Recent analyses on the intensification of US militarism in the Asia-Pacific have become increasingly visible amid Washington’s expanding military basing, missile deployments, proxy arrangements, and political interference across the region. Much of this work is necessary, even indispensable, particularly when it exposes the dangerous logic of US primacy and containment directed against China.

The problem with geopolitical reductionism 

Yet alongside these important anti-imperialist interventions, a troubling tendency has also become increasingly visible. A number of geopolitical commentators — including some whose broader critiques of US imperialism remain insightful and politically important — have begun interpreting local struggles in countries like the Philippines in ways that are remarkably careless, overly generalized, and at times steeped in disinformation.In their eagerness to map local contradictions onto the strategic imperatives of Washington, they flatten complex political terrains into a binary drama of imperialism versus national resistance, often mistaking inter-elite factionalism for anti-imperialist struggle. 

What emerges is a mode of geopolitical analysis that, despite its critique of Western domination, occasionally risks becoming the mirror image of Eurocentrism. Just as Eurocentrism historically rendered the Global South legible only through the categories and interests of metropolitan power, a certain geopolitical reductionism now interprets social formations primarily through the strategic imperatives of state actors and the geopolitical logic of containment. In this framework, class struggle, historical specificity, and the uneven contradictions internal to a society recede into the background. Peoples’ struggles become secondary to elite maneuvering; mass movements are dismissed as mere instruments of foreign influence; and local ruling factions are elevated into “nationalist” forces simply because they temporarily come into contradiction with Washington.

In the Philippine case, this tendency can produce extraordinary distortions: bolstering elite factions that are no less committed than Washington’s preferred allies to preserving a semi-colonial, semi-feudal social order — including its persistent non-industrial character order marked by labor export, agrarian crisis, militarization, and repression. That a ruling faction may tactically engage Beijing or occasionally create the appearance of distance from Washington does not automatically transform it into an anti-imperialist force.

This is not a wholesale dismissal of geopolitical analysis, nor of the important work done by anti-imperialist commentators exposing US hegemony and militarism. Far from it. But any analysis bereft of serious engagement with class struggle, people’s movements, and the contradictions internal to a social formation risks alienating — or worse, dismissing outright — the very anti-imperialist forces on the ground whose struggles could most meaningfully deepen and concretize geopolitical critique.

In their recent X posts, Brian Berletic and Angelo Giuliano* provide strong analyses on US imperialism’s militarization of Asia, containment of China, and the dangerous transformation of countries like the Philippines into forward operating platforms for Washington’s strategic rivalry. Hegseth, PIPIR, missile deployments, EDCA expansion, and NED-linked influence networks deserve serious scrutiny.

But their framing mistakes an inter-elite conflict for a struggle between nationalism and subservience. The Marcos-Duterte split is only the latest expression of the rot of Philippine politics shaped by US imperialism, bureaucrat capitalism, and feudalism. Sara Duterte is no nationalist, just as Marcos Jr. is no patriot but the principal political agent of US imperialism in the Philippines.

The ICC, state violence, and limits of “external plot” frameworks

Rodrigo Duterte did not pursue genuine independence. Despite rhetorical friction with Washington and tactical hedging  with Beijing, his regime did not break from the structural parameters of Philippine subordination. It deepened militarization, purchased large volumes of US weaponry even at the height of the pandemic, scuttled peace negotiations, expanded US-style counterinsurgency through NTF-ELCAC, and presided over widespread killings, repression, and grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.

His relations with China and Chinese capital were largely transactional, driven less by any strategic vision of national sovereignty than by political expediency and personal or dynastic gain. Duterte — and now Sara Duterte — have shown little interest in seriously confronting the question of the Philippines’ independent place in an emerging multipolar order.

Like other ruling dynasties in the country, they remain invested in preserving a semi-colonial and non-industrial economic order: one dependent on the export of cheap labor, foreign capital, import dependency, and the securitization of deep social crises — especially the agrarian question — through militarization, extrajudicial killings, and the criminalization of dissent. This is not national independence but the continued management of underdevelopment under conditions shaped by imperialism.

The ICC case is not a “US plot” but emerged from years of grassroots demands for justice over thousands killed in the drug war. Nor is every political crisis a constitutional coup; much of the recent chaos stems from factional struggles within the ruling bloc itself.

Misreadings of Philippine protest politics 

Yes, NED-linked liberal formations and pro-US civil society networks in the Philippines are real and widely recognized. These are anchored in explicitly anti-communist social-democratic formations such as Akbayan and Tindig Pilipinas, and extend, in a more selective and situational manner, into segments of the broader Liberal Party establishment. Their  political orientation has at key moments rendered them among the most reliable civilian conduits for US imperial influence. 

No serious critical thinker in the Philippines mistakes Maria Ressa or formations like Tindig for radical or anti-systemic forces. Yet it is inaccurate to portray the latter as the principal leader of anti-corruption mobilizations. Tindig’s sectarianism and persistent hostility toward broader anti-imperialist formations—most evident in its leading role within the Trillion Peso March alliance—often undermined the possibility of a united front. By contrast, significantly larger mobilizations were carried by broader anti-corruption formations such as Kilos Bayan Kontra Kurakot (KBKK) and allied formations, including the national democratic left as part of this wider people’s movement against systemic corruption.

Against outsourced anti-imperialism 

Most importantly: US imperialism remains the principal terrorist force in the world today and the primary contradiction confronting the Philippines. For Philippine revolutionaries, this contradiction is antagonistic and can only be resolved through protracted people’s war for national liberation toward socialism. Contradictions with China, including maritime disputes, are secondary, arising largely within the context of US containment, and are therefore non-antagonistic and should be resolvable through diplomacy.

It is absolutely necessary to oppose Washington’s militarization of the region and reject efforts to transform the Philippines into a platform for imperial confrontation. But neither do we outsource our anti-imperialist struggle — which is inseparable from the struggle for national liberation toward socialism — to Beijing. Our struggle must remain independent: rooted in the people’s democratic aspirations, strengthened through organized mass struggle, and enriched by anti-fascist and anti-imperialist solidarity movements across the world.

*The two commentators under discussion come from distinct yet overlapping geopolitical vantage points. Angelo Giuliano describes himself on X as a geopolitical and financial analyst who has lived in China since 1995, while Brian Berletic is a Bangkok-based geopolitical researcher and writer known for his analyses of US militarism and geopolitical strategy in Asia.

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Ritz Lee Santos III, section director of Amnesty International Philippines, said this is the time to look into what the government owes the people of Mindanao after years of warnings, repeated tragedies, and missed opportunities to center human rights in governance and public service.

“This is not simply a result of natural hazards but unnatural disasters made possible by the lack of commitment of local government units to make certain that communities can thrive despite disasters,” Santos said in a statement.

At 7:37 AM on June 8, a 7.8 magnitude earthquake hit Sarangani province in the Soccsksargen region and neighboring areas. According to the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs), it has an offshore epicenter located 32 kilometers west of Maasim, Sarangani, and may be attributed to subduction along the Cotabato Trench.

Occurrences of tsunamis have been recorded in the towns of Kiamba and Maasim in Sarangani; Kalamansig in Sultan Kudarat; and the cities of Zamboanga, Mati in Davao Oriental, and Tandag in Surigao del Sur, ranging from 0.09 to 1.48 meters in tsunami height.

The latest report of the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC) showed that 1,738 aftershocks were recorded as of June 10, 1:00 AM, ranging from 1.3 to 6.4 magnitude. The deadly earthquake took the lives of 45 individuals and affected nearly 150,000 people from 11 provinces in Mindanao.

Santos acknowledged the tireless emergency responses in times of disasters, which are commendable. However, he pointed out that rescue operations are insufficient if the government lacks prevention efforts, stressing that the state has an obligation to protect people from foreseeable disasters through effective regulations and risk reduction measures under their right to life and adequate housing.

Carlos Isagani Zarate, former Bayan Muna representative, on the other hand, demanded the Ferdinand Marcos Jr. administration fulfill its mandate to build disaster-resilient evacuation centers clearly stipulated under Republic Act No. 12076, or the Ligtas Pinoy Centers Act.

Zarate criticized the ongoing practice of using schools, covered courts, and other non-resilient structures as evacuation centers.

“We have been pushing for a long time that schools, covered courts, and other non-resilient structures should be utilized as evacuation centers because they are also not safe and they have no enough facilities for our people,” he said in a statement in Filipino.

The Amnesty International Philippines, meanwhile, also expressed support for the proposed Independent People’s Commission Act, a proposed legislation that allows professionals and non-government organizations to investigate anomalies of public infrastructure projects.

The human rights group highlighted the proposed measure, as they saw post-disaster funding as vulnerable to irregularities.

Beyond infrastructure, Zarate called for a comprehensive review of environmental policies that exacerbate disasters.

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Claim:

The Philippine government and its economic team have always been adamant in their claim that increases in the price of oil products in the country are “beyond government control” because of the movement of oil prices in the world market. The narrative presented in this study argues that, being a net importer of fuel, the Philippines is a “price taker” and that its economy is at the mercy of the vagaries of the world market. Moreover, the Philippine government claims that the Downstream Oil Industry Deregulation Act of 1998 (RA 8479) has already safeguarded the welfare of the consumers by promoting a competitive environment where “market forces” dictate the “most efficient price” and prevent the government monopoly from “artificially” fixing the price.

Rating: Misleading / Violation by Omission

Though it is undeniable that crude oil prices worldwide are subject to various external factors, as Dubai crude oil has crossed the $80 per barrel mark in March 2026, the final price at the pumps is a result of domestic policy decisions. The “helplessness” of the State is a mere legal construct based on the failure of the State to exercise its power of oversight in regulating or amending the regressive tax structure in the cost of fuel. By adhering to a policy of non-interference, the State has failed in its “duty to fulfill” its international human rights obligations. The presence of legislative provisions to reduce fuel prices is a clear indication of the State’s failure being one of choice, not of power.

Impact on the Community:

The uncontrolled escalation of the price of oil has triggered a “domino effect” which has resulted in an undermining of social equity at all levels of Philippine society. With regard to the agricultural sector, the Department of Agriculture has recognized the inescapable relationship between the escalating prices of fuel and fertilizers, and the expenses of freight. This has resulted in the 9,700 farmers and 15,800 fisherfolk, or a total of 25,500, being trapped in a vicious cycle of debt, with production expenses being greater than the returns from the market. This is a direct attack on the “right to food” of ordinary Filipinos, including food producers.

In the urban centers, the transportation sector is currently experiencing what the sector’s advocates have termed “hunger spells.” A 2024 qualitative study “Unveiling the Torments and Agonies of the Transportation Sector” established that the fuel price increases have resulted in a “perpetual state of anxiety” wherein parents have to choose between a child’s educational fare and the family’s basic needs. This is a direct collision of the right to education and the right to health. Moreover, when the prices of diesel oil increase by P17 per liter to P24 in a matter of a week (ABS-CBN News, 2026), the resulting inflation of basic commodities directly impacts the purchasing capacity of the low-paid employees of the transportation sector, whose members have no “cushion” to fall back on. This creates social unrest among the members of the transportation sector, as seen in the numerous transport strike actions initiated by PISTON, which is a legitimate exercise of the right to peaceful assembly of those who feel abandoned by the State’s regulatory silence.

Context and Facts:

The management of the Philippine oil industry is currently regulated under RA 8479 or the Downstream Oil Industry Deregulation Act of 1998, which effectively took away the regulatory power of the State over the prices of a basic necessity. By allowing the prices of oil to be dictated by the whims of ‘market forces,’ the State has created an economic system which is frequently at odds with the principles enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which the Philippines ratified in 1974.

Under Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the State is mandated to ensure the enjoyment of the right to “adequate standard of living.” However, when the State fails to ensure the enjoyment of the right to food, clothing, and shelter because of the inflationary pressures created by the prices of oil, the State is failing to ensure the progressive realization of human rights.

The government’s duty-bearer status is further assailed when the CHR often finds a violation by commission. Under the TRAIN Law (RA 10963), the State still imposes a fixed excise tax of P10 per liter on gasoline and P6 per liter on diesel oil, regardless of the price level of the base price. Even when the price of oil reached a record high in March 2026, the State initially prioritized the P136 billion in projected annual tax revenue from the Department of Finance (DOF) over calls for a total fuel tax suspension. While Executive Order No. 114 eventually suspended excise taxes on LPG and kerosene in April, the State still refuses to expand this relief to diesel and gasoline, citing a potential P43.6 billion loss per quarter. Critics argue this remains a violation by omission, as the State still failed to enforce “price unbundling.” This lack of transparency enables oil companies to keep the real cost of acquisition a secret from the public, leaving the latter unaware if oil price hikes are truly a result of market forces or corporate greed.

The government’s “helplessness” claim was officially refuted by the House of Representatives’ approval of House Bill 8418 on March 16, 2026. This piece of legislation vests the President with the power to suspend or modify the excise taxes imposed under Section 149 of the National Internal Revenue Code of 1997, as amended, on fuel products during economic emergencies or when the Dubai crude oil price averages $80 per barrel for one month or more. Clearly, the government has had the capability all along, but it was simply choosing not to act, preferring fiscal stability over social stability. While it offers “palliative” measures such as the ?2.5 billion fuel subsidy program, it is still a short-term solution that does not address the systemic failure of the 1998 Deregulation Law. 

To achieve genuine freedom of the Filipino masses from the shackles of poverty, it is necessary that the government takes steps towards systemic changes that prioritize human dignity over corporate profit, as it is its duty as the guardian of human rights, not merely a passive observer of the economy.

*The article is an output from a training conducted by Bulatlat among the law students of the Far Eastern University Institute of Law under the class of Professor Josiah David Quising.

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The state must fulfill its legal requirement to repatriate citizens because this statutory right to mandatory repatriation exists as an enforceable obligation.

As missiles drop from the skies of the Middle East and the escalation of global tensions continues, thousands of Filipino workers found themselves caught in between the conflict they did not intend to be part of. The chaos brought by the attacks of Israel on Iran has become a dangerous environment for overseas Filipino workers as it is marked by airstrikes and regional destabilization. 

Amid the conflict, the Philippine government needs to answer questions about the protection of migrant workers and how it should take responsibility over the welfare of Filipinos coming home.

War beyond borders: Risking of right to life, liberty, and security 

The Israel–Iran conflict has expanded beyond its initial territorial limits. The situation has developed into a more serious crisis which involves missile and drone strikes that affect multiple nations and disrupts critical oil transportation routes while causing extensive damage to civilian life. Subsequently, missile strikes have caused injuries to Filipinos and locals of the region, destroyed homes causing the displacements of families and caused the loss of the OFW’s supposedly secured jobs. Last 28 February 2026, 32 year old Mary Ann De Vera was in the middle of an attack and trying to escort her employer to a shelter. Fortunately her employer survived, however, De Vera was killed after being hit by shrapnel in Tel Aviv, Israel.

In Israel, there were at least eight Filipinos who were reported injured while dozens have lost their homes due to the impact of missile attacks forcing these families into temporary shelters. Migrant workers face a situation of elevated danger during times of war due to the lack of emergency support, and absence of access to state protection.

Workplaces during wartime: Violation of International Labour Standards

Filipinos working outside the country are commonly described as the country’s “modern day heroes”. However, despite such a title, the vulnerability and uncertainty of their work and where they reside remains rarely discussed. Overseas Filipino workers based in the Middle East have also been called the “backbone of overseas employment” because in the region alone, there are over 1 million OFWs, accounting for more than 50 percent of deployed overseas workers. Many of them are domestic workers and construction workers. Service employees must continue their work shifts during emergency situations.

The situation creates a moral and legal dilemma because workers need to fulfill their work despite the risks.

Mandatory repatriation: A legal right under Philippine law

The Philippine government has established special laws which provide protection to migrant workers during emergency situations. According to Republic Act No. 8042 or the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995, the government must execute mandatory repatriation of Filipino workers who face war situations or civil unrest or emergency situations. The state must fulfill its legal requirement to repatriate citizens because this statutory right to mandatory repatriation exists as an enforceable obligation. The Philippine government must begin evacuation procedures for its nationals when host country conditions develop into situations that present clear and present danger.

The conflict in the Middle East creates both diplomatic issues and specific legal responsibilities which must be fulfilled. The Philippine government must execute its obligations through operating procedures which include elevating alert status together with developing evacuation pathways while working with employers and host countries. The process of repatriation becomes difficult because of its various implementation problems like airspace restrictions, infrastructure destruction and the high number of Filipinos present in the area. Furthermore, workers themselves may choose not to leave for fear of losing their source of livelihood or because their employers are pressuring them to stay.

Putting human rights at the center of foreign and labor policy

Filipino workers are known for being strong but at times, their lives are being put in danger and their basic human rights are not being protected . They should have a place to work and be able to go back home if they need to. 

Every Filipino worker deserves to be treated with dignity no matter where they are working in the world. The Philippine government needs to create policies that will actually protect their rights. 

*The article is an output from a training conducted by Bulatlat among the law students of the Far Eastern University Institute of Law under the class of Professor Josiah David Quising.

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MANILA — Since 1989, ‘Ka Boy,’ a custodian working under Manila North Harbor Inc., the company controlling the country’s busiest port, has collected articles from alternative newspapers, various documents of their local struggles, educational discussions, books, and concept notes pertaining to the labor movement in the port area. He has also kept other materials such as photographs of various mobilizations and strikes that were held during their two-decades long battle against port privatization that lasted until the Arroyo administration. 

Read: Manila North Harbor Workers Slam Impending Deal’s Provision

He stores the collection in his house near the pier, in a makeshift bodega. He compiles paper documents, such as newspapers and magazines in layers of plastic bags to protect it from sunlight, dust and water damage, and tuck them in a dry corner of the room. Books are wrapped in plastic and stored in buckets, though some materials are no longer recoverable due to pest infestations or severe degradation from the environment. He also stressed the need to be prudent, citing that state surveillance and red-tagging in his community are a threat to his archival practices.

For Ka Boy, archiving is an effective way to strengthen the foundations of the labor movement, and to continuously vitalize it for future generations. “It is important to preserve because it is necessary to have a concrete analysis of the labor movement. How can you be enlightened with a clear understanding of the movement if you don’t have documents to back it up?” he said.

“That’s why I got the idea to preserve [my documents]. We want to be able to preserve the movement, have more people involved, and to look at its past results, and learn from past victories and even defeats,” he added. 

Like Ka Boy, the Philippine Labor Movement Archive (PLMA) documents workers’ movements of both past and present through community archiving. 

PLMA is a collective effort by Tambisan Sa Sining, Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), MayDay Multimedia, Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research (EILER), and Balai Obrero Foundation, Inc. The project sought to utilize community archiving to educate future generations of workers about the history of the labor movement and the fight for just wages, regular work, unionism, and human rights after observing the historical revisionism employed by the Duterte-Marcos tandem campaign during the 2022 presidential elections. 

Spearheading the ongoing archival efforts are Adrian Mendizabal and Tel Delvo who have been doing the project for four years. 

For them, community archiving in the Philippines is an emerging practice that seeks to immortalize memories from the grassroots. It focuses on the collective effort of organizing individual collections, to unearth and relearn the history of the workers movement from the community themselves. 

“The definition of community archiving is evolving, it’s where you value the history from the ground. History itself is political, it is usually written by the educated or those with big names…Through community archives, you showcase and have proof of the real experiences of the masses, and we want to break that through the context of the labor movement” Delvo explained. 

Community archiving is unique in that the archivist’s ability and capacity to archive is tied to their social realities. It requires social investigation or immersion to figure out the best way to archive for a particular community. Throughout the years, they encountered situations where a unionist’s access to their collection was impossible due to precarious conditions, and even state repression.

The PLMA currently holds two main collections from KMU and veteran photojournalist Boy Bagwis, and smaller collections from MayDay Multimedia, Tambisan sa Sining, Pagkakaisa ng mga Samahan ng Tsuper at Opereytor Nationwide (Piston), and EILER.

At present, the PLMA is archiving the labor movement in Tondo, where the first May 1 protest was held, back in 1903. It was led by Union Obrera Democratica de Filipinas, and saw thousands of dockworkers and tobacco workers mobilizing in Plaza Moriones to demand for humane working conditions. During Martial Law, in October 1975, the workers of La Tondeña Distillery were the first to strike for higher wages and regular work. Despite its rich history, the community is facing displacement and recent fires allegedly due to so-called development projects such as the South Access Link Expressway (SALEX), Pasig River Expressway (PAREX), and the North South Bridgeway, all linked to capitalists Ramon Ang and Enrique Razon.

 “It’s a different process, of coming together, so the model in Tondo is different. [A] community archive always starts with an individual from a community, then it becomes bigger as more people join in, until it creates a coherent collection of the community and its history,” Mendizabal explained.

On April 28, International Workers’ Memorial Day, PLMA, along with Pagkakaisa ng Mamamayan ng Tundo (Pamatu), a coalition of urban poor and workers in Tondo, opened an exhibit titled “Manggagawang Tubong Tundo: Binhi ng Militanteng Paglaban ng Kilusang Paggawa,” to display the progressive history of the workers of its community. Since then, they continue to document and gather materials for archiving, and are collaborating with Ka Boy in archiving his collection.

The future of community archiving and alternative media

For Delvo and Mendizabal, another avenue community archiving can be used in is through helping alternative media outlets in historicizing events to deepen their reports and paint a fuller picture of events.   

Delvo mentioned the Kowloon workers’ strikes that transpired in West Avenue, Quezon City. To recall, on April 15, workers held a strike because of a P25 ($ 0.41) wage increase and benefits the company refused to implement despite a previous Collective Bargaining Agreement back in August 2021. After a six-day strike, they won a P40 ($ 0.65) wage increase and service charges owed to them. In 2008, workers held an almost 4 month strike at the same place for the unjustified and abrupt layoffs of 73 workers. Eventually, the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) Third Division ordered the reinstatement and full compensation for the 73 workers.

“While it was not the [union’s] first strike, there were many members that fought for the first time. At the same time, there were also 2008 veterans who still joined, so it paints a beautiful picture,” Delvo said. 

Read: Kowloon house workers win fight for wage hike, release of service charges
Read: Kowloon workers clinch initial victory

“This is what we envisioned for PLMA…It will open fresh perspectives of the movement, because [archiving] exposes us to events we tend to forget,” Mendizabal added. 

Looking ahead, they hope that communities like the one in Tondo will be able to archive on their own for generations to come. They called for more organizations to start archiving to safeguard the genuine history of the masses, and to teach new generations the struggles their predecessors fought for, and eventually, won.

As of writing, the PLMA is looking to apply a postcustodial model for archiving Ka Boy’s collection. This means that Ka Boy will maintain the ownership of the collection while the PLMA will digitize or scan his collection for further safekeeping. The PLMA intends to donate a Durabox to better protect Ka Boy’s collection. 

Ka Boy underscores the importance of archiving in combating disinformation and propaganda made by the ruling elite, and disputing ‘wrong interpretations’ of the movement.  

“[Archiving] allows the readers to distinguish those who peddled idealist perspectives, or revisionists perspectives, and who advanced the genuine workers’ perspective that is grounded on [Marxist-Leninst-Maoist] theories…Readers will be able to discern the patterns from the documents or papers, of what serves the masses, and what serves the ruling class and their propaganda,” he explained in Filipino. 

Delvo shared the same insights. “Our enemies have the resources, and the power to perpetuate the history of the ruling elite, which is why we should sustain the history on the ground to resist those who perpetuate those narratives,” Delvo said. 

Real name hidden upon request 

Note: $1 is equivalent to P61.51 as of June 10, 2026, foreign exchange rate.

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“An enraged Filipino people can also come full circle in their ability to oust this kleptocratic clique from power.”

By Elisha Beatrice Umali 
Bulatlat.com

MANILA — Human rights groups criticized the Sandiganbayan’s resolution dismissing the last pending civil case against the Marcos family. 

Kris Lacaba, spokesperson of the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses and Martial Law (Carmma), said that the dismissal is Ferdinand Marcos Jr. ‘s end goal in securing the presidency to regain the Marcos family’s ill-gotten wealth sequestered by the government. 

According to the Sandiganbayan’s resolution promulgated June 2, the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) will no longer present evidence, noting that most properties were recovered through other civil actions.

“[T]he PCGG, which is supposed to prosecute the Marcoses, appears to have waved the white flag,” said civil rights group August Twenty-One Movement (Atom) in a social media post on June 6. They also called this move “totally unacceptable.”

Mandated to seize and recover the Marcos family’s ill-gotten wealth, PCGG filed Civil Case No. 0141 in 1991. The bigger pool of Marcos family’s assets identified by the commission amounts to an estimated $5 billion (approximately P308 billion today).

The civil suit is among PCGG’S 43 other civil cases and 28 criminal cases filed against the Marcos family from 1986 to 1995.

Through the years, Civil Case No. 0141 got four partial summary judgments. These ordered the forfeiture of an estimated total of nearly $680 million (approximately P41 billion today) worth of money and assets across different Supreme Court (SC) decisions from 2003 to 2019. 

These include the Marcoses’ Swiss Deposits, Arelma Accounts, Malacañang Jewelry Collection and the proceeds of $17 million worth of painting and artwork sales. 

On the other hand, the Sandiganbayan found Imelda Marcos guilty of seven counts of graft in 2018. She was convicted of illegally depositing $200 million in private Switzerland foundations using public funds during her term as then-Metropolitan Manila governor. 

The court sentenced the former First Lady to serve from 6 to 11 years in prison for each count and a perpetual disqualification from public office. Despite the conviction, Imelda Marcos was not imprisoned due to her old age. She was 89 years old at the time. 

The Sandiganbayan also allowed the Marcos matriarch to post a bail of P150,000 which granted her temporary freedom. The Marcoses also challenged the conviction by appealing before the SC. 

As of this writing, her conviction remains on appeal. Since then, advocacy groups and former political prisoners have pushed the SC to junk the appeal. 

“They [Marcoses] forget that an enraged Filipino people can also come full circle in their ability to oust this kleptocratic clique from power,” Lacaba said.

The Buhay ang People Power Campaign Network stressed the power of democracy in toppling the Marcos regime. “We look forward to the day when Marcos Jr., his mother, and his sister are held accountable for the crimes they committed in the past and continue to enable today.” (AMU, DAA)

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Pamalakaya said there are several reclamation projects that continue to move forward despite the government’s announced suspension on reclamation activities in 2023.

MANILA – World Oceans Day was marked with a protest against Manila Bay reclamation projects on June 8. 

Fisherfolk group Pamalakaya staged a protest at the C4 Centennial Park in Navotas City. In 2024, more than 200 mussel farms were demolished there which left around 1,000 fish workers without a main source of livelihood to pave the way for reclamation activities related to the Navotas Coastal Bay Project. 

The project, also known as the Navotas Boulevard Business Park, is a 650-hectare land reclamation initiative in Manila Bay being implemented by the Navotas City government in partnership with Argonbay Construction Company, a subsidiary of San Miguel Corporation (SMC). The project envisions a mixed-use development but has become controversial due to its adverse impact on the environment, livelihood, and coastal communities.

The fishers said that the project which is connected to the New Manila International Airport in Bulacan continues to threaten residents with displacement, worsening floods, and environmental degradation.

In a statement, Romel Escarial, president of Pamalakaya-Navotas, said, “For more than two years, our families have struggled to put food on the table after our mussel farms were removed because of reclamation projects.” He stressed that the “government must restore our primary source of livelihood from the sea and permanently stop these destructive projects.” 

According to Pamalakaya, the Philippine Reclamation Authority (PRA) is still pushing for the resumption of two reclamation projects in Manila Bay, the Bacoor City reclamation and the 318-hectare Manila Waterfront City reclamation. This is despite Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s suspension on reclamation activities in 2023. 

The group stressed that the suspension should remain, citing the assessment released by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) which found significant environmental and socio-economic consequences associated with reclamation projects in Manila Bay.

“The PRA is scrambling to push reclamation projects forward while disregarding the existing suspension order and the findings of experts on their harmful impacts,” said Fernando Hicap, national chairperson of Pamalakaya. 

He said that the damage caused by reclamation to the livelihood of thousands of fishers in Manila Bay has yet to be addressed. “Even the worsening floods across Metro Manila and neighboring provinces can be traced to these projects.” 

According to Pamalakaya, residents affected by the reclamation on a coastal village in Bacoor City are bracing for an impending demolition to implement the 420-hectare reclamation project of the Frabelle Fishing Corp. (FFC), a company owned by the family of current agriculture secretary Francisco Tiu-Laurel Jr.

The group said that on April 30, fisherfolk and residents received a verbal notice from the local government about the forcible demolition of houses, triggering a protest from the affected residents. Despite having a relocation site in Naic, most fishers still return to Bacoor City because their livelihood primarily relies on the sea.

Meanwhile, the  318-hectare Manila Waterfront City reclamation is set to be developed as Manila’s new central business district.

Pamalakaya said that there are several reclamation projects that continue to move forward despite the government’s announced suspension on reclamation activities in 2023. The group cited the Bacoor City reclamation project and the Navotas Coastal Bay Reclamation Project as among the projects that remain active.

The fisherfolk organization reiterated its call for the permanent cancellation of destructive reclamation projects in Manila Bay, the protection of fishing grounds and marine ecosystems, and the defense of the livelihoods of small-scale fishers and coastal communities.  (DAA)

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This is the statement of Indigenous People’s group, Katribu, on the recent win of CPA chairperson Windel Bolinget. 

In a report by the Northern Dispatch, Judge Mylene May Adube-Cabuag ruled in favor of Bolinget who filed a damages suit against Kapalong Police Chief Major Ruth Dizon who filed a case against him for the March 2018 killing that took place in Tagum, Davao del Norte. Also included in Bolinget’s suit were Ranel Tibog Vender and Pagkalinawan for his shoot to kill order against him. 

However, the court only reportedly ruled only against Pagkalinawan, whom it declared in default, noting that he was the only defendant who had been validly served with summons. 

Read: Red-tagged Cordillera leader faces murder raps
Read: Groups condemn police’s shoot-to-kill order against Igorot leader

According to the Northern Dispatch report, the court awarded Bolinget P30,000 in moral damages, P20,000 in exemplary damages, and P100,000 in attorney’s fees. 

In her decision, Adobe-Cabuag said that Bolinget was able to satisfactorily prove, “by preponderance of evidence, his entitlement for damages.” 

In its statement, Katribu welcomed the decision of the court. “This ruling is a significant victory not only for Bolinget and the Cordillera peoples’ movement, but for all Indigenous Peoples, activists, human rights defenders, and government critics who have long been subjected to vilification, harassment, and threats through red-tagging,” the group said in a statement. 

They added that the court’s decision also adds to the growing recognition that red-tagging is a dangerous and harmful practice. 

The group cited the 2025 National Inquiry on Red-Tagging by the Commission on Human Rights. The found that the practice of red-tagging “exposes individuals to threats, harassment, violence, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, and even extrajudicial killings, while undermining fundamental rights and democratic participation.”

In the landmark ruling of the Supreme Court on the petition filed by former Bayan Muna representative Siegfred D. Deduro, the high court declared that red-tagging, labeling, and guilt by association threaten a person’s right to life, liberty or security.

Read: Progressive groups welcome SC’s ruling on red-tagging

“We hope this ruling serves as a clear warning to state forces, their agents, and their online minions who continue to weaponize red-tagging to silence dissent, discredit legitimate advocacy, and justify attacks against activists and critics. Those who engage in red-tagging must be held accountable for the harm they inflict,” Katribu said in a statement. 

The group reiterated their call to end red-tagging and hold perpetrators into account. 

“The struggle for justice demands not only recognition of the dangers of red-tagging, but concrete measures to stop it once and for all,” the group said. (RVO)

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Manila — At least 300 fisherfolks, youth, and other advocacy groups from different parts of the country participated in a combined World Ocean Day and National Fisherfolks Day observation at the University of the Philippines Diliman on Sunday, June 7. 

About a hundred-strong human banner was formed at the university’s Sunken Garden shaped in the form of the number 15 to symbolize the ongoing struggle to preserve the 15-kilometer exclusive fishing grounds for municipal fishers. The event culminated in sharing sessions with fisherfolk and the public. 

The event, aimed at galvanizing support for the Kinse Kilometro movement, also collected signatures for an ongoing petition calling on Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to uphold the exclusivity of the 15-kilometer municipal water zone stipulated under the revised Fisheries Code or Republic Act 10654.

“Mr. President, we, your fellow Filipinos, ask you to direct the strict enforcement of the 15-kilometer municipal water exclusivity under RA 106654, in full coordination with BFAR, the Philippine Coast Guard, the PNP Maritime Group, and local government units,” the petition read. 

Now almost two years since the Supreme Court First Division upheld a Malabon RTC ruling that effectively declares exclusive municipal waters unconstitutional, the situation for small-scale fishers across the archipelago continues to worsen. 

The compounding weight of commercial encroachment within municipal waters, together with the fuel crisis caused by the US war on Iran, is pushing an industry already on the brink to what may inevitably be its demise.

The situation is made worse by a prevaricating BFAR.

According to a March 2025 BFAR memorandum obtained by Bulatlat, the Bureau has practically allowed commercial fishing in FMA 5, a vast area encompassing Palawan, Occidental Mindoro, Antique, and Tawi-Tawi. This despite the absence of any final and executory resolution from the Supreme Court.

While the memo specifies that only Mercidar, the commercial fishing company responsible for filing the case, is allowed to do so, things transpire differently at sea.  

“Since it’s hard to know whether a commercial fishing boat belongs to Mercidar or not, those that enforce the law tend to just leave all commercial boats alone. They are either too confused or too scared,” said Pablo “Ka Pabs” Rosales, president of PANGISDA. “We all know it’s not just Mercidar operating freely. And we all know it’s not just in FMA 5.”

An increasing number of artisanal fishers are also opting to stay at shore due to the oil crisis. Because of this many small fishers suffer and the slow paced government assistance is not helping their situation, especially when it never reaches them.

“In PANGISDA, we have 10,000 members across the Philippines,” said Rosales. “Of those 10,000, half have stopped going out to sea. And we get no assistance from the government. They have the budget, but they don’t have anything to show for it. Our fishers must either find other work or go deeper into debt.” 

A recent Fisheries Audit Report highlighted the desperate situation of the Philippine fishing sector. Around 88 percent of all fish stocks are reported overfished, while more than a quarter of a million fishers are in poverty and hunger. Vessel monitoring data meanwhile is not being shared by BFAR, leading some NGOs to call for more transparency from the Bureau.

At sea, tensions continue to rise as desperate small-scale fishers contend with an increasing number of commercial encroachments in municipal waters. They continue to call on BFAR and other policy makers to be more proactive on the Mercidar case. 

According to sources familiar with the ongoing proceedings, a different company, Irma Fishing Corporation, is set to file another case to challenge the exclusivity of municipal waters. Irma Fishing is a large fishing company based in Malabon made famous by their extensive fleet size and galunggong operations. The company is owned by the del Rosario family, who also own Fisher Mall in Quezon City.

“We are working with different organizations, policymakers, and fisherfolk groups to preserve the exclusive fishing grounds of municipal fishers,” said Von Hernandez, OCEANA Vice President. “Laws must be passed to not only maintain preferential access, but exclusive ones.” 

Last April, Palawan earned praise when Governor Amy Roa Alvarez signed Provincial Ordinance No. 3761, series of 2026. The ordinance makes Palawan the first province in the Philippines to enact a law that completely shuts out commercial fishing fleets from its 15-kilometer municipal water zone—reserving it exclusively for small-scale fishers. 

“As larger commercial fishing pressures continue to affect our waters, we need to make sure that the benefits of our marine resources are felt more by our local communities and across the Palawan economy,” said Governor Alvarez. “What matters is making sure local communities get their rightful share and that our seas continue to provide, not just for today, but for the years ahead.” 

When asked if cooperation between small-scale fishers and commercial fishing companies is possible, Rosales said, “We are not against commercial fishing. What we want is for the government to also lend us the same modicum of support as it does commercial fishing interests. We want the government to recognize our role as guardians of sustainable fishing traditions. If they can extend that respect and support for commercial fishing companies, why not us small-scale fishers? We just want to fish in peace and feed our families.” (RTS, RVO)

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