“Resignation in the middle of this COA audit can be construed as an admission of guilt, or an abandonment of duty.”

CAGAYAN DE ORO — A group pushing for Moro people’s rights criticized the order directing Mohagher Iqbal to resign as minister of Basic, Higher and Technical Education (MBHTE) in the Bangsamoro region following a questionable procurement processes.

Iqbal led the peace negotiations for the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that resulted in the signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB), the final peace pact signed between the Philippine government and the MILF in 2014 which ended years of armed struggle.

For the Moro-Christian Peoples’ Alliance (MCPA), the resignation order issued by Bangsamoro Chief Minister Abdulraof Macacua—appointed by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.—is not just a matter of anti-corruption and reorganization. The group viewed such action as the national government’s alleged “divide-and-rule” tactic to weaken Moro unity.

“[T]hey undermine the Bangsamoro people’s right to determine their own political direction free from Manila’s intervention and manipulation,” said Amirah Ali Lidasan, MCPA secretary-general.

Last year, Iqbal questioned the leadership change in the 80-member Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA), the interim government of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), after only 35 out of the 41 MILF-endorsed nominees were appointed by Marcos Jr.

This is contrary to the Bangsamoro Organic Law which created the BARMM. Article 2, Section 16 of the law states that the MILF shall lead the BTA.

Read: Bangsamoro Organic Law: MILF questions gov’t compliance

Macacua was part of the 41 nominees endorsed by the MILF but as a parliament member, not as interim chief minister.

Resignation declined

In his letter dated May 11 posted by the Manila Standard, Macacua directed Iqbal, who also serves as chairperson for the MILF Peace Implementing Panel, to resign as education minister by May 18, following the questionable procurement transactions amounting to P2.2 billion as audited by the Commission on Audit (COA). 

Failure to do it, the interim chief minister said, would result in a deemed resignation.

The COA Special Audit Team flagged the MBHTE’s process and full payment of 73 joint ventures covering the procurement of goods amounting to P2.2 billion despite the absence of several required procurement documents.

The ministry also allegedly failed to impose liquidated damages amounting to P16 million against a supplier as a result of the 52-day delay of goods for the procurement of small armchairs for primary school learners. State auditors also flagged the 53 awarded contracts amounting to P1.9 billion despite defects in the procurement process. 

In his reply, Iqbal said that compelling a resignation amid these allegations would not give him an opportunity to respond. “Resignation in the middle of this COA audit can be construed as an admission of guilt, or an abandonment of duty.”

MILF Chairman and former chief minister Ah Haj Murad Ebrahim, on the other hand, said in his May 17 letter addressed to Macacua that mandatory consultation with the MILF, as the leader of the BTA, must be held prior to issuing such a decision, advising the incumbent chief minister to put the order on hold.

Defend peace process

In March, the MILF expressed concern after the resignation of Cesar Yano as chair of the Philippine government’s Peace Implementing Panel, stressing that it could not proceed with engagements related to the peace process that require formal commitments and authoritative decisions.

“The MILF Peace Implementing Panel cannot negotiate and engage with a headless counterpart,” the group said.

In a report by MindaNews, Yano reportedly resigned because he felt he was not empowered to exercise his mandate as chair of the peace panel under the Office of the Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation, and Unity of the Philippines (OPAPRU).

The MCPA called on the BTA, the MILF, and the political parties running in the first parliamentary election to unite and defend the gains of the Bangsamoro peace process, urging them to reject any political maneuvering by the national government.

Student leaders of the Mindanao State University (MSU) in Marawi City called for protection of the CAB that has been achieved through years of peace negotiations, as many MSU students have witnessed how an armed conflict disrupts education, affects people’s livelihood, and displaces communities.

“The call of thousands of Bangsamoro people […] reflects a collective demand to protect the gains of the peace process and ensure that the aspirations embodied in the CAB are fully realized,” the MSU Supreme Student Government and Office of the Student Regent said in a joint statement. (DAA)

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On May 12, 2026, Rev. Sadie Stone was prevented from entering the Philippines after arriving at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport for a humanitarian and fact-finding mission on the recent killings in Negros Occidental.

Stone, a United Methodist pastor, law student at the University of San Francisco School of Law, and member of the Global Council of the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP), was reportedly questioned by immigration authorities about her involvement with ICHRP and the campaign for justice for Brandon Lee, a Chinese-American activist who survived an assassination attempt in the Philippines in 2019.

The denial of entry came as Stone was set to join an international fact-finding mission investigating what human rights groups described as a massacre in Toboso, Negros Occidental, where 19 individuals were killed, including peasant advocates, a student leader, a journalist, and two Filipino-Americans.

“What really is there to fear about Rev. Sadie Stone?” asked Peter Murphy in a statement. “This appears to be another attempt of the Marcos Jr. regime to hide its war crimes from international eyes.”

Among those killed in the incident was Lyle Prijoles, a longtime community organizer from the San Francisco Bay Area and leader of ICHRP’s US chapter.

Initial findings from the mission that Stone was barred from joining showed that at least six of the victims, including Prijoles, were unarmed civilians. Investigators also documented alleged harassment and intimidation by state forces in surrounding communities before the killings.

According to the mission, military operations in the area included drone surveillance, house-to-house visits, and the alleged illegal detention of a 14-year-old boy and his mother during operations supposedly targeting the New People’s Army.

Murphy said the incident reflects the continuing culture of impunity under the administration of Ferdinand Marcos Jr., despite its public falling out with former president Rodrigo Duterte.

“Marcos Jr. and the Dutertes are in a deadly conflict, but they are still united in deadly repression of the people who are hungry for land to till,” Murphy said.

Rights advocates also pointed to what they described as an intensifying pattern of blacklisting foreign human rights defenders under the Marcos Jr. administration. Since 2022, several US-based activists, including Copeland Downs, Gordon Mutch, and Julia Jamora, have likewise reportedly been denied entry into the country.

The growing restrictions come amid expanding military ties between the Philippines and the United States, including increased military aid, troop presence, and joint exercises.

For rights groups, the contrast is telling.

“Unfortunately, Marcos Jr. seems much more keen to welcome foreign military troops into the country than human rights advocates,” Murphy said.

Stone has joined solidarity and church missions to the Philippines since 2016 through the California-Nevada Conference Task Force of the United Methodist Church. She has also actively campaigned for justice for Brandon Lee and supported the proposed Philippine Human Rights Act, a measure seeking to suspend US military aid to the Philippines until human rights standards are upheld. (RTS, RVO)

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The Philippine chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggles (ILPS) issued the call after US Undersecretary of State for Economic Affairs Jacob Helberg disclosed in an interview that one of the phases of the initiative includes the US State Department’s move of “taking into custody” (land and property) the proposed 1,600-hectare industrial hub in Luzon to be established under the said partnership.

However, this request from the US was denied as confirmed by Joshua Bingcang, president and chief executive of the state-run Bases Conversion and Development Authority (BCDA), according to several media reports, adding that the initiative remains a “regular business development contract.”

Arnold Padilla, ILPS Philippines spokesperson, said that regardless of the hub’s status, the fact remains that a huge portion of the nation’s land will be used for the production of AI supply chains, which they viewed as an undertaking meant to serve the US industrial and military needs.

“This alone should already be a serious cause for concern and a compelling reason for the Filipino people to reject the project,” Padilla said in a statement sent to Bulatlat.

On April 16, the Philippine government signed the declaration, making the country the 13th Pax Silica signatory. The 1,600-hectare industrial hub under the partnership has been branded as an economic security zone.

Helberg visited the Philippines and led the unveiling on Monday, May 18, of the hub’s proposed site to be located in New Clark City in Capas, Tarlac.

Helberg revealed that there are two phases of the Pax Silica initiative in the country. Aside from supposedly taking the hub into custody, the second one pertains to long-term development, saying they have a two-year window to negotiate the details with their Filipino counterpart. These include legal safeguards for investors and taxation, to name a few.

The US undersecretary also said that the AI supply chains are not limited to chips but also include other inputs such as precision reducers, servo motors, earth magnets, and actuators, among others. 

Progressive groups and lawmakers opposed the US-led initiative. For them, the national government’s involvement makes the country become part of “war production” given the essential function of semiconductors—the Philippines’ reported top export—and advanced electronics in manufacturing military machinery.

Read: ‘Pax Silica’ initiative seen as war production, environment destruction

Padilla said all US’ recent involvement demonstrates how the US expanded and deepened its “neocolonial domination” in the country under the Marcos Jr. presidency. “We demand that the Philippine Congress investigate the Marcos Jr. regime’s agreement with the US for subverting the national interests and possible violations of the Constitution,” he added.

Read: Philippines as a US military base?

He also called on the Filipino people to oppose the project, as it also undermines the nation’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. (RVO)

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The women’s rights research and training institution condemned what it described as the continuing rise of state-perpetrated violence against women (VAW), calling on authorities to hold abusive police and military personnel accountable and end institutional practices that protect perpetrators.

CWR documented at least 40 cases of state-perpetrated VAW from 2022 to 2025 involving physical assault, rape, sexual harassment, molestation, domestic abuse, and the killing of women and children.

The group said that reports involving abusive police and military personnel surfaced almost monthly in 2025 alone, which women’s groups described as evidence of an entrenched culture of violence and impunity.

Violence behind the uniform

Public outrage intensified following the recent case of Aira Seda Dela Cruz after CCTV footage allegedly showed her husband, Police Officer Alimeri Dela Cruz, physically assaulting her inside their home in Malolos, Bulacan.

The video, which Aira herself publicly shared, allegedly showed the police officer repeatedly striking her until she lost consciousness.

The Philippine National Police (PNP) later relieved the officer from duty pending investigation.

“For every case that reaches the public, countless others remain hidden behind fear, intimidation, and institutional silence,” said CWR Executive Director Cham Perez.

“Cases like Aira’s are not isolated incidents,” Perez said. “They expose a systemic problem in institutions that continue to tolerate abuse within their ranks while failing to ensure justice for women survivors.”

CWR stressed that violence committed by state forces extends beyond domestic abuse cases.

The group said that state-perpetrated violence also includes custodial rape, sexual violence during military operations, harassment by state officials, abuse within police and military institutions, and violence against women and children in militarized communities.

Hidden numbers

CWR’s monitoring of official government data recorded at least 13,211 cases of violence against women in 2025, equivalent to around 36 women experiencing violence every day.

However, the group warned that the actual number of survivors may be higher.

According to estimates from the PNP Women and Children Protection Center, only one in 10 incidents of violence against women gets reported, which suggests that actual cases could exceed 130,000 annually.

CWR also raised alarm over what it described as the continuing failure of institutions to hold abusive personnel accountable.

“The uniform must never become a shield for abuse,” Perez said. “Women and children deserve protection, not violence from those mandated to uphold public safety and human rights.”

The group said that weak accountability mechanisms and institutional protectionism continue to reinforce impunity within state security institutions.

Calls for accountability 

CWR called on the Marcos, Jr. administration, the Philippine National Police, and the Armed Forces of the Philippines to implement measures to address abuse committed by men in uniform.

The group urged authorities to establish independent oversight and civilian accountability mechanisms, ensure impartial and transparent investigations, and strengthen survivor-centered support systems.

It also called for sustained gender sensitivity and human rights education within police and military institutions, alongside the full implementation of the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act and the Magna Carta of Women.

“At a time when violence against women remains widespread, the state cannot remain complicit through inaction, let alone allow its own agents to become perpetrators of abuse and violence against women,” Perez said. “Those entrusted to protect the public must be held to the highest standard of accountability.”

CWR said that women’s groups will continue exposing systemic abuses while pushing for a society where women and children can live free from violence and fear. (DAA)

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MANILA – Despite the rains, progressive groups led by Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) protested in front of the Senate of the Philippines on May 18 calling for the immediate trial of Vice President Sara Duterte and for the arrest of Sen. Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa.  

Jerome Adonis, Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) chairperson, said that Duterte should be found guilty in the impeachment trial. He said that the main reason people gathered for the large rally outside was to witness the proceedings and hold officials accountable to the Filipino people.

“We should not allow thieves to escape accountability and continue living comfortably,” Adonis said in Filipino. 

Raymond Palatino, Bayan secretary-general, was enraged over what he described as the Senate’s orchestrated efforts as regards delays in Duterte’s impeachment trial and Dela Rosa’s escape from the warrant issued by the International Criminal Court. 

“The Senate should not become an institution that protects the corrupt and murderers. If the Senate refuses to act, then we, the people, are ready to take action,” Palatino said in Filipino. 

When asked why she joined the protest, Fatima Mendoza of the University of the Philippines (UP) Diliman student council said that this is not the time to remain silent. “We have the strength to bring down rotten leadership. This was shown by the more than 8,000 Iskolar ng Bayan who staged a walkout last year.”

Later that day, the Senate convened as an impeachment court for Duterte’s trial. The Makabayan bloc said, “This is a necessary constitutional step toward accountability.” 

The progressive legislators stressed that they expect the Senate to perform their duty with “seriousness and dispatch.” 

“We call on Vice President Duterte to promptly submit her answer to the articles of impeachment and to fully recognize the jurisdiction of the Senate impeachment court. There should be no more dilatory tactics, no attempts to evade or question the legitimacy of the process, and no political maneuvers to delay the presentation of evidence and the start of the trial. Let’s get it on,” Makabayan said. 

They urged the public to engage in what they call an important process because without public vigilance, “the pro- Duterte senators can move to delay the trial, suppress evidence and win their way towards an acquittal.”

“At the end of the day, public pressure is key to ensuring the conviction of VP Duterte,” they said. 

Bayan also called for sustained public vigilance and street protests. “Last week’s chaotic events exposed how corrupt and lawless Senators can maneuver to provide sanctuary for Senator Bato dela Rosa in order to get his vote for a change of leadership; subsequently, to facilitate his escape despite a valid warrant issued by the ICC for his major role in Rodrigo Duterte’s so-called drug war,” Bayan said in a statement. 

“These same spurious ‘majority’—composed of out-and-out Duterte loyalists, many with plunder cases hovering over their heads, and some very ambitious personalities—can and will certainly conspire to undermine the impeachment of Sara Duterte by delaying the proceedings, restricting the presentation of evidence, and creating scenarios to weaken the trial,” they said. 

They called on the public to remain vigilant, form or join “Impeachment Watch” activities in schools, communities and workplaces; step up protests against impunity; and continue the fight for truth, accountability, and justice. (DAA)

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MANILA — In the wake of the Commission on Higher Education’s (CHED) plan to remove general education (GE) courses in college, members of the academic community launched the General Education Movement (GEM) at the Philippine Normal University (PNU) on May 16.

The movement vowed not only to defend but also to further develop and strengthen GE courses after CHED postponed the implementation of the Reframed General Education Curriculum Component (RGECC) until 2028. For the academic community, this was considered an initial victory following the May 12 protest held at the CHED main office. However, they stressed that the threats against GE subjects are far from over under an education system they describe as colonial, market-oriented, and profit-driven.

“There is a need not to remain silent even if CHED postponed its plan to reduce GE subjects. We must continue engaging with different institutions and conducting consultations from the ground. This is where we can consolidate our greatest strength in fighting these threats against GE subjects,” said Dr. Jonathan Geronimo of the University of the Philippines (UP) Diliman and one of the initiators of GEM.

CHED’s highly criticized move to reduce GE subjects from 36 units to 18–21 units drew opposition from the academic sector, as this supposed “solution” to address learning gaps would create more harm than good, according to GEM.

According to Dr. David Michael San Juan of De La Salle University (DLSU)-Manila and lead convenor of Tanggol Wika, the Technical Panel on General Education that produced the RGECC is connected to PHINMA Corporation and iPeople Education. These corporations operate in partnership with the Ayala and Yuchengco groups which also own APEC Schools, a stand-alone senior high school system in the country.

“Two co-chairs of the Technical Panel on General Education come from schools connected to iPeople. Are we going to allow people who represent big corporations and treat education as a business to shape our curriculum?” San Juan said.

He stressed that a manifestation of liberalized education is its excessive focus on profit. “They want to quantify everything with numbers. If many students are unemployed, they immediately think education is failing. They do not even bother to ask whether we have enough industries in our underdeveloped country.”

For the academic community, reducing the number of GE courses would weaken critical and creative thinking among students which are integral to holistic development as citizens with a shared sense of humanity.

“Removing GE subjects means undermining critical thinking and human development among our students. Subjects such as Humanities, History, Ethics, Arts, and Filipino, among others, are what make educational institutions relevant not only to knowledge but also to society and the nation as a whole,” said Prof. Jun Rivera, president of Samahan ng mga Dalubguro sa Filipinolohiya (SADAFIL) from the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP).

San Juan said that 60,000 to 90,000 faculty members could be displaced based on their computations. Drawing from their experience in 2013 when CHED removed Filipino courses from the college curriculum, he said that the government proved unable, unwilling, and incapable of fully protecting teachers from displacement, load reduction, and de facto salary cuts.

“As long as Filipino remains part of the curriculum, the people will continue to have a voice in education. But once it is completely removed, not only will the subject disappear, but also our ability to recognize whom education should truly serve,” said Ashley Guarin, president of PUP-Ugnayan ng Talino at Kagalingan.

GEM vowed to continue its campaign to defend GE courses as it called on CHED to junk the RGECC, ensure genuine and democratic public participation in curriculum reforms, strengthen existing GE subjects, and restore Filipino and Panitikan subjects in the college curriculum. (DAA)

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The Philippines is known as the global epicenter for the production of financially-motivated child sexual abuse or exploitation materials (CSAEM), according to the International Justice Mission. In 2022 alone, one in 100 Filipino children was found to be trafficked to produce CSAEM.

The children who took part in the study of Terre des Hommes Netherlands identified several barriers on why they do not avail the child protection services: Around 78 percent have fear of shame or blame, 65 percent have fear of being outed, 60 percent have distrust in adults or responders, and 52 percent pointed to the lack of gender-sensitive services.

Only one in three children access child protection services against online sexual abuse, especially LGBTQIA+ youth and women, due to fear of being blamed, judged, or outed.

The cases of online sexual abuse or exploitation of children (OSAEC) against LGBTQIA+ children are also not reported. The reporting systems remain binary — data segregated through male and female options — which further affect the access of LGBTQIA+ children to preventive and protective services.

“There is a lack of trauma-informed, gender-sensitive, and age-appropriate child protection services,” the study noted. “The weak social protection and child protection systems resonate with the experience of OSAEC survivors on the lack of interventions for the victims and the family. Community services cater to all children and young people and there are no specific modifications to make them accessible to girls and LGBTQI children.”

The study showed that children from poor families may resort to OSAEC to earn money. Some parents may knowingly overlook the issue as OSAEC becomes a livelihood for the family. 

“My mother died and I was being looked after by my auntie and her family is poor. I am not the priority in terms of food, so I support myself,” a 16-year-old OSAEC survivor said in the study.

“It appears that poverty— may it be the lack of resources for the family or poverty caused by social issues including drug addiction among parents— is the main driver of OSAEC,” the study said.

The study also reported a disconnect between knowledge and capacity. It found that the knowledge about OSAEC is relatively low particularly at the barangay level. 

The Barangay Council for the Protection of Children (BCPC) is found to be non-functional as the officers are co-terminus with the elected officials. The study stressed that the structure is problematic as it takes time for the local government units (LGUs) to organize their council and the people are not trained about their mandate.

Only 16 percent of the children are aware about preventative and protective interventions. While 84 percent of the respondents expressed confidence in the services, there is no data about how many of those needing help actually sought it.

“The participation of children and young people in decision-making is more consultative rather than collaborative,” the study noted, saying that very little is done to raise the awareness of the community, children, and young people about OSAEC. 

“We recognize the urgent and growing threat of OSAEC and other online risks. While Republic Act No. 11930 strengthens national mechanisms, law alone is not enough to protect children,” said Anna Belinde, Philippine country director of Terre des Hommes Netherlands, in a statement based on the organization’s recent study.

Republic Act No. 11930 or Anti-OSAEC and Anti-CSAEM Act provides mandatory services for the victims ranging from emergency shelter, counseling, legal services, medical or psychological services, livelihood and skills training, and educational assistance.

“Protection requires shifting power to those closest to the risks, children, families, and communities, while ensuring institutions and industry are accountable for how digital spaces are designed and governed,” Belinde said.

Barbara Mae Pagdilao-Flores, executive director of the National Coordination Center Against OSAEC and CSAEM, said that the safety of children online is not only a responsibility of one office, one agency, or one sector alone. “Government must lead, but we must also bring the whole system together—law enforcement, prosecutors, child protection actors, digital platforms, telcos, financial institutions, civil society, and communities—so that our response is coordinated, practical, and felt by children on the ground,” she said.

Flores said that the online risks become more complex with the proliferation of artificial intelligence, deepfakes, grooming, and the misuse of children’s images. 

UNICEF reported that at least 1.2 million children across 11 countries were victimized by OSAEC and CSAEM, having their images manipulated into sexually-explicit deepfakes through artificial intelligence. 

The United States-based National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NMEC) reported a 1,550 percent increase in the use of generative artificial intelligence to create sexual exploitation content, reported through their platform CyberTipline. (DAA, RVO)

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“The essence of being a fugitive from justice lies in the deliberate act of placing oneself beyond the reach of law enforcement.”

MANILA — The Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) has declared Sen. Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa a fugitive, and urged the Supreme Court (SC) to deny the motions filed by the former police chief.

Dela Rosa has filed three manifestations before the SC in an attempt to prevent his arrest. 

In its comment to the motions, the OSG argued that the Philippine government, through the executive department, can legally enforce the arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Dela Rosa pursuant to the Philippine Act on Crimes Against International Humanitarian Law, Genocide, and Other Crimes Against Humanity (RA 9851).

“The enforcement of an ICC warrant of arrest does not require a corresponding warrant of arrest issued by a Philippine court to be enforceable within the Philippine jurisdiction,” the OSG wrote.

Section 17 of the RA 9851 authorizes the Philippine authorities to surrender or extradite a suspected or accused person when an international court or tribunal is already conducting an investigation or prosecution of a crime punishable under the said law — crimes against humanity is both punishable in the Philippine penal law and the Rome Statute.

The OSG also stated that Dela Rosa’s deliberate evasion of arrest makes him a fugitive. “The essence of being a fugitive from justice lies in the deliberate act of placing oneself beyond the reach of law enforcement,” the OSG said in its 83-page comment.

Domestic and international laws operate independently. However, the OSG clarified that the former cannot shield Dela Rosa from being tried before an international court. The implementation of the ICC arrest warrant is within the power of the executive branch.

“To emphasize, Senator Dela Rosa is not charged with any ordinary crime before the ICC. He is charged with crimes against humanity through murder and attempted murder, crimes so heinous that the international community considers them as an assault against the collective conscience of humanity,” the OSG said.

The OSG asserted that it is inaccurate for Senator Dela Rosa to say that he was not afforded any semblance of due process, adding that record shows that he was granted every opportunity to be heard.

The OSG further said that the essence of due process is that the accused can only be arrested upon a judicial determination by a court of competent jurisdiction. The ICC already issued the arrest warrant after finding reasonable grounds to believe that Dela Rosa committed the crime. 

“Thus, the issuance of the ICC warrant itself already presupposes judicial evaluation and independent determination by a competent tribunal,” OSG said, noting that the Rome Statute already guarantees extensive due process rights including right to be informed of the accusation, the right to counsel, the right to challenge the court’s jurisdiction, and the right to contest the admissibility of the case.

Further, the OSG maintained that despite the Philippine government’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute, it remains legally bound to cooperate with the ICC since it is authorized under the Section 15 of RA 9851.

The section enumerates the applicability of several international laws, including the 1948 Genocide Convention; 1949 Geneva Conventions I-IV and their Additional Protocols I, II, and III; the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict and its first and second protocols; and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child and its 2000 Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict.

Moreover, the ICC Appeals Chamber already confirmed its jurisdiction in Rodrigo Duterte’s alleged crimes against humanity, in which Dela Rosa and several high officials are identified as co-perpetrators.  

It emphasized that the Court has the power to exercise its jurisdiction, pursuant to the article 127 (2) of the Rome Statute. The provision stipulates that the State shall not be discharged from any obligations by the reason of its withdrawal – it shall not affect any criminal investigations and proceedings of the ICC, especially crimes committed prior to the withdrawal.

This means that the ICC is authorized to investigate and prosecute all possible crimes against humanity committed until March 17, 2019, or the day the withdrawal of the Philippines from the Rome Statute took effect.

Read: Duterte defeated twice on ICC jurisdiction challenge

Dela Rosa was placed under “protective custody” by the Senate on May 13, 2026z

Read: UN, ASEAN and the Senate scandal

The next day, May 14, Dela Rosa was reportedly out of the Senate’s premises. 

“Harboring such a criminal accused of crimes against humanity deserves an international outrage,” said Cristina Palabay, secretary general of human rights group Karapatan. “We remind the government that Bato is an international fugitive.”

The Commission on Human Rights (CHR) estimates that in December 2018, the number of drug-war killings could be as high as 27,000. Despite these high numbers, only five cases have been prosecuted — some if it remains on appeal. 

Dela Rosa is the second Filipino issued with a confirmed ICC arrest warrant. 

The ICC found reasonable grounds to believe that Dela Rosa had contributed to the common plan in enforcing widespread and systematic attacks in his official capacity as former Philippine National Police (PNP) chief and Davao City Police chief during the Duterte administration.

The ICC has also identified other Duterte co-perpetrators including Sen. Christopher “Bong” Go, former justice secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II, Vicente Danao, Camilo Cascolan (deceased), Oscar Albayalde and Isidro Lapeña.

“All of Bato’s and Duterte’s accomplices inside the Senate must also be held accountable. This further exposes that they are not serving the people, but rather their own narrow and self-serving political interests,” said Dahlia Cuartero, mother of drug war victim Jesus Cuartero III. (RVO)

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The military’s visit in Valix’s home is a blatant form of surveillance and red-tagging.

MANILA — Progressive youth groups condemned the military harassment experienced by student leader Rafael Jay Valix. 

According to the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), two individuals, who presented themselves as members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) visited Valix’s house around 9 a.m. of April 28, 2026. They spoke with his mother and sister, claiming they wanted to “educate” him about his involvement in organizations and offer him “guidance.” 

A week before, relatives were summoned to the Philippine National Police (PNP) office in Tarlac and shown photos of Valix attending protests. 

Valix is the NUSP’s Tarlac coordinator and Tarlac State University Supreme Student Council (TSU SSC) vice president. 

The NUSP stressed that these tactics are not new.

“The military and police cannot fool us with their “education” when this is simply state propaganda to quell dissent. They cannot be trusted with “guidance” when they are the leading threat against students, the youth, and the masses, with their long history of red-tagging, intimidation, harassment, and other human rights violations,” the alliance said.

Local youth group Kabataang Tarlakenyo para sa Bayan said that the military’s visit in Valix’s home is a blatant form of surveillance and red-tagging.

“The moment armed state agents can intrude upon a student’s private space to persecute them for their advocacy and convictions, it becomes clear that the target is not just one individual, but the entire youth sector that continues to fight for the rights and welfare of the youth,”  the organization added. 

Campus publications in TSU also released a joint statement protesting the incident. They stressed that as attacks persist, youth activists like Valix will only persevere in serving the people. 

Continuing pattern of attacks on youth activists

The surveillance and harassment experienced by Valix is not an isolated case. 

Karapatan’s report on civil and political rights attacks in the country from July 2022-2025 revealed that there were 10,825,864 cases of threat, intimidation, and harassment—with youth activists suffering from these attacks. 

Just last year, following the September 21 police brutality, at least four student leaders received subpoenas. and were charged with sedition and inciting to sedition charges.

Another case involved Shane Franco, former Assistant Vice President of Kabataan Partylist Central Luzon. On February 26, 10 a.m., individuals who presented themselves as CIDG personnel visited his previous boarding house at barangay Capehan in Tarlac City. Said individuals looked for Franco, and claimed that Franco is a recruiter for the New People’s Army (NPA). They also asked the resident there about Franco and their whereabouts. 

Progressive youth groups also demanded that the TSU administration provide Valix both legal and security assistance. (RVO)

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