• Human rights: Civil and political rights – freedom of the press, expression, and opinion

• Rights-holder: Public, journalists, advocates

• Duty-bearer: House of Representatives, Senate, Marcos Jr. administration, public officials

MANILA – Public resources should not be used for the prosecution of libel and cyber libel, according to human rights lawyer Gilbert Andres, executive director of CenterLaw Philippines that handles journalists’ cases. 

“Since this is a case of private reputation of an individual or a corporation, they should be the one to shoulder it,” Andres said at a forum organized by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) and Ateneo de Manila University on August 26.

According to NUJP, there are 15 cases of libel and cyber libel under the Marcos Jr. administration. For the group, it is a “weapon of choice” of people in power against journalists for practicing critical reporting.

“The intent of libel is to harass and exhaust. Exhaust our resources and time that we could have been utilizing to perform our work,” said Ronalyn Olea, NUJP secretary-general. “We see a worsening trend: filing in multiple courts, often ones that are far away.”

The NUJP stressed that the continuous criminalization of libel is a violation of the Philippines’ international human rights obligations as a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

The United Nations Special Rapporteur Irene Khan also affirmed this position during her 2024 visit in the Philippines and submission of a final report to the United Nations Human Rights Council in June 2025.

“I firmly believe that decriminalizing libel would send a strong signal nationally and internationally of the Philippines’ commitment to accept criticism and debate, even against prominent personalities,” Khan said during her visit.

In October 2011, a year before cyber libel took effect in the Philippines, the United Nations Human Rights Committee’s (UNHRC) declared that the criminal sanction for libel in the Philippines is “excessive” and in violation of the ICCPR.

The Commission on Human Rights (CHR) stated in its 2025 human rights advisory that the threat of criminal prosecution discourages individuals from speaking out on matters of public interest. “This is particularly true in the context of investigative journalism, which frequently involves criticizing high-ranking public officials by closely scrutinizing their official actions.”

The CHR said that the law is not only used to combat defamation but also to intimidate media practitioners, social advocates, human rights defenders, and ordinary citizens. For its part, NUJP stressed that the impacts of libel and cyber libel against journalists are extensive: imprisonment, self-censorship and takedowns, mounting legal fees, chilling effect, and psychological trauma.

“I thought I was already brave enough since my case was dismissed,” Kimberly Quitasol, editor-in-chief of Baguio-based alternative media Northern Dispatch, recalled in a video statement. “But when I was set to cover the arraignment of an indigenous woman leader, also charged with cyber libel by the same general, I could not move forward to enter the courtroom. My body froze.”

She said, “Even if I told myself that I am brave enough to overcome it, there are these kinds of trauma that you would only know later on. If this is the kind of experience that people face, then democracy is threatened. It is not only a press freedom issue, we need public support.”

In April 2022, the La Trinidad Regional Trial Court dismissed the cyber libel charges filed against her due to the prosecution’s failure to establish the offense. 

“Our best defense is to uphold ethics, practice self-regulation, and build solidarity. What we need to do is push back,” Olea said, adding that the NUJP formed the Media Legal Defense Network in partnership with lawyers groups to provide pro-bono legal services for journalists facing legal harassment or Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP).

Article 19 of the ICCPR states the right to freedom of expression as a cornerstone of democratic societies and essential for the realization of other human rights. It is also enshrined in the 1987 Philippine Constitution, particularly Section 4 of its Bill of Rights.

In the 20th Congress, there are at least five bills in the House of Representatives that call for decriminalization of libel and cyber libel. There are also three bills of the same nature in the Senate. But as of this writing, they remain pending. (DAA)

Disclosure: Ronalyn Olea is the editor-in-chief of Bulatlat.

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Dated July 27, 2026, the resolution stated that the Sangguniang Bayan found it appropriate to grant the request, provided that Marcventures Mining and Development Corporation (MMDC) secures all required permits and clearances before beginning work. 

The resolution is required for MMDC to apply for a permit from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), covering the cutting of trees across 47.10 hectares in barangay Cabangahan in preparation for its 2027 mining operations.

Following an endorsement from Mayor Philip Pichay’s office, environment committee chair Jimbo Luarez moved for its approval which was unanimously seconded by the Sanggunian members. 

‘Disappointing’

In a virtual interview, Cantilan Water District Vicente Chair Cirilo Iriberri called the decision disappointing, stressing that the public hearing appeared to have been held merely for compliance. 

The Water District opposed the resolution and campaigned for the protection of the Carac-an watershed, a critical source of clean water for the municipality. MMDC also operates within the watershed.

Iriberrii said that cutting hectares of trees can dry up water sources and worsen flooding. “During the rainy season turbidity levels can shoot up to 1,000 Nephelometric Turbidity Units, far beyond our 500 limit. We have no choice but to wait for it to subside.”

In a statement, the Cantilan Water District warned that the ongoing threats of El Niño must be a concern among the Sangguniang members. 

The resolution recognizes the need to protect water sources through prohibiting tree-cutting and earth-balling within 20 meters of either side of any body of water within or adjacent to the project area. However, it does not mention the watershed’s designation as a critical forest reserve or that MMDC’s permit expires in 2027. 

Bulatlat reached out to Vice Mayor Rodrigo Eleazar who presided over the public hearing through his official Facebook account but he has not yet replied.

Raymond Ambray, head of the ecology desk of the Diocese of Tandag, said that the province should prioritize agriculture, with rice farming and fishing as remaining key sources of livelihood. While he recognizes mining’s economic contributions, he said that it should not come at the expense of food security and environmental protection. 

Cantilan is considered the province’s rice?producing town. For resident and retired forester Agustin Andoy who witnessed how rice fields near their house turned red with silt, the contradiction is hard to reconcile. “Legality feels meaningless, especially when it legitimizes the destruction of the environment and only few benefits.”

During a June 23 municipality session, an MMDC representative acknowledged that of the 600 hectares disturbed by its mining operations, only 200 hectares were rehabilitated. (RTS, DAA)

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Persons deprived of liberty (PDLs) at the CIW have called for the abolition of the prison’s trust fund system after an audit revealed that approximately P7 million ($123,000) in funds entrusted by inmates and their families could not be accounted for.

The demand marks an escalation of the controversy surrounding the missing funds, shifting the issue beyond accountability for the loss and toward questions about the cashless system that governs how women inmates access money sent by their families.

In a petition dated Aug. 11 and signed by 1,240 PDLs, the inmates stressed that the disappearance of millions of pesos from the trust fund exposed the failure of a system that they were supposed to trust.

The petition followed disclosures made by CIW officials that an audit of the trust fund showed a significant discrepancy between recorded remittances and available cash.

Many inmates rely on remittances from relatives to purchase food, hygiene supplies, medicine, and other necessities not fully provided by prison authorities.

Earlier reports from political prisoners at CIW said that approximately P13 million ($228,000) in remittances should have been available in the trust fund. But an audit reportedly found only around P6 million ($105,000) in available cash, leaving roughly P7 million ($123,000) unaccounted for.

Read more: Prison officials accountable for P7 million missing funds

The Bureau of Corrections (BuCor) has since announced the relief of two CIW officials from their posts, according to a recent statement by the inmates.

The PDLs said that the administrative action failed to answer the question that continues to dominate discussions inside the prison.

“How will the missing money be returned?” the inmates asked in a statement released on Aug. 25.

The women said that they are uncertain if they could recover funds accumulated through years of work inside the prison and through financial support from their families. “It is even more painful for us that our efforts to save money so we could help our families and children could simply disappear.”

Cashless system under scrutiny

The controversy has drawn renewed attention to the cashless system implemented at CIW as part of a broader policy adopted by the BuCor.

According to a letter submitted by Karapatan to the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) on Aug. 25, the BuCor launched the cashless policy in February 2024 and pilot-tested it at the minimum-security compound of the New Bilibid Prison (NBP) in Muntinlupa City and at CIW in Mandaluyong City.

Under the system, inmates can only keep limited cash on hand.

At CIW, money sent by families through remittance services or brought by visitors is deposited into a trust fund managed by prison authorities.

The petition stated that inmates may withdraw only up to P1,000 ($17.60) per transaction and a maximum of P2,000 ($35.20) per week on scheduled withdrawal days.

Paying the price

In Karapatan’s letter to CHR, the group described the cashless system as burdensome and vulnerable to corruption.

The organization said that inmates have limited access to funds sent by relatives and often rely on prison-controlled mechanisms to purchase basic necessities.

Karapatan also cited complaints about the prices of goods sold inside CIW.

The group said that one piece of eggplant reportedly sells for P80 ($1.41), while an uncooked hotdog costs P23 ($0.40), compared with P9 to P10 ($0.16 to $0.18) outside the prison.

The group also noted that a portable gas stove reportedly sells for P7,500 ($132.00) inside the facility while online listings place the same item at around P1,080 ($19.00).

Penalties for holding cash

The women said that prison authorities conduct regular inspections, locally referred to as galugad, during which officers confiscate cash exceeding the allowable amount.

The petitioners said that authorities do not automatically return confiscated money and often subject inmates to disciplinary proceedings.

One of the cases cited in the petition involved PDL Sylvia Binarao whose P3,300 ($58.10) was confiscated during a galugad in September 2025.

According to the petition, P3,000 ($52.80) of the money was intended to pay for her dentures, while P300 ($5.30) came from a cash gift.

Binarao repeatedly tried to recover the money but prison authorities allegedly told her that they could no longer determine where the funds had gone because they had already been transferred to the NBP.

The petition also cited the case of PDL Joy Noblefranca whose P20,000 ($352) was confiscated during an inspection.

Although authorities later returned the money, Noblefranca reportedly received several sanctions.

According to the petition, prison officials prohibited her from receiving visitors for two months and barred her from making phone calls to her family during the same period.

The petition also said that authorities ordered her to fetch water daily for two months to fill two large drums in the library restroom.

In addition, prison officials allegedly deducted one year from her Good Conduct Time Allowance (GCTA), a reduction that could affect the length of her imprisonment.

The inmates said that these penalties show the unequal treatment of prisoners under the cashless system.

They questioned why inmates face sanctions for possessing money while prison authorities have yet to provide clear answers regarding the millions of pesos that disappeared from the trust fund.

The women argued that the policy effectively forces inmates to surrender control of their own money while exposing them to risks created by the management of the trust fund.

Delayed withdrawals, growing distrust

The inmates said that concerns over the missing funds have intensified because of continuing problems in accessing remittances.

In their Aug. 25 statement, the women reported delays in the release of money sent through visitors and remittance channels.

They also claimed that prison authorities temporarily suspended withdrawals in recent days.

The inmates said that these developments fueled fears that cash reserves connected to the trust fund were running low.

“Almost two weeks have passed since the issue came to light, but the system for releasing funds from visitors and LBC remains chaotic,” the statement read.

The petitioners claimed that some remittances sent between July 27 and Aug. 4 were not fully released to recipients.

According to the inmates, some women received only partial releases of their money and were not issued receipts or passbook entries showing the remaining balance.

The inmates said that such experiences further weakened confidence in the trust fund system.

For many PDLs, the issue extends beyond the missing P7 million.

They stressed that the controversy exposed long-standing problems in a system they had questioned since its implementation but complied with because prison authorities required it.

“If the money was forced into the trust fund for safekeeping, the question is simple,” the petition stated.

“Was it really kept safe?”

Calls for investigation

The petition asked the CHR, Department of Justice, and Congress to investigate the disappearance of the funds and the implementation of the trust fund system.

The inmates demanded the return of all money entrusted to the fund, the direct release of remittances to prisoners, the revocation of sanctions imposed on inmates for possessing cash beyond the allowable amount, and the return of confiscated money.

Karapatan likewise urged the CHR to conduct an independent inquiry into the trust fund system and the broader cashless policy.

The group said that the controversy raises serious questions about transparency, accountability, and the treatment of persons deprived of liberty.

For the women of CIW, however, the issue remains rooted in a more immediate concern.

As investigations continue, they said that the disappearance of millions of pesos destroyed the very foundation of the system that prison officials asked them to trust. (RTS, DAA)

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NUSP released the statement after EDCOM 2 Executive Director Dr. Karol Mark Yee’s warned that consecutive class suspensions due to inclement weather may deepen the ongoing learning crisis. Yee presented plans to amend Executive Order No. 66, s. 2012, which sets the rules for the cancellation or suspension of classes and government work during typhoons and calamities. 

NUSP said that amid disasters and the worsening climate crisis, students and academic personnel’s safety must be prioritized. “Students and teachers must not risk their lives to meet certain metrics based on output rather than holistic development and overall well-being.”

NUSP stressed that the Marcos Jr. administration cannot continue to shift the burden of the learning crisis on students and teachers. “We are not convinced by his sham proclamations that education is his ‘greatest priority’ while billions are slashed from the education budget and poured into projects vulnerable to corruption.”

Systemic neglect, corruption

An article from the Development Aid showed that in the previous year, the Philippine government underfunded the education sector, accounting for only 3.6% of the country’s gross domestic product which is below the Unesco-recommended 4-6%. 

According to the Makabayan bloc, the budget for the Department of Education (DepEd) suffers the largest total cut of P44.57 billion, with Maintenance and Other Operating Expenses (MOOE) cut by P33.7 billion. “This is driven by a crippling 64.22% budget cut, effectively halting the construction of much-needed classrooms. This will leave our students in overcrowded and dilapidated learning environments,” Makabayan said.

The coalition highlighted the allocation of PHP 58.53 billion of the pork budget for the Local Government Support Fund. “This LGU pork will be used at the discretion of local chief executives for ayuda, infrastructure projects, and the purchase of vehicles.”

DevelopmentAid said that around 5,000 schools in the Philippines remain without electricity, and 10,000 are without clean water. 

NUSP said that 49 out of 113 SUCs will face budget cuts under the 2027 National Expenditure Program (NEP). Despite the education sector’s proposal for a total budget of Php 976 billion out of the proposed Php 7.2 trillion, the Commission on Higher Education will only receive a budget of Php 34.6 billion, which is already reduced from the initially proposed P47.5 billion. 

In a statement, the Central Luzon State University Supreme Student Council (CLSU USSC) said that other than corruption, there is also the university administration’s and local authorities’ slow response to the emergency cancellation of classes. “[This] conversation cannot be separated from the broader issue of accountability in governance. Concerns over the use of public funds, allocation of resources, and decisions that directly affect student welfare must not be treated as matters beyond public scrutiny.”

CLSU experienced flooding due to the onslaught of the Southwest Monsoon in the country for the past few weeks. At the University of Santo Tomas, around 5,000 students were stranded inside their campus as heavy flooding blocked its gates on Aug. 17, following the late cancellation of classes from the Manila LGU.

Holding government accountable

“Class suspensions do not create the learning crisis. Government neglect does. Chronic underfunding does. Corruption does. The commercialization and privatization of education do,” NUSP said.

The student union demanded that Marcos Jr. be held accountable for exacerbating the systemic roots of the crisis and upholding its responsibility to provide accessible, quality, and safe education for all. (RTS,DAA)

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Arnold Padilla, spokesperson of the International League of Peoples’ Struggles (ILPS) Philippines, raised this question following the recent presence of American military personnel in a raided steel manufacturing company in Barangay Baluarte, Tagoloan, Misamis Oriental.

The United States (U.S.) Embassy in the Philippines confirmed the visit of US military personnel to the Philippine Sanjia Steel Corporation in coordination with the Philippine Veterans Investment Development Corporation (Phividec)-Industrial Authority, a government-owned and controlled corporation. Sanjia Steel is located within the 3,000-hectare Phividec.

It said the visit’s objective was to assess the facility’s “potential for use” for the joint Philippine-U.S. Balikatan (shoulder-to-shoulder) exercise next year. 

For Padilla, this activity raises questions about national sovereignty and the increasing US military forces in the country. “It confirms that the U.S. is actively assessing Philippine civilian and industrial facilities for possible use in joint military exercises. This is yet another indication of how deeply the Philippines is being integrated into the U.S. war machine,” he told Bulatlat.

Read: Groups oppose planned anti-terrorism hub in Zamboanga del Sur

In May, authorities raided the steel plant due to alleged illegal hazardous chemicals. 

The Philippine Nuclear Research Institute (PNRI) reportedly detected radioactive materials from the imported scrap metals used by the company to manufacture steel bars. The Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) issued a cease-and-desist order and cancelled Sanjia Steel’s Environmental Compliance Certificate. 

“Who authorized the U.S. military to assess the facility? What other civilian and industrial facilities are being considered for Balikatan?” the ILPS Philippines spokesperson further asked.

Authorities also raided the Davao Mighty Steel Corporation on August 13 due to the same allegations.

In a statement, the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) Southern Mindanao slammed the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) after it stated in its release that the said operation resulted in the “rescue” of 174 Filipino workers. “If this was truly a rescue operation, where is the rescue for workers who now face unemployment, uncertainty, and the prospect of feeding their families without a steady income?” 

Rauf Sissay of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) Southern Mindanao acknowledged the health concerns raised pertaining to these raided firms. However, he pointed out that it is a multifaceted concern, urging the government to provide alternatives to the affected workers.

Several employees of the  Sanjia Steel filed a labor case with the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) seeking back pay and other benefits, Teresita Hadman, Northern Mindanao coordinator for the National Federation of Labor Unions-KMU, told Bulatlat.

The plan Naval Base of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is also eyed to be established within the state-owned Phividec. In a video report by Bombo Radyo Cagayan de Oro, Phividec Administrator Joseph Donato Bernedo said the military wanted to particularly establish the Naval Base between the FDC Misamis Power Corporation and SPI Power Incorporated, formerly STEAG State Power Incorporation, near the raided Sanjia Steel.

Hadman did not rule out the possibility that the raid in Sanjia’s facility may have something to do with the proposed establishment of a naval base. (RVO)

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On August 23, 2024, labor organizer James Jasmines, 63, was abducted and disappeared in Tabaco City, Albay province. At around 10 p.m., he was biking to his rented home from a birthday dinner when he was intercepted by a group of men and forced into a white van.

His friend, cycling activist Felix Salaveria Jr., 66, reported that he was missing. A few days later, on Aug. 28, Salaveria was also abducted near his home. The incident was caught in a barangay CCTV.

The two men remain missing.

Read more about James and Felix in these articles:

Corazon’s search for her abducted husband and labor organizer

Cyclists, advocates, family call in unison: Surface Felix Salaveria

State forces involved in the disappearance of James and Felix

No urgency for Bicol police in investigating disappeared activists, kin say

In search of missing father, daughters get to know why he is loved by a small bicol village

SC issues protective writs in favor of abducted environmental activist

Honoring by remembering, two daughters endure father’s disappearance

A year after disappearance, Corazon finds more questions than answers

Hearing for disappeared labor activist starts almost a year after filing

CA rules gov’t reponsible for James Jazmines’ disappearance

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Vroi (wearing gray shirt), a young keeper of stray dogs and cats from Sta. Josefa, Agusan del Sur, spends a carefree afternoon playing in the water with his friends. Within life’s simple pleasures, his story is an epitome of both the joy of childhood and an uncommon compassion for animals.

Photo by Wendyl A. Geronimo

The post Ripples of Joy appeared first on Bulatlat.

By exposing the hunger and systemic oppression endured by the peasant masses of Negros the play acts as a vital form of resistance against historical distortion and romanticized tourism.

MANILA — You finally arrive in Sugarlandia. Thrilled by the advertisements playing on loop across television screens in Bacolod Airport, you eagerly anticipate seeing ancestral houses, rolling hills, majestic cathedrals, and luxury resorts.

Carrying your luggage out into the open, your heart beams in excitement, “Negros, here I come!”

But reality quickly takes a turn. Behind the government’s polished tourism narratives lies an undeniable truth: the scent of blood and the heat of sunburned skin belonging to the Sakadas linger in the air. While airport screens attempt to sanitize a long history of feudalism, massacres, and peasant resistance, the true conditions eventually hit your senses.

This stark contrast lies at the heart of Sining na Naglilingkod sa Bayan’s (SINAGBAYAN) “Tiempo Muerto: Paghulat sang Dugwak” which ran from July 18-19. By exposing the hunger and systemic oppression endured by the peasant masses of Negros—the country’s sugar bowl and massacre capital—the play acts as a vital form of resistance against historical distortion and romanticized tourism.

A story of struggle for land and life

Before the stage lights turned on, a heavy silence settled over the theater. This silence was broken by the chirping of crickets, immediately transporting the audience to the Negros countryside during tiempo muerto (dead season) where farmworkers are left with no work, no income, and no choice but to wait. The silence gave way to the haunting melody of “Mahapdi sa Mata,” setting a somber, immersive tone for the rest of the play.

Behind the scenes, bringing the play  to life was an act of solidarity in itself. Production Manager and Defend Negros Convenor Emman Acosta shared that the production, first staged in 2022, was revived as a tribute following the recent massacre in Negros. “The system expects the farmworkers to simply sit around and wait through four to six months without work, which is completely impossible,” Acosta said, explaining the meaning of the play’s title. “While farmworkers might seem like they are just waiting—much like the dugwak bird—they are not idling by. Resistance brews, driven by hunger, unemployment, and fascism.”

To tell this story, the production relied on raw, minimalist stagecraft. Taking inspiration and maximizing the simplicity of minimal props like bamboo poles and simple wooden box chairs, which are transformed by dynamic red lighting into prison bars, mansions, and barricades. The live band behind the stage successfully anchored every scene, amplifying the show’s emotional weight—giving out a raw, heartfelt touch to the performance.

Tiempo Muerto interweaved the lives of characters across numerous classes to prove that systemic injustice spares no one. Take example, Rhoger, who first seemed an apolitical tour guide simply trying to keep his job and who embodies how state-sponsored tourism glosses over local struggles—eventually stood up to defend the reality of Negros amid pressure in a quiz bee scene. While Ma Rosa, a middle-class curator, despite the usage of terminologies barely understandable to the masses, argues that art and museums exist not to cover up history but to preserve it.  Meanwhile, sugarcane workers like Agripina and Ka Butch are forced into exhausting side hustles just to survive the dead season. 

Sinagbayan’s John Paul Villa, who played Ka Butch, shared that putting the production together demanded  sacrifice, with cast members sometimes sharing simple meals of bread during long rehearsals. Having long stood alongside peasant communities, connecting with his character came naturally. “Ka Butch is a farmer who ended up working as a janitor in a mansion just to survive the dead season,” Villa shared. “For newer cast members, it took discussions to help them understand the real weight of these roles.”

Other than stark tableaus and even satire surrounding popular festivals, Tiempo Muerto stripped away the decorative masks of Negros through depicting how militarization in the guise of counter-insurgency continuously breeds resistance. Moreover, it depicted how the state counters the masses’ demand for land and life with fascism, trumped-up charges, and at worst, massacres like the infamous Escalante massacre. It reminded audiences that behind the island’s grand mansions and colorful tourist displays lies a continuous, courageous fight for land, justice, and human dignity.

‘Tell the reality of Negros’

Sinagbayan’s Tiempo Muerto: Paghulat sang Dugwak achieved two powerful feats on stage: it unveiled the raw, unvarnished struggle of peasants in Negros and tied their hardship directly to a broader systemic crisis. Reiterating that Negros is a microcosm of a semi-feudal and semicolonial system. It strips away the state-sponsored sheen of grand festivals and sanitized tourism campaigns—tools long used to obscure state violence and oppression—to show how hunger has been the default condition in the countryside.

The production went beyond merely representing oppression—it broke through the bourgeois background of theatre plays, calling on the audience to propagate the story of Negros, as Emilia had said with urgency. 

By delivering its message in the most excruciatingly vivid ways, Tiempo Muerto transformed theatre from a passive spectacle into a protest against the system’s ills. It directly invited the viewer to step out of the role of a bystander, stand with the toiling masses, and stand firmly until the system that sets hunger, death, and oppression as default changes. (RVO)

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For most workers who live on a tight budget, the suspension of wage hike is more than a legal development. It is a delay in money they had been counting on.

By Wendyl A. Geronimo

MANILA – At around 6:00 am,  while much of Metro Manila is only beginning to stir, Carlo Palajos, 41,  is already preparing for another day of work.

As a saucemaker at a sardines company, his work is tied to production schedules—long hours, daily demands and, when required, overtime.

For most workers like Palajos, the day begins with work. But before the first task is done, another calculation is already running in the back: How far will today’s wage go?

The answer has become harder to stretch as the prices of food and other necessities continue to rise.

“The cost of goods here in Manila is very high. Our current minimum wage of P695 ($11.24) feels like it is only worth P300 ($4.86),” Palajos said, describing the rising cost of living in the capital.

For him, the proposed wage increase is not simply a figure announced through a wage order. It is money that could be converted into something tangible at home—food on the table, transportation to work, or another household expense paid on time.

“It’s disappointing because even P55 ($0.89) is enough to buy a kilogram of rice,” he said, illustrating what even a small increase could mean to a worker’s daily budget.

But the additional income workers were expecting has been put on hold.

The P85 (more than $1) increase under the National Capital Region (NCR) wage order was supposed to provide workers with additional income in two tranches. Its implementation, however, was suspended following a court order, leaving workers like Palajos waiting for relief they had hoped would help ease the pressure of everyday expenses.

For most workers who live on a tight budget, the suspension of wage hike is more than a legal development. It is a delay in money they had been counting on.

Palajos described the difficulty of covering expenses from his existing income, including transportation and other daily necessities. Depending on production, workers may also have to work overtime to supplement their earnings.

The value of the increase becomes clearer when translated into the language of a worker’s household budget.

Eighty five pesos is not simply P85. It is food, fare, bills, a little breathing room.

A wage increase caught in court

The expected increase, however, is now at the center of a legal dispute.

Lawyer Arman Hernandez, legal affairs officer of the Center for Trade and Human Rights, said construction companies Rebicon Trading and Construction Corporation and R2 Builders filed a petition for declaratory relief before the Regional Trial Court in Pasig. 

The companies argued that implementing the wage order could cause irreparable damage to their businesses and affect their right to a fair return on investment.

The court subsequently issued an order suspending the implementation of the wage order.

But Hernandez questioned whether a regular trial court has jurisdiction to suspend a wage order issued by the Regional Tripartite Wages and Productivity Board (RTWPB).

“The courts have no role in implementing wage orders,” Hernandez said, pointing to provisions of the Labor Code concerning the authority of regional wage boards and the National Wage and Productivity Commission (NWPC).

For workers, the legal dispute has a direct consequence: they cannot yet enjoy the additional wages provided under the wage order while the restraining order remains in effect.

Whether workers will receive the increase retroactively if the temporary restraining order (TRO) is lifted remains subject to guidelines from the wage board.

He also said that workers should receive the increase retroactively.

“The RTWPB needs to issue guidelines. In our stand as lawyers and workers. We want to have a retroactive effect because it’s long overdue,” he said.

Workers being robbed

For labor advocates, the dispute is rooted in a larger problem: workers’ purchasing power is being squeezed by rising prices.

Jerome Adonis, Kilusang Mayo Uno Chairperson, said workers had pushed for the wage increase amid rising prices and declining purchasing power. The approved increase was supposed to provide P60 beginning July 25, followed by another P25 in January.

The suspension, he said, has frustrated workers who had already been waiting for the increase.

“That’s why the workers are angry,” Adonis said.

He also warned that the dispute could have implications beyond the current wage order, particularly for future wage increases and the regional wage-setting mechanism.

Here the issue cannot be separated from the broader demand for a living wage.

He said workers and labor groups are calling for a substantial wage increase, citing a proposed P1,200 ($19.45) national living wage. 

He also invoked Article 13, Section 3 of the Constitution, which provides for the protection of labor rights and the promotion of a living wage and just and humane conditions of work.

Adonis added that the labor movement is pushing for a P1,200 legislative wage increase.

“We want an equal salary for all the workers in the country, because that is the right salary that every family needs so that we can survive on the daily expenses,” Adonis said.

He also added that KMU did their best to push for the lifting of the TRO for all Filipino workers’ sake.

But for Palajos, the debate ultimately returns to something much simpler: making a day’s wage last through a day’s needs.

When work begins in the morning, so does the calculation of how much can be spent, how much must be saved and what can wait until the next payday.

The court may decide when the wage increase can take effect. But for Palajos, the cost of living does not wait. (davaotoday.com)

The post The P85 wage standoff appeared first on Bulatlat.

The termination of Kyle Enero is a textbook case of how corporations use vague allegations and administrative procedures to silence labor leaders.

LAGUNA — Labor and human rights groups denounced the dismissal of a business process outsourcing (BPO) worker who happens to be a labor organizer.

They stressed that the dismissal reflects a pattern of retaliation against workers who organize, speak out, and demand safer workplaces and higher wages.

Azpired Inc. fired BPO worker and organizer John Kyle Enero on August 11, according to the Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR), after months of disciplinary actions and heightened scrutiny that labor groups said were linked to his involvement in workers’ rights campaigns.

Enero, a customer service representative who had worked in the BPO industry for three years, is also president of the BPO Industry Employees Network (BIEN)-Cebu and vice president for Visayas of BIEN Pilipinas.

“The termination of Kyle Enero is a textbook case of how corporations use vague allegations and administrative procedures to silence labor leaders,” said Kamz Deligente, CTUHR executive director. “They want to instill a culture of fear to stop BPO workers from demanding their basic rights to safety and fair wages.”

From workplace safety to wage demands

Enero’s conflict with management reportedly intensified after a 6.9 magnitude earthquake struck Cebu on September 30, 2025.

As an employee representative during Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) inspections, Enero and BIEN-Cebu raised concerns over BPO companies allegedly requiring employees to report to work despite questions surrounding workplace and building safety.

BIEN-Cebu pushed for OSH inspections across BPO workplaces and filed complaints concerning alleged safety violations.

According to CTUHR, Enero became a prominent workers’ advocate during the aftermath of the earthquake when employees raised concerns about being made to work onsite amid safety risks.

BIEN said that management later warned Enero to “tread carefully” after the organization filed complaints over OSH concerns.

The labor group said disciplinary actions against Enero continued and intensified following his organizing activities.

The conflict escalated when BIEN-Cebu campaigned for a P1,200 ($19) increase in the regional minimum wage in Central Visayas, alongside consultations with workers and engagement with the Regional Tripartite Wages and Productivity Board VII.

For BIEN-Cebu, the timing of Enero’s disciplinary actions and dismissal raises concerns that his labor organizing and advocacy were targeted.

“The dismissal of a worker who exercises his right to organize and raise legitimate labor concerns sends a chilling message to employees across the industry: Speak up about your rights, and you risk losing your livelihood,” BIEN-Cebu said in its August 15 statement.

Disputed allegations

Enero was terminated after being accused of “unauthorized disclosure” involving the facilitation of system access for a former employee.

He denied the allegations, according to CTUHR, and questioned the company’s failure to provide evidence of the alleged violation.

BIEN-Cebu said that the dismissal followed a 12-day suspension that it considered illegal and part of a series of disciplinary measures it described as baseless and retaliatory.

The organization said that Enero documented workplace harassment, repeated disciplinary notices, and increased scrutiny of his activities as a worker-organizer.

The groups stressed that the allegations remain disputed and that Enero challenged the disciplinary actions.

CTUHR also criticized an alleged settlement agreement offered by the company that included a provision restricting Enero from speaking publicly about his termination.

For the labor rights group, such restrictions can prevent workers from bringing alleged labor violations into public scrutiny.

Beyond one worker

Enero’s dismissal drew solidarity from workers’ groups and unions, including the Gabay ng Unyon sa Telekomunikasyon ng mga Superbisor (GUTS) PLDT which warned that punishing a worker for his or her advocacy could intimidate workers across industries.

BIEN-Cebu said that the case goes beyond an individual employment dispute, stressing that BPO workers’ right to organize, raise workplace concerns, and demand better wages and working conditions without fear of retaliation.

“When one worker is punished for advocacy, it is a warning shot against all of us. We refuse to be intimidated,” GUTS said.

For BIEN Pilipinas, the case threatens the right to organize. “An attack on a worker for organizing is an attack on the right of every BPO worker to organize.”

Reinstatement

CTUHR and BIEN called for Enero’s reinstatement, with BIEN demanding full backwages.

The groups urged the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) to investigate the circumstances surrounding his suspension and dismissal, uphold due process, enforce labor standards, and protect workers’ freedom of association.

BIEN-Cebu, meanwhile, vowed to pursue legal and other remedies.

For Enero’s fellow workers and labor advocates, his case has become a test of whether BPO workers can speak collectively about their working conditions without placing their livelihoods at risk. (DAA)

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