Komik Resimler

Ashikaga Yoshiteru

2013-04-03T15:47:00.001+03:00

In this Japanese name, the family name is "Ashikaga".

Ashikaga Yoshiteru

Ashikaga Yoshiteru (足利義輝^?, March 31, 1536 – June 17, 1565), also known as Yoshifushi or Yoshifuji, was the 13th shogun of the Ashikaga shogunate who reigned from 1546 to 1565 during the late Muromachi period of Japan. He was the eldest son of the 12th shogun, Ashikaga Yoshiharu; and his mother was a daughter of Konoe Taneie (later called 慶寿院 Keijuin). When he became shogun in 1546 at age 11, Yoshiteru's name was Yoshifushi (sometimes translated as Yoshifuji);^[1] but some years later in 1554, he changed his name to the one by which he is conventionally known today.^[2] His younger brother Ashikaga Yoshiaki would become the fifteenth shogun.

Installed as shogun

After his father, Yoshiharu, was forced to retire in 1546 over a political struggle with Hosokawa Harumoto, Yoshiteru became Seii Taishogun, albeit a puppet shogun like his father. Yoshiteru was only 11 at the time and his investiture ceremony was held at Sakamoto, Ōmi Province, outside Kyoto.
Yoshiteru had barely been confirmed as shogun when his father Yoshiharu made a truce with Harumoto in order to return to Kyoto. Yet, Harumoto's retainer Miyoshi Nagayoshi parted with Harumoto to take the side of Hosokawa Ujitsuna and the two Hosokawa started a war that drove out Yoshiteru, his father Yoshiharu, and Harumoto as well, from Kyoto. In 1550, Yoshiharu died in Ōmi, unable to return to Kyoto.
In 1552, Yoshiteru made a peace with Nagayoshi to return to Kyoto. However, the next year, Yoshiteru and Harumoto started a war against Nagayoshi to remove his influence. With the help of Rokkaku Yoshikata, the war initially went well for Yoshiteru but he was driven out of Kyoto again in 1558 with a counter attack from Nagayoshi. Nagayoshi did not press on after the victory to kill Yoshiteru for fear of being accused of killing a shogun, and instead signed a truce to have Yoshiteru back in Kyoto under his influence. Nagayoshi continued as the real power in Kyoto, with Yoshiteru nothing more than a rubber stamp.

Timeline

Significant events shaped the period during which Yoshiteru was shogun:^[3]

1550 – Yoshiharu dies in exile; Yoshiteru's "shogunate" in exile begins.^[3]
1551 – Sue Harutaka rebels against Ōuchi Yoshitaka.^[3]
1552 – Yoshiteru returns to Kyoto, actual power being held by Miyoshi Nagayoshi and Matsunaga Hisahide.^[3]
1554–1564 – Ōuchi's retainer Mōri Motonari succeeds him and consolidates his power.^[3]
1557 – Ōgimachi succeeds.^[3]
1558 – Nagayoshi drives out Yoshiteru who, however, is reinstated.^[3]
1560 – Oda Nobunaga slays Imagawa Yoshimoto.^[3]
1564 – Uesugi Kenshin and Takeda Shingen reach a stalemate at Kawanakajima after continuous battles, checking each other's power. (1553–1564).^[3]
1565 – Matsunaga invests Kyoto; Yoshiteru commits suicide.^[3]

Governance

Yoshiteru, formal portrait

Surrounded by daimyo who only intended to use the authority of shogun for their own good, Yoshiteru still managed to reaffirm the shogun's authority by active diplomacy that extended to every part of Japan. By trying to negotiate a peace between such well known daimyo as Takeda Shingen and Uesugi Kenshin, Shimazu Takahisa, Ōtomo Yoshishige, Mōri Motonari, and Amago Haruhisa, the shogun's authority was again recognized by various daimyo. Lacking resources, Yoshiteru nevertheless saw opportunities to assign his kanji "輝" on various samurai like Mōri Terumoto to become something close to a godfather. Yoshiteru was well respected for his actions and many researchers credit him as being the last effective shogun to hold the post. Oda Nobunaga and Uesugi Kenshin were among the many daimyo and samurai who travelled to Kyoto to pay their respects to the shogun.

End of Reign

In 1564, Nagayoshi died of illness and Yoshiteru saw an opportunity to fully reclaim the shogun's authority. However, Matsunaga Hisahide and the three member council of Miyoshi, the Miyoshi Triumvirs, who wanted to rule just as Nagayoshi had, were willing to go to any lengths to remove Yoshiteru from the power and to have Ashikaga Yoshihide as the puppet shogun.
In 1565, Hisahide, and Miyoshi Yoshitsugu laid siege against a collection of buildings (that would later become Nijo Castle) where Yoshiteru lived. With no help arriving in time from the daimyo that could have supported him, Yoshiteru and the few troops under him were overrun by Miyoshi.
Three years would pass before his cousin Ashikaga Yoshihide became the fourteenth shogun.

Yoshiteru's Legacy

Because of his inner strength and the katana skills that he was known to have practiced regularly, Yoshiteru was called the "Kengo Shogun" (剣豪将軍) and was closer to being a samurai and a warlord than any shogun since Ashikaga Takauji. His governance was highly credited but to have been killed in spite of his efforts completely destroyed what little recognition and authority Yoshiteru built up.
The waka Yoshiteru was said to have left on his death shows the extent of his aspirations compared with the limits of achievements.

Kanji	Rōmaji	English
五月雨は　露か涙か　不如帰我が名をあげよ　雲の上まで	samidare wa tsuyu ka namida ka hototogisu waga na o ageyo kumo no ue made	The May rain falls, and is it my tears or the mist that surround me? Hototogisu,^[4] take my name and soar above the clouds

Neue Kirche, Berlin

2013-04-02T13:37:00.000+03:00

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German Church Deutscher Dom (de) colloquially: Deutscher Dom
The German Church on Gendarmenmarkt, seen from north.
Basic information
Location	Friedrichstadt, a locality of Berlin
Geographic coordinates	52°30′46″N 13°23′33″ECoordinates: 52°30′46″N 13°23′33″E
Affiliation	Profaned since its reconstruction originally a Reformed (i.e. Calvinist) and Lutheran simultaneum, 1830s?-1943 united Protestant (Prussian Union)
Province	last: Evangelical Church of the old-Prussian Union
District	March of Brandenburg ecclesiastical province, Kirchenkreis Berlin Stadt I (deanery)
Architectural description
Architect(s)	Martin Grünberg (design), Giovanni Simonetti (church construction 1701–8); Carl von Gontard (design); Georg Christian Unger (tower construction 1780–85); Johann Wilhelm Schwedler (design); Hermann von der Hude, Julius Hennicke (new prayer hall 1881–82); Otto Lessing (exterior sculptures 1885); Manfred Prasser, Roland Steiger and Uwe Karl (outside reconstruction 1977–81)
Completed	9 April 1708, 1882 (new prayer hall), reconstruction 1988
Specifications

The Deutscher Dom (English: German Church), is located in Berlin on the Gendarmenmarkt across from Französischer Dom (French Church). Its parish comprised the northern part of the then new quarter of Friedrichstadt, which until then belonged to the parish of the congregations of Jerusalem's Church. The Lutheran and Calvinist (in German Reformed Church) congregants used German as their native language, as opposed to the French-speaking Calvinist congregation owning the French Church of Friedrichstadt on the opposite side of Gendarmenmarkt. The congregants' native language combined with the domed tower earned the church its colloquial naming. The church is not a cathedral in the actual sense of the word.

Church and congregations

In 1701-1708 Giovanni Simonetti built the first church after a design of Martin Grünberg. It was the third church in Friedrichstadt, established in 1688, which was a town of princely domination, while the neighbouring old Berlin and Cölln were cities of town privileges. The Prince-Elector originally only provided for a Calvinist congregation, since they - the Hohenzollerns - themselves were Calvinists. But also more and more Lutherans moved in. Therefore in 1708 the German Church became a Calvinist and Lutheran Simultaneum.^[1]
The site for the church was disentangled from the so-called Swiss Cemetery, which had been provided for Huguenots, who had come to Berlin between 1698 and 1699 from their intermittent refuge in Switzerland. The original building had a pentagonal groundplan with semicircular apses. The interior was characterised by a typical Protestant combined altar and pulpit leaning against the eastern central pillar opposite to the entrance.

The German Church seen at twilight, with the marble monument of Friedrich Schiller in the foreground.

In 1780-1785 Georg Christian Unger modified the church and added the eastern domed tower after a design by Carl von Gontard. His design of the domed towers followed the Palladian tradition and received the shape of the Parisian Church of Sainte-Geneviève (now the Panthéon), then still under construction by Jacques-Germain Soufflot. Together with the domed tower next to the French Church Gendarmenmarkt was meant to resemble the Piazza del Popolo in Rome.
Christian Bernhard Rode created the statues, representing characters from the Old and New Covenant, which are added to the tower. The dome was topped by a statue symbolising the victorious virtue (now a post-war replica). The gable relief depicts the Conversion of Sha'ul Paul of Tarsus.^[2] In 1817 the two congregations of the German Church, like most Prussian Reformed and Lutheran congregations joined the common umbrella organisation named Evangelical Church in Prussia (under this name since 1821), with each congregation maintaining its former denomination or adopting the new united denomination.

The coffins of the casualties of the March Revolution at the German Church with its old prayer hall from 1708, painting by Adolph Menzel.

The German Church became famous as a place of Prussian history. On 22 March 1848 the coffins of 183 Berliners, who had been killed during the March Revolution, were shown on the northern side of the church. After an Evangelical service within the prayer hall outside an Evangelical pastor, a Catholic priest and a rabbi, one after the other, shortly addressed the audience, before the throng accompanied the coffins to the graves.
In 1881 the dilapidated prayer hall was torn down and Hermann von der Hude and Julius Hennicke replaced it with a new one on a pentagonal groundplan, according to the neobaroque design of Johann Wilhelm Schwedler. Otto Lessing designed the six statues on the attic of the new prayer hall. On 17 December 1882 the new prayer hall was inaugurated.
In 1934 the congregations of the German Church had united with that of Jerusalem's Church and have become - after further mergers - today's Evangelical Congregation in the Friedrichstadt (as of 2001). For services it uses the French Church on the opposite side of Gendarmenmarkt and Luke's Church in Berlin-Kreuzberg.
In 1943 the German Church was almost completely destroyed in the bombing of Berlin in World War II and was subsequently rebuilt from 1977 to 1988. Meanwhile the German government acquired the building and the site. The church building was updated, profaned and reopened in 1996 as the Bundestag's museum on German parliamentary history (Milestones - Setbacks - Sidetracks, The Path to Parliamentary Democracy in Germany).
The two congregations of the German Church maintained cemeteries with the two congregations of the neighbouring Jerusalem's Church (another simultaneum), three of which are comprised - with cemeteries of other congregations - in a compound of six cemeteries altogether, which are among the most important historical cemeteries of Berlin. They are located in Berlin-Kreuzberg south of Hallesches Tor (Berlin U-Bahn) (Friedhöfe vor dem Halleschen Tor).

Al Pacino

2013-04-01T19:22:00.001+03:00

Alfredo James "Al" Pacino (/pəˈtʃiːnɵ/; born April 25, 1940) is an American film and stage actor and director. He is famous for playing mobsters, including Michael Corleone in The Godfather trilogy and Tony Montana in Scarface, though he has also appeared several times on the other side of the law—as a police officer, a detective and a lawyer. For his performance as Frank Slade in Scent of a Woman he won the Academy Award for Best Actor in 1992. He had received seven previous Oscar nominations, including one in that same year.
He made his feature film debut in the 1969 film Me, Natalie in a minor supporting role, before playing the leading role in the 1971 drama The Panic in Needle Park. Pacino made his major breakthrough when he was given the role of Michael Corleone in The Godfather in 1972, which earned him an Academy Award nomination for Best Supporting Actor. Other Oscar nominations for Best Supporting Actor were for Dick Tracy and Glengarry Glen Ross. Oscar nominations for Best Actor include The Godfather Part II, Serpico, Dog Day Afternoon, ...And Justice for All and Scent of a Woman.
In addition to a career in film, he has also enjoyed a successful career on stage, winning Tony Awards for Does a Tiger Wear a Necktie? and The Basic Training of Pavlo Hummel. A longtime fan of Shakespeare, he made his directorial debut with Looking for Richard, a quasi-documentary on the play Richard III. Pacino has received numerous lifetime achievement awards, including one from the American Film Institute. He is a method actor, taught mainly by Lee Strasberg and Charles Laughton at the Actors Studio in New York.
Although he has never married, Pacino has had several relationships with actresses and has three children.

Early life and education

Pacino was born in East Harlem, New York City, to Italian American parents Salvatore Pacino and Rose, who divorced when he was two years old.^[1] When he was two, his mother moved to a neighborhood in The Bronx near the Bronx Zoo, to live with her parents, Kate and James Gelardi, who originally came from Corleone, Sicily.^[2] During his teenage years "Sonny", as he was known to his friends, aimed to become a baseball player, though he was also nicknamed "The Actor".^[3] Pacino flunked nearly all of his classes except English and dropped out of school at 17. His mother disagreed with his decision; they had an argument and he left home. He worked at a string of low-paying jobs, including messenger, busboy, janitor, and postal clerk, in order to finance his acting studies.^[1]
He started smoking at age nine, drinking, and casual marijuana use at age thirteen, but never took hard drugs.^[4] His two closest friends died young of drug abuse at the ages of 19 and 30.^[5] Growing up in The Bronx, he got into occasional fights and was something of a troublemaker at school.^[6]
He acted in basement plays in New York's theatrical underground but was rejected for the Actors Studio while still a teenager.^[3] Pacino then joined the Herbert Berghof Studio (HB Studio), where he met teacher of acting Charlie Laughton—not the actor Charles Laughton—who became his mentor and best friend.^[3] During this period, he was frequently unemployed and homeless, and sometimes had to sleep on the street, in theaters, or at friends' houses.^[2]^[7]
In 1962, his mother died at the age of 43.^[8] The following year, his grandfather, James Gelardi, one of the most influential people in his life, also died.^[1]

Actors Studio training

After having spent four years at HB Studio, Pacino successfully auditioned for the Actors Studio.^[3] The Actors Studio is a membership organization for professional actors, theatre directors and playwrights in the Hell's Kitchen neighborhood of Manhattan in New York City.^[9] Pacino studied "method acting"^[1] under acting coach Lee Strasberg, who later appeared with Pacino in the films The Godfather Part II and in ...And Justice for All.^[2]
During later interviews he spoke about Strasberg and the Studio's effect on his career. "The Actors Studio meant so much to me in my life. Lee Strasberg hasn't been given the credit he deserves ... Next to Charlie, it sort of launched me. It really did. That was a remarkable turning point in my life. It was directly responsible for getting me to quit all those jobs and just stay acting."^[10]
During another interview he added, "It was exciting to work for him [Lee Strasberg] because he was so interesting when he talked about a scene or talked about people. One would just want to hear him talk, because things he would say, you'd never heard before ... He had such a great understanding ... he loved actors so much."^[11]
Pacino is currently co-president, along with Ellen Burstyn and Harvey Keitel, of the Actors Studio.^[9]

Stage career

In 1967, Pacino spent a season at the Charles Playhouse in Boston, performing in Clifford Odets' Awake and Sing! (his first major paycheck: $125 a week); and in Jean-Claude Van Itallie's America, Hurrah, where he met actress Jill Clayburgh while working on this play. They went on to have a five-year romance and moved together back to New York City.^[12]
In 1968, Pacino starred in Israel Horovitz's The Indian Wants the Bronx at the Astor Place Theater, playing Murph, a street punk. The play opened January 17, 1968, and ran for 177 performances; it was staged in a double bill with Horovitz's It's Called the Sugar Plum, starring Clayburgh. Pacino won an Obie Award for Best Actor for his role, with John Cazale winning for Best Supporting actor and Horowitz for Best New Play.^[13] Martin Bregman saw the play and offered to be Pacino's manager, a partnership that became fruitful in the years to come, as Bregman encouraged Pacino to do The Godfather, Serpico and Dog Day Afternoon.^[14]
Pacino and this production of The Indian Wants the Bronx traveled to Italy for a performance at the Festival dei Due Mondi in Spoleto. It was Pacino's first journey to Italy; he later recalled that "performing for an Italian audience was a marvelous experience".^[12] Pacino and Clayburgh were cast in "Deadly Circle of Violence", an episode of the ABC television series N.Y.P.D., premiering November 12, 1968. Clayburgh at the time was also appearing on the soap opera Search for Tomorrow, playing the role of Grace Bolton. Her father would send the couple money each month to help.^[15]
On February 25, 1969, Pacino made his Broadway debut in Don Petersen's Does a Tiger Wear a Necktie? at the Belasco Theater produced by A&P Heir Huntington Hartford. It closed after 39 performances on March 29, 1969, but Pacino received rave reviews and won the Tony Award on April 20, 1969.^[12] Pacino continued performing onstage in the 1970s, winning a second Tony Award for The Basic Training of Pavlo Hummel and performing the title role in Richard III.^[1] In 1980s Pacino again achieved critical success on the stage while appearing in David Mamet's American Buffalo, for which Pacino was nominated for a Drama Desk Award.^[1] Since 1990 Pacino's stage work has included revivals of Eugene O'Neill's Hughie, Oscar Wilde's Salome and in 2005 Lyle Kessler's Orphans.^[16]
Pacino made his return to the stage in summer 2010, as Shylock in a Shakespeare in the Park production of The Merchant of Venice.^[17] The acclaimed production transferred to Broadway at the Broadhurst Theatre in October, earning US$1 million at the box office in its first week.^[18]^[19] The performance also garnered him a Tony Award nomination for Best Leading Actor in a Play.^[20] On October 25, 2012, it was announced that he is all set to return to Broadway in November to star in David Mamet's classic play, Glengarry Glen Ross.^[21]

Film career

Early film career

Pacino found acting to be enjoyable and realized he had a gift for it while studying at The Actors Studio. However, his early work was not financially rewarding.^[2] After his success on stage, Pacino made his movie debut in 1969 with a brief screen appearance in Me, Natalie, an independent film starring Patty Duke.^[22] In 1970, Pacino signed with the talent agency Creative Management Associates (CMA).^[12]

1970s

With Robert Duvall in The Godfather.

It was the 1971 film The Panic in Needle Park, in which he played a heroin addict, that brought Pacino to the attention of director Francis Ford Coppola, who cast him as Michael Corleone in the blockbuster Mafia film The Godfather (1972). Although several established actors—including Robert Redford, Warren Beatty, and little-known Robert De Niro—also tried out for the part, Coppola selected the relatively unknown Pacino, much to the dismay of studio executives.^[2]
Pacino was even teased on the set because of his short stature. Pacino's performance earned him an Academy Award nomination, and offered a prime example of his early acting style, described by Halliwell's Film Guide as "intense" and "tightly clenched". Pacino boycotted the Academy Award ceremony, as he was insulted at being nominated for the Supporting Acting award, noting that he had more screen time than costar and Best Actor winner Marlon Brando—who was himself boycotting the awards.^[23]
In 1973, he co-starred in Scarecrow, with Gene Hackman, and won the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival. That same year Pacino was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Actor after starring in Serpico, based on the true story of New York City policeman Frank Serpico, who went undercover to expose the corruption of fellow officers.^[23] In 1974, Pacino reprised his role as Michael Corleone in the sequel The Godfather Part II, which became the first sequel to win the Best Picture Oscar; Pacino, meanwhile, was nominated for his third Oscar.^[23]
Newsweek has described his performance in The Godfather Part II as "arguably cinema's greatest portrayal of the hardening of a heart".^[24] In 1975, he enjoyed further success with the release of Dog Day Afternoon, based on the true story of bank robber John Wojtowicz.^[2] It was directed by Sidney Lumet, who had directed him in Serpico a few years earlier, and Pacino was again nominated for Best Actor.^[25]
In 1977, Pacino starred as a race-car driver in Bobby Deerfield, directed by Sydney Pollack, and received a Golden Globe nomination for Best Motion Picture Actor – Drama for his portrayal of the title role, losing out to Richard Burton, who won for Equus. His next film was the courtroom drama ...And Justice for All, which again saw Pacino lauded by critics for his wide range of acting abilities, and nominated for the Best Actor Oscar for a fourth time.^[25] However he lost out that year to Dustin Hoffman in Kramer vs. Kramer—a role that Pacino had declined.^[25]
During the 1970s, Pacino had four Oscar nominations for Best Actor, for his performances in Serpico, The Godfather Part II, Dog Day Afternoon, and ...And Justice for All.^[2]

1980s

Pacino's career slumped in the early 1980s; his appearances in the controversial Cruising, a film which provoked protests from New York's gay community,^[26] and the comedy-drama Author! Author! were critically panned.^[1] However, 1983's Scarface, directed by Brian De Palma, proved to be a career highlight and a defining role.^[2] Upon its initial release, the film was critically panned due to its violent content, but later received critical acclaim.^[27] The film did well at the box office, grossing over US$45 million domestically.^[28] Pacino earned a Golden Globe nomination for his role as Cuban drug lord Tony Montana.^[29]
In 1985, Pacino worked on his personal project, The Local Stigmatic, a 1969 Off Broadway play by the English writer Heathcote Williams. He starred in the play, remounting it with director David Wheeler and the Theater Company of Boston in a 50-minute film version. The film was never released theatrically but was later released as part of the Pacino: An Actor's Vision box set in 2007.^[2]
His 1985 film Revolution about a fur trapper during the American Revolutionary War, was a commercial and critical failure, which Pacino blamed on a rushed production,^[30] resulting in a four-year hiatus from films. During this time Pacino returned to the stage. He mounted workshop productions of Crystal Clear, National Anthems and other plays; he appeared in Julius Caesar in 1988 in producer Joseph Papp's New York Shakespeare Festival. Pacino remarked on his hiatus from film: "I remember back when everything was happening, '74, '75, doing The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui on stage and reading that the reason I'd gone back to the stage was that my movie career was waning! That's been the kind of ethos, the way in which theater's perceived, unfortunately."^[31] Pacino returned to film in 1989's Sea of Love,^[2] in which he portrayed a detective hunting a serial killer who finds victims through the singles column in a newspaper. The film earned solid reviews.^[32]

1990s

Al Pacino at the 1996 Cannes Film Festival.

Pacino received an Academy Award nomination for playing Big Boy Caprice in the box office hit Dick Tracy in 1990, of which critic Roger Ebert described Pacino as "the scene-stealer".^[33] Later in the year he followed this up by a return to one of his most famous characters, Michael Corleone, in The Godfather Part III (1990).^[2] The film received mixed reviews, and had problems during pre-production due to script rewrites and the withdrawal of actors shortly before production.
In 1991, Pacino starred in Frankie and Johnny with Michelle Pfeiffer, who co-starred with Pacino in Scarface. Pacino portrays a recently paroled cook who begins a relationship with a waitress (Pfeiffer) in the diner he works in. It was adapted by Terrence McNally from his own Off-Broadway play Frankie and Johnny in the Clair de Lune (1987), which featured Kenneth Welsh and Kathy Bates. The film received mixed reviews, although Pacino later said he enjoyed playing the part.^[34] Janet Maslin in The New York Times wrote, "Mr. Pacino has not been this uncomplicatedly appealing since his "Dog Day Afternoon" days, and he makes Johnny's endless enterprise in wooing Frankie a delight. His scenes alone with Ms. Pfeiffer have a precision and honesty that keep the film's maudlin aspects at bay."^[35]
In 1992, Pacino won the Academy Award for Best Actor, for his portrayal of the blind U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel Frank Slade in Martin Brest's Scent of a Woman.^[2] That year, he was also nominated for Best Supporting Actor for Glengarry Glen Ross, making Pacino the first male actor ever to receive two acting nominations for two different movies in the same year, and to win for the lead role.^[2]
Pacino starred alongside Sean Penn in the crime drama Carlito's Way in 1993, in which he portrayed a gangster who is released from prison with the help of his lawyer (Penn) and vows to go straight. Pacino starred in Michael Mann's Heat (1995), in which he and Robert De Niro appeared on-screen together for the first time (though both Pacino and De Niro starred in The Godfather Part II, they did not share any scenes).^[2]
In 1996, Pacino starred in his theatrical docudrama Looking for Richard, which is both a performance of selected scenes of Shakespeare's Richard III and a broader examination of Shakespeare's continuing role and relevance in popular culture. The cast brought together for the performance included Alec Baldwin, Kevin Spacey, and Winona Ryder. Pacino played Satan in the supernatural thriller The Devil's Advocate (1997) which co-starred Keanu Reeves. The film was a success at the box office, taking US$150 million worldwide.^[36]
Roger Ebert wrote in the Chicago Sun-Times, 'The satanic character is played by Pacino with relish bordering on glee.'^[37] In Donnie Brasco Pacino played mafia gangster "Lefty", in the true story of undercover FBI agent Donnie Brasco (Johnny Depp) and his work in bringing down the mafia from the inside. Pacino also starred as real life 60 Minutes producer Lowell Bergman in the multi-Oscar nominated The Insider opposite Russell Crowe, before starring in Oliver Stone's Any Given Sunday in 1999.

2000s

Al Pacino at the Rome Film Festival in 2008.

Pacino has not received another nomination from the Academy since Scent of a Woman, but won two Golden Globes since the year 2000, the first being the Cecil B. DeMille Award in 2001 for lifetime achievement in motion pictures.^[38]
In 2000, Pacino released a low-budget film adaptation of Ira Lewis' play Chinese Coffee to film festivals.^[39] Shot almost exclusively as a one-on-one conversation between the two main characters, the project took almost three years to complete and it was funded entirely by Pacino.^[39] Chinese Coffee was included along with Pacino's two other rare films he has been involved in producing, The Local Stigmatic and Looking for Richard, on a special DVD boxset titled Pacino: An Actor's Vision which was released in 2007. Pacino produced prologues and epilogues for the discs containing the films.^[40]
Pacino turned down an offer to reprise his role as Michael Corleone in the computer game version of The Godfather. As a result, Electronic Arts was not permitted to use Pacino's likeness or voice in the game, although his character does appear in it. He did allow his likeness to appear in the video game adaptation of the remake of 1983's Scarface, titled Scarface: The World is Yours.^[41]
Director Christopher Nolan worked with Pacino for Insomnia, a remake of the Norwegian film of the same name, co-starring Robin Williams. Newsweek stated that "he [Pacino] can play small as rivetingly as he can play big, that he can implode as well as explode".^[42] The film and Pacino's performance were well-received, gaining a favorable rating of 93 percent on the review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes.^[43] The film did moderately well at the box office, taking in $113 million dollars worldwide.^[44] His next film, S1m0ne, did not gain much critical praise or box office success.^[45]
He played the part of a publicist in People I Know, a small film that received little attention despite Pacino's well-received performance.^[46] Rarely taking a supporting role since his commercial breakthrough, he accepted a small part in the box office flop Gigli in 2003 as a favor to director Martin Brest.^[46] The Recruit, released in 2003, featured Pacino as a CIA recruiter and co-stars Colin Farrell. The film received mostly negative reviews,^[47] and was described by Pacino as something he "personally couldn't follow".^[46] Pacino next starred as lawyer Roy Cohn in the 2003 HBO miniseries Angels in America, an adaptation of Tony Kushner's Pulitzer Prize winning play of the same name.^[2] For this performance, Pacino won his third Golden Globe, for Best Performance by an Actor, in 2004.^[48]
Pacino starred as Shylock in Michael Radford's 2004 film adaptation of The Merchant of Venice, choosing to bring compassion and depth to a character traditionally played as a villainous caricature.^[49] In Two for the Money, Pacino portrays a sports gambling agent and mentor for Matthew McConaughey, alongside Rene Russo. The film was released on October 8, 2005 and received mixed reviews.^[50] Desson Thomson wrote in The Washington Post, "Al Pacino has played the mentor so many times, he ought to get a kingmaker's award ... the fight between good and evil feels fixed in favor of Hollywood redemption."^[51]
On October 20, 2006, the American Film Institute named Pacino the recipient of the 35th AFI Life Achievement Award.^[52] On November 22, 2006, the University Philosophical Society of Trinity College, Dublin awarded Pacino the Honorary Patronage of the Society.^[53]
Pacino played a spoof role in Steven Soderbergh's Ocean's Thirteen alongside George Clooney, Brad Pitt, Matt Damon, Elliott Gould and Andy García as the villain Willy Bank, a casino tycoon targeted by Danny Ocean and his crew. The film received generally favorable reviews.^[54]
88 Minutes was released on April 18, 2008 in the United States, having already been released in various other countries in 2007. The film co-starred Alicia Witt and was critically panned,^[55] although critics found the fault to be in the plot instead of Pacino's acting.^[56] In Righteous Kill, Pacino and Robert De Niro co-star as New York detectives searching for a serial killer. The film was released to theaters on September 12, 2008. Although it was an anticipated return for the two stars, it was not well received by critics.^[57] Lou Lumenick of The New York Post gave Righteous Kill one star out of four, saying: "Al Pacino and Robert De Niro collect bloated paychecks with intent to bore in Righteous Kill, a slow-moving, ridiculous police thriller that would have been shipped straight to the remainder bin at Blockbuster if it starred anyone else."^[58]

2010s

Pacino played Dr. Jack Kevorkian in an HBO Films biopic entitled You Don't Know Jack, which premiered April 2010. The film is about the life and work of the physician-assisted suicide advocate. The performance earned Pacino his second Emmy Award^[59] for lead actor^[60] and his fourth Golden Globe award.^[29]
Pacino and Robert De Niro are reportedly set to star in the upcoming project The Irishman, that will be directed by Martin Scorsese and co-star Joe Pesci.^[61] He's also filming a biographical picture about Phil Spector.^[62]
It was announced in May 2011 that Pacino was to be honored with the "Glory to the Film-maker" award at the 68th Venice International Film Festival.^[63] The award was presented ahead of the premiere of his film Wilde Salome, the third film Pacino has directed.^[63] Pacino, who plays the role of Herod in the film, describes it as his "most personal project ever".^[63]
The United States premiere of Wilde Salomé took place on the evening of March 21, 2012, before a full house at the 1,400-seat Castro Theatre in San Francisco's Castro District. Marking the 130th anniversary of Oscar Wilde's visit to San Francisco, the event was a benefit for the GLBT Historical Society.^[64]^[65]^[66]
It was announced in January 2013, that Pacino will play the late former Penn State University football coach Joe Paterno in the movie tentatively titled Happy Valley and based on a 2012 biography of Paterno by sportswriter Joe Posnanski.^[67]

Personal life

Although he has never married, Pacino has three children. The eldest, Julie Marie (born 1989), is his daughter with acting coach Jan Tarrant. He also has twins, son Anton James and daughter Olivia Rose (born 2001), with actress Beverly D'Angelo, with whom he had a relationship from 1996 until 2003.^[68]^[69] Pacino had a relationship with Diane Keaton, his co-star in the Godfather trilogy. The on-again, off-again relationship ended following the filming of The Godfather Part III.^[70] He has also had relationships with Tuesday Weld, Jill Clayburgh, Marthe Keller, Kathleen Quinlan and Lyndall Hobbs.^[40]
The Internal Revenue Service filed a tax lien against Pacino, claiming he owes the government a total of $188,000 for 2008 and 2009. A representative for Pacino blamed his former business manager Kenneth Starr for the discrepancy.^[71]

Emil Adolf von Behring

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Emil Adolf von Behring
Emil Adolf von Behring
Born	15 March 1854 Hansdorf
Died	31 March 1917 (aged 63) Marburg, Hesse-Nassau
Nationality	Germany
Fields	Physiology, immunology
Known for	Diphtheria antitoxin/serum
Notable awards	Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine (1901)

Emil Adolf von Behring (15 March 1854 – 31 March 1917) was a German physiologist who received the 1901 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, the first one so awarded.

Biography

Behring was born Adolf Emil Behring in Hansdorf (now Ławice, Iława County), Kreis Rosenberg, Province of Prussia, now Poland.
Between 1874 and 1878, he studied medicine at the Akademie für das militärärztliche Bildungswesen, Berlin. He was mainly a military doctor and then became Professor of Hygienics within the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Marburg (against the initial strenuous opposition of the faculty council), a position he would hold for the rest of his life. He and the pharmacologist Hans Horst Meyer had their laboratories in the same building, and Behring stimulated Meyer's interest in the mode of action of tetanus toxin.^[1]
Behring was the discoverer of diphtheria antitoxin in 1890 and attained a great reputation by that means and by his contributions to the study of immunity. He won the first Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine in 1901 for the development of serum therapies against diphtheria (which Kitasato Shibasaburo and Emile Roux also contributed to) and tetanus. The former had been a scourge of the population, especially children, whereas the other was a leading cause of death in wars, killing the wounded. He was elected a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1902.^[2] At the International Tuberculosis Congress in 1905 he announced that he had discovered "a substance proceeding from the virus of tuberculosis." This substance, which he designated "T C", plays the important part in the immunizing action of Professor Behring's "bovivaccine", which prevents bovine tuberculosis. He tried unsuccessfully to obtain a protective and therapeutic agent for humans.^[3]
Behring demonstrated that the injection of toxins was able to be transmitted to another animal by injections of a treated animal's blood serum and used as a means of effecting a cure.^[4]
Behring died at Marburg, Hessen-Nassau, on 31 March 1917. His name survives in Dade Behring, the world's largest company dedicated solely to clinical diagnostics, in CSL Behring a manufacturer of plasma-derived biotherapies, in Behringwerke AG in Marburg, in Novartis Behring and in the Emil von Behring Prize of the University of Marburg, the highest endowed medicine award in Germany.
His Nobel Prize medal is now kept on display at the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Museum in Geneva.
Von Behring is believed to have cheated [Paul Ehrlich] out of recognition and financial reward in relation to collaborative research in diphtheria. The two men developed a diphtheria serum by repeatedly injecting the deadly toxin into a horse. The serum was used effectively during an epidemic in Germany. A chemical company preparing to undertake commercial production and marketing of the diphtheria serum offered a contract to both men, but von Behring maneuvered to claim all the considerable financial rewards for himself. To add insult to injury, only von Behring received the first Nobel Prize in Medicine, in 1901, for his contributions.^[5]

Villa Behring (burgundy) on Capri

Personal life

In December 1896, Behring married Else Spinola (a daughter of Bernhard Spinola, director of the "Charité" hospital in Berlin. They had six sons. They held their honeymoon at villa "Behring" on Capri 1897, where Behring owned a vacation home. In 1909–1911, the Russian writer Maxim Gorky lived at this villa.

Mehmed the Conqueror

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Mehmed II or Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror (30 March 1432 – 3 May 1481) (Ottoman Turkish: محمد ثانى, Meḥmed-i s̠ānī; Turkish: II. Mehmet; also known as el-Fātiḥ, الفاتح, "the Conqueror" in Ottoman Turkish; in modern Turkish, Fatih Sultan Mehmet; also called Mahomet II[1][2] in early modern Europe) was Sultan of the Ottoman Empire twice, first for a short time from 1444 to September 1446, and later from February 1451 to 1481. At the age of 21, he conquered Constantinople and brought an end to the Byzantine Empire, transforming the Ottoman state into an empire. Mehmed continued his conquests in Asia, with the Anatolian reunification, and in Europe, as far as Bosnia and Croatia. Mehmed II is regarded as a national hero in Turkey, and Istanbul's Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge is named after him.

ehmed II was born on 30 March 1432, in Edirne, then the capital city of the Ottoman state. His father was Sultan Murad II (1404–51) and his mother Valide Sultan Hüma Hatun, born in the town of Devrekani, Kastamonu.

When Mehmed II was eleven years old he was sent to Amasya to govern and thus gain experience, as per the custom of Ottoman rulers before his time. After Murad II made peace with the Karaman Emirate in Anatolia in August 1444, he abdicated the throne to his 12-year-old son Mehmed II. Sultan Murad II had sent him a number of teachers for him to study under.[3]

This Islamic education had a great impact in molding the mindset of Mehmed and reinforcing his Muslim beliefs. He began to praise and promote the application of Sharia law. He was influenced in his practice of Islamic epistemology by contemporaneous practitioners of science - particularly by his mentor, Molla Gürani - and he followed their approach. The influence of Ak Şemseddin in Mehmed's life became predominant from a young age, especially in the imperative of fulfilling his Islamic duty to overthrow the Byzantine empire by conquering Constantinople.[4]

In his first reign, he defeated the crusade led by János Hunyadi after the Hungarian incursions into his country broke the conditions of the truce Peace of Szeged. Cardinal Julian Cesarini, the representative of the pope, had convinced the king of Hungary that breaking the truce with Muslims was not a betrayal.[5] At this time Mehmed II asked his father Murad II to reclaim the throne, but Murad II refused. Angry at his father, who had long since retired to a contemplative life in southwestern Anatolia, Mehmed II wrote, "If you are the Sultan, come and lead your armies. If I am the Sultan I hereby order you to come and lead my armies." It was only after receiving this letter that Murad II led the Ottoman army and won the Battle of Varna in 1444.

Murad II's return to the throne was forced by Çandarlı Halil Paşa, the grand vizier at the time, who was not fond of Mehmed II's rule, because Mehmed II's influential lala (royal teacher), Akşemseddin, had a rivalry with Çandarlı. Çandarlı was later executed by Mehmed II during the siege of Constantinople on the grounds that he had been bribed by or had somehow helped the defenders.[citation needed]
[edit]
Conquest of Constantinople
Main article: Fall of Constantinople

Accession of Mehmed II in Edirne 1451.

When Mehmed II ascended the throne in 1451 he devoted himself to strengthening the Ottoman Navy, and in the same year made preparations for the taking of Constantinople. In the narrow Bosporus Straits, the fortress Anadoluhisarı had been built by his great-grandfather Bayezid I on the Asiatic side; Mehmed erected an even stronger fortress called Rumelihisarı on the European side, and thus having complete control of the strait. Having completed his fortresses, Mehmet proceeded to levy a toll on ships passing within reach of their cannon. A Venetian vessel refusing signals to stop was sunk with a single shot and all the surviving sailors beheaded.[6]

Sultan Mehmed II's entry into Constantinople, painting by Jean-Joseph Benjamin-Constant (1845–1902)

In 1453 Mehmed commenced the siege of Constantinople with an army between 80,000 to 200,000 troops and a navy of 320 vessels, though the bulk of them were transports and storeships. The city was now surrounded by sea and land; the fleet at the entrance of the Bosphorus was stretched from shore to shore in the form of a crescent, to intercept or repel any assistance from the sea for the besieged.[6]

In early April, the Siege of Constantinople began. After several failed assaults, the city's walls held off the Turks with great difficulty, even with the use of the new Orban's bombard, a cannon similar to the Dardanelles Gun. The harbor of the Golden Horn was blocked by a boom chain and defended by twenty-eight warships.

On 22 April, Mehmed transported his lighter warships overland, around the Genoese colony of Galata and into the Golden Horn's northern shore; eighty galleys were transported from the Bosphorus after paving a little over one-mile route with wood. Thus the Byzantines stretched their troops over a longer portion of the walls. A little over a month later, Constantinople fell on May 29 following a fifty-seven day siege.[6] After this conquest, Mehmed moved the Ottoman capital from Adrianople to Constantinople. On his accession as conqueror of Constantinople, aged 21, Mehmed was reputed fluent in several languages, including Turkish, Arabic, Hebrew, Persian, Greek and Latin.[7][8]

Map of Constantinople and its land walls and harbor.

Reference is made to the prospective conquest of Constantinople in a hadith (a saying attributed to the Prophet Muhammad): "Verily you shall conquer Constantinople. What a wonderful leader will he be, and what a wonderful army will that army be!"[9] Ten years after the conquest of Constantinople Mehmed II visited the site of Troy and boasted that he had avenged the Trojans by having conquered the Greeks (Byzantines).[10]

Mehmed II and Gennadios.

When Mehmed stepped into the ruins of the Boukoleon, known to the Ottomans and Persians as the Palace of the Caesars, probably built over a thousand years before by Theodosius II, he uttered the famous lines of Saadi:[11][12][13][14]
The spider weaves the curtains in the palace of the Caesars;
the owl calls the watches in the towers of Afrasiab.

After the Fall of Constantinople, Mehmed claimed the title of "Caesar" of Rome (Kayser-i Rûm). The claim was not recognized by the Patriarch of Constantinople, or Christian Europe. Mehmed's claim rested with the concept that Constantinople was the seat of the Roman Empire, after the transfer of its capital to Constantinople in 330 AD and the fall of the Western Roman Empire. Mehmed also had a blood lineage to the Byzantine Imperial family; his predecessor, Sultan Orhan I had married a Byzantine princess, and Mehmed may have claimed descent from John Tzelepes Komnenos.[7] He was not the only ruler to claim such a title, as there was the Holy Roman Empire in Western Europe, whose emperor, Frederick III, traced his titular lineage from Charlemagne who obtained the title of Roman Emperor when he was crowned by Pope Leo III in 800 - although never recognized as such by the Byzantine E

Conquests in Europe
Further information: List of campaigns of Mehmed the Conqueror

After the Fall of Constantinople, Mehmed would also go on to conquer the Despotate of Morea in the Peloponnese in 1460, and the Empire of Trebizond in northeastern Anatolia in 1461. The last two vestiges of Byzantine rule were thus absorbed by the Ottoman Empire. The conquest of Constantinople bestowed immense glory and prestige on the country.

Sword of Mehmed II

Siege of Belgrade (in Hungarian: Nándorfehérvár) 1456. Hünername 1584

Mehmed II advanced toward Eastern Europe as far as Belgrade, and attempted to conquer the city from John Hunyadi at the Siege of Belgrade in 1456. Hungarian commanders successfully defended the city and Ottomans retreated with heavy losses but at the end, the Ottomans occupied nearly all of Serbia.

In 1462 Mehmed II came into conflict with Prince Vlad III Dracula of Wallachia, who had spent part of his childhood alongside Mehmed.[15] Vlad had ambushed, massacred or captured several Ottoman forces, then announced his impalement of over 23,000 captive Turks. Mehmed II abandoned his siege of Corinth to launch a punitive attack against Vlad in Wallachia[16] but suffered many casualties in a surprise night attack led by Vlad, who was apparently bent on personally killing the Sultan.[17] Confronted by Vlad's scorched earth policies and demoralizing brutality, Mehmed II withdrew, leaving his ally Radu cel Frumos, Vlad's brother, with a small force in order to win over local boyars who had been persecuted by Vlad III. Radu eventually managed to take control of Wallachia, which he administered as Bey, on behalf of Mehmet II. Vlad eventually escaped to Hungary, where he was imprisoned on a false accusation of treason against his overlord.

In 1463, after a dispute over the tribute paid annually by the Bosnian kingdom, Mehmed invaded Bosnia and conquered it very quickly, executing the last Bosnian king Stephen Tomašević and his uncle Radivoj.

In 1456, Peter III Aaron, agreed to pay the Ottomans a annual tribute of 2,000 gold ducats, in order to ensure his southern borders, thus becoming the first of the Moldavian rulers to accept the Turkish demands.[18] His successor Stephen the Great rejected Ottoman suzerainty and a series of fierce wars ensued.[19] In 1475, the Ottomans suffered a great defeat at the hands of Stephen the Great of Moldavia at the Battle of Vaslui. In 1476, Mehmed won a pyrrhic victory against Stephen at the Battle of Valea Albă. He besieged the capital of Suceava, but could not take it, nor could he take the Castle of Târgu Neamţ. With a plague running in his camp and food and water being very scarce, Mehmed was forced to retreat.

The Albanian resistance in Albania between 1443 and 1468 led by George Kastrioti Skanderbeg (İskender Bey), an Albanian noble and a former member of the Ottoman ruling elite, prevented the Ottoman expansion into the Italian peninsula.[citation needed] Skanderbeg had united the Albanian Principalities in a fight against the Empire in the League of Lezhë in 1444. Mehmed II couldn't subjugate Albania and Skanderbeg while the latter was alive, even though twice (1466 and 1467) he led the Ottoman armies himself against Krujë. After death of Skanderbeg in 1468, Albanians couldn't find a leader to replace him and Mehmed II eventually conquered Krujë and Albania in 1478. The final act of his Albanian campaigns was the troublesome siege of Shkodra in 1478-9, the final siege that Mehmed II led personally and of which early Ottoman chronicler Aşıkpaşazade (1400–81) wrote, "All the conquests of Sultan Mehmed were fulfilled with the seizure of Shkodra."[20]

An Ottoman army under Gedik Ahmed Pasha invaded Italy in 1480. The intent of this invasion was to capture Rome and "reunite the Roman Empire", and, at first, it looked like it might be able to do it with the easy capture of Otranto in 1480 but after the death of Mehmed most of the troops returned and Otranto was retaken by Papal forces in 1481.
Personal life

Mehmed II had several wives: Emine Gülbahar Hatun, of slave background, who died in 1492,[23][24] Gevher Khātûn; Gülşah Hatun; Mûkrîmā (Sitt-î Mükrime) Hatun;[25] Çiçek Khātûn; Helenā Khātûn, who died in 1481, daughter of Demetrios Palaiologos and the Despot of Morea; briefly Anna Khātûn, the daughter of the Emperor of Trebizond; and Alexias Khātûn, a Byzantine princess. Another son of his was Cem Sultan, who died in 1495. He had 4 sons; Bayezid II, Sultan Cem, Korkud and Mustafa, and one daughter; Gevherhan.

Franz Babinger asserted that he was attracted to both women and men.[26] However these assertions met fierce criticism from Turkish historians, including Halil Inalcik one of the foremost scholars on Ottoman history.[27] Also, Ottoman sources do not mention this. This suggestion was originally recorded by the Byzantine Greek historian Doukas,[28] who was not living in Constantinople at the time of the fall of the city[29] and whose writings contain many insults to the Ottoman ruler,[30] stated that after the conquest of Constantinople, Mehmed II ordered the 14-year old son of the Grand Duke Lucas Notaras brought to him "for his pleasure". When the father refused to deliver his son to such a fate he had them both decapitated on the spot.[31] Another contemporary Greek source, Leonard of Chios, professor of theology and Archbishop of Mytilene, tells the same story in his letter to Pope Nicholas.[32] However this story does not appear in accounts by other Greeks who witnessed the conquest.[29] Nor does it appear in accounts of Ottoman historians. Some modern scholars believe that this tale is merely one of a long series of attempts to portray Muslims as morally inferior, and point to the story of Saint Pelagius as its probable inspiration.[29] Furthermore according to Ottoman sources Notaras and all the other Christian dignitaries in the city were executed for purely political reasons.[33] According to Michael Critobulus the sultan first planned to make Notaras prefect of the city but later Notaras was accused of treachery and trying to bribe the sultan with his hidden wealth.[34][35][36]
[edit]
Death

Mehmed died on May 3, 1481, at the age of forty-nine, and was buried in his Türbe in the cemetery within the Fatih Mosque Complex[37] Mehmed's primary doctor, Yakub Pasha, a Jewish convert to Islam was suspected of administering poison to Mehmed over a period of time. Another source states that: "The likeliest possibility is that Mehmed was also poisoned by his Persian doctor. Despite numerous Venetian assassination attempts over the years, the finger of suspicion points most strongly at his son, Bayezit."[38]
[edit]
Legacy
Main article: Bosnian Franciscans

Water Lilies

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Water Lilies (or Nymphéas, pronounced: [nɛ̃.fe.a]) is a series of approximately 250 oil paintings by French Impressionist Claude Monet (1840–1926). The paintings depict Monet's flower garden at Giverny and were the main focus of Monet's artistic production during the last thirty years of his life. Many of the works were painted while Monet suffered from cataracts.[1]

The paintings are on display at museums all over the world, including the Musée Marmottan Monet[2] and the musée d'Orsay in Paris, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York,[3] the Art Institute of Chicago,[4] the Saint Louis Art Museum,[5] the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, Missouri,[6] the Carnegie Museum of Art, the National Museum of Wales, the Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes, the Cleveland Museum of Art[7] and the Portland Art Museum. During the 1920s, the state of France built a pair of oval rooms at the Musée de l'Orangerie as a permanent home for eight water lily murals by Monet. The exhibit opened to the public on 16 May 1927, a few months after Monet's death.[1] Sixty water lily paintings from around the world were assembled for a special exhibition at the Musée de l'Orangerie in 1999.[8]

On 19 June 2007, one of Monet's water lily paintings sold for £18.5 million at a Sotheby's auction in London.[9] On 24 June 2008 another of Monet's water lily paintings, Le bassin aux nymphéas, sold for almost £41 million at Christie's in London, almost double the estimate of £18 to £24 million.[10]

Monet's career long serial motif of producing and exhibiting a series of paintings related by subject and perspective began in 1889, with at least ten paintings done at the Valley of the Creuse, which were shown at the Galerie Georges Petit.[11] Among his other famous series are his Haystacks.

In May 2010, it was announced that the 1906 Nymphéas work would be auctioned in London in June 2010, the painting had an estimated sale price of between £30 and £40 million.[12] Giovanna Bertazzoni, Christie's auction house director and head of impressionist and modern art, said "Claude Monet's water-lily paintings are amongst the most recognised and celebrated works of the 20th Century and were hugely influential to many of the following generations of artists".[12] The sale took place on 23 June 2010 at the auction house and the painting attracted bids of up to £29 million, but it ultimately failed to sell.[13]

Saint Basil's Cathedral

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The Cathedral of the Protection of Most Holy Theotokos on the Moat (Russian: Собор Покрова пресвятой Богородицы, что на Рву) or Pokrovsky Cathedral (Russian: Покровский собор) are official names for a Russian Orthodox church in Red Square in Moscow.[4] The church is also called the Cathedral of St. Vasily the Blessed (Russian: Собор Василия Блаженного), anglicized as Saint Basil's Cathedral. It was built from 1555–61 on orders from Ivan the Terrible and commemorates the capture of Kazan and Astrakhan.

St. Basil's marks the geometric center of Moscow. It has been the hub of the city's growth since the 14th century[5][6] and was the city's tallest building until the completion of the Ivan the Great Bell Tower in 1600.[7]

The original building, known as "Trinity Church" and later "Trinity Cathedral", contained eight side churches arranged around the ninth, central church of Intercession; the tenth church was erected in 1588 over the grave of venerated local saint Vasily (Basil). In the 16th and 17th centuries the church, perceived as the earthly symbol of the Heavenly City,[8] as happens to all churches in Byzantine Christianity, was popularly known as the "Jerusalem" and served as an allegory of the Jerusalem Temple in the annual Palm Sunday parade attended by the Patriarch of Moscow and the tsar.[9]

The building is shaped as a flame of a bonfire rising into the sky,[10] a design that has no analogues in Russian architecture. Dmitry Shvidkovsky, in his book Russian Architecture and the West, states that "it is like no other Russian building. Nothing similar can be found in the entire millennium of Byzantine tradition from the fifth to fifteenth century ... a strangeness that astonishes by its unexpectedness, complexity and dazzling interleaving of the manifold details of its design."[11] The cathedral foreshadowed the climax of Russian national architecture in the 17th century.[12]

Joseph B. Foraker

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Joseph Benson Foraker (July 5, 1846 – May 10, 1917) was the 37th Governor of Ohio from 1886 to 1890 and a Republican United States Senator from 1897 until 1909.

Born in rural Ohio in 1846, Foraker enlisted at age 16 in the Union Army during the American Civil War. He fought for almost three years, attaining the rank of captain. After the war, he was a member of Cornell University's first graduating class, and became a lawyer. Interesting himself in politics, he was elected a judge in 1879 and became well known as a political speaker. Although defeated in his first run for governor in 1883, he was elected two years later. As governor, he built an alliance with Cleveland industrialist Mark Hanna, but fell out with him in 1888. Foraker lost re-election in 1889, but was elected United States Senator by the Ohio General Assembly in 1896, after an unsuccessful bid for that office in 1892.

In the Senate, he supported the Spanish–American War and the annexation of the Philippines and Puerto Rico; the Foraker Act gave Puerto Rico its first civil government under American rule. He came to differ with President Theodore Roosevelt over railroad regulation and political patronage. Their largest disagreement was over the Brownsville Affair, in which black soldiers had been accused of terrorizing a Texas town, and Roosevelt had dismissed the entire battalion. Foraker zealously opposed Roosevelt's actions as unfair, and fought for the soldiers' reinstatement. The two men's disagreement broke out into an angry confrontation at the 1907 Gridiron Dinner, after which Roosevelt helped defeat Foraker's re-election bid. Foraker died in 1917; in 1972, the Army reversed the dismissals and cleared the soldiers.

[edit]Early life and career

[edit]Boyhood and Civil War

Joseph Benson Foraker was born on July 5, 1846, on a farm about 1 mile (1.6 km) north of Rainsboro, Ohio, in Highland County. He was the son of Henry and Margaret (Reece) Foraker, and one of 11 children, of whom nine reached adulthood. Henry Foraker was the first in his line (said to descend from Devon in England, though with German and Scots-Irish influences) to spell his name that way; his father, named John, had spelled it "Fouracre", or sometimes "Foreacer". David Reece, Joseph's maternal grandfather, was of English descent and had come from Grayson County, Virginia, to become a miller and farmer.^[4]^[5]

Depiction of Foraker's "birthplace" from an 1883 campaign biography

The house in which Joseph Foraker was born was a comfortable two-story residence; nevertheless, his later campaign publications often depicted it as a log cabin. When Joseph was age 2, David Reece died, and the Foraker family purchased the mill and adjacent farm. There, Joseph grew up as a typical farm boy. He received little formal education, attending the local school for three or four months each winter. Nevertheless, young Joseph acquired a taste for military history, and a gift for speaking. He also became interested in politics; at age 10, he became an adherent of the newly formed Republican Party.^[6] Four years later, he supported the Republican candidate, former Illinois representative Abraham Lincoln, in the 1860 presidential race, marching in processions of theWide Awakes and other pro-Lincoln groups, and attending as many rallies as he could. Impressed enough by one speaker to follow him to a neighboring town, he learned not to make the same speech twice in two days—at least, not in venues close to each other.^[7]

In October 1861, Foraker left his parents' home to go to the county seat of Hillsboro where he was to live with his uncle, James Reece, auditor of Highland County, and work as a clerk in his office. He was sent to replace his older brother, Burch, by then enlisted in theUnion Army as the American Civil War was raging. Foraker noted in his memoirs that while his time as auditor's clerk greatly improved his penmanship, it also brought him into contact with many county officials, teaching him how a government worked. The young clerk was impressed by his brother's letters home, and was anxious to join the army despite his youth. Soon after his 16th birthday, Joseph Foraker learned that a family friend was organizing a volunteer company, and sought to enlist. His uncle gave reluctant consent, and on July 14, 1862, Foraker was mustered in Company "A", 89th Ohio Volunteer Infantry; in late August, after training, he became second sergeant. With Confederate forces moving through Kentucky and threatening Cincinnati, the 89th was hurried into defenses set up across the Ohio River in Newport, Kentucky. The Confederates did not reach the Ohio, having been forced back well to the south, and the 89th moved to Fort Shaler, near Newport. While Foraker was at Fort Shaler, President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation; Foraker recounted in his memoirs that he and his comrades felt that the proclamation meant that they were fighting for the end of slavery, not just to preserve the Union.^[8]^[9]

Later in September 1862, the 89th was sent to Western Virginia (today West Virginia) to reinforce Union forces there, and joined in their advance for a month. The regiment settled into winter quarters, but was called out for transport to Tennessee, where it helped relieve Fort Donelson in February 1863. Before this action, Foraker had seen little fighting, and the bloody scenes there were a shock to him; he wrote his parents, "To know how dreadful war is you must see it yourself."^[10] The 89th remained at Donelson only a few days before being sent to join the Army of the Cumberland under the command of Major General William Rosecrans near Carthage; there, Foraker was promoted to second lieutenant. In June, Foraker led an advance guard that clashed with the Confederate rear in what developed into the Battle of Hoover's Gap, and the Union forces slowly advanced across Tennessee, reaching Chattanooga in September. From Chattanooga, Foraker and two other officers were sent home to collect new soldiers who were expected to be drafted, but the plan to draft recruits was abandoned due to political opposition. In November he returned to Chattanooga, where the 89th was now part of the Army of the Tennessee under Brigadier General William Tecumseh Sherman, in time to fight in the Battle of Missionary Ridge.^[11]

Captain Joseph Foraker

In May 1864, Sherman began his Atlanta Campaign. Foraker fought in a number of fierce battles in that campaign, including Resaca,New Hope Church, and Kennesaw Mountain. Atlanta, or at least what was left of it after devastating fires, fell on September 2. Foraker was detailed to the Signal Corps school that had been set up by the army at Atlanta, and spent a month there. He was then assigned to Major General Henry W. Slocum's division, and remained with that division as it participated in Sherman's March to the Sea, leaving a swath of destruction behind. In late December 1864, the army reached Savannah, and Foraker, despite a storm, was able to communicate with US Navy ships offshore to alert them to the presence of Sherman's army. After a month, the army marched north into South Carolina, determined to bring even more devastation to the state that had first seceded. Foraker was in charge of maintaining signals between the wings of the army, and was stationed on a gunboat as it moved up the Savannah River. He saw more active duty as a courier between Sherman's main army and Slocum's forces in March 1865 as they met Confederate forces in North Carolina in theBattle of Bentonville. On the day of the battle, March 19, 1865, Foraker was promoted to brevet captain, and was soon thereafter madeaide-de-camp to General Slocum. In April, as Sherman's army moved slowly northward, word came of the surrender of Confederate General Robert E. Lee and his forces at Appomattox, Virginia, effectively ending the war. In early May, Sherman's Army of Georgiajourneyed north towards Washington, passing in review on May 23 before the new president, Andrew Johnson, sworn in after Lincoln's assassination the previous month. Foraker soon thereafter returned to Ohio, and was mustered out.^[12]

[edit]Education and early career

Foraker had been anxious to become a lawyer while a clerk for his uncle; ^[13] with peace restored he enrolled for a year at Salem Academy and then in 1866 Ohio Wesleyan University in Delaware, Ohio. He found the students who had not served in the army to be immature. He took the usual course, mostly of classics, with a few classes in the sciences, and registered as a clerk for a local attorney. Foraker courted Julia Bundy, daughter of Congressman Hezekiah S. Bundy and a student at nearby Ohio Wesleyan Female College; the two would marry in 1870. In 1868, he learned that newly founded Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, was offering entrance by examination to students willing to transfer. Along with fellow Ohio Wesleyan students Morris Lyon Buchwalter and John Andrew Rea, Foraker enrolled at Cornell; the three founded the first New York State chapter of Phi Kappa Psi fraternity, and in 1869 graduated as part of Cornell's inaugural class of eight students. Foraker, in later years, served as a trustee of Cornell, elected by his fellow alumni.^[14]^[15]

After graduating from Cornell, Foraker moved to Cincinnati, where he resumed his study of law with a local firm; he was admitted to the bar in October 1869.^[16] Foraker's first job in the legal profession was as a notary public; he wrote in his memoirs how time consuming depositions were in the days before typewriters.^[17]^[18] Foraker wrote that he earned $600 in his first year as a lawyer, but by the fourth year was earning $2,700; "after that it was easy".^[19]

Foraker as judge (1879 to 1882)

The Forakers lived in a boarding house on Elm Street in Cincinnati for two years after their wedding in 1870. They then moved to a house in the suburb of Norwood and in 1879 built a home in upscale Mount Auburn. Joseph Foraker had initially intended to concentrate on his law practice, but in the early 1870s became a well-regarded speaker for the Republicans. In 1872, Foraker campaigned for PresidentUlysses S. Grant's successful re-election bid. In 1875, he was for the first time a delegate to the Republican state convention, supporting fellow Cincinnatian Alphonso Taft for governor. However, Taft was defeated for the nomination by the incumbent, Rutherford B. Hayes, who that fall broke Ohio precedent by winning a third two-year term. The following year, Foraker attended the 1876 Republican National Convention as a spectator, and listened spellbound as Robert Ingersoll dramatically nominated Maine Senator James G. Blaine for president, calling him a "plumed knight". While Ingersoll's speech gained Blaine a lasting nickname, it did not procure him the nomination, which fell to Governor Hayes. Foraker supported Hayes, who was elected that fall in a close and controversial election.^[20]

In 1876, Foraker ran for judge of the Court of Common Pleas. Election fraud by Democratic political boss Eph Howard defeated Foraker and the rest of the Republican ticket. In 1878, he ran for state's attorney for Hamilton County (where Cincinnati is located) but was defeated in another Democratic sweep. In 1879, Foraker won his first elective office, as judge of the Superior Court of Cincinnati.^[21]^[22] He served three years of a five-year term,^[23]^[24] resigning in 1882 due to an illness, though he recovered after several months' rest.^[25]

[edit]Seeking the governorship (1883–1885)

In 1883, Ohio Governor Charles Foster, a Republican who had held the office since 1880, looked for a Republican contender to succeed him. Foster had sought increased regulation of the liquor trade, offending many German-Americans, who were deemed likely to vote Democratic in reaction, and who were especially concentrated in Cincinnati. Few expected the Republicans to retain the governorship, and prominent candidates such as SenatorJohn Sherman and Congressman Benjamin Butterworth declined to run. Foster saw Foraker as a candidate likely to do well: he was a Civil War veteran with a good record as a lawyer and a promising public speaker—and his Cincinnati residence might win back some votes. Others agreed; the local United States Attorney wrote to Senator Sherman that the Republicans should nominate "Foraker or some other unobjectionable man".^[26] Foster accordingly wrote to Foraker, offering him the chance at "honorable distinction and useful service."^[27] Foraker came to Columbus just before the 1883 state convention, and sounded out state Republican leaders such as Sherman and Congressman William McKinley. When Foraker found them willing to support him, he allowed his name to be placed in nomination, and once it was clear that Sherman would not run, the convention nominated Foraker by acclamation. The Democratic Cincinnati Enquirer summed up the Republican strategy: "They determined to sacrifice as little as possible, so they sacrificed Foraker."^[28]

The Democrats nominated George Hoadly, another Cincinnatian, with whom Foraker was friendly. The major issue in the campaign was alcohol—the legislature had passed a law authorizing localities to license saloons, and had authorized two referenda to allow additional regulation. Hoadly, though ill for part of the campaign with malaria, deftly maneuvered the politically inexperienced Foraker into stating that he would not vote for the referenda. This offended "dry" Republicans, splitting the party. Foraker campaigned throughout the state, reaching nearly every county and generally speaking at least twice a day.^[28] Nevertheless, he was defeated by over 12,000 votes, losing most counties, including Hamilton; according to Walters, "although defeated in this campaign, Foraker gained by it; he won political repute through the state; no longer was he an 'unknown.'"^[29] One reason cited for Foraker's defeat was a failure to appeal to African Americans, who constituted about two percent of Ohio's population and who then mostly voted Republican.^[30]

Foraker returned to the practice of law, initially vowing to avoid politics; however, he received a number of letters offering him support in a gubernatorial race in 1885. The 1884 Republican state convention elected Foraker a delegate-at-large to the national convention along with Congressman McKinley and Cleveland industrialist Mark Hanna. Sherman's political managers asked Foraker to play an active role in Sherman's presidential campaign, and to place his name in nomination at the convention, which he did, though Walters describes his speech as "weak and unimpressive" by comparison with Foraker's later efforts. Other candidates for the presidential nomination included President Chester A. Arthur(who had succeeded the assassinated James A. Garfield) and John A. Logan, but the convention was dominated by the Blaine forces. Sherman received 30 votes, mostly from Ohio, on the first ballot, but his total thereafter declined, and Blaine secured the nomination on the fourth ballot. There was talk of Foraker for vice president; he received one vote, from New York delegate and Cornell president Andrew D. White. The nominating speech, despite its flaws, made Foraker a national figure. At the convention, Foraker worked with Hanna and with Charles G. Kurtz of Columbus: both would support Foraker in the years ahead, though in the case of Hanna, only for a time.^[31] In the fall campaign, both Foraker and Hanna supported Blaine, accompanying the New Englander when he toured Ohio in October. However, Blaine was defeated by the Democratic candidate, New York GovernorGrover Cleveland.^[32]

Foraker received early support for a second run for governor in 1885, but said little publicly until the state convention in Springfield in June. He did, however, respond to allegations that he had discriminated against African Americans in his law practice and that he had withdrawn from Ohio Wesleyan because a black student had been admitted. Foraker refuted these charges without stating that he was a candidate for office. He arrived at the convention to the strains of "Marching Through Georgia", in reference to his Civil War service, and won an easy first-ballot victory: according to Walters, "the Springfield convention of 1885 marked the arrival of Foraker, the politician."^[33] The major issues in the fall campaign were again the liquor question, at which Foraker proved more adept than two years previously, and treatment of the African-American voter, prompted by an incident in Cincinnati in 1884 when a Democratic-minded policeman, Mike Mullen, locked up 150 African Americans the night before the general election to prevent them from voting. Foraker was again opposed by Hoadly, who had pardoned Mullen, and who had accepted a $150,000 fee from the city-owned Cincinnati Southern Railway, though the governor professed not to know how he had earned it.^[34] Foraker forged an alliance with African-American editor Harry C. Smith, who would be a supporter throughout his political career.^[35] On October 13, 1885, Foraker defeated Hoadly by 17,451 votes. Although he won much of the state, he did not carry Hamilton County due to election fraud.^[36]

[edit]Governor of Ohio (1886–1890)

[edit]Policies as governor

Foraker as governor

Joseph Foraker was sworn in as governor on January 12, 1886, during an intense blizzard that prevented many of the political marching clubs hoping to honor him from reaching Columbus. In his inaugural address, he urged election reform, creation of a liquor licensing bureau, the abolition of laws that discriminated against African Americans, and the establishment of a state board of health. With a Republican majority in both houses, the legislature enacted many of his proposals, including the Poorman Law, requiring voter registration in Cleveland and Cincinnati (and later in all large cities), as well as the Pugsley Law, which established nonpartisan boards to appoint election officials. The Ohio State Journal commented, "Not all that is needed in the way of amendments to the election laws of Ohio, but it will do for a starter."^[37] The Dow Law imposed an annual tax on businesses in the alcohol trade; most of the proceeds would go for poor relief and to the police fund.^[38] With Foraker's support, the remaining laws that allowed racial discrimination in Ohio were repealed.^[39]

Foraker became popular during his governorship for "waving the bloody shirt", that is, castigating the South for the Civil War. President Cleveland in 1887 requested northern governors to return captured Confederate battle flags. When Foraker was asked by a supporter if he would allow the banners to go South, he responded by telegraph, "No rebel flags will be returned while I am governor."^[40] Cleveland backed down, and Foraker was hailed as a hero by many, receiving thousands of congratulatory messages. Foraker criticized the President for vetoing a bill increasing war pensions and for going fishing on Decoration Day. When the governor visited Philadelphia later that year for the centennial of the Constitution, he rode at the head of a regiment of Ohio militia past the reviewing stand on which Cleveland stood. When Foraker saluted, Cleveland removed his hat, but did not bow slightly as he had for other state governors. Later that day, Foraker led a troop of Grand Army of the Republic veterans past Cleveland's reviewing stand in another parade, bearing an array of captured battle flags.^[41]

Until mid-1888, Foraker had the enthusiastic support of Hanna, who, while still boosting John Sherman for president, was a generous contributor to the governor's 1885 and 1887 campaigns. Hanna hoped to be able to dispense patronage in northern Ohio. According to Hanna biographer William T. Horner, however, "unfortunately for Hanna, Foraker largely refused to grant Hanna the authority that by tradition he probably had earned."^[42] One example, later cited by Foraker as a reason his close relationship with Hanna ended, was the question of the position of state oil inspector, whose substantial fees were paid, not by the taxpayer, but by the oil companies, and who was permitted to appoint large numbers of deputies.^[43] In 1885, soon after Foraker's inauguration, Hanna advocated the appointment of William M. Bayne, while Congressman McKinley pressed the name of Edwin Hartshorn. Hanna agreed to withdraw Bayne, not to accommodate McKinley, but to save Foraker from a difficulty. Hanna wrote to Foraker, "I had a call from Major^[a] McKinley and his oil inspector candidate. ... I tell him he 'wants the earth' …"^[44] However, Foraker instead reappointed the incumbent, Louis Smithnight.^[45] One of the men appointed deputy oil inspector was Harry Smith, the African-American editor who had supported Foraker in the 1885 election.^[46] McKinley again approached Foraker after his re-election in 1887 seeking Hartshorn's appointment; however, Foraker appointed George B. Cox, Republican boss of Cincinnati, as chief though Smithnight was retained as a deputy. In later years, Foraker suggested the dispute over the oil inspectorship was a reason for Hanna breaking from him and allying with McKinley, stating after Hanna's death in 1904, "I have often thought since that my appointment of Cox made McKinley president."^[44]

[edit]1888 convention; defeat for third term

Foraker's card in the Duke Tobacco Company's 1888 "Presidential Possibilities" series

Walters traces fissures between Foraker's supporters and those of Sherman from as early as 1887. Foraker's meteoric rise in Ohio politics was a threat to Sherman, especially as Foraker was likely to seek another office after completing his time as governor. In 1887, McKinley, Hanna, Sherman, and others met at the congressman's home in Canton and decided to push for Sherman's endorsement for president by the 1887 Republican state convention in Toledo, and to threaten Foraker should he refuse to get in line.^[47] Despite some anti-Sherman feeling in Ohio, the resolution to endorse Sherman was adopted unanimously by the same convention that renominated Foraker,^[48] and later that year, the governor was re-elected.^[39]

Sherman was a leading candidate for the 1888 Republican presidential nomination, commanding the support of Ohio, much of Pennsylvania, and the South. Uncertainty over whether Blaine would be a candidate hung over the 1888 Republican National Conventionin June in Chicago. Although Blaine had stated he was not running, his devotees hoped he might change his mind. Sherman did not fully trust Foraker, and gave over the management of his campaign to Hanna; the presidential candidate also declined to have Foraker place his name in nomination^[49] in favor of Daniel H. Hastings of Pennsylvania. At the convention, Foraker seconded Hastings' nomination of Sherman, but the senator, on the first ballot, received few votes outside the states known to back him.^[50] Sherman's southern support was discounted, as those states would not vote for the Republican nominee, and Sherman had paid the travel expenses of those delegates, who were for the most part African Americans.^[51]

By the fourth ballot, on Saturday, June 23, Sherman had about the same number of votes he had started with, but was being challenged by a surge from former Indiana senator Benjamin Harrison. The convention then adjourned until Monday, June 25. With almost two days for intrigue, rumors swept through the convention that Blaine would be a candidate after all. Late on Saturday night, Foraker released a statement that he would support Blaine. Walters proffered several reasons for the switch: Foraker felt Sherman had no chance, resented not being thanked by Sherman for the seconding speech, and was annoyed at the trickle of votes McKinley had received, feeling that the congressman was being prepared as a backup candidate for the Sherman forces. There was also talk that Foraker might gain a place on the ticket, either for president or vice president, though he stated he would not accept a nomination without Sherman's consent. The switch wounded Sherman's candidacy by showing that his own state's governor did not support him, and even though Foraker switched back to Sherman when Blaine wired reiterating that he was not a candidate, the damage was done; Harrison gained the nomination on the eighth ballot.^[52]

According to Horner, Foraker's temporary abandonment of Sherman was "the move that seems to have shattered his relationship with Hanna permanently".^[53] However, Foraker gave other reasons for the break, stating after Hanna's death that one reason for it was that Hanna bought up the extra tickets of black Southern convention delegates, a practice that the governor considered corrupt. J.B. Morrow, the newspaper publisher who took Foraker's statement as source material for Herbert Croly's 1912 biography of Hanna, disagreed: "it was understood at the time that his [Foraker's] heart was not in Sherman's candidacy … his outraged feelings over Hanna's bargaining with Southern delegates can't be believed by me."^[54] According to Horner, "the split between Foraker and Hanna had a profound impact on the subsequent behavior of both men, their careers in politics, and the Republican Party in Ohio, which was fractured by the dispute."^[55]

Harrison was elected in November 1888 over President Cleveland.^[56] By 1889, Foraker was openly opposed by a faction of Ohio Republicans, led by Hanna, Sherman and McKinley.^[57] Foraker felt relieved at the break, writing to a friend, "From Toledo to Chicago, my neck was under a yoke, but now I am free."^[58] Despite the factional opposition, he sought a third term in 1889, hoping that if Republicans kept their majority in the legislature, he could be elected to the Senate as Sherman's junior colleague in the legislative election to be held in January 1890.^[b]^[57] He was renominated at the 1889 state convention in Columbus on the second ballot, as the opposition to him was divided.^[59]

A law for the Sunday closing of saloons had been passed under Foraker; when Cincinnati Mayor John B. Mosby proposed to enforce the law against local opposition, Foraker wired to Mosby the support of the state government. This stance alienated many anti-Prohibition Republicans.^[60] Another damaging incident was Foraker's claim, based on documents he procured that turned out to be forged, that Democratic gubernatorial candidate James E. Campbell had supported the adoption of a ballot box made by a company in which Campbell supposedly had a financial interest. The documents also bore the signatures of Sherman, McKinley, and other Foraker enemies; they were later shown to have been taken from franked mail. Campbell was not in fact involved with the company, and the affair cost Foraker votes. A congressional committee conducted an investigation in 1891 and cleared all of those whose signatures had been reproduced. However, it blamed Foraker for using the documents without verifying their authenticity. By then, Foraker was no longer governor, having been defeated by Campbell by 10,873 votes out of some 750,000 cast.^[60] McKinley biographer H. Wayne Morgan noted, "Clearly Foraker acted hastily and unwisely because of his desperate fight against Campbell and his bitterness towards the Shermanites."^[61] The defeat had consequences for Foraker; according to another of McKinley's biographers, Kevin Phillips: "when Foraker lost his bid for a third statehouse term, McKinley became Ohio's next-in-line presidential favorite son".^[62]

[edit]Wilderness years (1890–1896)

[edit]Return to the law; first run for senator

Defeated for re-election, Foraker returned to Cincinnati and the practice of law.^[63] Although initially he rejoined his old law partnership, he established his own offices in 1893, the year his son Joseph Jr. became an assistant in his office upon graduation from Cornell.^[64] Joseph Benson Foraker Jr. was the first child of a Cornell alumnus to graduate from the university.^[65] The senior Foraker, though he accepted a broad array of cases, was a "political lawyer", lobbying the legislature to grant franchises to his clients, and arranging for bills unfavorable to his clients (who included the Edison Electric Company, Cincinnati Bell Telephone Company, and the Cincinnati Street Railway Company) to be quashed.^[66]

The former governor was enraged when in March 1890, Hanna gave a speech in New York stating, "Foraker is dead as a factor in our politics and Ohio is again as reliable a Republican state as it ever was."^[63] Foraker determined to secure election to the Senate; although the Democratic-controlled legislature had elected Calvin S. Brice to the Senate in 1890, Sherman's seat would be up for election in January 1892. McKinley was defeated for re-election to Congress in November 1890; his stature in Ohio politics was not diminished by the loss, as he was seen as a victim of gerrymandering. When the former congressman ran for governor the following year, he asked Foraker to place his name in nomination, which he did. Although some saw this as a rapprochement between the Sherman and Foraker factions, the former governor's supporters, such as Kurtz and millionaire Springfield manufacturer Asa Bushnell, were already campaigning for Foraker for Senate.^[67]^[68]^[69]

McKinley was elected governor in November 1891, and the Republicans took a two-thirds majority in the legislature. During the campaign, supporters of both Foraker and Sherman had sought pledges from candidates, and in the aftermath of the legislative elections, both men expressed confidence.^[70] Sherman was handicapped by his age (68), unpopularity, and a cold personality; according to Horner, "Foraker was simply more of a man of the people than Sherman could ever hope to be."^[71] Sherman's aide, Jacob C. Donaldson, later wrote, "the situation was bad, almost desperate".^[71] Hanna had made significant campaign contributions to legislative candidates, and was outraged when legislators believed to favor Sherman instead announced that they would vote for Foraker; according to his biographer, Herbert Croly, "The situation looked desperate; but it was saved, so Mr. Sherman himself stated to his friends, by Mr. Hanna's energy, enthusiasm and ability to bend other men to his will. Three of the Cleveland representatives, who had gone into hiding, were unearthed and forced into line."^[72] Donaldson noted, "Several of them were ruined by their perfidy."^[73] Foraker was defeated narrowly in the Republican caucus, first on a vote to hold a secret ballot (which would have benefited him), and then on the endorsement vote, which supported Sherman, who was subsequently elected by the legislature.^[74] According to Horner, "It is difficult to know which mattered more to Hanna—making sure his old friend Sherman kept his job or making sure that Foraker did not get it."^[75]

Sherman was not magnanimous in victory, telling friends that he would not rest until he "tomahawked the last of Foraker's crowd".^[76] Nevertheless, at the Republican state convention, Foraker and his supporters were able to gain their goal of half the delegates-at-large to the 1892 Republican National Convention in Minneapolis, free to vote as they pleased.^[77]. President Harrison was seeking renomination; other men spoken of as possible candidates were Blaine (who had again disclaimed any interest in running) and McKinley. Prior to the Minneapolis convention, Hanna wrote to Foraker for the first time in four years, seeking to put aside differences in support of McKinley.^[78] Foraker agreed; he disliked Harrison and did not feel he could be re-elected. McKinley finished third for the nomination, a fraction of a vote behind Blaine. Harrison was defeated by Cleveland in the November election, and McKinley was spoken of as the most likely Republican presidential contender for 1896.^[79]

[edit]Election to the Senate; involvement in presidential race

Julia Foraker

Foraker had little involvement in politics in 1893 and 1894, concentrating on the law. He still sought a Senate seat, however, and carefully planned his strategy for the 1895 state convention in Zanesville. Foraker forces gained full control, nominating Bushnell for governor to succeed McKinley, and Foraker allies for other state offices. The convention also endorsed Foraker for Senate, the first time a specific individual had been backed for Senate by an Ohio Republican convention. According to Walters, "The Zanesville convention represented the highest pinnicle of Foraker's power in Ohio politics. He had selected the platform, chosen the next governor and the complete ticket, and had secured for himself virtual election to the United States Senate."^[80] Foraker took a leading role as a speaker in the campaign, and the November election resulted in victory for Bushnell and a Republican majority in the legislature.^[81] That majority, on January 15, 1896, elected Joseph Foraker to the Senate.^[82]

Even before the senatorial election, the rival factions in the Ohio Republican Party were battling less than usual, but it was not until the day of the senatorial election that McKinley and Foraker reached a definite understanding for peace during the 1896 campaign. Foraker agreed to support McKinley's presidential bid, and to travel to New York to approach that state's Republican political boss, Senator Thomas C. Platt, hoping to gain Platt's support for McKinley.^[83] In March, Foraker addressed the state convention in support of McKinley in a widely publicized speech. However, he was reluctant to be a delegate to the national convention, fearing that he would be blamed if anything went wrong with McKinley's candidacy. It was only after considerable prodding from the presidential candidate that Foraker agreed to be a delegate, and to place McKinley's name in nomination. McKinley desired that Foraker nominate him to show that he had the united support of the state Republican Party.^[c]^[84] Senator-elect Foraker eventually agreed, and gave the nominating speech, part of which was heard by McKinley via telephone line to Canton.^[85]

The Democrats nominated former Nebraska congressman William Jennings Bryan, who had electrified the Democratic National Convention with his Cross of Gold speech.^[86] When Bryan accepted his nomination with a lengthy address in New York, the senator-elect commented, "Mr. Bryan made himself by one speech, and now he has unmade himself by one speech". Although Foraker went to Europe for four weeks (his sole trip abroad), he gave almost 200 speeches for the Republicans once he returned.^[87] McKinley was elected president with a comfortable majority in the Electoral College.^[88]

[edit]Senator (1897–1909)

On March 4, 1897, the same day William McKinley became president, Joseph Foraker was sworn in as senator from Ohio. The new legislator was escorted to the bar of the Senate by Sherman; his swearing-in helped cement a modest Republican majority. Foraker continued his private legal work, which was not unusual at the time as many senators maintained business interests. Wealthy through his law practice, Foraker did not stand out in that regard either, as the "rich man's club" of the Senate of that era contained about 25 millionaires.^[89]

[edit]Rivalry with Hanna

Drawing of the opening of the Senate session in December 1902. Hanna is the shorter man to the right of the clerk; Foraker stands behind Hanna and slightly to his right.

During the 1896 campaign, Hanna served as chairman of the Republican National Committee, in charge of McKinley's campaign, and obtained millions for his presidential candidate by soliciting donations from wealthy businessmen.^[90] After the November election, Foraker met with Hanna and was surprised to learn that President-elect McKinley and Hanna planned that Sherman would be appointedSecretary of State and that the industrialist would take Sherman's place in the Senate. Foraker objected to both components of this plan, feeling that Hanna was not qualified as a legislator, and that Sherman, whose faculties were starting to fail, should not become Secretary of State. Foraker met with McKinley, but failed to convince him.^[91]

Bushnell (who would get to appoint a temporary replacement) and Foraker (a close political ally of the governor) did not want to appoint Hanna; their faction had several candidates, including Bushnell himself, for the next election for Sherman's seat in 1898. Bushnell and Foraker resisted for a month once the pending appointment of Sherman became known in January 1897, during which time the governor offered the seat to Congressman Theodore E. Burton, who declined. It was not until February 21 that Bushnell finally announced Hanna's appointment, effective upon Sherman's resignation.^[91] This controversy to some extent overshadowed Foraker's swearing-in as senator on March 4—Hanna adherents claimed that Bushnell had delayed the effective date of the industrialist's appointment until Foraker took his seat so that Hanna would be the junior senator. In his memoirs, Foraker denied this, noting that Sherman was unwilling to resign until the afternoon of March 4, after the new president and Congress were sworn in and the new Cabinet, including Sherman, was confirmed by the Senate. Hanna was given his commission as senator by Bushnell on the morning of March 5.^[92]^[93]

Foraker had known that with McKinley in the Executive Mansion (as the White House was still formally known) and Sherman expected to be senior senator, he could expect only limited patronage appointments for his supporters.^[87] With McKinley's close friend Hanna instead in the Senate, Foraker was allowed to recommend appointees to the President, but McKinley allowed Hanna to exercise a veto over Foraker's candidates.^[94]

Foraker was not visibly involved in the unsuccessful efforts to deny Hanna re-election in 1898, but several of his allies, including Bushnell and Kurtz, were part of the opposition.^[95]Foraker nominated McKinley again at the 1900 convention; his florid praise of the president pleased the delegates. As McKinley's original vice president, Garret Hobart, had died in 1899, he required a new running mate for the 1900 campaign, and the convention chose the popular Spanish-American War hero, New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt. Foraker had maintained friendly relations with Roosevelt since the two men met at the 1884 convention, but Hanna bitterly opposed the choice.^[96]^[97] Foraker spoke widely duringMcKinley's successful re-election campaign.^[98]

After President McKinley was assassinated in September 1901, Foraker attended the funeral services and addressed a large memorial meeting at the Cincinnati Music Hall. When politics resumed after the mourning, Foraker spoke in defense of President Roosevelt's inviting Booker T. Washington, an African American, to the White House. This helped ensure support from the black community in Foraker's successful re-election bid in January 1902, which was not opposed by the Hanna faction.^[98]

Both Hanna and Foraker had been spoken of as possible Republican presidential candidates in 1904; with President Roosevelt now likely to be the nominee, both men's presidential ambitions were pushed back four years.^[99] Hanna in particular was reluctant to publicly put aside his presidential candidacy, believing that keeping it alive would help assure his re-election by the legislature in 1904.^[100] In 1903, Foraker saw an opportunity to embarrass Hanna and boost his own chances for 1908 by getting the Republican state convention to pass a resolution endorsing Roosevelt for re-election. If Hanna supported the resolution, he made it clear he would not be a candidate; if he opposed it, he risked Roosevelt's wrath. Hanna sent Roosevelt a telegram that he would oppose the resolution; Roosevelt replied that he expected his administration's supporters to vote for such a resolution, and Hanna gave in.^[101]

In February 1904, Hanna died of typhoid fever, and his Senate seat and factional leadership were won by Charles Dick, a four-term congressman who had received favorable publicity due to his Spanish-American War service. Dick was able to work out an accommodation with Foraker's faction and was thereafter considered the leader of Ohio's Republican "stand-patters", who saw no immediate need for social change.^[102]

[edit]War and territorial gain

In the year between his swearing-in and the 1898 Spanish-American War, Foraker was an enthusiastic supporter of Cuban independence from Spain. A special session of Congress, called at the request of President McKinley, met beginning in March 1897 to consider new tariff legislation; hawkish senators, including Foraker (who was made a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee), took the opportunity to press resolutions in support of the Cuban insurgents.^[103] Foraker was impatient with McKinley's policy towards Spain, decrying the President's State of the Union communication to Congress in December 1897 and his so-called "war message", which some deemed insufficiently bellicose, in April 1898. The senator stated to a reporter of the latter, "I have no patience with the message and you may say so. I have heard nothing but condemnation of the message on all hands."^[104]

Foraker had introduced a resolution calling for Spain to withdraw from Cuba, and for the recognition of the rebels as the legitimate government of an independent Cuba. The resolution that passed Congress in April called for all those things except recognition (deleted at the request of the administration) and authorized the President to use force to achieve those aims. McKinley's signature on the joint resolution caused Spain to break off diplomatic relations and war was quickly declared. Foraker followed the war closely—his elder son was fighting in it—and was an early proponent of the US keeping Spanish colonies it had captured, such as the Philippines and Puerto Rico.^[105]^[106]

McKinley had attempted to annex Hawaii, but the annexation treaty failed to be ratified by the Senate. Congressional leaders decided to try again, this time using a joint resolution that would bypass the need for a two-thirds vote in the Senate. The American victory at the Battle of Manila Bay in early May revived interest in the Hawaiian matter. Foraker was a major proponent of the resolution in the Foreign Relations Committee and was the only committee member to speak in the debate. Opposition was mostly from Democrats, who objected to the revolution by which American interests had taken control of the islands in 1893, a seizure defended by Foraker. In early July, proponents were able to get the resolution through both houses of Congress, and President McKinley signed it on July 8.^[107]

The new American possession of Puerto Rico found itself in financial woes soon after its acquisition—its principal export, coffee, was now barred by high tariffs from both Spanish and American markets. Foraker took the lead in drafting and pressing legislation establishing a civil government for the island. Although Foraker had proposed to eliminate tariffs on imports from Puerto Rico, to secure passage of the legislation he had to accept a rate of 15% for two years as the island developed a taxation system, after which there would be no tariff, and the money would be used to develop the island.^[108] The Foraker Act was signed by President McKinley on April 12, 1900. It required an American-appointed governor and a legislature in which a majority of the upper house would be American-appointed, and did not grant Puerto Ricans American citizenship.^[109] Foraker had wanted to give the islanders US citizenship, but neither the administration nor much of the Congress agreed with him.^[110] In 1901, the Foraker Act was upheld by the Supreme Court, which ruled inDownes v. Bidwell that the Constitution did not apply to Puerto Rico and that Congress could legislate for it (or, in the phrase then current, the Constitution did not follow the flag).^[111]

[edit]Opposition to Roosevelt

Foraker maintained generally friendly relations with Roosevelt in the president's first term: lacking an electoral mandate, Roosevelt had pledged after the assassination to carry out McKinley's policies. Elected in his own right in November 1904, President Roosevelt felt more free to support progressive policies. When Roosevelt told Foraker his plans after the election, Foraker initially took no alarm, but according to Walters, "the resulting antagonism led to the political elimination of Foraker in 1908."^[112]

Their relationship began to break down over the question of railroad regulation. The President in 1905 sought legislation to give the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) the power to set freight rates; Foraker considered the proposed law unconstitutional, and introduced a bill by which the railroad would set the rates, and if the ICC found they were excessive, it could ask the Attorney General to bring suit. Foraker spoke repeatedly against the administration-favored bill as it moved through the Senate, and was one of only three senators (and the only Republican) to oppose the resulting Hepburn Act on final Senate passage. As the Ohio legislature had passed a resolution urging Foraker and Dick to vote for the bill, he faced anger at home; one newspaper wrote that Foraker had extinguished his chances of becoming president with his vote. The following year, Foraker also broke with the administration on the question of statehood for Arizona Territory and New Mexico Territory, feeling that the two territories should not be combined into one state unless a merger was approved in referenda. Foraker's position prevailed in Congress; despite his stance, Roosevelt signed the resulting bill. The two men also differed on issues of patronage, and on a series of treaties requiring Senate ratification that allowed for international agreements without the need for Senate approval. Roosevelt wrote to a friend that Foraker seemed determine to fight him on every point, good or bad.^[113]

[edit]Brownsville case

Main article: Brownsville Affair

On the night of August 14, 1906, gunshots were heard in the border town of Brownsville, Texas; one resident was killed and a police officer wounded. Various military items, including discharged rifle shells, were presented by the local mayor as evidence that troops of the 25th Infantry Battalion, stationed outside of town and consisting of African Americans, were responsible. When questioned, all denied involvement. Nevertheless, their white officers reported to the War Department that undetermined men belonging to the 25th Infantry were responsible, and that others of the battalion were aware of who had done it, but were remaining silent. Despite an almost total lack of evidence, on November 5, 1906 (just after the midterm congressional elections), Roosevelt ordered 167 soldiers dishonorably discharged and made ineligible for federal employment, including such decorated soldiers as First Sergeant Mingo Sanders, who had fought alongside Roosevelt in Cuba. The President adhered to his decision despite appeals from both whites and African Americans.^[114]^[115]

Foraker was initially convinced of the guilt of the men, but reconsidered after evidence obtained in a private investigation by progressive organizations was presented to him (the attorney presenting it, an African American, was denied an audience with Roosevelt).^[116]^[117] According to Roosevelt biographer Edmund Morris, "Foraker had a passion for racial justice."^[118] Recalling Foraker's desire, as a soldier, to see slavery abolished and the African American given the same civil and political rights as the white man, Morris explains, "Senator Foraker merely felt the same about the Constitution in 1906 as Private Foraker had felt in 1862."^[118] Despite his desire to see justice done, Foraker also saw political advantage in opposing Roosevelt over the Brownsville issue; he might boost his own presidential ambitions for 1908 by making both Roosevelt and his designated heir apparent, Secretary of War William Howard Taft, look bad.^[119]

Cartoon and verse satirizing Foraker from the 1907Gridiron Dinner

Foraker battled to have the Senate investigate the Brownsville case, and got the body to pass a resolution requiring Taft to turn over information. By late January 1907, after further investigation, Roosevelt had rescinded the part of the order barring the soldiers from federal employment, and had stated that he would reconsider the case of anyone who could present proof of his innocence. Foraker had claimed that the president lacked the authority to discharge the men; to get a resolution passed for an investigatory committee, he had to withdraw that assertion.^[120]

Matters came to a head at the Gridiron Dinner^[d] on January 27; the program showed cartoons of the leading attendees and accompanying verses. Foraker's read "All coons look alike to me", suggesting his Brownsville stance was to attract the African-American vote. According to Walters, "the jests had been pointed and the cartoons biting;" Roosevelt was seen to be angry.^[121]^[122] Nevertheless, when the President rose to speak, all that was expected was a few minutes of humorous comments.^[123] Instead, in his speech, Roosevelt attacked Foraker and defended his own conduct in the Brownsville case. Although it was not customary to permit anyone to follow a president's speech, Foraker was allowed to reply. The Washington Post reported that Foraker "gave the President the plainest talk he has probably ever listened to."^[124]^[125]Foraker stated that Sergeant Sanders had been dishonorably discharged even though "he was as innocent of any offense against the law of any kind whatever as the President himself"—and, he charged, Roosevelt was fully aware the soldiers had been wronged.^[126] He denied that he was after votes with his position, "I was seeking to provide for those men an opportunity to be heard in their own defense, to give them a chance to confront their accusers and cross-examine their witnesses, and establish the real facts in the case."^[127] Roosevelt spoke in angry rebuttal, but according to his biographer Morris, "Never before, at the Gridiron or anywhere else, had a President been challenged before an audience."^[128]

[edit]1908 race; defeat for re-election

Foraker in 1908

In the aftermath of the Gridiron Dinner, Foraker was increasingly ostracized, both politically and socially.^[129] Unwelcome at the White House, he was excluded from patronage. Nevertheless, the Committee on Military Affairs, on which Foraker sat, went ahead and held hearings into the Brownsville matter between February and June 1907.^[130] Author John Weaver, in his 1997 book on the Brownsville case, takes note of "Foraker's masterful presentation of fact and law", including his cross-examination of witnesses who sought to convince the committee of the soldiers' guilt.^[131] In March 1908, the committee issued its report, by a vote of 9–4 endorsing the President's action. While the official minority report found the evidence inconclusive, Foraker and Connecticut Senator Morgan Bulkeleysigned a separate report stating that "the weight of the testimony shows that none of the soldiers of the Twenty-fifth U.S. Infantry participated in the shooting affray".^[132]

Although he knew he had little chance of winning, Foraker challenged Taft, his fellow Cincinnatian, for the Republican nomination for president. He hoped to secure a deal whereby he would endorse Taft in exchange for support in the senatorial election to be held in January 1909.^[e] Roosevelt was determined to drive Foraker from politics, and Taft refused to deal. Taft won at each stage of the delegate-selection process, gaining all but two delegates from Ohio. At the 1908 Republican National Convention, Taft received 702 votes and was nominated; Foraker received 16, of which 11 came from African Americans.^[133]

After Foraker's defeat for the presidential nomination, he began work to gain re-election to the Senate. His vote on the Hepburn Act and his opposition to Roosevelt had provoked opposition to him within the Ohio Republican Party; in addition, both he and Dick were seen by some as the face of the old guard of the party, out of place in the Progressive Era. Many of those who opposed him proposed Congressman Theodore E. Burton for the Senate seat; Foraker stated that the first thing to do was secure a Republican legislature, with the question of who should be senator left until victory was obtained. Amid speculation as to Taft's position on Foraker, the two men met, to all appearances cordially, on September 2 at the Grand Army of the Republic encampment at Toledo, and later that day, the two men appeared on the same platform. Taft spoke in appreciation of Foraker, who, as governor, had appointed him as a judge, giving him his start in public life. Foraker, for his part, stated that Taft would be his party leader during the campaign, and called on the presidential candidate at his headquarters in Cincinnati a week later. The Taft campaign asked Foraker to preside, and to introduce Taft, at a rally to be held at the Cincinnati Music Hall on September 22.^[134] In a letter to a newspaper publisher, Taft pointed out that Foraker "can be useful with the colored vote and the Grand Army vote".^[135]

The seeming rapprochement was shattered when publisher William Randolph Hearst, giving a speech in Columbus, read from letters to Foraker by Standard Oil Company vice president John D. Archbold. During Foraker's first term in the Senate, he had done legal work for Standard Oil; in the letters, Archbold made reference to legislation he considered objectionable, and also made references to substantial fees to Foraker. However, the publisher read them in such a way as to suggest a causal relationship between the killing of the legislation and the fees. Foraker quickly denied any impropriety, stating that the relationship was not secret and the excerpts had been read out of context.^[136] Foraker noted that when he was retained by the corporation in December 1898, it had not yet come under federal scrutiny, and when Archbold had sought to retain him in 1906, he had declined. Standard Oil was wildly unpopular, and the controversy put Taft in a difficult position. Foraker sent a letter to Taft, hand-delivered by Senator Dick, expressing his willingness to avoid the Music Hall meeting. Taft said only that he hoped Foraker would meet with the organizers of the event and follow their recommendation, which Foraker took to mean that Taft was giving credence to Hearst's charges and did not want him there. Foraker cancelled all remaining campaign speeches.^[137] Ohio helped elect Taft and elected a Democratic governor, but returned a Republican legislature, which would elect a senator in January 1909.^[138]

Through December, Foraker worked to try to retain his Senate seat. His rivals were Burton and the President-elect's brother, former congressman Charles Phelps Taft, though near the end of the contest, former lieutenant governor Warren G. Harding asked for his name to be considered. Both Foraker and Burton opposed Charles Taft's call for a caucus of the Republican legislators to determine the party's candidate.^[139] On December 29, President Roosevelt weighed in on the question. Roosevelt "lost no time in putting the Republican members of the Ohio legislature on notice that to re-elect Mr. Foraker to the Senate would be regarded as nothing less than treason to the party".^[140] Roosevelt accused Foraker of seeking to make a bargain with the Democrats to secure his re-election in exchange for a Democratic replacement for Dick in 1911. Faced with this presidential intervention and Charles Taft's withdrawal from the race, Foraker saw no path to victory and conceded on December 31. Burton was endorsed by the Republican caucus two days later and was elected by the legislature on January 12.^[141]

Foraker continued to work on Brownsville in his remaining time in office, guiding a resolution through Congress to establish a board of inquiry with the power to reinstate the soldiers. The bill, which was not opposed by the administration, was less than Foraker wanted; he had hoped for a requirement that unless specific evidence was shown against a man, he would be allowed to re-enlist. The legislation passed both houses^[142] and was signed by Roosevelt on March 2, 1909.^[f]^[143] On March 6, 1909, shortly after he left the Senate, Joseph Foraker was the guest of honor at a mass meeting at Washington's Metropolitan African Methodist Episcopal Church. Though both whites and African Americans assembled to recognize the former senator, all the speakers were African Americans, save Foraker. Presented with a silver loving cup, he addressed the crowd,

I have said that I do not believe that a man in that battalion had anything to do with the shooting up of "Brownsville", but whether any one of them had, it was our duty to ourselves as a great, strong, and powerful nation to give every man a hearing, to deal fairly and squarely with every man; to see to it that justice was done to him; that he should be heard.^[144]

[edit]Final years and death

Foraker in his final years

As with his defeat for governor twenty years earlier, Foraker returned after losing re-election to Cincinnati and the full-time practice of law. He found a number of well-paying corporations willing to retain him as counsel; he represented the American Multigraph Company before the Supreme Court, seeking to overturn a Taft-backed law imposing an excise tax on corporations. Several cases were consolidated intoFlint v. Stone Tracy Company (1911) in which the Supreme Court upheld the law.^[145]^[146]

Although he expressed bitterness upon leaving office, wishing he had never left the farm in Highland County, he soon resumed his involvement in politics, speaking for the unsuccessful Republican candidate for governor, Harding, in 1910. The gubernatorial candidate had long been a Foraker supporter, though he had backed Taft in 1908. In 1912, Foraker made speeches in support of Taft's re-election bid, although he felt he had been badly treated by Taft in 1908. He refused, however, to attack the third-party candidate, former president Roosevelt, whose candidacy split the party and led to the election of Democrat Woodrow Wilson.^[147]^[148]

In 1913, ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution changed the method of choosing senators from legislative vote to election by the people.^[149] Buoyed by positive reviews of his participation in the 1912 campaign, and wishing to avenge his defeat for re-election, Foraker entered the 1914 Republican primary against Senator Burton and former congressman Ralph D. Cole. Burton's withdrawal transformed Foraker into the favorite. A number of Foraker enemies, and those who believed that his "old guard" Republicanism was out of date, called on Harding to enter the primary. Harding was reluctant, but was eventually persuaded. Although Harding did not attack Foraker, his supporters, including Cleveland publisher Dan R. Hanna (son of the late senator), had no such scruples. Harding was victorious in the primary with 88,540 votes to 76,817 for Foraker and 52,237 for Cole, and subsequently won the general election. Harding sent Foraker a letter regretting the primary result, but Foraker was more bitter towards the electorate, feeling they had taken his long public service and returned ingratitude.^[150]

With his political career at an end, Foraker began work on his memoirs, Notes of a Busy Life, published in 1916. The issuance of the autobiography led to a letter from Roosevelt, stating that after reading Foraker's memoirs, he regretted his attacks. Roosevelt concluded the letter with an invitation to visit him at his home in New York. Foraker treasured this letter, which he felt re-established his friendship with Roosevelt,^[151] although the two men did not meet in the short time remaining to Foraker.^[152]

Foraker supported President Wilson as he moved the nation closer to intervention in World War I. In April 1917, Foraker was one of a group of Cincinnatians who organized to support Wilson when the President asked Congress to declare war on Germany. The former senator's ill-health (he had suffered several heart attacks during the preceding winter) limited his participation, and on May 7, he was stricken with another attack in downtown Cincinnati. Taken home, he lapsed in and out of consciousness for three days before dying on May 10, 1917. Hundreds of prominent Cincinnatians attended his interment at Spring Grove Cemetery on May 13.^[153]

[edit]Assessment

Historian Allen Nevins, in his foreword to Walters' biography of Foraker, suggested that Foraker did not attain the presidency, as he had hoped, because of the ambitions of other Ohio politicians. While Foraker might have secured the nomination in 1888 as a compromise candidate, had not his pledges to Sherman prevented it, having "stood aside for an older man[,] year after year he was compelled to stand aside for younger leaders. First McKinley, with Hanna at his side, was given precedence; then Taft, whom Foraker had given a start in public life, scaled the peak. Foraker, for all his administrative capacity, his wide popular appeal, and his unflinching courage, had the tragic lot of seeing a succession of associates go above him."^[154] Even Foraker's final defeat, in 1914, proved to be part of the political rise of another president from Ohio, Harding.^[155] Nevins noted the aggressive nature of Foraker's political style, and commented, "How much of his failure to reach high office was attributable to ill fortune and how much to some of his traits, readers … may judge for themselves."^[154] Cincinnati editor Murat Halstead, a contemporary, attributed the fact that Foraker did not get nominated in 1888 to the surplus of ambitious Ohio men at the convention: in addition to Sherman, Foraker, and McKinley, even Harrison had been born in Ohio.^[156]

According to Nevins, "in the era which began after McKinley's assassination he did not show the progressive qualities which the electorate increasingly demanded; indeed, he seemed positively reactionary."^[157] Walters agreed, noting that Foraker's 1914 defeat was caused in part by fears that his "uncompromising Republicanism of an earlier era would injure the party. The stirring principles of the New Freedom called for new leaders."^[158] Historian Benjamin Kendrick noted that "Mr. Foraker was among the first of prominent politicians to be retired because of their too close connection with 'Big Business.'"^[159]

Historian Louis L. Gould, who wrote a study of the McKinley administration, stated that Foraker "may well have been too close to some large corporations, but he also retained some vestiges of the commitment of the Civil War generation in the North to the idea of human equality ... This prompted him to champion the cause of the Negro soldiers."^[160]According to historian Percy Murray in his journal article on the relationship between Foraker and black newspaper editor Harry Smith, Foraker's "political career ended partially because of his support for and espousal of black rights ... Perhaps Smith best summed up his alliance with Foraker when he stated that it was time for Afro-Americans to ... show full support for Foraker and men like him who supported the efforts of Afro-Americans."^[161] Walter Rucker and James Upton, in their Encyclopedia of American Race Riots, write favorably of Foraker:

Senator Foraker is acknowledged as the key person in Congress to keep the issue of the Brownsville soldiers alive. He made speeches about it and wrote about it. His statement in defense of the soldiers was summed up appropriately when he said that the soldiers "ask[ed] no favors because they are Negroes, but only justice because they are men".^[162]

Hugo Chávez

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Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (28 Temmuz 1954, Sabaneta - 5 Mart 2013, Caracas), Venezuelalı politikacı ve 1998'den ölümüne kadar ülkenin devlet başkanıydı. 2007 yılında Venezuela Birleşik Sosyalist Partisi'nin (PSUV) lideri olan Chávez, 1997'de kuruluşundan itibaren Beşinci Cumhuriyet Hareketi'nin de liderliğini yapmıştır. Politik ideolojisi "21. Yüzyıl için Sosyalizm" ve Bolivarcılık idi. Ülkede Bolivarcı Devrimin sosyalist reformların uygulanmasına odaklandı.

Konu başlıkları

Gençliği ve siyasete girişi

Bir işçi sınıfı ailenin çocuğu olarak Sabaneta, Barinas'ta doğan Chávez, kariyerine subay olarak başladı. Ülkenin politik sistemini eleştiren Chávez, 1980'lerin başlarında gizlice Bolivarcı Devrimci Hareket-200 (MBR-200) kurdu. 1992 yılında Başkan Carlos Andrés Pérez hükümetine karşı başarısız bir darbe girişimine liderlik yaptı.

Devlet başkanlığı

2 yıllık hapislik sürecinden sonra Beşinci Cumhuriyet Hareketi kuruldu ve 1998 yılında Venezüella devlet başkanı seçildi. Ardından Venezüella devlet yapısını ve bazı marjinal grupların haklarını değiştirdiği yeni bir anayasa tanıttı ve 2000 yılında yeniden seçildi. Yaptığı ikinci başkanlık dönemi Bolivarcılık misyonlarını izleyen bir sistemi tanıtan Chávez, komünal konseyler ve işçilerce yönetilen kooperatifler kurarak bir dizi toprak reformunu hayata geçirerek, çeşitli kilit sanayileri kamulaştırdı.

Darbe girişimi

Ana madde: 2002 Venezuela darbe girişimi

Muhalif darbeyle baştan indirilmiş, ancak 2 gün (48 saat içinde) barriosta (İspanyolca konuşulan ülkelerde kırsal alana verilen isim) yaşayan halkın darbecilere karşı yaptığı protestolarla tekrar iktidara gelmeyi başarmıştır. 4 Aralık 2006 tarihinde Venezuela'da yapılan devlet başkanlığı seçimini kazanarak 2012'ye kadar devlet başkanı olmaya hak kazanmıştır.
Ekim 2012 seçimlerinde Venezuela lideri Hugo Chavez, oyların yüzde 54'ünü alarak muhalefet lideri Henrique Capriles'i geride bırakarak dördüncü kez Devlet Başkanı seçildi.^[1]

Siyasi hattı

Uygulamaya koyduğu radikal siyasal dönüşümleriyle neo-liberalizme karşı somut bir alternatif oluşturan Chávez, ülkesinin yüz yüze olduğu yoksulluk, açlık, cehalet, barınma, çalışma ve kadın hakları gibi sorunların çözümünün kapitalist sistem içinde kalınarak sağlanamayacağını iddia etmekte ve devrimden söz etmektedir. Venezüela'da çok daha adil, barışçı, eşit ve özgür bir dünyanın ancak sosyalizme açılarak gerçekleştirilebileceği görüşünü savunmaktadır.

Uluslararası konumu

Washington yönetiminin düşman olarak gördüğü Küba, Kuzey Kore, İran, Belarus, Suriye gibi ülkelerle sıkı bağlar kurmuş ve ABD karşıtlığını her fırsatta dile getirmiştir. Chavez, Amerikan aleyhtarlığını 2006 yılının ağustos ayında yaptığı İran gezisi ile göstermiştir. Son olarak da BM konuşmasında "Şeytan dün buradaydı" sözleri ile Bush'u bir şeytan olarak tanımlamış ve dünya çapında büyük ilgi toplayan bir konuşmaya imza atmıştır.^[2]

“	500 yıldır buradayız ve hiç susmadık, hele bir kralın söylemesiyle hiç susmayız. Bir kral da benim gibi devletin başıdır. Aradaki tek fark benim üç kez yüzde 63 oy ile seçilmemdir. Biz eşit seviyedeki devlet başkanlarıyız, yerlilerin lideri Evo Morales de İspanya kralı Juan Carlos da eşittir.	„
—Hugo Chavez (2007 yılında Şili'de yapılan zirve toplantısında kendisine kapa çeneni diyen İspanya kralı Juan Carlos'a cevaben ^[3]

Kanser tedavisi ve ölümü

2011 yılında pelvis bölgesinde görülen lezyonlar nedeniyle Küba'da ameliyat olan Chavez'in sağlık durumu, 2012 yılında kanserin nüksetmesi nedeniyle tekrar kötüleşmiş, bu nedenle anayasal zorunluluk gereği katılmak zorunda olduğu yemin törenine katılamamıştır.^[4] ^[5]
27 Kasım 2012'de, Chavez kanser yüzünden daha fazla tıbbi tedavi için Küba'ya seyahat etme planlarını açıkladı. 18 Şubat 2013 tarihinde, Küba'daki kanser tedavisinden 2 ay sonra Venezuela'ya döndü. 4 Mart'ta, solunum sorunları kötüleşti ve yeni, ciddi solunum yolu enfeksiyonu hastası olduğu Venezuela hükümeti tarafından açıklandı. 05 Mart 2013 Salı günü hayatını kaybetti.

Hugo Chávez

Venezuela Devlet Başkanı
Görev süresi 2 Şubat 1999 - 5 Mart 2013
Yerine geldiği	Rafael Caldera
Kişi bilgileri
Doğum	28 Temmuz 1954 Sabaneta, Barinas, Venezuela
Ölüm	5 Mart 2013 (58 yaşında) Caracas, Venezuela
Partisi	Beşinci Cumhuriyet Hareketi (1997–2008) Venezuela Birleşik Sosyalist Partisi (2008–2013)
Eşi	Nancy Colmenares (boşandı) Marisabel Rodríguez (1997-2004)
Dini	Katolik

Spartacus(cont.)

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Enslavement and escape

According to the differing sources and their interpretation, Spartacus either was an auxiliary from the Roman legions later condemned to slavery, or a captive taken by the legions.^[15] Spartacus was trained at the gladiatorial school (ludus) near Capua belonging to Lentulus Batiatus. In 73 BC, Spartacus was among a group of gladiators plotting an escape.^[16]
The plot was betrayed but about 70^[17] men seized kitchen implements, fought their way free from the school, and seized several wagons of gladiatorial weapons and armor.^[16] The escaped slaves defeated a small force sent after them, plundered the region surrounding Capua, recruited many other slaves into their ranks, and eventually retired to a more defensible position on Mount Vesuvius.^[18]^[19]
Once free, the escaped gladiators chose Spartacus and two Gallic slaves—Crixus and Oenomaus—as their leaders. Although Roman authors assumed that the slaves were a homogeneous group with Spartacus as their leader, they may have projected their own hierarchical view of military leadership onto the spontaneous organization of the slaves, reducing other slave leaders to subordinate positions in their accounts. The positions of Crixus and Oenomaus—and later, Gannicus and Castus—cannot be clearly determined from the sources.^{[citation needed]}

Third Servile War

The response of the Romans was hampered by the absence of the Roman legions, which were already engaged in fighting a revolt in Spain and the Third Mithridatic War. Furthermore, the Romans considered the rebellion more of a policing matter than a war. Rome dispatched militia under the command of praetor Gaius Claudius Glaber, which besieged Spartacus and his camp on Mount Vesuvius, hoping that starvation would force Spartacus to surrender. They were surprised when Spartacus, who had made ropes from vines, climbed down the cliff side of the volcano with his men and attacked the unfortified Roman camp in the rear, killing most of them.^[20]
The slaves also defeated a second expedition, nearly capturing the praetor commander, killing his lieutenants and seizing the military equipment.^[21] With these successes, more and more slaves flocked to the Spartacan forces, as did "many of the herdsmen and shepherds of the region", swelling their ranks to some 70,000.^[22]
In these altercations Spartacus proved to be an excellent tactician, suggesting that he may have had previous military experience. Though the slaves lacked military training, they displayed a skillful use of available local materials and unusual tactics when facing the disciplined Roman armies.^[23] They spent the winter of 73–72 BC training, arming and equipping their new recruits, and expanding their raiding territory to include the towns of Nola, Nuceria, Thurii and Metapontum.^[24] The distance between these locations and the subsequent events indicate that the slaves operated in two groups commanded by the remaining leaders Spartacus and Crixus.^{[citation needed]}
In the spring of 72 BC, the slaves left their winter encampments and began to move northward. At the same time, the Roman Senate, alarmed by the defeat of the praetorian forces, dispatched a pair of consular legions under the command of Lucius Gellius Publicola and Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus.^[25] The two legions were initially successful—defeating a group of 30,000 slaves commanded by Crixus near Mount Garganus^[26]—but then were defeated by Spartacus. These defeats are depicted in divergent ways by the two most comprehensive (extant) histories of the war by Appian and Plutarch.^[27]^[28]^[29]^[30]
Alarmed by the apparently unstoppable rebellion, the Senate charged Marcus Licinius Crassus, the wealthiest man in Rome and the only volunteer for the position,^{[citation needed]} with ending the rebellion. Crassus was put in charge of eight legions, approximately 40,000–50,000 trained Roman soldiers,^[31]^[32] which he treated with harsh, even brutal, discipline, reviving the punishment of unit decimation.^[33] When Spartacus and his followers, who for unclear reasons had retreated to the south of Italy, moved northward again in early 71 BC, Crassus deployed six of his legions on the borders of the region and detached his legate Mummius with two legions to maneuver behind Spartacus. Though ordered not to engage the slaves, Mummius attacked at a seemingly opportune moment but was routed.^[34] After this, Crassus' legions were victorious in several engagements, forcing Spartacus farther south through Lucania as Crassus gained the upper hand. By the end of 71 BC, Spartacus was encamped in Rhegium (Reggio Calabria), near the Strait of Messina.
According to Plutarch, Spartacus made a bargain with Cilician pirates to transport him and some 2,000 of his men to Sicily, where he intended to incite a slave revolt and gather reinforcements. However, he was betrayed by the pirates, who took payment and then abandoned the rebel slaves.^[34] Minor sources mention that there were some attempts at raft and shipbuilding by the rebels as a means to escape, but that Crassus took unspecified measures to ensure the rebels could not cross to Sicily, and their efforts were abandoned.^[35] Spartacus' forces then retreated toward Rhegium. Crassus' legions followed and upon arrival built fortifications across the isthmus at Rhegium, despite harassing raids from the rebel slaves. The rebels were now under siege and cut off from their supplies.^[36]

The Fall of Spartacus

At this time, the legions of Pompey returned from Spain and were ordered by the Senate to head south to aid Crassus.^[37] While Crassus feared that Pompey's arrival would cost him the credit, Spartacus unsuccessfully tried to reach an agreement with Crassus.^[38] When Crassus refused, a portion of Spartacus' forces fled toward the mountains west of Petelia (modern Strongoli) in Bruttium, with Crassus' legions in pursuit.^[39]
When the legions managed to catch a portion of the rebels separated from the main army,^[40] discipline among Spartacus' forces broke down as small groups were independently attacking the oncoming legions.^[41] Spartacus now turned his forces around and brought his entire strength to bear on the legions in a last stand, in which the slaves were routed completely, with the vast majority of them being killed on the battlefield.^[42]
The final battle that saw the defeat of Spartacus in 71 BC took place on the present territory of Senerchia on the right bank of the river Sele in the area that includes the border with Oliveto Citra up to those of Calabritto, near the village of Quaglietta, in High Sele Valley, which at that time was part of Lucania. In this area, since 1899, there have been finds of armor and swords of the Roman era.
Plutarch, Appian and Florus all claim that Spartacus died during the battle, however Appian also reports that his body was never found.^[43] Six thousand survivors of the revolt captured by the legions of Crassus were crucified, lining the Appian Way from Rome to Capua.^[44]

Objectives

Classical historians were divided as to what the motives of Spartacus were. Plutarch writes that Spartacus merely wished to escape north into Cisalpine Gaul and disperse his men back to their homes.^[45] If escaping the Italian peninsula was indeed his goal, it is not clear why Spartacus turned south after defeating the legions commanded by the consuls Lucius Publicola and Gnaeus Clodianus, which left his force a clear passage over the Alps. Appian and Florus write that he intended to march on Rome itself.^[46] Appian also states that he later abandoned that goal, which might have been no more than a reflection of Roman fears. None of Spartacus' actions overtly suggest that he aimed at reforming Roman society or abolishing slavery.
Based on the events in late 73 BC and early 72 BC, which suggest independently operating groups of slaves^[47] and a statement by Plutarch that some of the escaped slaves preferred to plunder Italy, rather than escape over the Alps,^[45] some modern authors have deduced a factional split between those under Spartacus, who wished to escape over the Alps to freedom, and those under Crixus, who wished to stay in southern Italy to continue raiding and plundering.^{[citation needed]}

Spartacus

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Spartacus (Greek: Σπάρτακος, Spártakos; Latin: Spartacus^[1]) (c. 109–71 BC) was a Thracian gladiator, who along with the Gauls Crixus and Oenomaus, a Roman Castus, and a Celt Gannicus, was one of the slave leaders in the Third Servile War, a major slave uprising against the Roman Republic. Little is known about Spartacus beyond the events of the war, and surviving historical accounts are sometimes contradictory and may not always be reliable. All sources agree that he was a former gladiator and an accomplished military leader.
The gladiator rebellion, interpreted by some as an example of oppressed people fighting for their freedom against a slave-owning oligarchy, has been an inspiration to many political thinkers, and has been featured in literature, television, and film. Although not contradicted by classical historians, no historical account mentions that the goal of the rebel slaves was to end slavery in the Republic, nor do any of the actions of rebel leaders, who themselves committed numerous atrocities, seem specifically aimed at ending slavery.[2

Origins

The ancient sources agree that Spartacus was a Thracian. Plutarch describes him as "a Thracian of Nomadic stock".^[3] Appian says he was "a Thracian by birth, who had once served as a soldier with the Romans, but had since been a prisoner and sold for a Gladiator".^[4]
Florus (2.8.8) described him as one "who from Thracian mercenary, had become a Roman soldier, of a soldier a deserter and robber, and afterward, from consideration of his strength, a gladiator".^[5] The Thracian tribe of the Maedi,^[6]^[7]^[8] which occupied the area on the southwestern fringes of Thrace, along its border with the Roman Macedonia - present day south-western Bulgaria.^[9]^[10] Plutarch also writes that Spartacus' wife, a prophetess of the Maedi tribe, was enslaved with him.
The name Spartacus is otherwise attested in the Black Sea region: kings of the Thracian dynasty of the Cimmerian Bosporus^[11] and Pontus^[12] are known to have borne it, and a Thracian "Sparta" "Spardacus"^[13] or "Sparadokos",^[14] father of Seuthes I of the Odrysae, is also known.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (pronounced [musˈtäfä ceˈmäl ätäˈtyɾc]; 19 May 1881 (Conventional) – 10 November 1938) was an Ottoman and Turkish army officer, revolutionary statesman, writer, and the first President of Turkey. He is credited with being the founder of the Republic of Turkey. His surname, Atatürk (meaning "Father of the Turks"), was granted to him (and forbidden to any other person) in 1934 by the Turkish parliament.

Atatürk was a military officer during World War I.[1] Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, he led the Turkish national movement in the Turkish War of Independence. Having established a provisional government in Ankara, he defeated the forces sent by the Allies. His military campaigns led to victory in the Turkish War of Independence. Atatürk then embarked upon a program of political, economic, and cultural reforms, seeking to transform the former Ottoman Empire into a modern, secular and European nation-state. Under his leadership, thousands of new schools were built, primary education was made free and compulsory, while the burden of taxation on peasants was reduced.[2] The principles of Atatürk's reforms, upon which modern Turkey was established, are referred to as Kemalism.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born in the early months of 1881, either in the Ahmed Subaşı neighbourhood or in Islahhane Street (present-day Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood (this house is preserved as a museum) in Salonica (present-day Thessaloniki),[3] Ottoman Empire, to his mother Zübeyde Hanım (a housewife) and father Ali Rıza Efendi (a militia officer, title-deed clerk and lumber trader). Only one of Mustafa's siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in 1956.[4] According to Andrew Mango, he was born into a family which was Muslim, Turkish-speaking and precariously middle-class.[5] According to Encyclopaedia Judaica, one assertion that was commonly made by many Jews of Salonika was that Atatürk was of Doenmeh (crypto-Jewish) origin. Many of Atatürk’s religious opponents eagerly embraced this view.[6] His father Ali Rıza is thought to be of Albanian origin by some;[7][8][9][10][11] however, according to Falih Rıfkı Atay, Ali Rıza's ancestors were Turks, ultimately descending from Söke in the Aydın Province of Anatolia.[12][13] His mother Zübeyde is thought to be of Turkish origin[9][10] and according to Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, she was of Yörük ancestry.[14] There are also some suggestions about his partial Slavic origin.[15][16][17]

He was born Mustafa, and his second name Kemal (meaning Perfection or Maturity) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi, according to Afet Inan in admiration of his capability and maturity,[18][19] and according to Ali Fuat Cebesoy, because his teacher Mustafa Efendi wanted to distinguish his student who had the same name as him,[20] although his biographer Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal.[21] In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa Kemal to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. His parents wanted him to learn a trade, but without consulting them, Mustafa Kemal took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi ) in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled into the Monastir Military High School. On 14 March 1899,[22] he enrolled at the Ottoman Military Academy in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı[23] within the Şişli district of the Ottoman capital city Constantinople[24] (modern Istanbul in Turkey) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the Ottoman Military College in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.[22]

Following graduation, Mustafa Kemal was assigned to the Fifth Army based in Damascus as a Staff Captain[22] in the company of Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) and Lütfi Müfit (Özdeş).[25] He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers led by a merchant Mustafa Elvan (Cantekin) called Vatan ve Hürriyet ("Motherland and Liberty"). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and on 13 October 1907, assigned to the headquarters of the Third Army in Manastır.[26] He joined the Committee of Union and Progress, with membership number 322, although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On 22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways in Eastern Rumelia (Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi).[26] In July 1908, he played a role in the Young Turk Revolution which seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and restored the constitutional monarchy.

In 1910 he was called to the Ottoman provinces in Albania.[27][28] At that time Isa Boletini was leading Albanian uprisings in Kosovo and there were revolts in Albania.[29][30] In 1910 he met with Eqerem Vlora.[31][32]

Mustafa Kemal Bey (fourth from right) listening to the explanation of French Colonel Auguste Edouard Hirschauer during the Picardie army manoeuvres.

Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France.[33]

In early 1911, he worked at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) headquarters in Istanbul for a short time

Later in 1911, he was assigned to the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet (present-day Libya) to fight in the Italo-Turkish War, mainly in the areas near Benghazi, Derna and Tobruk. A massive Italian amphibious assault force of 150,000 troops[34] had to be countered by 20,000 Bedouins[35] and 8,000 Turks[35] (a short time before Italy declared war, a large portion of the Ottoman troops in Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of Yemen in order to put down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya; and the British government, which militarily controlled the de jure Ottoman provinces of Egypt and Sudan since the Urabi Revolt in 1882, didn't allow the Ottoman government to send additional Ottoman troops to Libya through Egypt; causing the Ottoman soldiers like Mustafa Kemal to go to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt), or through very few available ferries (the Italians, who had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to Tripoli).) However, despite all the hardships, Mustafa Kemal's forces in Libya managed to successfully repel the Italians in a number of occasions, such as the Battle of Tobruk on 22 December 1911. During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Mustafa Kemal was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces and a piece of limestone from a damaged building's rubble entered Mustafa Kemal's left eye; which caused a permanent damage on his left eye's tissue, but not a total loss of sight. After receiving medical treatment for nearly a month (he attempted to leave the Red Crescent's health facilities early after only two weeks, but when his eye's situation worsened, he had to return and resume the treatment) on 6 March 1912 Mustafa Kemal became the Commander of the Ottoman forces in Derna. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Mustafa Kemal, Enver Bey, Fethi Bey and the other Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to Ottoman Europe following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars on 8 October 1912, due to which the Ottoman government agreed to surrender the provinces of Tripolitania, Fezzan and Cyrenaica (present-day Libya) to the Kingdom of Italy with the Treaty of Ouchy (First Treaty of Lausanne) signed ten days later, on 18 October.

On 1 December 1912, Mustafa Kemal arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and during the First Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace that was commanded by Binbaşı Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov's 7th Rila Infantry Division[36] under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev's Bulgarian Fourth Army.[37]

In June 1913, during the Second Balkan War, he took part in the Ottoman Army forces commanded by Kaymakam Enver Bey that recovered Dimetoka and Edirne (Adrianople, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire between 1365 and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern Thrace from the Bulgarians.

In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to all Balkan states (his office was in Sofia, Bulgaria) and promoted to the rank of Kaymakam (Lieutenant Colonel / Colonel) on 1 March 1914.[22]

In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the European and Middle Eastern theatres of World War I allied with the Central Powers. Mustafa Kemal was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the Fifth Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. Mustafa Kemal became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating where the Allies would attack and holding his position until they retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in Edirne until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of the XVI Corps of the Second Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign after the massive Russian offensive had reached the Anatolian key cities. On 7 August, Mustafa Kemal rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.[38] Two of his divisions captured Bitlis and Muş, upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.[39]

Following this victory, the CUP government in Constantinople proposed to establish a new army in Hejaz (Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi) and appoint Mustafa Kemal to its command, but he refused the proposal and this army was never established.[33] Instead, on 7 March 1917, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was promoted from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the Czar's armies were soon withdrawn when the Russian Revolution erupted.[33][38]

In July 1917 he was appointed to the command of the Seventh Army, replacing Fevzi Pasha on 7 August 1917, who was under the command of the German general Erich von Falkenhayn's Yildirim Army Group (after the British forces of General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by Otto Liman von Sanders who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.)[33] Mustafa Kemal Pasha could not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with Miralay İsmet Bey, wrote a report to Grand Vizier Talat Pasha regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian front; but Talat Pasha ignored their observations and suggested that a stronger defensive line should be structured to the north, in Ottoman Syria (in parts of the Beirut Vilayet, Damascus Vilayet and Aleppo Vilayet), with Turks rather than Germans in command.[33] Following the rejection of his report, Mustafa Kemal resigned from the Seventh Army and returned to Constantinople.[33] There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince (and future sultan) Mehmed Vahideddin during his train trip to Austria-Hungary and Germany.[33] While in Germany, Mustafa Kemal visited the German lines in the west European front and came to the conclusion that the Central Powers would soon lose the war.[33] He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser Wilhelm II and his high-ranking generals in first person.[33] During the return trip, he briefly stayed in Karlsbad and Vienna for medical treatment.[33]

When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Mustafa Kemal Pasha to Constantinople, and in August 1918 assigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.[33] Mustafa Kemal arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank, but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was destroyed by British aerial bombardment during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918.[40] The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918 and all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire were granted ample time to withdraw. On 31 October, he was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. He organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in Antep in case of a defensive conflict against the invading Allies.[33]

Mustafa Kemal Pasha's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the troops left behind to the south of this line. In early November 1918 the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved and Mustafa Kemal returned to an occupied Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918.[33] For a period he worked at the headquarters of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city until 16 May 1919.[33] Along the established lines of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies (British, Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied Anatolia. The occupation of Constantinople, which was followed by the occupation of Smyrna (the two largest Ottoman cities in that period) sparked the establishment of the Turkish national movement and the Turkish War of Independence.[41]

Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") Mirliva Mustafa Kemal Pasha was assigned as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919.[42] On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun. His first goal was the establishment of an organized national movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. Later, he was condemned to death.

The last election to the Ottoman parliament held in December 1919 gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the "Association for Defense of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia (Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti)", headed by Mustafa Kemal, who himself remained in Ankara. The fourth (and last) term of the Parliament opened in Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the Misak-ı Millî ("National Pact"). Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament seated in Ankara[43] – the "Grand National Assembly" (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Mustafa Kemal as the speaker; this act effectively created the situation of diarchy in the country.

On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, finalizing plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed as their heartland. Mustafa Kemal insisted on the country's complete independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority on "Turkish soil". He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The GNA Army faced the Caliphate army propped up by the Allied occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the Armenians forces in the Eastern Front and the Greek forces advancing eastward from Smyrna (modern day Izmir) that they had occupied in May 1919, on the Western Front.

The GNA military successes against the Democratic Republic of Armenia in the autumn of 1920 and later against the Greeks were made possible[44] by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the kemalists from the Russian Bolshevik government from the autumn 1920 onwards.

After a series of battles during the Greco-Turkish war, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On 5 August 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to Commander in chief of the forces by the GNA.[45] The ensuing Battle of Sakarya was fought from 23 August to 13 September 1921 and ended with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, on 19 September 1921, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was given by the Grand National Assembly the rank of Mareşal and the title of Gazi. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Kemal's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Ankara, but the proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Kemal launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar in the Battle of Dumlupınar and Turkish forces regained control of Smyrna on 9 September 1922.[46] On 10 September 1922, Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram to the League of Nations saying that the Turkish population was so worked up that the Ankara Government would not be responsible for massacres.[47]

The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by İsmet İnönü of the GNA, refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty,[48] such as the control of Turkish finances, the Capitulations, the Straits and other issues. On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by the Powers with the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey.

On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed. Since then Republic Day has been celebrated as a national holiday on this date.

With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the first caliphs."[49] Mustafa Kemal placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kâzım Özalp and İsmet İnönü in political positions where they could institute his reforms. Mustafa Kemal capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so, he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state.
Domestic policies

Mustafa Kemal's basic tenet was the complete independence of the country.[50] He clarified his position:“ ...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.[51] ”

He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economical aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures.

Mustafa Kemal created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the "Six Arrows", or Kemalist ideology. Kemalist ideology is based on Mustafa Kemal's conception of realism and pragmatism.[52] The fundamentals of nationalism, populism and etatism were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were formulated specifically for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states.
Emergence of the state, 1923–1924

Mustafa Kemal Pasha in 1923, with members of the Mevlevi Order, before its institutional expression became illegal and their dervish lodge was changed into the Mevlana Museum. The Mevlevi Order managed to transform itself into a nonpolitical organization which still exists.

In 1924, during his speech in Bursa.

A political satire from the single-party period depicting Mustafa Kemal, the leader of the RPP, choosing the party's candidates for prospective MPs, to be elected in the incoming parliamentary elections. During the single-party state, the candidates had only one party's (RPP) list to join.

Mustafa Kemal's private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage.[53] For instance, they made Ankara the country's new capital. A provincial town deep in Anatolia, it was turned into the center of the independence movement. Atatürk wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"[54] and visualized a representative democracy, parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.[54]

In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and that "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as communism and fascism. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both.[55] He prevented the spread into Turkey of the totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany and Italy.[56] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.[citation needed]

The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Mustafa Kemal.[57] The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.[57] Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, acted as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish Constitution of 1921.[57] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Mustafa Kemal, then the President, occupied a powerful position in this political system.

The single-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "Peoples Party", founded by Mustafa Kemal in the initial years of the independence war. On 9 September 1923 it was renamed the Republican People's Party (Turkish Cumhuriyeti Halk Partisı).

Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925

Abolition of the Caliphate was an important dimension in Mustafa Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote the national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of Sunni Islam.[58] Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and Mustafa Kemal and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph.”[59] Caliph Abdülmecid II was elected after the abolishment of the sultanate (1922).

The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Mustafa Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[60] He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when[60] İnönü, Çakmak and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[61] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said“ The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.[62] ”

On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.[61] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.[61]

Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[61] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence; while Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.[63]

The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were medreses based on Arabic, the Qur'an and memorization. The second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the Tanzimat era. The last group included colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old medrese education was modernized.[64] Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions.[64] Mustafa Kemal linked educational reform to the liberation of the nation from dogma, which he believed was more important than the Turkish war of independence.“ Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."[65] ”

In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer John Dewey to Ankara to advise him on how to reform Turkish education.[64] His public education reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public life through increasing the public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of education in Turkey had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the "public culture". The state schools established a common curriculum which became known as the "unification of education."

Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the "Ministry of National Education", a government agency modelled after other countries' ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy subordinate to the department of religious affairs, one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum ended "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire", but was not the end of religious schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former position in secondary after Mustafa Kemal's death.

Beginning in the fall of 1925, Mustafa Kemal encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.[66] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.[66] The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Mustafa Kemal first made the hat compulsory to civil servants.[66] The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Mustafa Kemal wore his "Panama hat" during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.

Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Mustafa Kemal never made specific reference to women’s clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern Western clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters, Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan, who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."[67]

On 30 August 1925, Mustafa Kemal's view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech. This speech also had another position. He said:“ In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and admit that their disciplines have grown up.[50] ”

On 2 September the government issued a decree closing down all Sufi orders and the tekkes. Mustafa Kemal ordered their dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of Sufism became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of Sufism, functioning as social associations, was permitted to exist.[citation needed]

The abolition of the caliphate and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements were not happy and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.[61]

Opposition to Mustafa Kemal in 1924–1927
Atatürk during one of his Anatolian tours.

In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said was a wealthy Kurdish[citation needed] Tribal chief of a local Naqshbandi order. Piran emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Piran stirred up his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic law, Piran's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır.[68] Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. The "Law for the Maintenance of Public Order" was passed to deal with the rebellion on 4 March 1925. It gave the government exceptional powers and included the authority to shut down subversive groups, but was repealed on 4 March 1929.

There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People's Party (CHP) that Mustafa Kemal expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.[69] He decided not to purge this group.[69] After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kazım Karabekir, along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[69] CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him[69] Mustafa Kemal said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".[69]

On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the state socialism of CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.[70] The PRP was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civic law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[69] These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.

During 1926, a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in İzmir. It originated with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. Investigation shifted from an inquiry into the planners to an investigation ostensibly to uncover subversive activities but in truth used to undermine those disagreeing with Mustafa Kemal's cultural revolution. The sweeping investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including Karabekir, the leader of PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, who were at best second-rank in the Turkish movement, including Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and Ismail Canbulat, were found guilty of treason and hanged.[71] The investigations found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said Rebellion. The PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition, however, was broken. This action was the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Mustafa Kemal's saying, "My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever," was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.[72]

Modernization efforts, 1926–1930

President Kemal at the 1927 opening of the State Art and Sculpture Museum.

President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk introducing the new Turkish alphabet to the people of Kayseri on 20 September 1928.

Present Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at the library of the Çankaya Presidential Residence in Ankara, 1929.

Attending a class at the Law School of the Istanbul Darülfünunu in 1930.

In the years following 1926, Mustafa Kemal introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire.[73] For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law, and restricted to matters of religion.[73] Mustafa Kemal said“ We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.[74] ”

On 1 March 1926, the Turkish penal code was passed. It was modelled after the Italian Penal Code. On 4 October 1926, Islamic courts were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Mustafa Kemal delayed the inclusion of the principle of laïcité until 5 February 1937.

Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women in keeping with Islamic practice of sex segregation. Mustafa Kemal began developing social reforms very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He and his staff discussed issues like abolishing the veiling of women and the integration of women into the outside world. The clue on how he was planning to tackle the issue was stated in his journal on November 1915;“ The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection.[75] ”

Mustafa Kemal needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls and was established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new Turkish civil code passed. It was modelled after the Swiss Civil Code. Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce. Mustafa Kemal did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for him to achieve progress and to become civilized if the gender separation continued as in Ottoman times.[76] During a meeting he declaimed:“ To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.[77] ”

In 1927, the State Art and Sculpture Museum (Turkish: Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) opened its doors. The museum highlighted sculpture, which was little practised in Turkey owing to the Islamic tradition of avoiding idolatry. Mustafa Kemal believed that "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic."[78] and described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal." He included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was laid upon Turkish culture widespread before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations. He instigated study of Anatolian civilizations--Phrygians and Lydians, Sumerians and Hittites. To attract current public attention to past cultures, he personally named the "Sümerbank" (1932) after the Sumerians, and the "Etibank" (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.

In the spring of 1928, Mustafa Kemal met in Ankara with several linguists and professors from all over Turkey where he unveiled to them a plan of his to implement a new alphabet for the written Turkish language based on a modified Latin alphabet. The new Turkish alphabet would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and as a solution to the literacy problem in Turkey. When he asked them how long it would take to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language, most of the professors and linguists said between three to five years. Mustafa Kemal was said to have scoffed and openly stated, "we shall do it in three to five months".[citation needed]

Over the next several months, Mustafa Kemal pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet as well as made public announcements to the upcoming overhaul of the new alphabet. On 1 November 1928 he introduced the new Turkish alphabet and abolished the use of Arabic script. At the time, literate citizens of the country comprised as little as 10% of the population. Dewey noted to Mustafa Kemal that learning how to read and write in Turkish with the Arabic script took roughly three years with rather strenuous methods at the elementary level.[64] They used the Ottoman Language written in the Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.[64] The creation of the new Turkish alphabet as a variant of the Latin alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Turkish: Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of Mustafa Kemal.[64] The tutelage was received from an Ottoman-Armenian calligrapher.[79] The first Turkish newspaper using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Mustafa Kemal himself travelled the countryside in order to teach citizens the new alphabet. As he predicted, the country's adaptation to the new alphabet was very quick, and literacy in Turkey jumped from 10% to over 70% within two years.[citation needed] Beginning in 1932, the People's Houses (Turkish: Halk Evleri) opened throughout the country in order to meet the requirement that people between the ages of four and 40 were required to learn the new alphabet as mandated. There were congresses for discussing the issues of copyright, public education and scientific publishing. Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new law on copyrights.

Mustafa Kemal promoted modern teaching methods at the primary education level, and Dewey took a place of honour.[64] Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies that are moving towards modernity in his "Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system."[64] He was interested in adult education for the goal of forming a skill base in the country. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making and household management, but also skills needed to join the economy outside the home. Turkish education became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and economic progress of the country.[80] His "unified" education program was designed to educate responsible citizens as well as useful and appreciated members of society.[64] Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to alleviate poverty and used female education to establish gender equality.

Mustafa Kemal generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits." to discuss the quality of education, training issues and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our schools [curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one was Turkish: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (1930). The second, Geometry (1937), was a text for high schools. The Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens) introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions.

Opposition to Mustafa Kemal in 1930–1931

Mustafa Kemal with the Liberal Republican Party leader Ali Fethi Okyar and his daughter in Yalova, on 13 August 1930.

On 11 August 1930, Mustafa Kemal decided to try a multiparty movement once again and asked Ali Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. He insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. Without the establishment of a real political spectrum, once again, the party became the center to opposition of Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life.

On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, starting with the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small town in the Aegean region. This so-called Menemen Incident was considered a serious threat against secular reforms.

In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting multi-party period of the Republic of Turkey began in 1945. In 1950, the RPP released the majority position to the Democratic Party. There are arguments that Mustafa Kemal's single party rule did not promote direct democracy. The reason experiments with pluralism failed during this period was that not all groups in the country had agreed to a minimal consensus regarding shared values (mainly secularism) and shared rules for conflict resolution. In response to such criticisms, Mustafa Kemal's biographer Andrew Mango said: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime."[81] Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, he always supported the idea of building a civil society: a system of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions as opposed to the force-backed structures of the state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Mustafa Kemal said in 1933:“ Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes.[82] ”

2013-03-28T19:39:00.001+02:00

Selamun Aleykum nasılsınız?

Virginia Woolf

2013-03-28T19:28:00.002+02:00

Virginia Woolf (25 Ocak 1882 – 28 Mart 1941) İngiliz feminist, yazar, romancı ve eleştirmen.

1882'de Londra'da dünyaya gelen Virginia Woolf, Victoria devri'nin tanınmış yazarlarından Sir Leslie Stephen'ın kızıydı. Annesi ve babası daha önce başkalarıyla evlenmişler, dul kaldıktan sonra ise bir araya gelmişlerdi. Her ikisinin de ilk eşlerinden çocukları vardı. Sir Leslie Stephen'ın ilk eşi, ünlü romancı William Makepeace Thackeray'nın kızıydı. Thackeray'nın eşi akıl hastası olduğundan, Leslie Stephen'ın bu kadından olan kızı Laura, anneannesine çekmiş, yirmi yaşında bir akıl hastahanesine kapatılmıştı. Virginia'nın annesi Julia Duckworth ile Leslie Stephen'ın beş çocukları oldu. Yaş sırasıyla Vanessa, Julian, Thoby, Virginia ve Adrian. Virginia on üç yaşındayken annesi ansızın ölmüştür. Woolf, o yıllarda kadınların ikinci planda kalması nedeni ile okula gönderilememiş fakat babası yardımı ile kendini geliştirmiştir.

Kızkardeşi Vanessa Bell daha küçük bir yaşta iken bir ressam olmaya, Virginia Woolf ise bir yazar olmaya karar verir. Kendisini babasının kütüphanesinde geliştiren Virginia Woolf, 1895'de bir gazetede kısa hikâyelerini yayınlatır.

Özellikle, Viktorya tarzı yaşamaya karşı olan Virginia Woolf, yazılarında da bundan bahseder.
Bloomsbury Grubu [değiştir]

Lytton Strachey ve Virginia Woolf, 1923.

1904'te babasının ölümünden sonra kardeşleriyle Bloomsbury'ye taşınması ise hayatında ciddi bir dönüm noktası olmuştur. Bloomsbury grubu içinde birçok ünlü edebiyatçıyı barındıran ve cinsel konulardaki özgürlükçü tavırlarıyla tanınan bir grup entelektüelden oluşuyordu. Grupta bulunan birçok kişi eşcinsel ya da biseksüeldi. İnsanlar onları etik bir grup olarak görüyorlardı. Grupta John Maynard Keynes, E. M. Forster, Roger Fry, Duncan Grant ve Lytton Strachey gibi ünlü kişiler vardı. Woolf, 1909'da bir süreliğine Lytton Strachey ile nişanlanmıştır.
Evliliği [değiştir]

Virginia Woolf 1912 yılında Leonard Woolf ile evlenmiştir. Evlilikleri cinsel açıdan yeterli olmasa da, Virginia Woolf için çok önemli olmuştur. Leonard Woolf eşi için bir basımevi kurmuştu ve bu da Virginia Woolf'un yazdığı kitapları yayımlatması için bir fırsat olmuştu.
Ölümü [değiştir]

Perde Arası romanını yazdığı sıralarda artık kendini yeterince yetenekli hissetmiyor, yeteneğini kaybettiğini düşünüyordu. Her gün savaş korkusu ve yeteneğini kaybetmenin vermiş olduğu stres, dehşet ve korku sonucu ruhsal bunalıma girmiş, 28 Mart 1941’de içinde bulunduğu duruma daha fazla dayanamayıp evlerinin yakınlarında bulunan Ouse nehrine ceplerine taşlar doldurarak atlayıp intihar etmiştir. Virginia Woolf, geride iki intihar mektubu bırakmıştır. Birisi kardeşi Vanessa Bell'e diğeri ise kocası Leonard Woolf'a.

Leonard Woolf'a, 18 Mart 1941

"Sevgilim, yine çıldırmak üzere olduğumu hissediyorum. O korkunç yeniden yaşayamayacağımı hissediyorum. Ve ben bu kez iyileşemeyeceğim. Sesler duymaya başladım. Odaklanamıyorum. Bu yüzden yapılacak en iyi şey olarak gördüğüm şeyi yapıyorum. Sen bana olabilecek en büyük mutluluğu verdin. Benim için her şey oldun. Bu korkunç hastalık beni bulmadan önce birlikte bizim kadar mutlu olabilecek iki insan daha düşünemezdim. Artık savaşacak gücüm kalmadı. Hayatını mahvettiğimin farkındayım ve ben olmazsam, rahatça çalışabileceğini de biliyorum. Bunu sen de göreceksin. Görüyorsun ya, bunu düzgün yazmayı bile beceremiyorum. Söylemek istediğim şey şu ki, yaşadığım tüm mutluluğu sana borçluyum. Bana karşı daima sabırlı ve çok iyiydin. Demek istediğim, bunları herkes biliyor. Eğer biri beni kurtarabilseydi, o kişi sen olurdun. Artık benim için her şey bitti. Sadece sana bir iyilik yapabilirim. Hayatını daha fazla mahvedemem. Bizim kadar mutlu olabilecek iki insan daha düşünemiyorum."

Bir profesyonel olarak 1905'lerde yazmaya başlayan Virginia Woolf'un ilk kitabı olan The Voyage Out (Dışa Yolculuk) 1915'te yayınlanmıştır. Bu kitabın yazımı çok uzun sürmüş, bir yıl içinde üç kez tekrar yazılmıştır. Özelllikle annesinin ölümünü yenmesi ile ilgili olan bu kitap ilginç olduğu kadar etkileyicidir.

Gece ve Gündüz, Virginia Woolf'un ikinci romanıdır. Woolf'un "bilinç akışı" tekniğini kullandığı daha sonraki modern deneysel romanlarından farklı olarak klasik gerçekçi üslûpla kaleme aldığı bu eser, olay örgüsü, gerçek mekân tasvirleri ve titizlikle betimlenmiş karakterleri, dönemin atmosferini yansıtan özellikleriyle dikkat çekiyor.

1920'de yayımlanan roman, daha sonraki eserlerinin habercisi olarak, nesnel gerçekliğin ve tarihselliğin insan bilincindeki yansımalarını birbirinden oldukça farklı karakterlerde ustalıkla canlandırıyor.

Roman, I. Dünya Savaşı öncesi Londra'sında geçer. Woolf, dönemin entelijansiyasını, fikir ve ruh dünyasını mizahî ancak sıcak, insanî bir dille anlatır. Kadın hakları, sınıfsal farklılık, aşk, evlilik ve özgürlük gibi meseleleri, karakterlerinin yaşamları, mücadeleleri, umutları, acıları ekseninde tartışıyor. Gece ve Gündüz, Katharine, Mary ve Ralph'in hakikat arayışlarında tanık olduğumuz modern insanın yazgısı, bir başkasını anlama çabası üzerine duygulu ve derin bir metin.

"Virginia Woolf, 1931’de yayımladığı Dalgalar’ı yazarken ise, bu kitapla o güne değin hiçbir başka romancının göze alamayacağı değişik şeyleri yapmak istediğini, bu romanın o güne değin yazılan hiçbir başka romana benzemeyeceğini biliyordu. (...) Çünkü Dalgalar, ‘hem düzyazıyla kaleme alınacak, hem de şiir olacaktı; hem roman olacaktı, hem de tiyatro oyunu.

Virginia Woolf, Dalgalar’da dış dünyayı yok eder. Üç erkek ve üç kadının çocukluklarından yaşlılık dönemlerine kadar tüm hayatlarının anlatıldığı kitapta dış dünya nesnel olarak değil, ancak kişilerin iç dünyalarına yansıdığı kadarıyla verilir. “Bir olay örgüsüne uyarak değil, bir ritme uyarak” yazılan kitap, “şiir olmayan herhangi bir şey edebiyata neden girsin ki” diyen Woolf tarafından iki yıl içinde üç kez yazılır ve dalgaların sesine uydurularak, şiir gibi yüksek sesle okunarak düzeltilir... Gerçekçi roman geleneğinden tam bir kopuşu temsil eden Dalgalar, bilinç akışı tekniğiyle yazılan romanların en önemlilerinden biridir." (İletişim Yayınlarından çıkan baskısının arka kapak yazısından)

Mrs. Dalloway'se ünlü yazarın adıyla anılacak ‘bilinç akışı’ tekniğinin en başarılı örneklerinden biridir.

Eşcinsel olan Virginia Woolf'un eserlerinde eşcinsel yakınlıklarına bol bol rastlanır. Yazarın öteki romanlarına benzemeyen, tümüyle özgün bir düşünce ürünü olan Orlando isimli romanı bir aşk mektubuyla beraber o dönemdeki sevgilisi Vita Sackville-West'e adanmıştır.

1929 tarihli "Kendine Ait Bir Oda" feminist hareketin klasik bir kitabı olarak kabul edilir.

Kadın hareketinin elden düşürmediği önemli kitaplardan biri olan Kendine Ait Bir Oda, Virginia Woolf’un belki de en kolay okunan kitabıdır. Çünkü konu çok somuttur: “Kadın ve Edebiyat.”

Erkeklerin kadınlara bıkıp usanmadan tekrarladıkları ‘ezeli’ ve de ‘ezici’ bir soru vardır: “Bizler kadar düşünme yeteneğiniz olduğunu ileri sürüyorsunuz. Madem öyle, neden Shakespeare gibi bir deha çıkaramadınız?” İşte Virginia Woolf bu ‘yakıcı’ soruya, tarihsel ilişkilerin kökenine inip kütüphane raflarında şöyle bir gezindikten ve de kısa bir kadın edebiyatı tarihçesi çıkardıktan sonra esaslı bir yanıt getiriyor. Ve şöyle sesleniyor kadınlara: “Para kazanın, kendinize ait ayrı bir oda ve boş zaman yaratın. Ve yazın, erkekler ne der diye düşünmeden yazın!..”

Daha sonralarda Virginia Woolf tarafından kaleme alınan Flush'ta bir köpeğin bakış açısı fark edilir.

...güçlü kuvvetli, enerji dolu, yaşama sevinci içinde genç Robert Browning bir bomba gibi patlamıştı Elizabeth Barrett’in sessiz hasta odasında. İngiliz edebiyatının en ünlü aşk öyküsüdür onların aşkı. Tiyatro oyunları yazılmış, filmler yapılmıştır bu konuda. Nasıl mektuplaştıklarıı, Robert Browning’in Wimpole Sokağı’ndaki bir evde divanda yatan Elizabeth’i nasıl görmeye geldiğini, bu ziyaretten sonra üç ay içinde Elizabeth’in mucize kabilinden nasıl yürümeye başladığını, gizlice evlenip Floransa’ya kaçtıklarını herkes bilir. Hatta Virginia Woolf’un The Common Reader’da dediği gibi, İngiliz şiirinin en önemli adları arasında olan bu iki şairden tek dize okumamış olanlar bile! Virginia Woolf’un Flush’ı bu konuda son derece sevimli bir kitaptır. Elizabeth Barrett Browning’in çok sevdiği İtalya’ya kaçarken beraberinde götürdüğü köpeğin yaşamöyküsünü anlatan Flush’da bu aşk öyküsünü bir de o köpeğin açısından görürüz.

Kitaplarının kapaklarında kardeşi Vanessa Bell'in resimleri bulunmaktadır.

Yazar, modernist hareketin en önemli kişilerinden biri olarak tarihe geçmiştir ve roman türünün gelişimine büyük katkıda bulunmuştur.

Kitapları elliden fazla dile çevrilen Viginia Woolf'un bu eserlerinden bir kısmı, Jorge Louis Borges ve Marguerite Yourcenar gibi tanınmış yazarlarca çevrilmiştir.

2013-03-28T18:50:00.000+02:00

Battle of Mohács

Background

Decline of Hungary (1490-1526)

After the death of the absolutist king Matthias Corvinus in 1490, the Hungarian magnates, who did not want another heavy-handed king, procured the accession of Vladislaus II (reigned 1490–1516), king of Bohemia, because of his notorious weakness: he was known as King Dobže, or Dobzse in Hungarian orthography (meaning “Good” or, loosely, “OK”) from his habit of accepting without question every petition and document laid before him.^[15] The freshly elected King Vladislaus II donated most of the royal estates, régales and royalties to the nobility. By this method, the king tried to stabilize his new reign and preserve his popularity amongst the magnates. After the naive fiscal and land policy of the royal court, the central power began to experience severe financial difficulties, largely due to the enlargement of feudal lands at his expense. The noble estate of the parliament succeeded in reducing the tax burden by 70-80 percent, at the expense of the country ability to defend itself.^[16] Vladislaus became the magnates' helpless "prisoner"; he could make no decision without their consent.^[17] The standing mercenary army (the Black Army) of Matthias Corvinus was dissolved by the aristocracy. The magnates also dismantled the national administration systems and bureaucracy throughout the country. The country's defenses sagged as border guards and castle garrisons went unpaid, fortresses fell into disrepair, and initiatives to increase taxes to reinforce defenses were stifled.^[18]Hungary's international role declined, its political stability shaken, and social progress was deadlocked.

In 1514, the weakened old King Vladislaus II faced a major peasant rebellion led by György Dózsa, which was ruthlessly crushed by thenobles, led by János Szapolyai. After the Dozsa Rebellion, the brutal suppression of the peasants greatly aided the 1526 Turkish invasion as the Hungarians were no longer a politically united people. The resulting degradation of order paved the way for Ottoman pre-eminence. In 1521, the strongest Hungarian fortress in the South (Nándorfehérvár) fell to the Turks. The strongest nobles were so busy oppressing the peasants and quarrelling with the gentry class in the parliament that they failed to heed the agonized calls of King Louis II against the Turks. The early appearance of Protestantism further worsened internal relations in the country.

Louis II of Hungary and Bohemia the young king, who died at the Battle of Mohács, painted by Titian

The Hungarians had long opposed Ottoman expansion in southeastern Europe, but the fall of Nándorfehérvár, (present-day Belgrade,Serbia) and Szabács in 1521 meant that most of southern Hungary was left indefensible. King Louis II, King of Hungary and Bohemia, entered into marriage with Mary of Habsburg in 1522. The Ottomans saw that growing alliance as a threat to their power in the Balkans and worked to break this alliance. After Suleiman I came to power, the High Porte made the Hungarians at least one and possibly two offers of peace. It is unclear why Louis refused the offer. It is possible that King Louis was well aware of Hungary's situation (especially after the Battle of Chaldiran and Polish-Ottoman peace from 1525) and he believed that war was a better option than peace. Even in peacetime the Ottomans raided Hungarian lands and conquered small territories (with border castles), but a final battle still offered a glimmer of hope. To such ends, in June 1526, an Ottoman expedition advanced up the Danube River.

[edit]European events, and the Franco-Ottoman alliance

King Francis I of France was defeated at the Battle of Pavia on 24 February 1525 by the troops of Habsburg H.R. Emperor Charles V. After several months in prison, Francis I was forced to sign the Treaty of Madrid.

Suleiman the Magnificent

In a watershed moment in European diplomacy, Francis came to an understanding with the Ottoman Empire, which then led to a formalFranco-Ottoman alliance. The objective for Francis I was clearly to find an ally against the powerful Habsburg Emperor Charles V, in the person of Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. The Ottoman-French strategic, and sometimes tactical, alliance lasted for about three centuries.^[19] It did however cause quite a scandal in the Christian world.

To relieve the Habsburg pressure on France, Francis asked Suleiman to make war on the Holy Roman Empire, and the road from Turkey to the Holy Roman Empire led across Hungary. The request of the French king coincided nicely with the ambitions of Suleiman in Europe and gave him an incentive to attack Hungary in 1526, leading to the Battle of Mohács.^[19]

[edit]Preparations

General Pál Tomori, the captain of the army, in his golden renaissance armour (1526)

The loss of Belgrade (Nandorfehervar) in 1521 caused great alarm in Hungary, but the too-late and too-slowly-recruited 60,000 strong royal army – led by the king - forgot to take food along, so therefore the army disbanded spontaneously under the pressure of hunger and disease without even trying to recapture Belgrade, the southern key of Hungary, from the newly installed Turkish garrisons. In 1523, Archbishop Pál Tomori, a valiant priest-soldier,^{[dubious – discuss]} was made Captain of Southern Hungary. The general apathy that had characterized the country forced him to lean on his own bishopric revenues when he started to repair and reinforce the second line of Hungary’s border defense system.

Three years later, an Ottoman army set out from Constantinople on 16 April 1526, led by Suleiman the Magnificent personally. The Hungarian nobles, who still did not realize the dimensions of the approaching danger, did not heed their King's call to the colours. Louis II ordered them to encamp on 2 July but no one reported on that day – not even the King. Only when Louis himself furnished an example with his appearance in the camp did things start to move. The Hungarian war council – without waiting for their reinforcements only a few days march away – made a serious tactical error by choosing the battlefield near Mohacs, an open but uneven plain with some swampy marshes.

The Hungarian army was divided into three main units: the Transylvanian army under John Zápolya, charged with guarding the passes in the Transylvanian Alps, with between 8,000 and 13,000 men; the main army, led by Louis himself (beside numerous Spanish, German, Czech and Serbian mercenaries); and another smaller force, commanded by the Croatian count Christoph Frankopan, numbering around 5,000 men. Due to geography, the Ottoman army's ultimate goal could not be determined until it was crossing the Balkan Mountains. Unfortunately for the Hungarians, by the time the Ottoman army had crossed, the Transylvanian and Croatian army was further fromBuda than the Ottomans were. Contemporary historical records, though sparse, indicate that Louis preferred a plan of retreat, in effect ceding the country to Ottoman advances, rather than directly engaging the Ottoman army in open battle.

The Hungarian forces chose the battlefield, an open but uneven plain with some swampy marshes near Mohács leading down to the Danube. The Ottomans had been allowed to advance almost unopposed. While Louis waited in Buda, they had besieged several towns and crossed the Sava and Drava Rivers. Louis assembled around 25,000 to 30,000 soldiers (with Croatian and Polish contingents and about 800-1,000 soldiers of the Papal States) while the Ottoman army numbered around 50,000.^[8]^[9] However, military history books from the 21th century calculate the number of the Ottoman Army around 100,000 men.^[2]^[3]^[4]^[5]^[6]^[7] The Ottomans are said to have numbered over twice as many — though this figure is exaggerated — and had up to 160 cannon. "^[20] The Hungarian army was arrayed to take advantage of the terrain and hoped to engage the Ottoman army piecemeal. The only advantage the Magyars had that day was that their troops were well-rested, while the Turks had just completed a strenuous march in scorching summer heat. But rather than attacking their fatigued enemy then, the Hungarians just watched as they struggled through the marshy terrain. It would have been "unchivalrous" to attack the enemy when they were not yet ready for battle.^[21]

[edit]Battle

The battle of Mohács, on an Ottoman miniature

Hungary built up an expensive but obsolete army, structured similarly to that of King Francis I at the Battle of Pavia mostly reliant on old fashioned heavily armoured knights on armoured horses (Gendarme knights ). The Hungarian line consisted of two lines, the first with a center of mercenary infantry and artillery and the majority of the cavalry on either flank. The second line was a mix of levy infantry and cavalry.^[22]

Like the uncertainty over the number of actual combatants, there is debate over the length of the battle. Its starting time is generally placed between 1:00 PM and 2:00 PM, but the endpoint is difficult to ascertain. While some historians^[who?] have placed the length of the battle at two to three hours, this seems unlikely given several important factors. The Ottoman army did not retreat from the field and enter camp after the battle; instead, they remained on the field all night without food, water, or shelter. Given that the Ottoman historians all note that it was raining, it seems likely that had the battle been short and ended early in the afternoon, by 5:00 PM at the latest, the Sultan would have ordered his army to camp or at least to return to their baggage. The few reliable sources indicate that Louis left the field at twilight and made his escape under cover of darkness; since the sun would not have set until 6:27 PM on 29 August 1526,^[23] this would imply that the battle lasted significantly longer than two to three hours (perhaps as long as four or five), and so is one of the shortest-lasting of the history.

As the first of Suleiman's troops, the Rumelian army, advanced onto the battlefield, they were attacked and routed by Hungarian troops led by Pál Tomori. This attack by the Hungarian right was successful in causing considerable chaos among the irregular Ottoman troops, but even as the Hungarian attack pressed forward, the Ottomans rallied with the arrival of Ottoman regulars deployed from the reserves. While the Hungarian right advanced far enough at one time to place Suleiman in danger from Hungarian arrows that struck his cuirass, the superiority of the Ottoman regulars and the timely charge of the Janissaries, the elite troops of the Ottomans, probably overwhelmed the attackers, particularly on the Hungarian left. The Hungarians took serious casualties from the skillfully handled Turkish artillery and musket volleys. The Hungarians could not hold their positions, and those who did not flee were surrounded and killed or captured. The result was a disaster, with the Hungarians advancing into withering fire and flank attacks, and falling into the same trap that John Hunyadi had so often used successfully against the Ottomans.^[24] The king left the battlefield sometime around twilight but was thrown from his horse in a river at Csele and died, weighed down by his heavy armor. Some 1,000 other Hungarian nobles and leaders were also killed. It is generally accepted that more than 14,000 Hungarian soldiers were killed in the initial battle.^[13]^[14]

In the aftermath, Suleiman gave orders to keep no prisoners. Next day he wrote in his diary: "The Sultan, seated on a golden throne, receives the homage of the viziers and the beys, massacre of 2,000 prisoners, the rain falls in torrents." Reportedly among those 2,000 were several notable Hungarian leaders.^[25] Suleiman could not believe that this small, "suicidal" army was all that once powerful country could muster against him, so he waited at Mohacs for a few days before moving cautiously against Buda

2013-03-28T18:41:00.001+02:00

INDEPENDENCE'S WAR
After the Armistice the difficulties, the country that had signed the agreement, the agreement is not required to comply with the conditions stipulated by the thought. Various pretexts put forward the Allies (France, Britain and Italy) to the Navy came to Istanbul, City by the French, from Urfa and Maras by the British were occupied and. Italian soldiers in Antalya and Konya, Samsun and British soldiers had Merzifon. Almost everywhere, the foreign officers, officials and agents were present. Again, with the consent of the Allies on 15 May 1919 the Greek Army had come to Izmir.
Under these difficult conditions, Mustafa Kemal decided to go to Anatolia. May 16, 1919, "Bandirma" left Istanbul in a small boat named. Mustafa Kemal to Anatolia during this trip will be planned to sink the ship of the enemy they had been warned. But he was not afraid and he arrived in Samsun on May 19, 1919 Monday to set foot on Anatolian soil. That date is determined by the start date of the Turkish War of Independence. Also on this date as Mustafa Kemâl'in then chose his own birthday is the date. Thus, a wave of national resistance occurred in Anatolia. A motion was located in Erzurum in the east and Mustafa Kemal began to move quickly to head the entire organization. In the summer of 1919 in Erzurum and Sivas Congress, a national contract with the declared national objectives.
With foreign armies occupied Istanbul, Turkey Grand National Assembly on 23 April 1920 Mustafa Kemal opened the center in Ankara, so that new and established an interim government. Founded on the same day Mustafa Kemal was appointed head of the Grand National Assembly. The Greeks, Circassians Ethem uprising opportunity of knowing and in cooperation with him moved in the direction of Bursa and Eskisehir. On January 10, 1921, enemy forces, the Commander of the Western Front, colonel Ismet Inonu and his troops were defeated by a very heavy. On July 10, 1921 in Sakarya with five divisions of the Greeks launched a frontal attack. From August 23 until September 13 as a continuous period after the Great Battle of Sakarya, the Greek Army was defeated and forced to retreat.
After this battle, the Grand National Assembly gave Mustafa Kemâl'e titles of Ghazi and Marshal. Mustafa Kemal decided to throw his enemies out of the country. In the morning on August 26, 1922, ordered the army to launch attacks. August 30, all wrapped in Dumlupınar enemy forces were either killed or captured. Army Commander General of the enemy were taken prisoner Trikupis. On September 9, 1922 the fleeing enemy forces who had been dumped into the sea near Izmir. A military genius who has an extraordinary command of Mustafa Kemal and the Turkish forces invaded the home of the Allied Forces fighting against the Liberation War and in the end they won victories on all fronts.
On July 24, 1923 with the signing of the Lausanne Treaty, all countries of the new Turkish State was recognized by. Lastly, a new, strong and vigorous government had set up a. On October 29, 1923, the new Turkish government declared that the administration of the Republic of shape. Mustafa Kemal, the Republic was proclaimed, and after removing the caliphate, was elected as first President of the Republic of Turkey.

Kırım Savaşı

2013-03-28T18:20:00.002+02:00

Kırım Savaşı, 4 Ekim 1853-30 Mart 1856 tarihleri arasındaki Osmanlı-Rus Savaşıdır. Birleşik Krallık, Fransa ve Piyemote-Sardinya'nın Osmanlı tarafında savaşa dâhil olmasıyla savaş, Avrupalı devletlerin Rusya'yı Avrupa ve Akdeniz dışında tutmak amacıyla verdiği bir savaş halini almıştır. Savaş, müttefik güçlerinin zaferiyle sonuçlanmıştır. Rusya, 1853 yılından itibaren Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Paşa bunalımı sırasında takip ettiği zayıf bir Osmanlı Devleti üzerinde etki alanı kurma politikasını bırakarak, bu devleti yıkma politikası takip etmeye başladı. Bunu gerçekleştirebilmek için de kutsal yerler sorununu kullandı. Osmanlı Devleti, Hıristiyanlarca kutsal sayılan Kudüs ve çevresinde Katolik ve Ortodoks cemaatlerine çeşitli ayrıcalıklar tanımıştı. 1853 yılına gelindiğinde ayrıcalıklar konusunda Rusya ile Katolikliğin dünya çapında savunuculuğunu yapan Fransa çatışmaya başladılar. Bu durumu bahane eden ve asıl amacı "Hasta adam" gözüyle baktığı Osmanlı Devleti'ne ve onun bekasına son vermek isteyen Rusya, Birleşik Krallık'a mirasın paylaşılması teklifinde bulundu. Ancak, çıkarları gereği Osmanlı Devleti'nin toprak bütünlüğünün muhafazasından yana olan Birleşik Krallık bu teklifi kabul etmedi. Bunun üzerine Rusya, tek başına harekete geçerek, Osmanlı Devleti'ne bir ittifak teklifinde bulundu ve bu devletin sınırları içinde yaşayan Ortodoksların koruyuculuğunun Rusya'ya bırakılmasını önerdi. Osmanlı Devleti Britanyanın da desteğine güvenerek Rus isteklerini reddetti. Bu bağlamda gelişen Osmanlı Devleti-Rusya gerginliği, Birleşik Krallık başta olmak üzere Avrupa devletlerinin de ilgisini çekmekte gecikmedi. Birleşik Krallık hükümeti, 1853'te yaşanan gerilim sırasında Rusya'ya karşı Osmanlı Devleti'ni destekleme politikasını benimsedi. Bu tercih, Osmanlı Devleti'ne destek olma isteğinin ötesinde, Avrupa'daki güç dengelerini yeniden tanımlama amacı taşıyordu. Avusturya İmparatorluğu'na karşı 1848 yılında başlayan Macar ayaklanmasının Rusya'nın yardımıyla kanlı bir şekilde bastırılması, bu dönemde Rusya'nın Avrupa'da artan bir şekilde güç kazanmasının göstergesi olarak yorumlanmıştı. Birleşik Krallık, bu ve benzer nedenlerle Avrupa'daki güç dengesinin kendi aleyhine bozulmasını engellemek istiyor, bu amaç doğrultusunda Rusya'nın güçlenmesinin önüne geçmeye çabalıyordu. Bunun yanında, Osmanlı Devleti'nin dağılması Rusya'nın topraklarını güneye doğru genişletmesi anlamına gelecekti; bu durum Birleşik Krallık'ın Asya'daki kolonilerine (özellikle Hindistan'a) ulaşmasını zorlaştıracaktı. Fransa Rusya'nın Avrupa güçler dengesinin dışında tutulması konusunda Büyük Britanya hükümetiyle benzer bir politika izliyordu. Rusya'ya bağlı olan Polonya topraklarında yeniden bir bağımsız Polonya kurulması ve bu bağımsız devletin Fransa'nın müttefiki olması olasığı da Fransa'yı Rusya'ya karşı cephe almaya teşvik ediyordu. Bu ve benzer nedenlerle, Rusya'ya karşı girişilebilecek bir müdahale, Fransa'yı Avrupa'da yeniden üstün duruma getirebilirdi. Bu nedenlerle Fransa, Osmanlı Devleti-Rusya geriliminde, tıpkı Birleşik Krallık gibi, Osmanlı Devleti'nden yana bir tutum takındı. Prusya başta olmak üzere merkezi Avrupa devletleri bu düşüncelere karşıydı. Özellikle Avusturya, savaş sonunda yapılacak antlaşmadan ve ortaya çıkacak yeni statükodan endişeli idi. Rusya'nın İstanbul'da görevli elçisi Aleksandr Mençikof isteklerinin reddedilmesi üzerine 19 Mayıs 1853'te İstanbul'dan ayrıldı. Rus orduları savaş dahi ilan etmeden 22 Haziran 1853'de Eflak ve Boğdan'ı işgale başladılar. Çar I. Nikolay, bu hareketinin bir savaş başlangıcı kabul edilmemesi gerektiğini açıkladı ve bu teşebbüsün bir güvenlik tedbiri olduğunu belirtti. Ancak, bu durum Avrupa'nın statüsünü değiştirmeye yönelikti. Bunun üzerine Avusturya'nın teklifi ile Viyana'da bir konferans toplandı. Fakat toplantıdan sonuç alınamadı. Bu sırada İstanbul'da, Rusya'ya karşı savaş ilanı için halk padişaha baskı yapmaya başladı. 4 Ekim 1853'te Rusya'ya bir nota verildi ve Eflak ile Boğdan'ın 15 gün içinde boşaltılması istendi. Rusya bu notaya kayıtsız kaldı ve tanınan sürenin sonunda savaş fiilen başladı. Savaşın başlangıcında Osmanlı ordusu Balkanlar'da başarılı oldu. Fakat Batum'a yardım götüren Osmanlı donanması 30 Kasım 1853'te Rus donanması tarafından Sinop açıklarında batırıldı. Rusların bu ani hareketi ve Karadeniz'de durum üstünlüğü sağlamaları Boğazlar'ı ve İstanbul'u tehlikeye düşürdü. Bu durum Avrupa devletlerini endişelendirdi. Birleşik Krallık ve Fransa devreye girerek tarafları uzlaştırmak istedi, ancak yapılan teklifi Rusya reddetti. Bunun üzerine Fransa ve Birleşik Krallık, Rusya'ya bir ültimatom verdiler ve taraflardan şu isteklerde bulundular: Eflak ve Boğdan'dan çekilmesi; Osmanlı Devletinin ülke bütünlüğüne riayet etmesi; Ortodoksların himayeciliği iddiasından vazgeçmesi. Osmanlı Devleti'nden; Vatandaşlarına eşit haklar tanıması ve tatbik etmesi; Hıristiyanlara olumsuz muamelede bulunulmaması; Karma mahkemeler kurulması; Hıristiyan tebaadan vergi alınmaması talep edildi. Çar, ültimatomu ve istekleri kabul etmedi ve Rus ordusuna Tuna nehrini geçerek ilerleme emrini verdi. Birleşik Krallık ve Fransa, 12 Mart 1854'te Rusya'ya savaş ilan ettiler. Birleşik Krallık ve Fransa, Osmanlı Devleti lehine savaşa girerken Avrupa kamuoyunu tatmin edecek ve özel menfaatler sağlayacak tedbirleri almayı da ihmal etmediler. Bu maksatla 12 Mart 1854'te İstanbul'da; 10 Mayıs 1854'te Londra'da ve 14 Haziran 1854'te Avusturya ile antlaşmalar imzaladılar. Avusturya ile yapılan antlaşma Tuna eyaletlerinin Rus ordusundan boşaltılmasını öngörüyordu ve Avusturya, gerekirse asker göndermeyi taahhüt etmekteydi. Bu nedenle 15 Mart 1855'te Sardinya Krallığı da ittifaka katıldığını açıkladı. Savaş devam ederken Osmanlı ülkesinin Epir, Etolya ve Teselya eyaletlerinde Rum halkının isyan hareketleri başladı. Yapılan ikazlar dikkate alınmadı ve bunun üzerine Fransızlar Pire limanına asker çıkararak Yunanistan'ı abluka altına aldılar. Bu hareket Yunanistan'ı tarafsızlığa mecbur etti ve Rusya da bir müttefikini kaybetti. Savaş Tuna, Kafkas ve Karadeniz'de yoğunluk kazandı. Tuna cephesinde durum önce Osmanlılar lehine gelişti. Fakat bir süre sonra Rus ordusu Silistre'ye kadar ilerledi. (Bkz. Silistre Kuşatması) Bunun üzerine Britanyalı ve Fransızlar Gelibolu yarımadasına asker çıkardılar ve çıkan birlikleri Varna bölgesine sevk edildi. Bu sırada Avusturya da Rusya'yı baskı altına aldı. Rus ordusu Silistre önlerinden çekilmeye mecbur kaldı. Müteakiben de Eflak ve Boğdan'ı tahliye ederek savunmaya geçti. Müttefikler, Rusya'yı barışa zorlamak için Kırım yarımadasında da bir cephe açmaya karar verdiler. 20 Eylül 1854'te 30 bin Fransız, 21 bin Britanyalı ve 60 bin Osmanlı askerinden oluşan müttefik kuvveti 89 harp ve 267 nakliye gemisiyle Kırım'a çıkarıldı. Ancak Kırım Savaşı düşünüldüğü gibi kısa sürede tamamlanamadı. 1855 ilkbaharında 140 bin kişilik bir müttefik kuvveti daha bölgeye çıkarıldı. Ruslar mağlup oldu ve çekilmek zorunda kaldılar. Kafkas cephesinde ise Ruslar başarı kazandılar ve Kars'ı ele geçirmeye muvaffak oldular. Bu sırada Çar I. Nikolay öldü, yerine geçen II. Aleksandr barış istemek zorunda kaldı. Barış şartlan Avusturya tarafından kendisine verilen bir ültimatomla bildirildi. II. Aleksandr istenen şartları esas tutarak barış teklifini kabul etti. Önce 15 Mayıs'tan 14 Haziran 1855'e kadar Viyana'da barış için hazırlık görüşmeleri yapıldı ve Paris Konferansı esasları tespit edildi. Rusya ile Osmanlı Devleti, Birleşik Krallık ve Fransa arasında Paris Antlaşması'nın imzalanmasıyla savaş sona erdi. Kâğıt üzerinde, savaşın galiplerinden olan Osmanlı Devleti, aslında savaştan çok büyük zarar alarak çıkmıştır. Çok pahalı olan bu savaşı yürütebilmek için Osmanlı devleti, ödeme yeteneğinin çok üstünde borç almıştır. Endüstrileşmeyi kaçırdığı için ekonomisi çağdışı kalmış olan devlet, bu borçların altından kalkamayacak ve 1881 yılında II. Abdülhamit döneminde Düyunu Umumiye idaresinin kurulmasıyla, Avrupalı devletlerin mali denetimi altına girip, yarı sömürge olacaktır. Kırım Savaşı'nın sonunda ilan edilen Islahat Fermanı, Osmanlı reform hareketlerinde çok önemli bir yer tutar. Islahat Fermanı'nın amacı, imparatorluk içindeki herkese Osmanlı yurttaşlığı vererek, yasalar önünde dine bakılmaksızın eşitlik sağlamaktı. Islahat Fermanı ile Batı'da dolaşan liberal düşünceler Osmanlı Devleti'ne girmeye başlayacaktır. Kırım Savaşı, İtalya birliğine giden yolu hızlandırmıştır. Savaşa asker göndererek Birleşik Krallık'ın sempatisi ve Fransa'nın etkin desteğini kazanan Sardinya-Piemonte Krallığı, savaşı izleyen yıllarda İtalya birliğini kuracaktır.

Sarah Helen Whitman

2013-03-28T18:17:00.000+02:00

Sarah Helen Power Whitman (d. 19 Ocak 1803 – ö. 27 Haziran 1878), şair, deneme yazarı, transandantalist ve spiritüalist. Ayrıca Edgar Allan Poe'nun bir dönemki sevgilisidir. Whitman Providence, Rhode Island'da 19 Ocak 1803'te, Poe'dan tam altı yıl önce doğdu.[1] Nicholas Power'ın kızıdır.[2] 1828'de, şair ve yazar John Winslow Whitman ile evlendi. John, Sarah'nın "Helen" adıyla yazdığı bazı şiirlerini yayımlayan Boston Spectator and Ladies' Album'ün iki editöründen biriydi. Çiftin hiç çocuğu olmadı ve John 1833'te öldü. Sarah Helen Whitman'ın mendilinden eter koklayarak tedavi ettiği bir kalp rahatsızlığı vardı.[3] Whitman Margaret Fuller ve New England'daki başka entelektüellerle arkadaştı. Bu sosyal çevre ve Boston, Massachusetts ile Providence'da Ralph Waldo Emerson'ın derslerini dinlemesi dolayısıyla transandantalizme merak sardı. Bunun yanında bilim, hipnoz ve okültizmle de ilgilenmeye başladı.[4] Whitman'ın siyah giyinme ve boynuna tabut şeklinde bir tılsım takma eğilimi vardı. Ayrıca Pazar günleri evinde ölülerle iletişim kurmaya çalıştığı seanslar yapmış da olabilir.[5] Whitman ile Poe'nun yolları ilk defa Temmuz 1845'te kesişti. Poe arkadaşı şair Frances Sargent Osgood'un bir dersine katılmıştı. Poe ve Osgood yürürken Whitman'ın evinin yakınından geçtiler; bu sırada Whitman evinin arkasındaki gül bahçesinde ayakta durmaktaydı. Poe onunla tanıştırılmayı kabul etmedi.[6] Bu sıralarda Whitman zaten Poe'nun öykülerinin hayranıydı. Arkadaşı Mary Hewitt'e şöyle dedi: « "Onun öykülerinden birini ilk defa okuduğumda hissettiğim etkiyi asla unutamam... Öyle şiddetli bir korku yaşadım ki; ne yazdığı herhangi bir şeye bakmaya, ne adını telaffuz etmeye cesaret edebildim... By degrees this terror took the character of fascination—I devoured with a half-reluctant and fearful avidity every line that fell from his pen".[7] » Sarah Helen Whitman, 1869 Arkadaşı Annie Lynch, Whitman'dan 1848'de bir Sevgililer Günü partisinde bir şiir yazmasını istedi. Kabul eden Whitman, o sırada orada bulunmayan Poe için bir şiir yazdı. Poe, "To Edgar Allan Poe" adlı bu şiirden haberdar oldu ve karşılığında daha önceden basılmış olan şiiri "To Helen"ı isimsiz olarak gönderdi. Whitman muhtemelen yollayanın Poe'nun kendisi olduğunu bilmiyordu ve yanıt vermedi. Üç ay sonra Poe, yıllar önce Whitman'ı ilk defa evinin arkasındaki gül bahçesinde gördüğü ana gönderme yapan ve tamamıyla yeni bir şiir olan "To Helen"ı yazdı.[8] Poe intihar teşebbüsü olduğu iddia edilen doz aşımını yaşadığı zaman Whitman'ı görmeye gidiyordu. Lowell, Massachusetts'ten Providence'a doğru yolunun üzerinde olan Boston'a giden trene binmeden önce iki doz laudanum almıştı. Boston'a vardığı zaman çok hastaydı ve ölmek üzereydi.[9] Bu olayın hemen sonrasında dört gününü Providence'ta Whitman ile birlikte geçirdi. Edebiyata ortak bir ilgi duyuyor olsalar da, Poe Whitman'ın aralarında Elizabeth F. Ellet, Margaret Fuller ve diğer transandantalistlerin bulunduğu çoğuna saygı duymadığı arkadaşlarından dolayı endişeliydi. Poe'nun buna ilişkin olarak Whitman'a sarfettiği sözler şöyledir: "Kalbim ağır, Helen; gördüğüm kadarıyla senin arkadaşların benim arkadaşım değil."[10] Çift bir süre mektuplaştıktan ve birbirlerine şiirler gönderdikten sonra, nişanlanmayı düşünmeye başladı. Poe'nun Aralık 1848'de Providence'ta verdiği konferansta Edward Coote Pinkney'in bir şiirini doğrudan kendisine okumasının ardından Whitman, "ani bir evliliği" kabul etti.[11] Poe nişanlılıkları boyunca içmeyeceğine söz verdi; ancak, bu sözünü yalnızca birkaç gün içinde bozdu. Whitman'ın annesi Poe'nun ayrıca Annie Richmond ve çocukluk aşkı Sarah Elmira Royster'ın da peşinden koştuğunu öğrendi. Çift evlenmeye o kadar yaklaşmıştı ki, Ocak 1849'da New London, Connecticut'ta bir gazete ve diğerleri, birlikteliklerini duyurdu ve onlara iyi dileklerde bulundu.[12] Bir ara, arkadaşlarının ve düşmanlarının ilişkilerine dair benzer eleştirilerine karşın, 25 Aralık 1848'i nikâh tarihi olarak belirlediler.[13] İddiaya göre, Whitman kütüphanedeyken Poe'nun içmeyeceğine dair sözünü tutmadığına ilişkin isimsiz bir mektup aldı ve bu, ilişkilerinin sonunu getirdi. Poe Whitman'a yazdığı (ve kendisine "Dear Madam" -"Sayın Bayan"- diye hitap ettiği) bir mektubunda, ayrılıklarından dolayı Whitman'ın annesini suçladı.[9] Poe'nun ilk biyografisinin kötü şöhretli yazarı Rufus Wilmot Griswold, yazarın Whitman'la ilişkisini, nikâhtan bir gün önce "sarhoş" halde yasa dışı davranışlarda bulunarak[14] kasten bitirdiğini; hatta bu davranışların "polislerin kendisini çağırmasını gerektirecek" türden olduğunu belirtti.[15] Sarah Helen Whitman'ın eserlerinin bir derlemesi olan Hours of Life, and Other Poems 1853'te basıldı. 1860'ta, ölümünden on bir yıl sonra Whitman, Poe'yu eleştirmenlere, özellikle de Rufus Griswold'a karşı savunmak amacıyla Edgar Allan Poe and His Critics (Edgar Allan Poe ve Eleştirmenleri) başlıklı bir eser yayımladı. Bir Baltimore gazetesine göre, kitap asil bir çabaydı, "ancak, Dr. Griswold'un kaleme aldığı biyografideki onur kırıcı kayıtları yok etmiyordu."[16] Çalışma muhtemelen William Douglas O'Connor'ın Walt Whitman'ı benzer şekilde savunduğu ve 1866'da basılan The Good Gray Poet'i yazmasında ilham vermişti.[17] Whitman Poe'nun biyografisini yazan İngiliz yazar John Henry Ingram ile haberleşti ve Ingram onun verdiği Poe'ya ait mektuplar ile eski bir portreyi malzemeleri arasına kattı. Ingram'ın Poe koleksiyonu günümüzde, Virginia Üniversitesi'ndeki Alderman Kütüphanesi'nde bulunmaktadır.[18] Whitman 1878'de yetmiş beş yaşındayken, bir arkadaşının Providence, Rhode Island'daki 97 Bowen Sokağında bulunan evinde öldü[19] ve North Burial Ground'da toprağa verildi.[13] Mal varlığının çoğunluğunun, kendi şiirleri ile kız kardeşinin şiirlerinin basılması için kullanılmasını vasiyet etti. Ayrıca Providence Association for the Benefit of Colored Children (Providence Siyahi Çocuklara Yardım Derneği) ile Rhode Island Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals'a da (Rhode Island Hayvanlara Karşı Zulmün Önlenmesi Derneği) para bıraktı.[20]

Rüzgar Tulumu

2013-03-28T18:14:00.000+02:00

Rüzgâr tulumu; yüzey rüzgârının yönünü ve şiddetini tespit etmekte kullanılan, içi hava ile dolduğunda yere paralel konuma gelen ve rüzgâr içine dönen, kumaş vb. malzemelerden üretilmiş araç. Çoğunlukla rüzgârı karşılayan geniş bir ağzı ve rüzgârı serbest bırakan dar bir çıkışı bulunur. Başta hava meydanları olmak üzere rüzgâr yönünün ve şiddetinin önemli olduğu kimyasal tesisler ve otobanlar gibi pek çok yerde kullanılırlar. Bunun yanı sıra geleneksel nedenlerle veya çocuk oyuncağı olarak kullanılan rüzgâr tulumları da vardır. Balık şeklindeki geleneksel Japon koinobori rüzgâr tulumları Rüzgâr tulumları kolay seçilebilmesi için genellikle turuncu, kırmızı, turuncu-beyaz veya kırmızı-beyaz çizgili şekilde üretilirler. Rüzgârın çevresel faktörlerden etkilenmemesi için açık bir alana ve yüksek bir direğe asılmalıdırlar. Civardaki yapı ve diğer engellerden en az 25 m uzakta olmaları tavsiye edilir.[1] Havacılıkta [değiştir] Havacılıkta "yüzey rüzgârı" yerden 30 ft (10 m) yüksekliğe kadar olan rüzgârdır. Her hava meydanında en az bir adet rüzgâr tulumu bulunmak zorundadır.[2] ICAO standartlarına göre meydan rüzgâr tulumları 3,6 m (12 ft) uzunluğunda ve geniş ağzı 0,9 m (36 inç) çapında olmalıdır.[1] Dar ve açık olan arka ucu 15 knot (28 km/sa) rüzgârda tam dik (yere tam paralel) konuma gelmesine imkan verecek genişlikte olmalıdır.[1] Asıldığı direk 6 m (20 ft) yüksekliğinde olmalıdır.[1] FAA'ya göre rüzgar tulumu en az 3 knot (5,6 km/sa) şiddetindeki rüzgârda rüzgâr içine dönebilmelidir.[1] Meydan rüzgâr tulumları gece şartlarında da kullanılabilmeleri için dahilî veya haricî lambalarla aydınlatılabilirler.

İnyupikler

2013-03-28T18:11:00.001+02:00

İnyupikler (kendilerince Iñupiaq (tekil) Iñupiak (ikil) Iñupiat (çoğul) ), Amerika Birleşik Devletlerine bağlı Alaska eyaletinin kuzey (North Slope Borough) ve kuzeybatısında (Northwest Arctic Borough ve Nome Census Area) yaşayan İnuit kolundan bir Eskimo halkıdır. Alaska'daki tek İnuit halkı olduğu için Alaska İnuitleri[4] adı da verilmektedir. Kendilerini iñuk («insan») kelimesi ile -piaq («gerçek») ekinden türettikleri Iñupiaq («gerçek insan») adıyla ifade ederler. Dillerini ise Iñupiatun («gerçek insana benzer») olarak adlandırırlar.[3] Alaska Yerli Dil Merkezine göre Alaska yerlileri içinde 25.000 nüfuslu Yupiklerden sonra 15.700 kişilik nüfuslarıyla ikinci en büyük halktır ve ancak 2.144 kadarı dilini konuşabilmektedir[1]. İngilizce bilmeyen Alaska yerlileri içinde 1993 yılında ilk sırayı % 42 lik oranla Yupikler, ikinci sırayı da % 20 lik oranla İnyupikler çeker. Şamanist inançlı avcı ve toplayıcıdırlar. Kültürel açıdan deniz sahiline yakın yaşayıp balina, fok, mors gibi deniz memelilerini avlayan Taġiuġmiut («deniz halkı») ile denizden uzak içbölgede rengeyiği avlayan Nunamiut («kara halkı») olmak üzere iki ana gruba ayrılırlar. Bazen, iki ayrı dil ve halk olarak ele alındığı da olur ve Seward Yarımadasındakiler Qawiaraq adıyla, North Slope ile Northwest Arctic ilçelerindekiler ise Inupiaq adı altında toplanır. İnyupiklerin Kanada'da yaşayan ırkdaşları (Uummarmiut) siyasi ve idari kaygılarla Batı Kanada İnuitleri ile birlikte Inuvialuit adı altında toplanırlar. Eskimolar içinde en uzun boylular Kuzey Alaska'daki İnyupiklerdir ve Kanada İnuitlerinden 10 cm daha uzundurlar.[5] Kobuk İnyupikleri doğu komşuları ve ticari ortakları olan Atabasklardan Koyukon Kızılderilileriyle sınır bölgelerinde evlilik de yapmışlardır. Beyaz Avrupalıların kültürleriyle en geç tanışan Eskimolar 1890 yılından sonra Hristiyanlıkla tanışan Kuzey Alaska İnyupikleridir. Kanada'da küçültücü (derogatory) bulunarak resmî olarak kullanılmayan "Eskimo" adı, yasal olarak Alaska'da İnyupikler ile Yupik, Çupik ve Supikleri topluca adlandırmada rahatlıkla kullanılmaktadır.[6] Alaska Eskimolarını topluca adlandırmak için bazen İngilizcede Yupik-Inupiaq (ya da Inu-Yupiaq) biçimi de kullanılır. St. Lawrence adasındaki Sibirya Yupikleri (Yupiget) farklı dil konuşsa da Alaska'da kültürel olarak İnyupiklere en yakın halktır ve her ikisi de aynı kültür grubunda yer alır.[7]

2012-12-17T19:00:00.001+02:00

2012-12-17T16:59:00.001+02:00

2012-12-16T20:49:00.002+02:00

2012-12-16T20:23:00.004+02:00

2012-12-16T19:58:00.000+02:00

Komik Resimler

Ashikaga Yoshiteru

Contents

Installed as shogun

Timeline

Governance

End of Reign

Yoshiteru's Legacy

Neue Kirche, Berlin

Contents

Church and congregations

Al Pacino

Contents

Early life and education

Actors Studio training

Stage career

Film career

Early film career

1970s

1980s

1990s

2000s

2010s

Personal life

Emil Adolf von Behring

Contents

Biography

Personal life

Mehmed the Conqueror

Water Lilies

Saint Basil's Cathedral

Joseph B. Foraker

Contents

[edit]Early life and career

[edit]Boyhood and Civil War

[edit]Education and early career

[edit]Seeking the governorship (1883–1885)

[edit]Governor of Ohio (1886–1890)

[edit]Policies as governor

[edit]1888 convention; defeat for third term

[edit]Wilderness years (1890–1896)

[edit]Return to the law; first run for senator

[edit]Election to the Senate; involvement in presidential race

[edit]Senator (1897–1909)

[edit]Rivalry with Hanna

[edit]War and territorial gain

[edit]Opposition to Roosevelt

[edit]Brownsville case

[edit]1908 race; defeat for re-election

[edit]Final years and death

[edit]Assessment

Hugo Chávez

Konu başlıkları

Gençliği ve siyasete girişi

Devlet başkanlığı

Darbe girişimi

Siyasi hattı

Uluslararası konumu

Kanser tedavisi ve ölümü

Spartacus(cont.)

Enslavement and escape

Third Servile War

Objectives

Spartacus

Origins

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Virginia Woolf

Battle of Mohács

Background

Decline of Hungary (1490-1526)

[edit]European events, and the Franco-Ottoman alliance

[edit]Preparations

[edit]Battle

Kırım Savaşı

Sarah Helen Whitman

Rüzgar Tulumu

İnyupikler