Burma Campaign Japan

BCJP Television latest recorded news

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 22:11:46 PDT

On this web site you'll get step-by step descriptions of the basic functions, you need to be able to enjoy your computer.

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:46:21 PDT

You just got your first computer, or you are just now starting to find out the basics of how you can turn your computer into a real everyday tool, but...

You need a little Computer help, so you can start enjoying all the great possibilities your computer can provide?
You want to know about virus, spyware and adware and how you protect yourself from them?
You want to know some of the most commonly used computer terms?
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You want to keep up with your children and understand what they are saying
You want to take advantage of all the Information on the net
You want to be able to use e-mail so you can keep in contact with distant family and friends
Maybe you just want to be able to download music or get newsletters and e-books about your favorite subjects
You bought a digital camera and want to store and organize your photos
Or maybe you just like to write down all the great recipes, you have collected over the years
http://www.basic-computerskills.com/index.html

Snake strangulation an accident

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:39:35 PDT

Lawyer: Snake strangulation an accident

Wed, Jul 13, 2011 - WFTS-Tampa 1:23 | 17 views

Testimony is under way in the trial of a Sumter County couple whose Burmese python attacked and killed a 2-year-old girl.

Myanmar's Suu Kyi to attend hero father's memorial

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:37:01 PDT

A spokesman for Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi says the democracy icon will attend a government memorial ceremony for her revered father for the first time in nine years.
Suu Kyi's father Gen. Aung San is an independence hero who was assassinated in 1947.
Suu Kyi has spent much of the last decade detained by authorities in the repressive nation. She was freed from house arrest in November.
Her spokesman Han Thar Myint told reporters Monday the government had invited her to attend Tuesday's ceremony at a mausoleum near the famous Shwedagon pagoda in Myanmar's main city Yangon.
The ceremony's scope has gradually been downgraded since Suu Kyi rose to prominence in a 1988 pro-democracy uprising that was crushed by the junta.

Read more: http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/n/a/2011/07/17/international/i211259D36.DTL#ixzz1SXvVCPbC

Burmese army's licence to rape is region's shame

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:34:52 PDT

In 1989, following the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), a number of armed ethnic armies entered into a series of ceasefire agreements with Rangoon. The fighting stopped, to a degree, but deep down nobody believed it would last. It was just a matter of time before the various groups resumed fighting.
For more than two decades, the so-called peace deals rested on shaky ground with little effort to resolve differences and allow them to integrate into Burmese society and administration. The ethnic armies held their turf, running special administrative areas with a high degree of autonomy. Some entered into the lucrative drug trade. Others went into logging and gems.
The ceasefire deals were the work of former security tsar General Khin Nyunt in the years following the bloody crackdown on huge nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. But with the regime intelligence chief ousted and put under house arrest in October 2004, things haven't been the same. Hardliners in junta were determined to disband the ethnic armies and put them under the command of the country's notorious army, locally known as the Tatmadaw.
Other groups who refused to come into the "legal fold", such as the Karen National Union, continued their armed struggle. Gross human rights violations have been committed for many years as the Tatmadaw classed civilians in areas where rebel forces were active as allies of enemy fighters. Rangoon intentionally uprooted and attacked civilians in a bid to deny rebel groups any form of support. This tactic, part of the notorious 'Four Cuts' policy, displaced hundreds of thousands of villagers, many of whom made their way to refugee camps dotted along the Thai-Burma border. But the Tatmadaw didn't stop there. Rape was has long been employed as part of their ugly tactics to demoralise ethnic armies and the local population.
A hard-hitting report released in 2002 by the Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN) - 'A Licence to Rape' - outlined in great detail the use of such a despicable ploy. International organisations and foreign governments looked into the allegations and confirmed the practice really was occurring. That was nine years ago. The junta denied it - as they do with virtually every accusation - but things appear to have hardly changed over the past decade.
Today, with a number of former ceasefire groups facing the guns of the Burmese military, the use of rape has extended to women from these ethnic communities as well. At this moment, the northern part of Shan State is the centre of attention. The area is of "crucial strategic importance for Burma's military rulers, who are seeking to secure it for major Chinese investments, including hydropower dams and transnational gas and oil pipelines," according to a recent statement released by SWAN and the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF).
"Foreign governments dealing with Burma should not be silent about these atrocities. 'Business as usual' means ongoing rape in our communities," SWAN's Hseng Moon said. The latest report about rapes in Shan State comes only weeks after the Kachin Women's Association Thailand denounced the rape of 18 women and girls during renewed fighting last month in Kachin State in the far north.
Rape brings stigma, shame, and reluctance on the part of victims to speak out about what happened to them. But an increasing number of women and girls from Burma - the ones that survived - have begun to tell of their experiences of rape and other forms of sexual violence in the country's war-torn areas. Burmese Army deserters confirm that rapes occur regularly and usually go unpunished. The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women has published material that corroborates details in 'A Licence to Rape' and adds many new cases.
Nevertheless, years on, a UN investigation has yet to take place, because the military junta refuses to grant the UN access to the country. Incidents of rape continue to be reported, and the Burmese military must surely know what is happening. But the junta engages in Orwellian double-speak. It has rejected the reports, instead launching its own investigations, which are conducted in such a manner one can hardly have confidence in their credibility.
While the United Nations and a number of Western countries have spoken out against the use of rape in Burma's military campaigns, members of the Asean community have been conspicuously quiet.
In 2000, the UN Security Council recognised that gender-based violence thwarts security and adopted Resolution 1325, which calls on parties in conflict to respect the rights of women and children, and particularly to prevent gender-based violence. In 2004, Asean governments vowed to end the impunity states like Burma have enjoyed and signed the Declaration to Eliminate Violence Against Women in this region. But these resolutions won't mean much unless action is taken.
Burma refuses to live up to the standards of decency that Asean has set for itself. That says a lot about its government and its military. But what about Asean countries and the organisation itself? Surely more can be done. Sadly, there seems to be little political will to do anything about ongoing atrocities in Burma. Asean needs to act, because its credibility erodes every day that nothing is done.

Burma veteran's medals given to Stirling Castle museum

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:32:43 PDT

The family of a soldier who survived three years of forced labour on the Burma Railway have donated his medals to his regimental museum.

Kenneth McLeod, from Bridge of Weir, died in March this year, aged 92.
He was captured by the Japanese during World War II and endured injury, severe conditions and the threat of execution.
Mr McLeod's family are donating his war medals, Glengarry bonnet and sporran to the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders Museum at Stirling Castle.
The former soldier was based at Stirling Castle more than 70 years ago.
He was sent with the Argylls for training in jungle warfare in Malaya and was there when Imperial Japanese forces landed unexpectedly.

He fought with the 2nd Battalion at the Battle of Slim River but was cut off and stranded behind enemy lines and eventually captured.

“Start Quote

We would hear the funny stories from the army but not much about anything else. He kept those experiences to himself”

End Quote Moira Johnston Kenneth McLeod's daughter

After recovering from paralysis brought on by poisoning he joined forced labour groups used for the construction of the Burma Railway and the bridge over the River Kwai.

Mr McLeod had volunteered to go to Siam rather than return to Singapore with wounded prisoners, but sabotaged his own work by farming termite eggs which he placed on joints and uprights.

His hand had also been badly injured but he continued laying rails and using a sledgehammer to chisel rock for blasting cuttings through the hillsides.

After the railway was completed the Japanese segregated Mr McLeod and the other Allied officers from the enlisted men.

He later discovered they were all to be executed but the dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, forcing the Japanese surrender and the end of the war, is believed to have saved his life by 48 hours.

His daughter, Moira Johnston, said: "The army was a huge part of his life and I think it's appropriate that his medals, Glengarry and sporran are going to the regimental museum at Stirling Castle.

"As children we would hear the funny stories from the army but not much about anything else. He kept those experiences to himself."

Burma deserves ‘Commission of Inquiry’ than ASEAN’s chair

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:32:43 PDT

The new military-backed namesake civilian government of Burma faces no-win situation to acquire ASEAN’s backing for the 2014 chairmanship. If ASEAN acknowledged Burma as chairman of the group, it would definitely dishonor the name of the regional association. Burma under the former military junta missed a chance its turn as chair of ASEAN in 2006 because of strong international objections led by Western countries.
In 2004 August, activists in ASEAN area launched an international campaign calling for Burma to be disqualified from chairing the regional bloc in 2006, saying it would affects the grouping’s credibility and reputation.
At that time, a delegation led by Dr Gothom Ariya, the then secretary-general of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum-Asia) presented Thai Foreign Ministry officials an open letter with signatures by organizations from the region, East Asia, Europe and North America. Copies of the letter addressed to respective ASEAN governments were delivered by a group of activists to member nations’ embassies in Bangkok.
The Then activists spotlighted the ASEAN diplomats in Bangkok especially about a vital report – ‘A Licence to Rape’ – released in 2002 by the Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN). It described thoroughly the use of rape or shameful maneuver by the Burmese soldiers. The accusations were scrutinized and confirmed International organizations and foreign governments that using rape as weapon really was taking place. As the report exposed concrete evidences, the junta’s denial of it was in vain.
Moreover, the activists also explained about the most atrocious chapter of contemporary Burmese history or the latest assassination attempt by the Burmese military junta on the pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi – leader of the National League of Democracy (NLD) and her entourage at Dapeyin on 30 May 2003. Burmese troops and government sponsored goons and thugs attacked the NLD motorcade led by Aung San Suu Kyi who fortunately survived with injuries, subsequently arrested and put under house arrest.
The officials from the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon visited the site of the May 30 violent attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters and told that there was a premeditated ambush on the Lady’s motorcade. Circumstances and reports from local residents around Dapeyin indicated that the regime-backed thugs conducted the attack.
As a result, Burma lost its opportunity of becoming chairman of the ASEAN in 2006 due to tough international disapproval.
Now, another chance for Burma comes out again in 2014. Senior diplomats of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are likely to think about international opinion when they decide on whether to allow Burma to chair the regional grouping by 2014.
“We live, interact, synergize and benefit from our relationship with the (rest of the) world. Certainly we will be open to hear their sentiments,” Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, ASEAN secretary-general, told reporters Jakarta on 13 July, according to Ria Rose Uro (Interaksyon.com).
He emphasized that “ASEAN is where it is (today) because of the goodwill of dialogue partners.”
The secretary-general is attending the ministerial meetings which will run from July 15 to 23. Consideration of the matter is with the foreign ministers meeting (FMM).
Earlier, Indonesian parliamentarian Eva Kusuma Sundari, president of the ASEAN Inter-parliamentary Caucus on Myanmar (AIPMC), warned about the potential backlash from Western governments should Burma (Myanmar) take over ASEAN’s chairmanship.
Sundari said that based on their interactions with government officials in Australia, the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), the would-be impact “will not be good for ASEAN as a whole.”
“You cannot help it. These governments still look at Aung San Suu Kyi as the icon of democracy in Myanmar,” she stressed.
However, most important point to put into consideration for Burma is no other than its human rights record.
Human Rights Watch pointed out in its 6 May Statement that Burma has failed to address concerns repeatedly raised by ASEAN leaders in past summits.
“Rewarding Burma with ASEAN’s chairmanship after it staged sham elections and still holds 2,000 political prisoners would be an embarrassment for the region,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT) released a press statement on 21 June denouncing the Burmese government’s armed forces for using use of rape as a weapon of war in northern Burma offensive. According to the press release, at least 18 women and girls were gang raped by Burmese soldiers; four of whom were killed after being raped. The soldiers killed three girls and raped a woman in front of her husband, who was then forced to work for them. In frontline areas, Burmese soldiers are committing crimes freely as there are no effective or appropriate penalties in place by senior authorities.
A press release has been delivered 14 July by the Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) and the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) condemning Burma Army of using rape as war weapon. The Burma Army is clearly authorizing rape as a terror policy in its offensive against the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N), according to information documented by SWAN and SHRF.
In such a situation, ASEAN must think very cautiously to accept Burma at its chair so as to avoid the grouping’s ethical standard. It will be better for ASEAN to support a UN-led ‘Commission of Inquiry’ into longstanding allegations of violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in Burma.

Burma refugee says he was a killer

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Mon, 18 Jul 2011 10:32:43 PDT

THE Australian Federal Police will investigate claims by a Burmese refugee living in Australia that he murdered dozens of political dissidents in Burma while working as an undercover agent for the military regime in the late 1980s.
The man, Htoo Htoo Han, told The Age yesterday he can no longer keep his past a secret and has begged for forgiveness from the families of his victims.
''I want to apologise to the people of Burma,'' he said. ''I want to say sorry for what I've done, please forgive me for what I did, for the people who will never come home.
''I have achieved a lot in Australia, I've become an artist, been involved in global justice issues, environmental issues. I'm a changed person.
''So I became very guilty about something I did when I was very young. I have nightmares, I couldn't sleep, I struggle with this nightmare for a very long time. Sooner or later, the truth will come out.''
Mr Han - an Australian citizen who has married and has three young children - has been a prominent figure in the Burmese refugee community in Australia, which was yesterday reeling in the wake of the 44-year-old artist's claims, originally reported by Australian Associated Press.
Mr Han told The Age yesterday he could not remember exactly how many people he had ''destroyed'' while working undercover for the military intelligence service in the wake of the anti-regime uprising in 1988. It is impossible to verify Mr Han's claims, but he provided The Age with a list of 24 people aged between 18 and 48 he claims to have murdered, along with the locations in which the killings took place and descriptions such as ''student'', ''Islam'' and ''Burmese Communist Party''. He said the actual number of people he killed was greater.
A spokesman for Attorney-General Robert McClelland described the claims as ''extremely serious'' and said they would be referred to the AFP for ''assessment''.
''Australia has a strong framework in place for protecting the Australian community from the perpetrators of war crimes and for ensuring their proper investigation and prosecution,'' the spokesman said.
Opposition foreign affairs spokeswoman Julie Bishop last night called for Mr Han's claims to be referred to the International Criminal Court for investigation.
Mr Han said that as a young army officer, he was ordered to infiltrate the student opposition movement. He then identified targets for assassination and arranged for them to be arrested by security services.
He said he would then put a hood over their heads and shoot them in the back of the head. Their bodies were taken to a cave to be burned and their ashes thrown into a river, leaving no evidence of the executions.
Mr Han said he spared many of his intended victims because of their age, or because he knew them or their families.
He said he was later imprisoned in Burma in order to spy on opposition members in jail, before travelling to Thailand in 1993 and infiltrating the Burmese student movement in exile. He arrived in Australia in 1996 and was eventually given citizenship.
Burmese community members were in shock yesterday over Mr Han's claims.
Prominent Burmese dissident Dr Myint Cho said he found it difficult to believe Mr Han was capable of what he claimed to have done.
''To be frank, Htoo Htoo Han is unlikely to be a war criminal,'' Dr Cho said.

Read more: http://www.theage.com.au/national/burma-refugee-says-he-was-a-killer-20110718-1hlpy.html#ixzz1SXrv1I38

Read more: http://www.theage.com.au/national/burma-refugee-says-he-was-a-killer-20110718-1hlpy.html#ixzz1SXrcfmbo

Myanmar to dredge major river, improve navigation

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Thu, 10 Mar 2011 10:28:07 PST

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- Myanmar is planning to dredge the Irrawaddy river, where the buildup of sediment is threatening its navigability and the movement of goods through the country.
The Weekly Eleven News reported Thursday that sediment in the river has narrowed sections of it to just 30 yards (meters), down from several miles (kilometers) wide.
Chinese technicians hoping to win the contract have begun to survey the 1,300-mile- (2,100 kilometer-) long river, The Myanmar Times reported.
China's Tianjin Dredging has already won a contract to open up part of the Yangon river, a smaller waterway that leads to the country's most important port. Yangon port handles about 90 percent of Myanmar's shipping cargo.
That project will enable a 39,000-ton vessel to dock at Yangon, up from 17,000 tons.

Earthquake topples buildings in southwestern China near Myanmar, 24 dead, 207 hurt

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Thu, 10 Mar 2011 10:26:08 PST

China - An earthquake toppled houses and damaged a hotel and supermarket in China's extreme southwest near the border with Myanmar on Thursday, killing at least 22 people and injuring more than 200, officials and state media said.
Photos from the scene showed buildings that buckled, crushing their lower floors. Police, firefighters and soldiers rushed to the area to pull out people trapped in the rubble, including a man and girl stuck in the stairwell of a four-story building, according to state broadcaster China Central Television.
One sidewalk was lined with injured people, lyingon blankets and being shielded from the sun by large vendor umbrellas.
The quake hit while many people, including students, were home for a customary midday rest, the broadcaster said. In addition to the 22 killed, 201 people have been injured, it said. The report said at least two students were among those killed but didn't give details.
The website of the Chinese government earthquake monitoring station said the magnitude-5.8 quake was centred on Yunnan province's Yingjiang county and struck just before 1 p.m. (0500 GMT) at a depth of six miles (10 kilometres). The U.S. Geological Survey measured the quake at a magnitude of 5.4 and at a deeper 21 miles (35 kilometres).
Tremors continued to be felt in the area throughout the afternoon and evening, according to CCTV reporter Shu Qian, who was at the disaster scene in Yingjiang County.
The quake's epicenter was in Shiming Village, just over a mile (two kilometres) from the county seat, but triggered a power outage across Yingjiang, which has a population of about 300,000 people, Xinhua said.
By evening, the power supply was still cut off, though water and communications didn't appear to be damaged, Shu said.
An official on duty at the quake monitoring centre, Gao Shaotang, said many houses had been destroyed. Xinhua said the army was sending 400 soldiers to the site for rescue efforts.
A government team that includes the Civil Affairs Ministry has also been dispatched to the quake-stricken area, CCTV said. About 5,000 tents, 10,000 quilts and 10,000 coats are also being sent from the central government.
The mountainous area lies 1,500 miles (2,400 kilometres) southwest of Beijing, close to the border with Myanmar, and is home to many ethnic groups on both sides of the border, which sees heavy traffic in people and goods.
Xinhua said the quake-prone region has been hit by more than 1,000 minor tremors over the past two months.
The Myanmar Meteorological Department released a statement saying a quake had hit some 230 miles (370 kilometres) northeast of Mandalay, the country's second-largest city.
The statement did not mention injuries, damage or the specific area of Myanmar most affected by the quake. Authorities in the tightly ruled country tend not to immediately discuss the effects of natural disasters.
Much of the area on the Myanmar side been under the control of various armed ethnic groups, who have battled the Myanmar military to remain free from central government control.

Suu Kyi must say sorry for sanctions: Myanmar media

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Sat, 19 Feb 2011 14:01:43 PST

Myanmar state media on Saturday demanded Aung San Suu Kyi and her party apologise for opposing the lifting of Western sanctions, days after warning of "tragic ends" for the democracy icon.
"They have to mend their ways, begging public pardon for the acts they have breached in their interests, at the expense of that of the nation and the people" said an opinion piece that ran in several state newspapers.
It is the latest in a string of anti-sanctions columns after a statement from Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) said punitive measures helped pressure the authorities and had not affected the economy significantly.
Seemingly threatening remarks warning that the opposition figurehead and her party "will meet their tragic ends" if they continued to support sanctions, led the US to raise fears over Suu Kyi's safety earlier in the week.
The media criticism is the first to have explicitly targeted the Nobel Peace Prize winner since she was released from seven years of house arrest last November, days after a controversial election.
Saturday's comments seemed to acknowledge that Myanmar, controlled by the military since 1962, has failed to progress in line with regional neighbours and laid much of the blame on Western sanctions.
"If the people of a country are in dire straits in consequence of economic sanctions, that is the worst human rights violation," the piece said.
The NLD has reacted cautiously to the week's commentary, saying it had not received any official response from the authorities to its statement on sanctions.
"Daw Suu didn't say anything about these articles. We have no comment," said party spokesman Nyan Win. Daw is a term of respect in Myanmar.
Suu Kyi's release reignited debate over the effectiveness of the financial and trade blocks, enforced notably by the United States and the European Union in response to the junta's human rights abuses.
Some observers see the sanctions issue as her only leverage with the authorities because Western nations are considered unlikely to scrap the measures without her support.
In its statement issued last week, the NLD stressed that any end to sanctions on Myanmar should be linked to an improvement in the junta's human rights record, notably the release of political prisoners.
The remarks came days after Washington said it was premature to ease sanctions on Myanmar and urged the regime to take more concrete steps.
A new parliament convened for the first time in January, but it is dominated by retired generals and critics accuse the country's political system of hiding the army's power behind a civilian facade.
Suu Kyi's party has no voice in the legislature as it was disbanded for opting to boycott the November vote because the rules seemed designed to bar its figurehead from participating.

This is very importent message from Daw Aung San Suu kyi , direct telephone message to Burma democratic people who love in Japan ,

noreply@blogger.com (Burma Campaign Japan) — Thu, 10 Feb 2011 07:39:21 PST

Burma Campaign Japan(BCJP Television ) will brocast on live program .
This is very importent message from Daw Aung San Suu kyi , direct telephone message to Burma democratic people who live in Japan ,we be brocast to the world and inside Myanmar at 11th Feb ,2011 .at 1pm to 2pm Japan Time.please support our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi .The present situation of Burma is so serious ,militery government make trick to the world , Burma is preparing to open its first session of parliament in more than two decades, a major step in the ruling military's self-styled transition to democracy but one being carried out with little fanfare or public enthusiasm.

There is muted hope that Monday's convening of the new legislature will be a step, however small, in the right direction for the country, also known as Myanmar, that has seen the army rule with impunity since a 1962 coup ended the last legitimate parliamentary democracy. Still, with a quarter of the seats in the upper and lower houses reserved for the military and the remainder dominated by political parties loyal to the outgoing junta, there is little chance for an actual return of power to the people.

The junta for years has been touting the convening of parliament as the penultimate step in its so-called roadmap to democracy, leaving only the task of having it elect a president. Current junta chief Senior Gen. Than Shwe, however, is expected to remain the country's guiding force, no matter what position he holds in the new regime.

While the general public is curious who may become head of state — even though it is certain to be a prominent member of the junta — there appears to be little popular interest in parliament's opening. Last November's election and the widespread perception the junta cheated to ensure a victory by its proxies has done little to quell criticism that the road map is nothing more than army rule by a different name.

Even the military has done little to highlight the simultaneous opening of the 440-seat lower house and 224-seat upper house in a massive new building in Naypyitaw, the remote city to which the capital was moved from Yangon in 2005.

There are few if any of the propaganda billboards that normally trumpet momentous state occasions. Neither the press nor the foreign diplomatic community has been invited to attend, which is tantamount to saying "stay away."

While the credibility of the road map was long ago dismissed by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party — which boycotted the polls and consequently was dissolved under a new election law — some antimilitary parties prefer to look at the bright side.

They expressed optimism that despite being a minority, they will be able to make proposals and work for democratic changes within a legal framework that was previously absent.

"Our experience of 20 years trying to make our voices heard from the streets hasn't yielded any result. But this time I am optimistic that we can achieve something as we are going to talk in the parliament," said Thein Nyunt, an elected representative and former leader of the National Democratic Force, a party formed by breakaway members of Suu Kyi's NLD.

Others, however, note that the combination of military and pro-military lawmakers can push through or block any legislation and constitutional amendments on their own. The pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party combined with military appointees will account for 85 percent of seats in the lower house and 83 percent in the upper house.

"Generally speaking, having a parliament is better than not having a parliament. However, this parliament is a military-dominated parliament that will lack independence," said 90-year old Thakin Chan Tun, a former ambassador and veteran politician.

He said there is little doubt that Than Shwe will be the one pulling parliamentary strings.

"The parliament will only perpetuate military rule. ... Do not expect democratic changes to come," he said.

Parliamentary democracy is an unfamiliar concept in Burma. A single-party parliament under late dictator Ne Win last met in 1988, when a crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations tossed out the old constitution and installed the current junta.

Suu Kyi's party won elections in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power and did not allow parliament to convene. They locked Suu Kyi away for most of the past 21 years, freeing her a week after November's elections.

With the legislative process being new to most, incoming lawmakers have been given a booklet on legislative basics, including instructions on how to use green, yellow and red buttons to vote. There is a dress code as well. All lawmakers are to wear traditional attire — women must wear long-sleeved jackets — with representatives of ethnic minorities donning the garb of their respective groups.

Any real debate is unlikely, though. Words that endanger national security or the unity of the country are banned and any protest staged within parliament is punishable by up to two years in prison.

Myanmar military appoints members of Parliament

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Fri, 21 Jan 2011 09:43:09 PST

YANGON, Myanmar – Myanmar's ruling military has appointed one-fourth of the members of the new Parliament that will open this month under constitutional provisions that help perpetuate its control of the government.
The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper published a list Friday of the military appointees to the upper and lower houses and regional parliaments.
In November's general elections, the first in 20 years, the main military-backed party won commanding majorities in all chambers. Opponents said the polls were unfair.
In addition, under the army-promoted 2008 constitution, one-fourth of the seats in both the 224-member upper house and the 440-member lower house are reserved for military appointees.

Documentary Shows Rare Look at Dissent in Myanmar Military

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Fri, 21 Jan 2011 09:40:54 PST

Documentary Shows Rare Look at Dissent in Myanmar Military

By SETH MYDANS

Published: January 21, 2011

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BANGKOK — It is the most vilified army in Southeast Asia, known for crushing pro-democracy demonstrations in Myanmar and for its brutal suppression of ethnic groups seeking self-rule in the region’s longest-running civil war.
The 400,000-strong army in the former Burma is remarkable for its cohesion, cemented by a system of rewards and punishments, and military analysts have found little sign of dissent in its ranks.
But in its lower levels, at least, it is made up of men who come from a society that widely fears and distrusts the military and who join for the steady employment and status it offers, according to Myo Myint, 48, a former soldier who joined the democratic opposition led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Mr. Myo Myint is the central figure in a new documentary called “Burma Soldier,” a film that traces his life from the battlefield, where he lost a leg and an arm, to his 15 years in prison after joining the opposition and then his departure through a Thai refugee camp to the United States in 2008.
“While the top ranks control and repress people, most soldiers are like me. They join the military because they need to earn money for their daily survival,” he said in a telephone interview from Fort Wayne, Indiana, where he lives now.
In addition, he said, “There are so many soldiers serving in the military who secretly support the opposition but cannot expose their feelings. They will be sent to prison and a very heavy imprisonment.”
He added: “I hope that after watching the film, some soldiers will think about their actions and their treatment of civilians, whether it is good or bad, right or wrong, just or unjust.”
In quiet and measured tones in the film, broken at one point by tears, Mr. Myo Myint describes his journey, with interviews in the refugee camp interspersed with rare and sometimes horrifying footage of military maneuvers and attacks on ethnic minority villages. The film’s director, Nic Dunlop, an Irish writer and photographer, said the extraordinary images were taken at great risk by dissident groups.
Mr. Dunlop said he was attempting to deliver this message through what he called “reverse pirating.”
The film will be released next year on HBO, he said, but he and his producers have already made a Burmese-language version of the film and have begun smuggling it into Myanmar on DVDs and on the Internet.
“We are encouraging Burmese to make as many copies as they can and give people inside a chance to hear an alternative history, and hear it from a man who was part of the military,” Mr. Dunlop said.
“There’s an irony in this,” he said, referring to an earlier documentary, “Burma VJ.” “They were struggling to get information and images out, with a great deal of difficulty and an enormous amount of risk.”
That documentary, by Anders Ostergaard, told the story of the Buddhist monk-led uprising in September 2007 and the military’s harsh response, in part through the work of video journalists on the scene.
“What we are doing is the absolute reverse,” Mr. Dunlop said. “We are trying to get the film into the country illegally by pirating our own film in Burmese.”
Mr. Dunlop is sending a message, to audiences both inside and outside Myanmar, that was also at the heart of his book “The Lost Executioner” (Bloomsbury 2005), about the Khmer Rouge prison chief in Cambodia, Kaing Guek Eav, better known as Duch.
Mr. Dunlop was working as a photographer in 1999, when he discovered Duch in a remote area of Cambodia, a discovery that led to the first of the Khmer Rouge trials and the conviction of Duch last year. Duch was sentenced to 19 years in prison. Four other defendants are facing trial this year.
“I wanted to know what it was that had turned a seemingly ordinary man from one of the poorer parts of Cambodia into one of the worst mass murderers of the twentieth century,” Mr. Dunlop wrote in the prologue to his book.
Myanmar presents a similar challenge, he saidOne of the problems of Burma is that it reads better as a story when you have forces of evil pitted against the forces of good, symbolized by Aung San Suu Kyi,” Mr. Dunlop said.
“I think it’s not enough to condemn people or regimes but we have to look past that,” he said. “The world is not divided into good and evil, with us or against us, black and white, but is much more nuanced. If we stop looking at the world in this polarized way, we stand a greater chance of trying to prevent these crimes.”
In the cases of both the Khmer Rouge, who ruled Cambodia in the late 1970s, and the army of Myanmar, he said, “It’s crucial to look at the world of the perpetrators, to contextualize the evidence and the people rather than seeing them as monsters, but see them as human beings, and that we are all capable of doing these kinds of things in given circumstances.”
For example, as Mr. Myo Myint said in the interview, the soldiers who shot down civilians in pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988 and 2007 in Myanmar were drawn from distant battlefields where they had been fighting separatist ethnic armies.
“The soldiers are uneducated and don’t understand politics,” he said. “They are told that everyone who supports the demonstrations and opposes the government are enemies of the people and we have the right to kill these people.”
For them, the killings are not only justified but necessary, he said. “It is our duty.”

Happy New Year

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Sat, 01 Jan 2011 15:03:39 PST

Cisco Designing Network Security

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Sat, 25 Dec 2010 14:03:44 PST

Cisco Designing Network Security
Network Security is an ongoing process of defining security policies, implementing proactive security measures to enforce them, monitoring the network to obtain visibility into activity, identifying and correlating anomalies, mitigating threats and reviewing what occurred in order to modify and improve the security posture, as illustrated in
Cisco Designing Network Security.

Burma Campaign Japan explain present situation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar food for Japanese University students

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Tue, 21 Dec 2010 08:17:25 PST

Burma Campaign Japan explain present situation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar food for Japanese University students . Today members of Burma campaign Japan make explaination campaign about Myanmar food ( Monhin Khar ) to Japanese university student of Ryori Daigaku at tokyo , because we want to say Aung San Suu Kyi’s supporters from around the globe are celebrating her release. Although her supporters are thrilled, they acknowledge that even after her release, she can be detained again , It was the latest in a series of detentions that has kept the Nobel Peace Prize laureate confined for 15 of the last 21 years. She led her National League for Democracy to a landslide victory in Burma’s national election two decades ago, but the military rulers refused to allow it to assume power ,so we must prepare to cover our leader with world power , that i want to explain for Japan and leader ship of Japan so we make some interesting Myanmar food for you for joining us for our campaign , said Ko Naing member of Burma campaign Japan and one of the campaigner for this day. After finishing movement to give Myanmar history
explaination doccumment for attended person today finally student comment some question to BCJP how we support to present situation Burma and show their interesting for human rights .

Latest Situation of Myanmar Videos

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Tue, 14 Dec 2010 08:27:04 PST

Burma Democracy Movement in Japan Videos

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Tue, 14 Dec 2010 08:27:44 PST

Burma Democracy Movement in Japan

The sorrows of Irrawaddy Movies By Thittha

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Tue, 14 Dec 2010 21:09:49 PST

2010年に作成され、監督ティッ。ターとビルマのコミュニティで、日本でイラワジ川の悲しみは、俳優として参加、サイクロンナルギスでの静物を失った人々に捧げビルマの映画です。

Fears of Burmese missile site

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Sat, 11 Dec 2010 09:46:30 PST

Witnesses in Burma claim to have seen evidence of secret nuclear and missile sites being built in remote jungle, according to secret US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks, heightening concerns the military regime is trying to develop nuclear weapons.
A Burmese officer quoted in a cable from the US embassy said he had witnessed North Korean technicians helping to construct an underground facility in foothills about 500 kilometres north-west of Rangoon.
‘‘The North Koreans, aided by Burmese workers, are constructing a concrete-reinforced underground facility that is ‘500ft [150m] from the top of the cave to the top of the hill above’,’’ according to the cable. The reports add rare detail to rumours that have circulated since 2002 that Burma is covertly seeking a nuclear bomb with North Korea’s help. Both countries have denied this and Burma insists there are no North Koreans in the country.
The cables will compound international concern over Iranian and North Korean nuclear programmes, and show why Barack Obama has made nuclear non-proliferation a central plank of his foreign policy. There is a report of a businessman offering uranium to the US embassy in Rangoon and that he said that he and his associates would sell it to other countries such as Thailand if the US did not buy it. The embassy bought it.

On Myanmar, U.S. and China Worked Closely

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Sat, 11 Dec 2010 09:44:10 PST

BANGKOK — As the United States searches for new ways to nudge Myanmar toward democratic change, it may find an unexpected ally in China, according to secret diplomatic cables.
Internal State Department correspondence made public by WikiLeaks shows a much less adversarial relationship between the United States and China over Myanmar than the language of official statements or years of posturing at the United Nations might suggest.
Chinese officials acknowledge their differences with the United States but appear to share American frustrations at the junta’s handling of the country’s economy and at times show impatience at the slow pace of political change.
“The Chinese clearly are fed up with the footdragging by the Than Shwe regime,” Shari Villarosa, the head of the United States mission in Myanmar, said in a confidential cable in January 2008 that referred to the country’s aging dictator, Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
“The Chinese share our desire to get them to the negotiating table,” Ms. Villarosa said in a note to Washington after hosting the Chinese ambassador, Guan Mu, for lunch.
China and the United States both want the same thing in Myanmar, said an official from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Yang Jian, according to a separate January 2008 cable: “stability, democracy and development.”
“Therefore, China and the United States should show unity, particularly in the U.N., in addressing the situation in Burma,” the cable is quoted as saying.
Over the past two decades, politics in Myanmar have unfolded with a good-and-evil storyline fit for Hollywood: a brutal military government has persecuted a democratic opposition movement led by a pretty and charming freedom fighter, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize who until last month was under house arrest. When a landslide victory by Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi in 1990 was ignored by the generals, Western nations lined up behind her. China and other neighboring countries, by contrast, lined up to invest in natural gas ventures and buy timber and gems.
But what comes across in nearly 400 cables relating to Myanmar and sent by American diplomats over the past three years is a more nuanced picture. The diplomats report the tyrannical tendencies of the junta but also point out many problems with the “sclerotic” leadership of a democratic opposition and its undemocratic ways. Some American diplomats are privately convinced by the argument put forward by many Asian countries that sanctions do more harm than good, a view that runs contrary to official American policy.
One cable from 2008 describes the party of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi as very poorly managed — “not the last great hope for democracy and Burma,” the cable says — and dominated by its “Uncles,” the party elders.
Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi remains “popular and beloved,” the cable says, but her party is “strictly hierarchical, new ideas are not solicited or encouraged from younger members and the Uncles regularly expel members they believe are ‘too active,’ ” said the cable’s author, Leslie Hayden, who was the head of the political and economic section in 2008. The same cable, which was described as a “candid” assessment of American policy after two years in the country, described sanctions as doing little good.
“While our economic sanctions give us the moral high-ground, they are largely ineffective because they are not comprehensive.” Ms. Hayden wrote. “Burma’s biggest client states refuse to participate in them.”
The cables show Washington’s determined support for pro-democracy groups and dissidents opposing the military government. Ms. Villarosa reported that the embassy made a point of inviting dissidents and democracy activists to its diplomatic functions as a way of demonstrating its “commitment to promoting freedom and democracy.”
But diplomats also reported a deep skepticism toward some elements of the Burmese pro-democracy movement. A detailed cable from the embassy in Thailand in May 2008 sharply criticized some Burmese exile groups that were described as out of touch with reality in Myanmar and that had “lost credibility.” Thailand is home to a large number of Burmese pro-democracy activists.
“At present, it is unclear whether the principal leaders of the exile community in Thailand can act as credible agents for change in Burma,” said Eric G. John, whose tour as the ambassador to Thailand ended this month.
The attitudes in the cables toward the Burmese government are predictably skeptical. But the tone changes according to the personality of the diplomats.

Reporter sentenced to 20 years in prison; junta diversifies censorship

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Fri, 10 Dec 2010 11:21:13 PST

A Burmese video reporter who challenged government policies in her work was sentenced to 20 years in prison on 31 December, report Mizzima News, the South East Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) and other IFEX members. The junta has also stepped up its censorship regulations with the military controlling newspaper content, and film and video footage under greater scrutiny, reports Mizzima News.

Hla Hla Win, an undercover broadcast journalist with the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), was arrested in September 2009. She was working on a story connected to the second anniversary of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, in which Buddhist monks participated in countrywide protests against the junta that were brutally suppressed. Win has also covered other sensitive issues like the trial of detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. DVB told the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) that 14 of its undercover reporters were in detention as of December 2009.

Win's assistant, Myint Naing, was also detained and sentenced to 25 years. The two were sentenced to seven years imprisonment at the time of their arrest for using an illegally imported motorcycle. Lawyers are hesitant to represent the two accused because of fear of reprisals by local police and authorities, reports SEAPA. They have been charged with violating the Electronic Act which bans unauthorised use of electronic media. The Act is a way to punish journalists for sending information outside the country, says CPJ.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and Thailand-based Burma Media Association (BMA) said: "The very dangerous work carried out by Burma's video reporters, made famous by the documentary Buma VJ, is crucial for the dissemination of independent, propaganda-free information both domestically and abroad. ASEAN and the rest of the international community should make press freedom one of the conditions for recognising the 2010 elections." Burma is a member of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Since the 2007 Saffron Revolution, security forces have been cracking down on Burmese who send photos and video abroad to exiled news media and opposition groups, reports RSF. "The Irrawaddy" reports that a former military officer and a foreign affairs official were sentenced to death and other foreign affairs officials were sentenced to 20- and 15-year prison terms on 7 January for leaking information and photos about a general's trip to North Korea to exiled news media.

Meanwhile, the junta has also imposed new censorship regulations. As of January 2010, all films and video shot at locations associated with the Burmese Railways have to be submitted to the Myanmar Rail Film and Video Scrutiny Board, reports Mizzima News. The production of all films, video and musical tracks/CDs must be submitted again to the Myanmar Film and Video Censor Board for final approval. This means two separate censor boards control both pre-production and post-production.

To install Windows 7 on your Mac

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Mon, 06 Dec 2010 20:52:27 PST

To install Windows 7 on your Mac using Boot Camp you will need the following:

1. All firmware updates installed on your Mac (use Apple Button -> Software Update… to check)
2. A Windows 7 installation DVD
3. Your OS X Leopard installation DVD
4. At least 10GB of empty hard drive space on your Mac (you can probably get away with less but you’ll have almost no room to install anything other than the OS)
5. An hour if all goes well, up to 5 hours if not
6. Though not absolutely required, it’s a VERY good idea to have a complete and up to date Time Machine backup of OS X – it really came in handy for me. Because part of the process involves partitioning your drive, there’s always the distinct chance something will go wrong and everything will be wiped out.
7. Patience, possibly a great deal of it. Having a book handy will also help kill time during the partitioning, installing etc).

Installing Windows 7 via Boot Camp

1. Here goes. First thing – close absolutely every open program you can. That includes those things running in the Apple Menu that you always forget about. Don’t worry about killing the Dock or Dashboard – having those running is fine.
2. Now open a Finder and navigate to Applications -> Utilities and double-clickBoot Camp Assistant.

3. Click Continue on the initial Introduction screen. Ignore the fact that it doesn’t mention Windows 7 as a possible OS to install.

4. Now you have to decide how much space you want to allocate to Windows 7. You might be able to get away with going as low as 6GB, but I would highly advise against it. You’ll have almost no space left over to install software, and your page file in Windows might cause frequent crashes. I opted for 20GB, which left me with just a bit over 16GB to use after installing Windows 7.
To change the amount of space to dedicate to Windows 7, click the small divider between Mac OS X and Windows, and drag it to the left

5. Once you’ve determined how much space you want to allocate to Windows 7, click the Partition button.

6. The partitioning itself doesn’t take particularly long. If you receive an error, proceed to step 10 of the “How to install Vista with Boot Camp” tutorial. It provides all the troubleshooting info you need to resolve partitioning issues. Once you’ve cleared up any problems, or if everything just goes smoothly, proceed with the next step in this tutorial.

7. Once completed you’ll notice a new BOOTCAMP drive on your desktop.

8. Now insert your Windows 7 DVD and click the Start Installation button.

9. Your Mac will restart, and Windows 7 will boot. You’ll be prompted with a window asking you which partition you want to install Windows on. Select the one withBOOTCAMP in the Name column. Selecting anything else may wipe out OS X or cause serious problems. Then select the Drive options (advanced) link.

10. With the BOOTCAMP volume still selected, click the Format link.

11. Click OK.

12. And Windows 7 will begin to install. It’s a fairly boring process, so you may want to grab yourself a cup of coffee or your beverage of choice. But don’t go too far away, because when your system reboots, you’ll need to remove the Windows 7 DVD.

13. With the Windows 7 DVD removed, your Mac will automatically boot back into Windows 7, and the installation will complete. You’ll be prompted to select your language, keyboard layout etc. The rest of the Windows 7 installation process is very straight forward.

14. Once the installation has completed and your Mac has restarted again, you’ll be able to use Windows 7. WiFi will work immediately (no drivers to install) so connect to the Internet. Windows 7 will then begin to download updates, including the proper video card driver. Let it do its thing.

15. Once completed, you’ll be prompted to reboot yet again. Do so.

16. Once Windows 7 boots back up again, you’ll notice the resolution is much better, and you can enable the advanced graphics features.

17. But if you check for sound, you’ll notice there are no sound drivers installed.

18. Insert your OS X Leopard DVD. When prompted, select Run setup.exe.

19. The Boot Camp installer will launch. Click Next to begin.

20. Select I accept the terms in the license agreement and then click Next again.

21. Make sure that Apple Software Update for Windows is checked, and clickInstall

22. The Boot Camp installer will do its thing, and install all the required drivers.

23. Notifications will pop up with each driver that gets installed.

24. Once completed, click Finish.

1. And yet again you’ll be prompted to reboot. Remove your OS X Leopard DVD from the drive, and click Yes to restart.

2. If you still have problems with sound not working, you’ll need to install the Realtek drivers. This tutorial will explain what to do.

3. That’s it, you’re done! When your Mac boots, hold down the Option key to select which Operating System you want to boot into.

good luck

Learning Computer Programming

noreply@blogger.com (BCJP) — Mon, 06 Dec 2010 09:11:09 PST

A resource for Learning Computer Programming. I post articles, tips, tricks, techniques, algorithms etc. related to C++, PHP and other programming language. Many of the things that I discuss here applies to most languages.

Labels: Complete Script, CSS, Example Programs, Fancybox, HTML, JavaScript, Lightbox, Useful Scripts, Web, XHTML

In nowadays web 2.0 world use of Lightbox is very common. While Lightbox, fancybox (similar to the former) are great scripts and have wide uses, creating a script similar to these is never a bad idea. If you learn, read on else use of one of those scripts, they’re great and easy-to-use.
For those of you who haven’t heard about the script or don’t know what they do, see the following image:

Chances are, you might surely have seen it somewhere or the other. These scripts are generally used to display some content in kind of like a dialog box (modal one, for those of you who're geeks) while the rest of the content gets blackened. Looks great? Yes it does!
Okay, for those of you still here I wanna confess that I didn’t put enough time knowing how those scripts actually work. I just got an idea myself the other day and thought it just might work. This is not to say that I myself have invented some new way, it’s just that I don’t know how those scripts work but I know one way that gives similar results.
As you can see from the above image, there is not much to a simple Lightbox clone, we have a (1) Blackening effect (2) The content box.

Blackening Effect: For this I’ll create a “div” element on the fly and set its properties such that it has a black color and some transparency, a large z-index means floats on top of the rest of the content and back content (with normal z-index) cannot be interacted with anymore. We’ll fill the current screen with this “div” which will require us to place this element at the topmost and leftmost coordinates relative to the current viewable area. This will be (0, 0) when the page isn’t scrolled at all.
We’ll also have to size the element to have it span the whole viewable area of the browser.
These two things will make sure that no matter where we have scrolled in a page and whatever be the window size, this black overlay element always covers the current viewport.
2. Content Box: A nicely styled box with a close button is all we need. We’ll place it at the center of the screen. Since we have calculated the topmost and leftmost coordinates relative to the current viewport and we also have the current viewport’s dimension, we can easily position this at the center, no brainer! We’ll give this a z-index larger than the black overlay element such that this is at the top of everything.
Besides this, we’ll also have to take care that these two elements move along with the page in case user tries to scroll the page when the our lightbox is open. This will make sure that (1) black overlay element always fills the screen (2) content box is always at the center.

Sounds pretty simple? Well, it is! It’ll call this Blackbox, you may call it whatever you feel like. Here is the code (Demo here):


<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN" "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd">

<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
<head>
<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8" />
<title>Blackbox - A very simple Lightbox clone</title>

<script type="text/javascript">
/*
 * Script: Blackbox (very simple Lightbox clone)
 * Author: Arvind Gupta (contact@arvindgupta.co.in)
 * Date: 14-Nov-09
 * Copyright: 2009 Arvind Gupta

 *            You may freely use this script wherever
 *         you want and in whatever way you wish
 *         but please don't remove this note.
 *
 */

// OBJECTS

// Black overlay element
var darkbox;
// Content box
var content;

// FUNCTIONS
function init()
{
   // Set "onScroll" event handler

   window.onscroll = scroll_box;
}

function open()
{
   // Create elements
   darkbox = document.createElement('div');
   content = document.createElement('div');

   // Style them with the existing ids
   darkbox.id = 'darkbox';
   content.id = 'content';

   // FILL CONTENT BOX

   // Have the close button
   content.innerHTML = '<a style="position: absolute; top: -30px; right: -30px; text-decoration: none;" href="javascript:close();"><img style="border: none;" src="fancy_closebox.png" /></a>';
   // The main content

   content.innerHTML += '<div id="main_content"><h1>Hello</h1><p>Hello World!<br /> How is this looking?</p></div>';

   // Add these elements to the body

   document.body.appendChild(darkbox);
   document.body.appendChild(content);

   // Calciulate coordinates and such
   var pos_top = document.documentElement.scrollTop
   var pos_left = document.documentElement.scrollLeft;
   var screen_width = document.documentElement.clientWidth;
   var screen_height = document.documentElement.clientHeight;

   // Place the "darkbox" element and give it the size

   darkbox.style.top = pos_top + 'px';
   darkbox.style.left = pos_left + 'px';
   darkbox.style.height = screen_height + 'px';
   darkbox.style.width = screen_width + 'px';

   // Now place the content box at the center
   content.style.left = (pos_left + (screen_width / 2.0) - (content.offsetWidth / 2.0)) + 'px';
   content.style.top = (pos_top + (screen_height / 2.0) - (content.offsetHeight / 2.0)) + 'px';
}


function scroll_box ()
{
   // If "Darkbox" open
   if(darkbox != null)
   {
      // Find new topmost, leftmost position w.r.t the current viewport
      // Also find new window size

      var pos_top = document.documentElement.scrollTop
      var pos_left = document.documentElement.scrollLeft;
      var screen_width = document.documentElement.clientWidth;
      var screen_height = document.documentElement.clientHeight;

      // Positions elements accordingly
      darkbox.style.top = pos_top + 'px';
      darkbox.style.left = pos_left + 'px';
      darkbox.style.height = screen_height + 'px';
      darkbox.style.width = screen_width + 'px';

      content.style.left = (pos_left + (screen_width / 2.0) - (content.offsetWidth / 2.0)) + 'px';
      content.style.top = (pos_top + (screen_height / 2.0) - (content.offsetHeight / 2.0)) + 'px';
   }
}


function close()
{
   // Delete elements
   document.body.removeChild(darkbox);
   document.body.removeChild(content);
}
</script>

<style>
#darkbox {
   position: absolute;
   top: 0px;
   left: 0px;
   opacity: 0.6;
   filter:alpha(opacity=60);
   background: #000;
}

#content {
   position: absolute;
   z-index: 1001;
   background: #fff;
   border: 10px solid #000;
   width: 500px;
   height: 300px;
}
#content #main_content {
   overflow: auto;
   width: 500px;
   height: 300px;
}

</style>
</head>

<body onload="init();">
<a href="javascript:open()">Open Box</a>
</body>
</html>

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