is necessary before the electorate are asked to embrace profound social and institutional reform.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-70617618794253513862012-07-04T19:54:00.001+01:002012-07-04T19:54:45.690+01:00New 50% income tax rate could yield €490 million<p>The estimated income of the <strong>top-10,000</strong> earners in Ireland this year is estimated to be <strong>€5,959 million</strong>, or an average of <strong>€595,900</strong> per person. The amount of annual income tax payable in this is <strong>€1,715 million</strong> – an effective tax rate of <strong>29%</strong></p> <p>The effective tax rate does not include additional liability in respect of social charges – PRSI and Universal Social Charge. A married couple may elect for joint assessment and counted as one tax payer.</p> <p>The following details relate to the top 1% of income earners; the top 10% of income earners and the top 20% of income earners: €</p> <p> </p> <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"> </td> <td valign="top" width="86"><strong>Top 1%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="97"><strong>Top 10%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="93"><strong>Top 20%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>Number of earners</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="86">21,650</td> <td valign="top" width="97">216,500</td> <td valign="top" width="93">433,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>Gross income</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="86">€8,742 million</td> <td valign="top" width="97">€29,600 million</td> <td valign="top" width="93">€43,300 million</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>Average earnings</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="86">€403,760</td> <td valign="top" width="97">€136,710</td> <td valign="top" width="93">€100,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>Amount of tax</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="86">€2,463 million</td> <td valign="top" width="97">€7,080 million</td> <td valign="top" width="93">€9,294 million</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>Effective tax rate</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="86">28%</td> <td valign="top" width="97">24%</td> <td valign="top" width="93">21%</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>The number of income earners earning more than <strong>€100,000</strong> in 2012 is <strong>113,500</strong>.  The top rate of income tax is 41% which applies to single individuals earning over €32,800, married couples – one earning in excess of €41,800 and married couples – both earning in excess of €65,600.</p> <p>Other streams of income are taxed at different rates.  Deposit interest income is liable to tax at 30%.</p> <p>If a 50% income tax rate was to be applied to incomes in excess of €100,000 the estimated yield in a full year would be <strong>€490 million</strong>.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-36922307077432132732012-06-29T13:49:00.001+01:002012-06-29T13:49:03.565+01:00Irish politicians’ gravy train intact despite escalating debt burden<p>The proposed <strong>€120 billion</strong> plan proposed at the two-day summit in Brussels last night is relatively modest when compared to the National Debt of Ireland, which nos stands at  <strong>€129 billion</strong></p> <p>While the Government wrestles with its conscience about the phenomenal debt burden on Irish taxpayers’ and the implications of the personal insolvency of many of them, one facet of that burden which seems utterly immune from the conscientious distress of the Government is the quantum of taxpayers’ money paid to political parties and Independent members of the Oireachtas under the Electoral Acts. </p> <p>The sums involved are additional to the very substantial tax-free payments in respect of the Parliamentary Standard Allowance, the Travel and Accommodation Allowance and the other direct supports provided through the Oireachtas Commission at a cost of <strong>€130 million </strong>in 2011. They are simply outrageous, unconscionable and, in a society bearing a cumulative exchequer deficit well over <strong>€82 billion</strong> and a titanic National Debt, unaffordable.</p> <p>The standard of accounting is risible in the case of political parties and non-existent in the case of Independent politicians. The quality of oversight reporting by the politically-compromised <strong>Standards in Public Office Commission</strong> is opaque, shoddy, wretched, inconsistent and disregarding of basic accounting conventions.</p> <p>Thanks to the bountiful munificence of Charlie McCreevy in 2001 political parties have been granted over <strong>€78 million</strong> of taxpayers’ money since 1 January 2007 under the authority of the Electoral Acts to meet reported expenditure of under <strong>€64 million</strong> with <strong>€14 million</strong> left in their balance sheets. Last year 29% of the <strong>€13.3 million</strong> paid to political parties was carried over to 2012, probably as a consequence of the vast sums spent paying a myriad of ministerial political advisers.</p> <p>The scale of these payments escalated since 2002 by <strong>47%</strong> in line with increases in public sector pay but it is most noteworthy that payments to political parties did not reduce when public sector pay reduced from 2009 onwards.</p> <p>Do taxpayers really need to: pay <strong>Fianna Fáil</strong> <strong>€28,542</strong> in respect of depreciation, <i>(a non-cash charge);</i> pay <strong>Fine Gael</strong> <strong>€18,657</strong> to spend on ‘<i>donations’</i>; pay the <strong>Labour Party</strong> <strong>€44,000</strong> to spend on <i>‘international affairs’</i>; provide <strong>€28,700</strong> to the <strong>Sinn Féin</strong> <i>‘national finance department’</i> and leave <strong>€90,000</strong> in the balance sheet of The <strong>Green Party</strong>, which has no Oireachtas membership? <b>[/over]</b></p> <p>Fine Gael and Labour voted against the appointment of a politician (<i>former Fianna Fáil minister, Michael Smith)</i> in a Dáil vote on 19 December 2007 to membership of the Standards Commission, a curtain-raiser initiative of the Ahern Government that preceded the publication of tribunal reports. It is interesting that only 15 of the 73 TDs who supported that motion are in the current Dáil and they include the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, <strong>John McGuinness</strong>, Independent Deputies Noel <strong>Grealish</strong>, <strong>Finian McGrath, Mattie McGrath</strong> and <strong>Michael Lowry.</strong> </p> <p>Both the Taoiseach, <strong>Enda Kenny</strong> and the Tánaiste, <strong>Eamon Gilmore</strong>,  participated in the <i>Níl</i> vote against that motion. If the Governing parties position in 2007 opposed the principle of a politician, or former politician, becoming a member of a commission whose mandate is to oversee the ethical standards of politicians and public officials’, why has this Government not already removed political influence from the Standards Commission, especially in the light of the tribunal reports’ findings and instructed it to improve the quality of its published reports rather than tolerating its interminable excuses for inertia and weakening moral authority?</p> <p>Will the Government’s ambition to reduce the debt burden on taxpayers’ include a dramatic reduction in the amounts of State money paid to political parties to a level that is affordable and demand a more transparent and credible regime of accounting for this money, or does the Government merely intend to haunt society with threats, innuendo and rumours of more taxation, new charges and cuts in public services?</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-23065583633896323392012-06-08T15:45:00.001+01:002012-06-08T15:45:11.367+01:00Political party State funding, a rich, rewarding gravy train<p>The scale of funding provided by taxpayers to political parties under the <strong>Electoral Acts</strong> and the <strong>Party Leader’s Allowance</strong> legislation, by any benchmark, is so outrageous, absurd, unaffordable and inadequately accounted for that political parties have become equivalent to bloated, featherbedded and State-dependent QUANGOs. </p> <p>Figures recently published show that taxpayers provided €12.66 million last year to which a further €3.1 million was carried forward from 2010 bringing their spending capacity in 2011, courtesy of taxpayers’, to <b>€15.77 million</b>. They reported spending €11.88 million which means they brought forward <strong>€3.8 million</strong> to 2012; <b>a 26% increase</b> on the sum carried forward, unspent, from 2010, in an era of severe austerity, great personal sacrifice and massive cutbacks. <br />  <br />To put the scale in context, the British Government provided <b>€8 million</b> in 2011 to Opposition parties who successfully contested the 2010 general election for research support for front-bench spokesmen. The 2010 British general election consisted of a valid poll of <strong>27.1 million votes</strong>. Our 2011 general election consisted of <strong>2.2 million</strong> 1<sup>st</sup> preference votes.</p> <p>Despite the attachment of an auditor’s certificate the accounting for this money is pathetically obscure; devoid of candour and adequate transparency, notwithstanding the proximity of the <strong>Standards in Public Office Commission</strong> as overseer. <br /> <br />The Standards Commission advise that <strong>Fianna Fáil</strong>, for example, claimed to spend €28,542 on ‘depreciation’, a non-cash expense. <strong>Fine Gael</strong> spent €18,657 on ‘donations’. <strong>Labour</strong> spent €44,666 on ‘international affairs’. <strong>Sinn Féin</strong> spent €28,700 on its ‘national finance department’. The <strong>Green Party</strong>, with only 41,000 general election votes and without a single Oireachtas member, managed to spend €341,466 but have still brought forward over €90,000 to 2012. The pair of two-TD parties received so much funding that they are bringing forward almost €93,000 of unspent taxpayers’ money to 2012 leaving the four of them to eke out an existence on the €167,462 in tax-free travel, subsistence and <strong>Parliamentary Standard Allowances. </strong></p> <p>The <strong>People Before Profit Alliance</strong> spent just €1,000 on ‘pre-Budget research’ but over €7,500 on ‘travel and subsistence’, over and above the €20,000 their TDs collected in travel and subsistence to commute from the adjacent Dublin suburbs last year. The Socialist Party has obliged all taxpayers to pay €4,689 in respect of the production of <strong>Socialist Party</strong> publications. Independent members <b>[/over]</b> of the Oireachtas pocketed €713,885, free of income tax, without even an auditor’s certificate, or any obligation whatsoever to account for this money. Some of them tell us they donate their allowances to charity.<b></b></p> <p>The <strong>Parliamentary Leader’s Allowance</strong>, which last year amounted to <b>€7.2 million</b>, is linked to pay increases in the civil service but the legislation does not compel a reduction in line with civil service pay cuts and the radical pruning of the public sector since 2009.</p> <p>It is noteworthy, in the context of the statutory mandate that 30% of selected candidates in the next general election are to be female, that 1.4% of the <b>€5.4 million</b> provided to seven parties under the Electoral Acts was applied to the promotion of participation of women in political activity.</p> <p>The foregoing expenditure is separate and distinct from the €6 million received, tax-free, directly by TDs in respect of the Parliamentary Standard Allowance and generous tax-free travel and subsistence allowances, which they receive when they turn up for the 100 days sitting of the Dáil each annum.</p> <p>Spending last year on political parties is equivalent to an average of <b>€1,311 for each 200 votes</b> received by qualifying parties in the February 2011 general election. Political parties in Great Britain and the North are obliged to provide detailed annual audited accounts since 2003. The average overall subvention for each set of 200 votes won by qualifying parties in the last British general election in 2011 was <b>€37.16</b>, less than <b>3% of what Irish taxpayers are saddled with</b>.</p> <p>The ridiculous scale of political party spending in Ireland is also illustrated when the campaign cost of each vote cast, <b>€4.17</b> in the 2011 general election is compared to the campaign cost of each vote cast in the 2010 British general election, <b>€1.07</b>.</p> <p>Is there any other facet of the €52 billion in current expenditure that is spent by the Government so out of kilter with economic reality, where loose and ambiguous rules are tolerated and the standard of elementary accountability to stakeholders is so opaque?</p> <p>How can the Irish Government, reform-minded and responsible for public expenditure, public sector reform and the adequacy of corporate governance standards look voters in the eye while this self-indulgent squandering orgy that is unnecessary and which is taking place directly under their collective nose?</p> <p>The British political party subvention, incidentally, is restricted to Opposition parties with at least 2 MPs and more than 150,000 votes <strong><i>(0.55% of the national poll)</i>.</strong> It is based on three elements:</p> <p>1. General funding of <strong>€18,600</strong> per seat +<strong> €30,04</strong> for every 200 votes</p> <p>2. Apportioned travel expenses for Opposition parties subject to an overall limit of <strong>€204,000</strong></p> <p>3. A sum for the running of the Leader of the Opposition’s office</p> <p>4. Salaries for three post holders: Leader of the Opposition’ Opposition Chief Whip and Assistant Opposition Whip</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-48208906035538682332012-06-06T16:59:00.001+01:002012-06-06T16:59:29.596+01:00How the State got screwed on Dublin Docks<p>It beggars belief that the State owned the entire controversial Irish Glass Bottle site at <strong>Poolbeg</strong>, through <strong>Dublin Port Company</strong>, in 2005. But the following year, after the freehold title was acquired by a subsidiary of the tenant under a loophole in the provisions of the <em>Landlord and Tenant (Ground Rents) No 2 Act 1978</em>, the site was offered for sale by public tender with the State having a <strong>33.3%</strong> share of the sale proceeds, not the more typical 50:50 share that had been the custom in instances where long-term commercial leases were being disposed of in a similar context.</p> <p>The site was sold to a consortium that included Dublin Docklands Development Authority (DDDA) as a 26% shareholder, developers <strong>Bernard McNamara</strong> and <strong>Derek Quinlan</strong> in late 2006 for a consideration of <strong>€411 mi</strong>llion. The State stood to recoup one-third of this <b>(€140 million</b>) but ought to have recouped a further <b>€65.5 million</b> had the customary landlord/tenant <b>50:50</b> split applied.</p> <p>DDDA sought the permission of its supervising minister, <strong>Dick Roche</strong> to enter the joint venture and to increase its borrowing capacity to <strong>€127 million</strong>, the maximum allowable under governing legislation; permission to enter a joint venture and indicated on 12 October 2006 that the cost of the proposed transaction in respect of which the loan powers were sought would be <b>€220 million</b>.</p> <p><b>Mary Moylan</b>, an Assistant Secretary from the Environment Department, with line responsibility for DDDA, was an Executive Board member who participated in <strong>12 </strong>of the <strong>15</strong> board meetings that took place in 2006. Ministerial approval was received on 24 October 2006. Ten days later, on 3 November, the Executive Board of DDDA agreed a tender bid of <b>€411</b> <strong>million</strong> but Moylan’s Minister and Secretary-General was not informed of the massive and fundamental change in the terms of engagement. </p> <p>The assessment of the site value was left to <strong>Bernard McNamara</strong>, in <i>recognition ‘of his expertise and experience and if he had some additional information which convinced him that the bid should be increased then the Executive Board of DDDA agreed that McNamara could be allowed to increase the bid as he saw fit to a maximum of <strong>€437 million’</strong>.</i></p> <p><strong>A professional valuation of the site was not obtained in advance</strong> of determining this bid although one was obtained the day after the decision to submit with an application for loan finance to Anglo Irish Bank, two of whose directors, <strong>Lar Bradshaw</strong> and <strong>Seán FitzPatrick</strong>, were members of the 8-person Executive Board of DDDA, Bradshaw was chair of the Executive Board and FitzPatrick was his predecessor in that role.</p> <p>The stated objectives for the involvement of DDDA in this joint venture was to (1) ensure that the site would be developed imminently (2) expedite the planning process (3) advance its social amenity and less commercially desirable agenda and (4) input to the architectural design and tone of the development.</p> <p>DDDA operated on the basis of creating a Master Plan for parcels of the 500+ hectares within its jurisdiction. The <strong>2003</strong> iteration of this for the Poolbeg Peninsula had not been completed when this deal was executed in 2006 but they had broad stroke ambitions to have facilities in place for research and development and industrial and commercial usage. The promoters of the joint venture envisaged a return of <strong>15% on their investment</strong>. A substantial portion of this would have comprised 1-bedroom apartments overlooking an incinerator and selling for prices up to <strong>€1 million each</strong>. But no detailed analysis was carried out by the Executive Board or management of DDDA for a proposition that was supposed to have a ceiling of <strong>€35 million</strong> for DDDA.</p> <p>The negotiation of funding for this splurge took place with <strong>Anglo Irish Bank</strong> and <strong>Bank of Ireland</strong>. Bradshaw and FitzPatrick were both directors of each organisation while another member of the esteemed executive Board, <strong>Declan McCourt</strong> was a director of Bank of Ireland, as well as being a director of the vehicle importer and distributor, <strong>OHM Group</strong>. While these three absented themselves from the actual discussion of the funding issue at the board meetings <strong>it was Bradshaw who signed the loan guarantees with Anglo Irish Bank.</strong></p> <p>By 2010 DDDA had a potential exposure of<strong> €81.9 million</strong> but after a settlement was reached with NAMA, which acquired the lending banks’ loan assets, its actual exposure was <strong>€52.1 million</strong>.</p> <p>Some <strong>€36.3 million</strong> was allocated to site remediation. The value of this 10 hectare site, on which €431 million was spent before taking account of remediation costs, was put at <strong>€45 million</strong> at the end of 2010.</p> <p>There has been never been evidence that the scale of this splurge was ever made known to the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government and in May 2012 the current Minister, <strong>Phil Hogan</strong>, announced the shuttering of DDDA. <strong>Moylan</strong> remains an Assistant Secretary in charge of finance and central services. The five other member of the Executive Board in 2006 were <strong>Angela Cavendish</strong> from Raglan Road Ballsbridge, a director of Alexsam Limited, <strong>Donall Curtin</strong> a director of Byrne, Curtin Kelly an accountancy practice, <strong>Niamh O’Sullivan</strong> from Ranelagh, a director of Arup Consulting Engineers and <strong>Joan O’Connor</strong> formerly a director of Interactive Project Managers Limited.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-33274705067007633602012-05-27T10:47:00.001+01:002012-05-27T10:48:13.774+01:00Is the Interim Board of Tallaght Hospital delivering reform or merely hindering progress?<p><strong><a href="http://www.amnch.ie/">Tallaght Hospital</a></strong> opened as an acute general <strong>615-bed hospital</strong> in <strong>June 1998</strong> operating on a 24/7 basis. It is the newest of the Dublin academic teaching hospitals and is aligned to the medical school at <strong>Trinity College</strong>. It employs <strong>2,545 persons</strong> and caters for a population of approximately <strong>500,000 – 11% of the total population</strong> of Ireland and cares for all categories of patient with any degree of seriousness or severity of ailment, adults and children.</p> <p>This public, State-funded, voluntary university teaching hospital has been the subject of a very highly critical report by the <strong><a href="http://www.hiqa.ie/">Health Information and Quality Authority (HIQA)</a></strong> in reaction to risks to the health and welfare of patients associated with the systems of care provided in this Hospital. This was especially apparent with respect to <strong>elevated levels of clinical risk</strong> to patients who required acute admission being accommodated on the corridor adjacent to the Emergency Department. Patients awaiting transfer to an inpatient bed were warehoused, like cars on junk lot, and the investigation revealed their clinical health and welfare was not being adequately dealt with.</p> <p>Tallaght Hospital was under the overall control of a <strong>23-person board of directors</strong> in 2009 whose mandate, defined by charter, was criticised as <em><strong>‘not in line with the principles of modern corporate governance’.</strong></em> The Board’s Code of Governance, which was adopted as recently as 2005, articulated its role as being to <em><strong>‘develop and review on a regular basis the mission, vision, objectives,, functioning and strategic plan of the Board, establish, implement, and evaluate a quality management system for the regular assessment and review of patient care and manage the property and finances of the Hospital’</strong></em></p> <p>The investigation examined the effectiveness of the planning, accountability and oversight arrangements operated by this Board and the oversight arrangements with the <strong>Health & Safety Executive</strong> with a view to seeing how the HSE held the Hospital to account for the quality and safety of the services that it was providing. Patients experienced <strong>long waiting times</strong> to be seen by a doctor, a <strong>lack of communication</strong> and the <strong>indignity</strong> of being accommodated for long periods of time on a public access corridor.</p> <p><strong>Public Admission</strong></p> <p>The investigation found that between January and June 2011 that <strong>14%</strong> of the people attending the Emergency Department left without completing their care. The waiting time in the Emergency Department for a non-admitted patient from January to August 2011 was typically <strong>6-7 hours</strong> but some patients waited for up to <strong>61 hours</strong> before being discharged. Unscheduled patients who attended the Emergency Department and subsequently required inpatient admission while awaiting transfer to an inpatient bed were accommodated on a trolley either within a designated area within the Emergency Department or on a public corridor while <strong>over 80%</strong> of them waited, on average, <strong>13 hours</strong> for an inpatient bed. One patient waited <strong>140 hours</strong>.  This is Dublin – not Harare.</p> <p><strong>Patient Care</strong></p> <p>Patients of the Hospital experienced long delays for diagnostic tests; an ultrasound scan, for example, could take up to nine months. In June 2011, <strong>52% of all patients were waiting over 90 days</strong> to be seen in the Out Patients Department by a specialist team. The length of patient stay at Tallaght Hospital was outside the national average of <strong>5.9 days</strong>. No hospitals in Ireland publish hospital waiting times for inpatient waiting lists.</p> <p><strong>A fish rots from the head</strong> and this investigation found that Tallaght Hospital, with its 23-person Board, did not have the relevant diversity of knowledge, skills and competencies required to carry out the full range of oversight responsibilities necessary. The appointment process to the Board was also criticised.</p> <p>Sub-committees of the Board established to manage the activities of the Hospital had no executive powers but merely advised, reported to and made recommendations to the <strong>23-person bloated conclave of inertia and incompetence.</strong></p> <p>Concern was also expressed about <strong>financial management</strong>, <strong>financial transparency</strong> and <strong>commitment control</strong> and there were insufficient controls in place to ensure <strong>compliance with public procurement legislation.</strong></p> <p>There have been four incumbents in the chief executive role at Tallaght Hospital suggesting that it was as shabbily led as the <strong>State</strong> <strong>featherbedded Irish Red Cross</strong>. There was no clear process of <strong>delegation</strong> from the Board to the Chief Executive and supporting team in relation to the delivery and performance.</p> <p>The <strong>framework for accountability and oversight relationship</strong> between Tallaght Hospital and the HSE is reflected in a <strong>Service Arrangement</strong> – but this, too, was flawed. There was no reconciliation between funds available, budgetary overspend, catchment areas, innovation and research, demand and capacity and the core business of delivering high quality safe care to patients. There was no evidence to demonstrate a clear understanding of the collective roles and responsibilities of each statutory and non-statutory hospital’s contribution to the overall delivery the HSE service plan for the catchment area Tallaght Hospital serves.</p> <p>That <strong>slovenly Board</strong> tolerated a culture of patients lying on trolleys in corridors for long periods of time. A new interim board of 16 members has been appointed, nine of whom are non-executive. The Tallaght Hospital web site does <strong>not provide a biography</strong> of any of them to indicate the nature of Board <strong>tenure</strong>; the area of skill, expertise and competence that each brings to this Board nor is there anything published to indicate why the public should <strong>trust</strong> them.</p> <p>Two sets of abbreviated minutes in respect of board meetings in January February are published but there is <strong>no performance indicators,</strong> <strong>no financial information, no insight into how the recommendations of the HIQA report are being responded to</strong> nor <strong>archived data</strong> in respect of prior years. </p> <p>These <strong>two</strong> Board meetings last a total of five hours. No information is published as to what has ensued to enhance public confidence in this Hospital since the end of February – <strong>100 days ago. Another case of the blind leading the bewildered without any evident engagement with the most important stakeholder, the public?</strong></p> <p><strong>HIQA </strong>recommended that this interim board be dissolved and replaced by a new substantive board of no more than 12 members with demonstrable expertise to effectively govern Tallaght Hospital.  The new board should be selected and appointed through an independent process established by the States and on the basis of having the necessary skills, experience and competencies to fulfil the role effectively.  Individuals with conflicts of interest, including employees of the Hospital, should not be appointed to the Board.</p> <p>A stronger performance management of board members should be introduced whereby there is an effective code of governance in place. Understandable, concise and relevant information that demonstrates that Tallaght Hospital is achieving strategic objectives and effectively managing the available resources and providing good safe care needs to be available for public inspection.</p> <p>The board needs to understand their fiduciary duties as opposed to their tribal interests and the consequences of decisions and indecision.</p> <p>This HIQA investigation is a commendable piece of work and the visible results of the recommendations need to become apparent very quickly.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-88099577225043522892012-05-18T15:34:00.001+01:002012-05-18T17:13:56.958+01:00Mahon Tribunal legal costs likely to to exceed €196 million<p> </p> <p>The <strong>estimated</strong> outstanding third-party Tribunal legal costs arising arising from public hearings of <strong>The Mahon Tribunal</strong>.  Discovery costs are based on the number of pages discovered pursuant to orders of the Tribunal – an estimated <strong>1.6 million</strong> pages at <strong>€35 per pa</strong>ge.</p> <p>Brief fees are estimated to be <strong>€27,866,599</strong>.  These are calculated on the basis of 300 solicitor briefs at <strong>€50,000 each</strong>; <strong>122 </strong>barrister briefs at <strong>€33,333</strong> each and <strong>203</strong> senior counsel briefs at <strong>€50,000</strong> each.</p> <p>The senior counsel attendance rate is estimated at €4,000 per day (total <strong>€2,824,000</strong> for <strong>706 </strong>days) while the corresponding figure for junior counsel is €<strong>2,667</strong> per day (total <strong>€3,147,000</strong> for <strong>1,180 days</strong>).  Solicitors costs are based on <strong>1,759.5</strong> days attendance.</p> <p>The breakdown is:</p> <p> </p> <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">Representation at Public Hearings</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€ 51,432,559</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">Third-party discovery costs</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€ 56,000,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">Outstanding Third-Party costs</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€   6,000,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">Miscellaneous costs</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€   4,000,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">TOTAL</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€117,432,659</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">After 20% reduction</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€  93,946,127</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">Tribunal costs paid to the end of 2011</td> <td valign="top" width="90">€  97,351,980</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310">Tribunal own estimated costs 2012 onwards <em>(including litigation costs and taking account of the projected reduction in Tribunal’s staffing and other costs)</em></td> <td valign="top" width="90">€    5,000,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="310"><strong>ESTIMATED GRAND TOTAL</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="90"><strong>€196,298,107</strong></td> </tr> </tbody></table> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-52265061792481581622012-05-17T11:06:00.001+01:002012-05-17T15:10:20.488+01:00Chronic and chaotic failure of county and city councils to collect commercial water rates<p>The latest news about the collection of the Household Charge is that approximately <strong>940,000</strong>, or approximately <strong>56%</strong> of all active households in the country have paid the charge that fell due on 31st March and <strong>44%</strong> have not.</p> <p>Big <strong>Phil Hogan, Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government</strong> has promised the full consequences of the law will follow Household Charge freeloaders, who want others to pay the cost of flushing their toilets and washing their hands.</p> <p>The average person in Ireland is estimated to use <strong>140M</strong><sup><strong>3</strong> </sup>of water per year. This compares to an average of between <strong>50M</strong><sup><strong>3</strong> </sup>and <strong>100M<sup>3</sup> </strong>in other European countries, all of whom charge for water usage. It is estimated that 17% of the territory of the EU experiences water scarcity, while Ireland has the capacity to support industries in certain locations that are relatively water-intensive in their usage profile. An estimated <strong>77%</strong> of Irish households are connected to public mains while the balance are connected to group water schemes. Sixty seven per cent of houses are served by public waste water infrastructure while the balance (418,000 homes) are dependent on septic tanks or other treatment sources.</p> <p>During the past decade the State has invested in the region of <strong>€5.8 billion.</strong>  Each county is the recipient of substantial investment in water services. Co Cork has been the largest recipient <strong>(€485 million)</strong> and Leitrim, its population of 32,100 and a 12-year supply of vacant houses, has been the recipient of over <strong>€50 million</strong> in water investment. </p> <p>The operating cost of providing the <strong>1,000</strong> water and sewerage services in the country costs approximately <strong>€60 million each month</strong> and commercial water rates ought to yield <strong>€199.7 million</strong> per annum towards this.</p> <p>At the start of <strong>2010 arrears</strong> of commercial water rates amounted to <strong>€151.7 million</strong>, a sum equivalent to <strong>75%</strong> of what is billed in a full year.</p> <p>The rate charged for commercial water is not regulated but ranges from <strong>€1.75 per M<sup>3</sup></strong> in Kildare to <strong>€3.04 per M<sup>3</sup></strong> in Wicklow.</p> <p><strong>Kildare</strong> had a revenue <font color="#ff0000">deficit</font> of <strong>€3.9 million</strong> at the end of 2010. It collected <strong>55%</strong> of the commercial rates billed that year and ended the year with <strong>arrears</strong> <strong>€460,000</strong> <strong>higher</strong> at the end of the year notwithstanding the writing of arrears of<strong> €450,000</strong> at the beginning 2010.</p> <p><strong>Wicklow</strong> had a revenue <font color="#ff0000">deficit</font> of over <strong>€2 million</strong> at the end of 2010. It collected only 41% of the commercial rates billed in 2010 and ended the year with arrears of <strong>€2.5 million</strong>, some <strong>€300,000</strong> less than at the start of 2010 having written off <strong>€166,727</strong>.</p> <p>Commercial water charges in Ireland are competitive when compared when large population centres in Ireland are compared with large population centres in Europe.  But there is a lack of transparency as to how water is priced in Ireland for commercial use.</p> <p>The best performing councils with respect to collecting commercial water rates accounted for <strong>16%</strong> of the arrears <strong>(€25 million)</strong> and were the recipients of <strong>22% of the capital investment</strong> in the past decade (€1.3 billion).  The include, in order of efficiency:</p> <p> </p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"><strong>COUNCIL</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right"><strong>ARREARS, <br />Jan 2010</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right"><strong>% 2010 Annual Commercial Water Rates </strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right"><strong>CAPITAL <br />INVESTMENT 2000+</strong></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Louth</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€1,229,063</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">18.1%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€58 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">South Tipperary</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€614,978</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">21.2%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€95 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Waterford</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€459,742</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">23.2%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€182 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Limerick</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€2,085,419</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">28.1%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€113 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Cork City</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€1,636.204</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">28.5%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€56 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Waterford City</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€1,380,934</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">29.4%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€89 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Kerry</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€2,572,154</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">33.7%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€121 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Limerick City</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€3,016,409</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">42.3%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€58 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">North Tipperary</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€1,517,791</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">46.6%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€118 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Fingal</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€7,195,551</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">48.3%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€224 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Kilkenny</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right">€2,345,612</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">49.4%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right">€127 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right">Monaghan</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right"><u>€964,533</u></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right">52.4%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right"><u>€75 M</u></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="143"> <p align="right"></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="112"> <p align="right"><strong>€25,018,390</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="95"> <p align="right"><strong> </strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="78"> <p align="right"><strong>€1,321 M</strong></p> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>The worst performing councils at collecting commercial water rates accounted for arrears in excess of €126 million but are recipients of €4.5 billion in capital investment:</p> <p> </p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="left"><strong>COUNCIL</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right"><strong>ARREARS <br />Jan 2010</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right"><strong>% 2010 <br />Annual Commercial Water Rates</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right"><strong>CAPITAL INVESTMENT, <br />2000+</strong></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Wexford</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€11,368,930</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">328%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€178 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Wicklow</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€2,816,501</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">175%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€247 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Carlow</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€831,676</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">148%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€103 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Donegal</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€10,808,845</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">135%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€352 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Meath</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€5,088,552</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">134%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€295 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€9,019,916</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">130%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€169 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">South Dublin</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€8,763,741</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">116%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€108 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Sligo</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€3,364,804</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">112%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€89 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Leitrim</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€864,453</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">108%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€51 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Mayo</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€5,948,122</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">101%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€205 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Galway</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€4,542,483</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">96%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€464 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Offaly</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€2,360,511</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">90%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€131 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Cavan</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€1,903,905</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">82%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€107 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Laois</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€1,713,232</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">79%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€134 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Galway City</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€3,173,645</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">77%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€114 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Dublin City</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€21,373,541</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">77%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€418 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Clare</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€6,511,277</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">75%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€236 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Westmeath</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€2,640,106</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">74%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€218 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Cork</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€14,437,,859</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">73%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€485 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Longford</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€1,320,871</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">72%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€75 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Kildare</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right">€6,303,713</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">66%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right">€207 M</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right">Roscommon</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right"><u>€1,571,007</u></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right">63%</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right"><u>€138 M</u></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="131"> <p align="right"></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="93"> <p align="right"><strong>€126,727,690</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="91"> <p align="right"><strong> </strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="85"> <p align="right"><strong>€4,533 M</strong></p> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>The average cost of a cubic metre of water for commercial use in Ireland is €2.08></p> <p>The following table compares the cost charged by the least efficient providers and the most efficient providers:</p> <p> </p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168"><strong>LEAST EFFICIENT</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="47"><strong>€/  M<sup>3</sup></strong></td> <td valign="top" width="135"><strong>MOST EFFICIENT</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="50"><strong>€/ M<sup>3</sup></strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Wexford</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.71</td> <td valign="top" width="135">Louth</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€1.55</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Wicklow</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.45</td> <td valign="top" width="135">South Tipperary</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€2.70</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Carlow</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.30</td> <td valign="top" width="135">Waterford</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€2.12</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Donegal</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.41</td> <td valign="top" width="135">Limerick</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€2.60</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Meath</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.30</td> <td valign="top" width="135">Cork City</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€2.30</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.24</td> <td valign="top" width="135">Waterford City</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€1.53</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="168">Sligo</td> <td valign="top" width="47">€2.07</td> <td valign="top" width="135">Kerry</td> <td valign="top" width="50">€1.79</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>Apart from the non-payment of commercial water rates there is a huge issue about the inability to accurately account for water in Ireland and some of this arises from massive leakages in the infrastructure. It is estimated that <strong>43%</strong> of treated potable water in major population centres is unaccounted for and lost before reaching designated users.</p> <p>The provision of water and the treatment of waste water by 34 different local authorities impedes the development of an effective and coordinated water service and the outbreak of <font color="#ff0000"><strong>cryptosporidium</strong></font> in <strong>Galway City</strong> in 2007 did little to enhance public confidence.  Added to that is the gross <strong>incompetence</strong> <strong>of councils</strong> to collect lawful debt and you have the makings of a nightmare gridlock.</p> <p>The immediate consequence of this is that the <strong>940,000</strong> householders who paid the Household Charge are also paying a further <strong>€96 million</strong> in other taxes to compensate for the parasites and freeloaders who do not pay commercial rates.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-55881553023106153832012-05-15T14:12:00.001+01:002012-05-15T14:14:15.513+01:00The slovenly and and the well managed housing renters among Irish local authorities?<p>Are you in the market for local authority <strong>housing</strong>?  If you also happen to be not so inclined to pay the rent you ought to rent a house from one of the more slovenly county or city councils whose debt debt collection competence is weak.  But if you are an on-time payer there are other housing providers that are likely to warmly welcome you.</p> <p><font size="3"><font size="2">There are two issues to be concerned about are:</font></font></p> <p><font size="3"><strong>Which councils will allow housing rent arrears to build up?</strong></font></p> <p><font size="3"><font color="#0000ff" size="2"><strong>Which councils will most likely write-off arrears outstanding?</strong></font></font> </p> <p><font size="2"> <br /></font></p> <p></p> <p><font size="3"><strong><u>Ten Councils Most Tolerant of Rent Arrears <br /></u></strong></font> <br />These ten allowed arrears of almost €35 million to build up at the start of 2010 – equivalent to more than 25% of the total housing rents collectible in 2010</p> <p> </p> <div align="right"> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" align="right" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157"><strong>JURISDICTION</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="127"><strong>ARREARS OF HOUSING RENT, <br />to Jan 2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="115"><strong>ARREARS % HOUSING RENT ACCRUED  <br />for 2010</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Galway City</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€1,855,044</td> <td valign="top" width="115">31.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">South Dublin</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€5,981,156</td> <td valign="top" width="115">27.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Dublin City</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€19,526,762</td> <td valign="top" width="115">26.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Mayo</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€900,145</td> <td valign="top" width="115">22.6%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Roscommon</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€708,301</td> <td valign="top" width="115">22.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€2,706,951</td> <td valign="top" width="115">21.3%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Westmeath</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€720,808</td> <td valign="top" width="115">19.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Kildare</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€2,706,951</td> <td valign="top" width="115">18.0%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Waterford City</td> <td valign="top" width="127">€1,144,964</td> <td valign="top" width="115">17.8%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>TOTAL</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="127"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€34,957,620</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="115"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>25.4%</strong></font></td> </tr> </tbody></table> </div> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p><strong></strong></p> <p><strong></strong></p> <p><strong></strong></p> <p><strong></strong></p> <strong><font size="3"> <p> <br /></p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p><u>Ten Councils Least Tolerant of Rent Arrears</u> <br /> <br /></p> </font>These ten collect what’s owing on time with little wriggle room for skiving and scrounging</strong> <p> </p> <div align="right"> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="401" align="right" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157"> <p align="left"><strong>JURISDICTION</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>ARREAR OF HOUSING RENT, <br />to Jan 2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="118"><strong>ARREARS % HOUSING RENT ACCRUED  <br />for 2010</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Monaghan</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€59,426</td> <td valign="top" width="118">2.1%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Wicklow</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€182,975</td> <td valign="top" width="118">3.3%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">North Tipperary</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€87,774</td> <td valign="top" width="118">3.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Fingal</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€620,924</td> <td valign="top" width="118">4.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Kerry</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€272,898</td> <td valign="top" width="118">4.6%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Wexford</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€381,659</td> <td valign="top" width="118">5.0%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">South Tipperary</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€153,327</td> <td valign="top" width="118">5.3%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Laois</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€240,193</td> <td valign="top" width="118">5.4%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Carlow</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€187,830</td> <td valign="top" width="118">6.2%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Co Waterford </td> <td valign="top" width="124">€183,596</td> <td valign="top" width="118">6.7%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>TOTAL</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="124"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€2,370,637</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="118"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>4.6%</strong></font></td> </tr> </tbody></table> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left">If you are unfortunate enough to incur a build-up of arrears then it is important to know which council is most likely to write off what is outstanding.</div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"><font size="3"><strong><u>Councils Offering Most Generous Rent Write-Offs</u></strong></font></div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="right"> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="401" align="right" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157"> <p align="left"><strong>JURISDICTION</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>HOUSING RENT ARREARS WRITTEN OFF IN 2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="118"><strong>MOST GENEROUS WRITE OFFS AND WAIVERS, <br />IN 2010</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Limerick City</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€236,604</td> <td valign="top" width="118">35.1%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Carlow</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€35,839</td> <td valign="top" width="118">19.1%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Monaghan</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€10,358</td> <td valign="top" width="118">17.4%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Westmeath</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€116,732</td> <td valign="top" width="118">16.2%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Waterford City</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€185,119</td> <td valign="top" width="118">16.2%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Roscommon</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€112,733</td> <td valign="top" width="118">15.9%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Wexford</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€56,412</td> <td valign="top" width="118">14.8%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Wicklow</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€21,042</td> <td valign="top" width="118">11.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Galway</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€66,207</td> <td valign="top" width="118">9.2%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157">Meath</td> <td valign="top" width="124">€54,286</td> <td valign="top" width="118">8.3%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="157"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>TOTAL</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="124"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€895,332</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="118"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>18.7%</strong></font></td> </tr> </tbody></table> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <div align="left"> </div> <p> </p> <p><font size="3"><strong><u>Councils Offering the Least Generous Rent Write-Offs, or none</u></strong></font></p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="left"><strong>JURISDICTION</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right"><strong>HOUSING RENT ARREARS WRITTEN OFF <br />IN 2010</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right"><strong>LEAST GENEROUS WRITE OFFS AND WAIVERS, IN 2010</strong></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Waterford</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€0</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">0%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Fingal</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€0</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">0%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Cork City</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€0</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">0%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Offaly</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€655</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">0.2%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Clare</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€2,781</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">0.4%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">North Tipperary</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€786</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">0.9%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Sligo</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€3,279</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">1.1%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Louth</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€4,375</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">1.5%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Mayo</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€14,682</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">1.6%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right">Longford</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right">€10,654</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right">1.7%</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="163"> <p align="right"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>TOTAL</strong></font></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="127"> <p align="right"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€96,812</strong></font></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="109"> <p align="right"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>0.2%</strong></font></p> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>The award for the softest touch councils housing departments, based on allowing arrears build up and then offering generous write offs goes to <strong><font color="#ff0000">Co Roscommon, Co Westmeath</font></strong> and <strong><font color="#ff0000">Waterford City</font></strong> Councils.</p> <p>If you pay rent and don’t accrue arrears you will be most welcomed by <font color="#008080"><strong>Fingal</strong></font>, and <font color="#008080"><strong>Waterford County Councils</strong></font>.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-4088475142938466642012-05-14T12:26:00.001+01:002012-05-14T14:29:34.123+01:00The chaotic, poorly-led Department of the Environment, Community & Local Government<p>There are no fewer than <strong>124 local authorities</strong> in the State which have directly elected representation – <strong>5 city councils, 29 county councils, 5 borough councils, 75 town councils, 8 regional authorities and 2 regional assemblies.</strong> While these ostensibly have an independent existence their mother ship, or spiritual temple, is the Department of Environment, Community and Local Government.</p> <p><strong>Big Phil Hogan</strong> and his predecessors, <strong>Éamon Ó Cuív, John Gormley, Dick Roche, Martin Cullen, </strong><strong>Noel Dempsey</strong> and <strong>Padraig Flynn</strong> in the twice rebranded role of <strong>Minister for the</strong> <strong>Environment, Community and Local Government</strong> have an atrocious and inept record of effective political leadership.  </p> <p>Despite, or perhaps as a consequence of it, a private members bill to bring the scrutiny of local authorities into the ambit of the <strong>Comptroller & Auditor General</strong> emerged and failed at the behest of the Government in <strong>Dáil Éireann</strong> on Friday 11 May 2012.</p> <p>The Government, it seems, ‘<em><strong>supports the principle of greater scrutiny of public money – but only in the context of public sector reform’.</strong></em>  Virtue is a sun-bathed, idyllic resort located far away.</p> <p>The audit of local authorities is carried out in Big Phil’s own department under his jurisdiction.  This begs the question of what happens to the audit findings advocated by local government auditors.</p> <p>Going back to 1997 the jurisdictional landscape of this Department if littered with milestones and tombstones of disgrace that include:</p> <ul> <li>Dempsey’s inauguration of <strong>The Mahon Tribunal</strong> in 1997 without effective independent oversight of the cost implications or spending or accountability. <br /></li> <li><strong>Cullen’s</strong> escapade with <strong>electronic voting machines</strong> and his subversion of the purpose of the Planning and Development (Amendment) Act 2002 which allowed gobshite developers evade their statutory duty of providing 20% of development for <strong>social housing</strong>. <br /></li> <li>Grossly inadequate oversight or control of the <strong>Dublin Dockland Development Authority</strong> whose buccaneering legacy has left taxpayers with a financial nightmare costing hundreds of millions of Euro – despite the Department being represented on this board at a senior level. <br /></li> <li>The <strong>Building Societies Act 1989</strong> sponsored by <strong>Flynn</strong> and successor legislation promoted by <strong>Roche</strong> at the behest of predatory building society executives out for a quick kill by abandoning mutual status, a stunt that eventually obliterated the sector at enormous public cost and scuppered the building society sector. <br /></li> <li>Failure to rein in the <strong>exuberant</strong> <strong>planning permission zeal</strong> of gombeen local councillors whose legacy is a collapsed construction sector and a landscape pock-marked with ghost housing estates.  By the end of 2009 some <strong>42,058 hectares</strong> of land was zoned for development – <strong>450% of actual need.</strong> The land and development component of NAMA’s €31.78 billion portfolio includes land and development assets in Ireland listed with a value of €5.3 billion. <br /> <br />Interestingly, housing completions in Ireland and Spain in 2007 were 18 per 1,000 citizens – more than twice the rate of housing construction elsewhere in Europe.  Mortgage debt increased from <strong>€47.2 billion</strong> (45% of GDP) in 2002 to <strong>€139.8 billion (</strong>74% of GDP) in 2007, an increase of <strong>196%</strong>. <br /></li> <li>Inaugurating a <strong>Household Charge</strong> and only collecting 58% of the target revenue. </li> </ul> <p>The loss of sovereign economic independence in 2010 has resulted in a major tightening of local authorities State supported budgets – mainly on the capital side.  </p> <p>The State provides these bodies with €4.45 billion per annum under a variety of labels from a diversity of government departments.  That sum is approximately €1 billion less than the sum thrown at them in 2007.</p> <p>The principal source of the independent income of local authorities is derived from the commercial rates, commercial water rates, development contributions and various charges and borrowings.</p> <p>Collectively their revenue expenditure in 2010 was <strong>€4.45 billion</strong>, a very modest drop of <strong>€62 million</strong> on peak spending in 2007.  Capital spending was pared from <strong>€6.2 billion</strong> in 2007 to <strong>€2.8 billion</strong> in 2010 but the population expanded by over 330,000 (8.2%) in this period. The losers as a result of the cut back in the capital budget were contractors and professional service providers.  Despite the downturn local authorities spent <strong>€1.9 billion</strong> on land between 2007 and 2010.</p> <p>Their combined balance sheet includes fixed assets valued at over <strong>€90 billion</strong>, listed at cost of acquisition, not prevailing market value.  The fixed assets include land and housing valued at original cost of over <strong>€20 billion</strong>.  The local government auditor points to the need for an asset revaluation but when will this occur?  How can the accounts of local authorities be true and fair if the valuation of important assets ignores the collapse of the property market?</p> <p>The next big test of Big Phil’s political virility will be reflected in how he controls spendthrift  councils.  Too many of them are running outrageous <strong>accumulated deficits</strong> and the financial position of<strong> Donegal and Sligo County Councils</strong> is beyond the pale.</p> <p> </p> <div align="right"> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="377" align="right" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="116"><strong>LOCAL AUTHORITY JURISDICTION</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>ACCUMULATED REVENUE DEFICIT <br />2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong><font color="#008080">IMPROVEMENT </font>/  <br /><font color="#ff0000">DETERIORATION <br /></font>2007-2010 <br /></strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="123"><strong>Co Donegal</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€12,704,598</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#008000"><strong>-€434,780</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="124"><strong>Co Sligo</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€9,981,616</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€8,512,114</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="123"><strong>Meath</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€8,329,809</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#008040"><strong>€1,427,445</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Waterford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€6,916,907</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#008080"><strong>€32,230</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="121"><strong>Co Wexford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€6,365,810</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€2,491,097</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Kildare</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€3,913,254</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#008080"><strong>-€2,550,187</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Mayo</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€2,747,647</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#008080"><strong>-€1,177,314</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Wicklow</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€2,092,176</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€330,661</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Westmeath</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€2,046,872</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#008080"><strong>€1,618,639</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Offaly</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€1,899,146</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€1,834,156</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Galway</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€1,383,882</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€2,147,187</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Longford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€595,892</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€2,095,687</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Leitrim</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€123,121</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€363,739</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Galway City</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#ff0000">€67,743</font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#ff0000"><strong>€8,177,154</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"> </td> <td valign="top" width="126"> </td> <td valign="top" width="150"> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"> </td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>Commercial Rates collected in 2010 as % Commercial Rates Billed <br />in 2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>Commercial Water Rates collected in 2010 as <br />% Billed Commercial Water Rates Billed in 2010 <br /></strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Donegal</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>64.3%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>35.6%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Sligo</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>78.7%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>48.1%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Meath</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>86.8%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>39.5%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Waterford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>73.2%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>62.1%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Wexford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>76.5%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>37.4%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Kildare</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>80.6%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>55.9%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Mayo</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>83.0%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>50.7%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Wicklow</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>76.5%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>41.1%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Westmeath</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>85.2%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>36.1%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Offaly</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>93.4%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>37.1%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong> Co Galway</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>78.2%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>49.6%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Longford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>85.3%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>55.9%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Leitrim</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>78.0%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>41.2%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Galway City</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>63.7%</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>55.9%</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><font color="#0000ff"><strong>NATIONAL AVERAGE</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#0000ff"><strong>80.5%</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#0000ff"><strong>52.4%</strong></font></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"> </td> <td valign="top" width="126"> </td> <td valign="top" width="150"> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"> </td> <td valign="top" width="126"><strong>Available Houses, <br />2009</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong>Potential <br />Oversupply, or <br /> - Undersupply</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Donegal</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">13,874</td> <td valign="top" width="150"><strong></strong>9,064</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Sligo</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">5,436</td> <td valign="top" width="150">3,727</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Meath</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">9,179</td> <td valign="top" width="150">610</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Waterford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">4,509</td> <td valign="top" width="150">2,276</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Wexford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">9,419</td> <td valign="top" width="150">3,757</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Kildare</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">10,075</td> <td valign="top" width="150">1,504</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Mayo</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">9,875</td> <td valign="top" width="150">6,104</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Wicklow</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">5,486</td> <td valign="top" width="150">914</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Westmeath</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">5,571</td> <td valign="top" width="150">2,393</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Offaly</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">4,159</td> <td valign="top" width="150">1,641</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Galway</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">12,990</td> <td valign="top" width="150">6,975</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Longford</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">4,385</td> <td valign="top" width="150">3,169</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Co Leitrim</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">3,871</td> <td valign="top" width="150">2,836</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><strong>Galway City</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="126">3,087</td> <td valign="top" width="150"><em>-56</em></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="122"><font color="#0000ff"><strong>STATE</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="126"><font color="#0000ff"><strong>260,032</strong></font></td> <td valign="top" width="150"><font color="#0000ff"><strong>120,248</strong></font></td> </tr> </tbody></table> </div> <p><font color="#0000ff"><strong></strong></font></p> <p><font color="#0000ff"><strong></strong></font></p> <p><font color="#0000ff"><strong> </strong></font></p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-10003236199450884952012-05-09T11:41:00.001+01:002012-05-09T16:06:21.699+01:00County and city councils heading for a painful financial nose dive<p>There are <strong>29 county councils</strong> and <strong>5 city councils</strong> in Ireland.  Local administration also includes <strong>5 borough councils</strong>, <strong>75 town councils, 8 regional authorities</strong> and <strong>2 regional assemblies</strong>.</p> <p>The largest component are county councils and the city councils and their financial position has taken a hammering over the past five years.</p> <p>They collectively have a cumulative income for revenue purposes of <strong>€4.6 billion</strong> which has not materially changed between 2007 and 2010.  It is derived from <strong>rates</strong> (27.1%), <strong>State grants and subsidies</strong> (40.7%). <strong>goods and services</strong> (23.9%) and other sources and charges.</p> <p>Their revenue spending is on <strong>roads, transportation and safety</strong> (19.7%), <strong>environmental services</strong> (17.5%), <strong>water</strong> (16.4%), <strong>housing</strong> (14.6%) with the balance on agriculture, education, recreation and amenities.</p> <p>They also spent <strong>€2.8 billion on capital investment</strong>, down from a capital spend of <strong>€6.3 billion</strong> in 2007.  The largest item of expenditure in respect of capital are <strong>payments to contractors</strong>, although they amount spent on contractors has dropped from <strong>€3.2</strong> billion to <strong>€1.3 billion</strong> in the downturn, Councils are substantial buyers of land spending <strong>€583 million</strong> in 2007 and, surprisingly, <strong>€308</strong> million in 2010.  Fees are another major absorber of public funds with <strong>€410 million</strong> spent under this heading in 2007 and <strong>€188 million</strong> in 2010.  Expenditure on land and other assets in the four years came to <strong>€3.8 billion</strong> while <strong>€818 million</strong> was realised from land disposals, some of it no doubt attributable to McCreevy’s public sector decentralization fiasco.</p> <p>A curious feature of local authorities is that they have fixed assets of over <strong>€90 billion</strong>, which includes <strong>land</strong> valued at <strong>€2.2 billion</strong>, <strong>housing</strong> valued at <strong>€17.9 billion</strong> as well as parks, other buildings, plant and machinery, roads and infrastructure, water and sewerage treatment and heritage assets.  But these assets are <strong>valued at their purchase price</strong> in the case of assets acquired since 2003, not at their prevailing market price.  A revaluation would surely have major implications for their capacity to carry debt.</p> <p>Their financial position has grown very precarious.  Ten of them have<strong> €81.3 mil</strong>lion in the bank while <strong>24</strong> of them owe the bank <strong>€62.6 million.</strong></p> <p>The accumulated surplus on the revenue accounts of the councils amounted to <strong>€34 million in 2007</strong> but four years later this surplus had dropped to <strong>€18.7 million</strong>.  The most financially robust are the four Dublin councils and Cork Co Council, which between them had cash balances of <strong>€71.3 million</strong> at the end of 2010.</p> <p>The most severe revenue deficits are in <strong> Donegal, Sligo, Meath, Waterford</strong> and <strong>Wexford</strong> whose combined population has increased by <strong>58,000</strong> to <strong>623,000</strong> in the 2011 Census.  Donegal Co Council saw its deficit rise to over €12.7 million – equivalent to over €78 for each resident of the county.  <strong>Sligo Co Council</strong> saw its revenue deficit increase from €1.4 million to €9.9 million in four years. The revenue deficit at<strong> Offaly Co Council</strong> by 2,822% since 2007, from €€64,990 to €1,899,146 in 2010. The population of the county expanded by 8.2% in that five-year period.</p> <p>The main non State sources of cash-flow for councils are rates, housing rents, commercial water charges and repayments of housing loans.</p> <p>The councils  started 2010 with arrears of rates and commercial water rates of  <strong>€404 million</strong> but they wrote off <strong><font color="#ff0000">€83.7 million</font></strong> as non-recoverable with bad debts in respect of rates accounting for 80% of this write-off.  Billing from these sources in 2010 amounted to €2.1 billion but almost €500 million of this remained uncollected by the year end.  If the amount written off at the end of the year was consistent with the amount written off at the start of 2010, a further <strong><font color="#ff0000">€100 million</font></strong> is likely to be written off.</p> <p>Escalating bank debt, an inability to collect from debtors and overvalued assets are likely to combine and make the majority of the State’s 29 county councils and five city councils a financial basket case.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-77031687326201541582012-05-02T15:45:00.001+01:002012-05-04T14:25:14.094+01:00The cost of British and Irish diplomacy in the EU<p>Last year diplomacy the administration cost of diplomatic representation in <strong>26 other EU Member States</strong> cost the British Government over <strong>€141 million</strong> last year while the Irish Government spent <strong>€19 million</strong> on our diplomatic enterprise in the Member States.  That excludes the <strong>€3.3 million</strong> Ireland spent on the permanent representation to the EU in Brussels.</p> <p>British diplomacy in Ireland costs HM Government <strong>€2.7 million</strong> while Irish diplomacy in the United Kingdom cost<strong> €4.5 million</strong>, including almost €1.25 million spent on offices in Armagh and Belfast.  Ireland’s diplomatic spend in the UK is broadly similar to the British diplomatic spend in Cyprus.</p> <p>Six years ago Ireland spent over <strong>€7 million</strong> in Great Britain maintaining offices in <strong>Cardiff</strong> and <strong>Edinburgh</strong> as well as the embassy and visa office in <strong>London</strong>.</p> <p>There are just five jurisdictions in the world where Britain does not have a diplomatic presence.  Ireland currently has <strong>56 embassies</strong>, <strong>10 consulates</strong> and <strong>7 multilateral missions</strong> with entities such as the European Union, United Nations, Council of Europe and the OECD.  Several ambassadors carry accreditation to third countries on a <strong>non-resident</strong> basis, such as <strong>The Holy See</strong>.</p> <p>The following is a comparison of actual 2011 costs of maintaining these embassies:</p> <p> </p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right"><strong>COUNTRY</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right"><strong>UK – €</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right"><strong>IE – €</strong></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">AUSTRIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  6,810,326</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   655,547</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">BELGIUM</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  8,428,181</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   799,662</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">BULGARIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  3,469,899</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   360,831</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">CYPRUS</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  4,544,052</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   366,537</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">CZECH REP</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  4,624,478</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   570,991</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">DENMARK</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  5,509,086</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   393,102</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">ESTONIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  2,328,663</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   378,515</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">FINLAND</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  4,789,540</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   508,919</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">FRANCE</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">12,797,155</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">1,647,082</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">GERMANY</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">18,979,903</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">    926,903</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">GREECE</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  7,698,253</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">    471,858</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">HUNGARY</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  5,339,509</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">    486,420</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">IRELAND</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  2,767,729</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right"></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">ITALY</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right"><font color="#ff0000">-1,651,964</font></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">1,146,284</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">LATVIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  1,812,955</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   183,604</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">LITHUANIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  1,812,955</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   414,957</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">LUXEMBOURG</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  1,677,422</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   387,042</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">MALTA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  2,809,973</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   324,249</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">THE NETHERLANDS</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  5,755,805</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">   652,113</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">POLAND</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  8,050,601</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  737,398</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">PORTUGAL</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  4,751,460</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  427,883</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">ROMANIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  4,153,139</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  472,071</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">SLOVAKIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  2,102,514</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  356,754</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">SLOVENIA</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  1,946,207</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  400,385</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">SPAIN</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">14,553,068</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  971,078</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">SWEDEN</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right">  5,502,374</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">  616,346</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right">UK</p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right"></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right">4,502,655</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="119"> <p align="right"><strong>TOTAL</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="147"> <p align="right"><strong>€141,263,284</strong></p> </td> <td valign="top" width="133"> <p align="right"><strong>€19,159,126</strong></p> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p><font color="#ff0000">[<em>The negative figure showing for the British embassy in Italy is due to income from other Government Departments and impairment (property revaluation) costs.]</em></font></p> <p>Ireland’s diplomatic footprint in North America costs <strong>€4.4 million</strong>; BRICS <strong>€4.2 million</strong>, Latin America <strong>€1.3 million</strong>, The Middle East <strong>€2.5 </strong>million, Asia-Pac €<strong>4.9 million</strong> and the United Nations <strong>€3.2 million</strong>.</p> <p>The are also diplomatic offices and embassies that support the Irish <strong>Aid</strong> programme and in other locations, such as Norway, Turkey, Nigeria and Switzerland.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-78338159437582683532012-05-01T15:39:00.001+01:002012-05-02T14:42:18.231+01:00State savings soar while Irish consumers shy from housing market<p><strong><font size="3">House purchase transactions slump ….</font></strong></p> <p><strong>Irish house prices</strong> have been collapsing since they peaked in 2007. The rate of the decline reached <strong>16.7%</strong> on an annual basis last year. Sellers have severely reduced their asking prices, sometimes by as much as <strong>70%</strong> from their peak expectation</p> <p>New mortgage lending is down by 30% at the end of 2011 compared to a year earlier.  Some <strong>11,000</strong> property loans amounting to <strong>€2.1 billion</strong> were granted in <strong>2011 </strong>compared to <strong>110,800</strong> with a cumulative value of <strong>€27.8 billion</strong> in <strong>2006</strong>, although the fall in house prices account for a significant element of this dramatic change. Official statistics indicate that <strong>10,500</strong> residential units were completed in <strong>2011</strong> compared to <strong>93,000</strong> in <strong>2006.</strong></p> <p>The downturn in housing means lower levels of tax relief claims for mortgage interest:</p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="70"><strong>Tax Year</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="147"><strong>Number of Mortgages</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="182"><strong>Tax Relief Cost € Million</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="70"><strong>2008</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="147">778,100</td> <td valign="top" width="182">705</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="70"><strong>2009</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="147">782,700</td> <td valign="top" width="182">486</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="70"><strong>2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="147">490,900</td> <td valign="top" width="182">375</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="70"><strong>2011</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="147">488,000</td> <td valign="top" width="182">357</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p><strong></strong></p> <p>There has also been a dramatic slump in the amount of stamp duty that that State has been collecting in respect of purchases an long-term leases of residential property where stamp duty of €10,000, or more applied (typically on property selling for €1 million, or more):</p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>Tax Year</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322"><strong>Number of Stamped Instruments</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>2006</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322">33,192</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>2007</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322">26,072</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>2008</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322">14,888</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>2009</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322">  5,809</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>2010</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322">  3,027</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="78"><strong>2011</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="322">    646</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p><strong><font size="3"></font></strong></p> <p><strong><font size="3">State savings rise …</font></strong></p> <p>But despite these aggressive price drops consumers remain reluctant to buy houses in case prices will fall further and this dynamic could well exacerbate further price drops. A shortage of mortgage credit is also compromising the market.  High levels of youth unemployment or emigration reduces the potential number of first-time buyers.  Those in jobs perceive less security or the prospect of further drops in their income or the threat of economic uncertainty.</p> <p>At some stage demand will recover and the strong increase in consumer savings with State will help this.  State savings are a component of the spending capacity of the exchequer supplied by domestic private investors. Total State savings have increased from <strong>€6.24 billion in 2007</strong> to the current level of <strong>€14.5 billion</strong>.  Expressed as a percentage of GDP State savings has risen from <strong>3.3% in 2007</strong> to <strong>12% in March 2012</strong>. </p> <p>The principal saving products are:</p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>SAVINGS PRODUCT</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44"><strong>% Total 2007</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="41"><strong>% Total 2012</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>3-year Savings Bond, (3.23%)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">26.9%</td> <td valign="top" width="41">33.4%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>4-year National Solidarity Bond, (3.56%)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">      -</td> <td valign="top" width="41">  2.0%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>5.5 –year Savings Certificates, (3.53%)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">35.7%</td> <td valign="top" width="41">31.2%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>6-year Investment Savings, (3.37%)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">  6.5%</td> <td valign="top" width="41">  3.7%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>10-year National Solidarity Bond, (4.14%)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">      -</td> <td valign="top" width="41">    .7%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>Deposit Accounts (1%)</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">20.8%</td> <td valign="top" width="41">18.5%</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="314"><strong>Prize Bonds</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="44">10.1%</td> <td valign="top" width="41">10.5%</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p> </p> <p>The annual coupon of 1% on the <strong>National Solidarity Bonds</strong> and the interest on deposit accounts are subject to Deposit Interest Retention Tax, currently levied at 30%.  Otherwise the returns on State savings are not subject to tax.</p> <p>There has also been a significant growth in the popularity of Prize Bonds.  The 50th anniversary of the introduction of <strong>Prize Bonds</strong> was marked in 2007 when the total amount outstanding was<strong> €632 million.</strong>  This grew to <strong>€1.47 billion</strong> in 2011.</p> <p>The <strong>National Pension Reserve Fund was valued at €14.5 billion</strong> at 31 December last.  This comprises a <strong>Discretionary Portfolio</strong> valued at <strong>€5.4 billion</strong> and the <strong>Directed Portfolio</strong> valued at <strong>€9.1 billion</strong>.  Funds in the Discretionary Portfolio are not all readily available.  There is a legal commitment to invest €1.2 billion in various targets of which <strong>€800 million</strong> are in Ireland – for water metering.  A Strategic Investment Fund will channel resources ona commercial basis from the National Pension Reserve Fund towards productive investment on the basis of a matching commercial contribution from private investors in areas of strategic significance – such as infrastructure, venture capital and the provision of long-term capital for SMEs  Last November <strong>€250 million</strong> was committed to a new infrastructure investment fund which is seeking <strong>€1 billion</strong> from institutional investors.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-60840491935952153602012-04-24T15:46:00.001+01:002012-04-24T15:46:47.544+01:00Home Rule’s second stumble in 1893<p>The <strong>1892</strong> general election was held on the 26 July of that year, nine months after the funeral of <strong>Charles Stewart Parnell</strong>.  The leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party fell to <strong>Justin McCarthy MP</strong> (1830-1912) for North Longford and Derry.</p> <p>McCarthy was a Cork-born journalist who became editor of <strong><em>The Morning Star</em></strong> in London in 1864 having had previously worked on a Liverpool paper, <strong><em>Northern Daily Times</em></strong> before starting work at the Star in 1860.  He spent two years lecturing in the United States until he returned to London to join the <em><strong>Daily News</strong></em> as an opinion writer in 1870.</p> <p>He made his debut as an MP in an April <strong>1879</strong> by-election.  He stood unopposed in Longford in the <strong>1886</strong> general election and was not opposed but he also stood in the constituency of Derry.  He won a seat in Derry after an initial dispute with his Unionist opponent and opted to represent that constituency.</p> <p>McCarthy was the intermediary through whom Gladstone conveyed his views that if Parnell were to remain Leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party after the O’Shea’s divorce in <strong>1889</strong> the <strong>1892 </strong>general election would be lost by the Liberals.  McCarthy led the anti-Parnell faction afterwards.</p> <p>The outcome of the <strong>1892</strong> general election resulted in Gladstone winning an extra 80 seats while the Liberal faction that left after the first Home Rule Bill in <strong>1886</strong> dropped from <strong>78</strong> to <strong>45</strong> seats.  The Conservative and Liberal Unionist group lost 80 seats.</p> <p>The Irish Parliamentary Party won <strong>81</strong> seats in <strong>1892</strong> and there were two Independent Nationalist MPs returned. Despite a legacy of discipline the Irish Parliamentary Party was split after the collapse of Parnell’s political career.  McCarthy’s group won <strong>72</strong> seats, <strong>66</strong> of whom were supporters of <strong>John Dillon MP</strong> (1851-1927) for East Mayo and <strong>six</strong> who backed <strong>Timothy Healy MP</strong> (1855-1931), who became buddy-buddy with<strong> Éamon deValera</strong> (1882-1975).  <strong>9 </strong>favourably disposed to Parnell were led by <strong>John Redmond MP</strong> (1856-1918).</p> <p>Gladstone’s Liberals won <strong>272</strong> seats, <strong>63</strong> shy of an overall majority. Despite the split of the Irish Parliamentary Party that grouping still won <strong>309,329</strong> votes in an electorate of <strong>740,536</strong> male voters and they became Gladstone’s parliamentary partners.</p> <p>Gladstone committed his government to introducing a second bill to grant Home Rule to Ireland despite losing office with the collapse of the first Bill in 1886.</p> <p>But he was deeply involved in the drafting of the second Bill even to the exclusion of his IPP allies. An error was uncovered regarding the sum to be contributed by Ireland to the British Exchequer, the error being of the order of <strong>£360,000 per year</strong>, a colossal sum at that time.  Gladstone’s core philosophy was based on a minimal relationship between the State and citizens so this deficit would have grated on this perspective while some of the Irish MPs believed that the Imperial Treasury could be regarded as Ireland’s piggy bank.</p> <p>This led to a brawl in the Commons between opposing factions when the Bill was being considered on 1 September <strong>1893.</strong>  </p> <p>The Home Rule Bill was passed in the Commons by a majority of 30 but it failed in the Conservative Party dominated House of Lords with only <strong>41</strong> in favour and <strong>419</strong> opposed.</p> <p>The <strong>Chief Secretary for Ireland</strong> at the time was <strong>John Morley</strong> (1838-1923), later <em>(in 1908</em> Viscount Morley of Blackburn.  The Chief Secretary was responsible for governing Ireland and had cabinet rank.  He resided in the residence that the current United States Ambassador resides at in the <strong>Phoenix Park, Dublin</strong>.  </p> <p>The Irish aristocracy made his tenure in Dublin Castle very awkward because he supported Home Rule. He was also stubbornly opposed to the principle of State intervention in economic and social affairs.  He was also left out of the loop by Gladstone and became disaffected with Home Rule as did the Chancellor of the Exchequer, <strong>Sir William Harcourt</strong> (1827-1904).</p> <p>Gladstone’s core objective in Home Rule for Ireland was to devolve legislative authority rather than to diminish the tendency of Ireland to extract resources from the Britain.  The <strong>1886</strong> Bill proposed a single chamber in Ireland with two orders based on a model of the Church of Ireland Synod after its disestablishment in <strong>1869.</strong> The orders could meet separately or jointly.</p> <p>The 1893 Bill proposed two distinct chambers in Ireland meeting separately.</p> <p>British Conservative Party administrations in Ireland throughout the 19th century seemed to take on the character of a development agency, some said <em><strong>‘killing Home Rule with kindness’</strong></em>.  Newly departments of State catering for Ireland included the<strong> Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction</strong> in <strong>1899.</strong> the <strong>Congested Districts Board</strong> <strong>(1891)</strong> to relieve poverty and congested living conditions in the west of Ireland, the <strong>Irish Land Commission</strong> <strong>(1881)</strong> as a rent fixing commission which developed into a tenant purchasing commission that transferred 13.5 million acres by <strong>1920</strong> and the<strong> Local Government Board (1871) </strong>which<strong> </strong>had oversight of public health, relief of poverty and local government.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1986454616469340392.post-5442971613566829942012-04-24T12:03:00.001+01:002012-04-24T16:04:39.819+01:00Mahon Tribunal cost €98,068,090, – so far<p><strong>The Mahon Tribunal</strong> which was appointed by <strong>Noel Dempsey</strong>, <strong>Minister for the Environment & Local Government</strong> has so far cost taxpayers over <strong>€98 million</strong>. But the capacity of this Department to either monitor or approve the costs incurred was limited to oversight of the number employed by the Tribunal, the grading of the staff, including contracted staff; third party legal costs and costs of external counsel which account substantially less than half of the total cost.</p> <p>The independence of the Tribunal apparently meant <strong>no prior sanction of expenditure</strong> on routine goods and services.  The invoices in respect of these were signed by the Tribunal Registrar as being in order for payment by the Department of the Environment & Local Government.  Approval was only sought to incur items of substantial capital expenditure.  The Tribunal did not pay the costs in respect of its venue at the <strong>Clock Tower Building</strong> in Dublin Castle.</p> <p>The fees of the Tribunal’s legal team were based on <strong>agreed daily rates </strong>and legal cost accountants examined and reviewed the costs submitted by external counsel, some of which involved a ruling by the Taxing Master, whose role is to provide and independent and impartial assessment.  The setting of an initial brief fee of <strong>€31,743</strong> and <strong>€20,951</strong> for senior and junior counsel respectively and the per diem rate of <strong>€1,714 </strong>for senior counsel and<strong> €1,143</strong> for junior counsel.  In 2002 the per diem rate for senior counsel went up from <strong>€1,714</strong> to <strong>€2,250</strong> <font color="#800000"><strong><em>(+31%)</em></strong></font> when the counsel engaged by the tribunals in each case sought a review of the rate.</p> <p>The Tribunal convened for the first time on <strong>11 December 1997</strong>.  The first public sitting was on <strong>14 January 1998</strong> and it convened for a total of <strong>916 sessions</strong> thereafter. It produced five reports, four interim and one final. The confidential information that came into the possession of the Tribunal in its early stages ultimately extended the scope of its investigation to matters pre-dating<strong> 20 June 1985</strong> the commencement date set for inquiry out in the original terms of reference.</p> <p>The amended Terms of Reference incorporated not only the original amendment sought by the Tribunal but also amendments which specifically required the Tribunal to inquire into the public life of <br />a <strong>Mr. Ray Burke,</strong> a former Chairman of Dublin City Council from 1985 to 1987, Fianna Fáil TD for the constituency of Dublin North and a government minister in several departments, including Environment, Justice, Communications, Energy and Industry & Commerce.  His successor as Minister for Justice was <strong>Pádraig Flynn</strong>.</p> <p>When Burke retired on 7 October 1997 he was Minister for Foreign Affairs in the first government of <strong>Bertie Ahern</strong>.  The Tribunal found that Burke did not purchase his family home in Swords in ‘a normal commercial transaction’ and that the consideration exchanged for the dwelling and lands did not represent the open market value of the property.  The Tribunal deemed that the transfer of this property to Burke was <strong>a corrupt payment to him</strong>.</p> <p>The Third Interim Report dealt with payments by James Gogarty to <strong>George Redmond</strong>, a former senior official of Dublin Corporation in 1988/89. Redmond informed the Tribunal that he had received ‘a gift of cash of between £8,000 and £10,000 from developer Michael Bailey a short time prior to Redmond’s retirement on 23June 1989, at the age of 65.  It subsequently transpired that Redmond was the recipient of two or three payments from Bailey totalling between £16,000 and £20,000 in 1988/89 when he was ‘advising' Bailey on ‘property matters’. Redmond was unable or unwilling to characterise the nature of his ‘advice’ but the Tribunal concluded that he devised a strategy which resulted in service charges and levies payable to Dublin Corporation in respect of a development in Swords, Co Dublin being fixed at their 1983 level for two years after the expiry of the associated planning permission in June 1988 and that Redmond demanded 10% of the savings arising.  The Tribunal was also satisfied that if Redmond’s services had not been used the service charge and levies would have been fixed at a level of at least 100% more than those fixed in 1983.  The Tribunal was also satisfied that Redmond <strong>hindered and obstructed the Tribunal</strong>.  </p> <p>In circumstances where a person increased the duration of hearings by knowingly or recklessly providing false or misleading information or otherwise failing to provide appropriate cooperation, the existing statutory provision allowing costs to be awarded against that party for the benefit of the Exchequer</p> <p>The Tribunal proceeded to examine transactions relating to lands at <strong>Lucan, Bray, Arlington/Quarryvale, Carrickmines Co. Dublin</strong>.  There were ongoing investigations of allegation of <strong>planning corruption</strong> with regard to the planning processes in a number of separate and distinct transactions.</p> <p>The Final Report was presented on 22 march 2012 and the preparation of it was described as having been an enormous and complex task.  The <strong>14 years</strong> duration of the Inquiry was significantly greater than anticipated in 1997.  The wider terms of reference required extensive and prolonged investigation that involved the provision of evidence by hundreds of witnesses, some of whom did not give truthful evidence.  The investigation of corruption is by its nature forensic and painstaking requiring fair procedures always.</p> <p>The Tribunal Costs from 1997 to March 2012 were:</p> <p> </p> <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" width="400" border="0"><tbody> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325"><strong>Category</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="75"><strong>Amount €</strong></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325">Administrative Costs, including non-legal staff</td> <td valign="top" width="75">30,271,702</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325">Tribunal’s legal team</td> <td valign="top" width="75">50,123,718</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325">Court costs</td> <td valign="top" width="75">  7,531,495</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325">Court costs – external counsel</td> <td valign="top" width="75">  3,420,498</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325">Court costs – other</td> <td valign="top" width="75">  4,110,997</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325">Third party costs</td> <td valign="top" width="75"><u>10,141,175</u></td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="325"><strong>TOTAL</strong></td> <td valign="top" width="75"><strong>98,068,090</strong></td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p>The third party legal costs involved settlements with 40 individuals and 31 corporate entities.  The largest individual settlement was with <strong>James Gogarty</strong> for €3,567.779.  Gogarty died in September 2005 and it was he who blew the whistle on corrupt payments to Ray Burke.  Gogarty was once a Garda who became an engineer and was employed by Joseph Murphy Structural Engineers.  He claimed that a payment to Burke of £30,000 was intended to corruptly influence Burke to support the rezoning of <strong>726 acres</strong> of land at Finglas, Ballymun, Balgriffeen, Portmarnock and Donabate Co Dublin.</p> <p>One of the many of his more memorable contributions to the Tribunal concerned the car journey to Burke’s house when Gogarty had the £30,000 in an envelope in his pocket.  There had been little conversation throghout and journey and Gogarty enquired of Bailey <em><strong>“would we get a receipt for the money?”</strong></em> to which Bailey replied <strong><em>“will we, fuck!”</em></strong></p> <p>Gogarty had claimed reimbursement of costs of <strong>€4.539.545</strong> but was paid <strong>€971,766</strong> less than this.</p> <p>The payment of €1,001,853 to <strong>RTE </strong>was the largest of the corporate claims paid.</p> <p>Third party costs are awarded and the amount determined in retrospect. While the process in other countries varies, <br />application for legal fees to be met from the public purse is required prior to participation in the public inquiry process in Australia, Canada and the UK.</p> <p>The last public session of the Mahon Tribunal was on 29 October 2008.  Some €14 million of the total costs to date relate to the period from the end of 2008 to March 2012. That includes €5.6 million paid to the Tribunal’s internal legal team.</p> <p>Each of the three judges who comprised the Mahon Tribunal are paid a salary of <strong>€156,248</strong> (reduced from €177,554 since 1 Jan 2012) plus and untaxed allowance of <strong>€9,058</strong>.  The total sum paid to the three of them from 24 October 2002 to 15 march 2012 was <strong>€4,598,091</strong>.  The Tribunal commenced as a Sole Member Tribunal but three judges were appointed to it on 24 October 2002.</p> <p>This Tribunal has been the longest running in the history of Ireland.</p> Myles Duffyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14393652603287289541noreply@blogger.com0