Cosa Nostra News

Colombo Boss Skinny Teddy Persico Is Back In Prison. And What Else Is New?

2026-02-13T19:32:00.040-05:00

All five New York Mafia bosses are out of prison—or at least, were out of prison—until, in an absolutely shocking twist—we're being facetious—a judge in Brooklyn Federal Court earlier this week sentenced Colombo boss Theodore (Skinny Teddy) Persico to nine months in prison for violating the terms of his supervised release (for the third time, according to the Feds) by meeting with other Colombo wiseguys last December.

Skinny Teddy Persico.

Skinny Teddy, 62, had been surveilled by the FBI attending the crime family's Christmas party at Ponte Vecchio in Brooklyn's Bay Ridge section. In prior months, Persico had also visited a Colombo wiseguy outside a Manhattan hospital and greeted a Gambino gangster at a Staten Island body shop, though the Feds apparently gave him a pass for those “illegal” encounters.

As for the Christmas party meeting, Persico's attorney argued that his client had only been in the restaurant briefly and didn't even try to hide it (apparently, if you do it out in the open, then you're not breaking the law).

“There’s a quick exchange of pleasantries, a seven-minute meeting, and then it’s over,” Joseph Corozzo Jr., Persico’s lawyer, told the judge, who wasn’t buying any of it.

Persico was only released from a West Virginia Federal clink last May after serving the bulk of the five-year sentence he received for his role in extorting a labor union.

Persico was handpicked to lead the family, though there's dispute over exactly when that happened—possibly in May 2020 after he finished the eight-year prison sentence handed to him for his role in the 1993 plot to murder Joseph Scopo, a powerful capo who was opposing the Persicos during the Colombo war. (Scopo had been an ally of then-Gambino boss John Gotti, who had helped fuel the war as part of a scheme to enhance his position on the Mafia Commission.)

William (Wild Bill) Cutolo

Successfully taking Scopo out—the Persico faction hit team included a young wannabe named John Pappa, who was actually a homicidal psychopath who’s still in prison today for killing Scopo, among other people—checkmated the Orena faction and ended the war.

Why was Teddy chosen? To use the simplest term, it was nepotism: Skinny Teddy's father, who died in 2017, was a brother to Carmine (Junior) Persico, the legendary boss of the Colombo family, who died in 2019 at age 85 after spending the last 34 years of his life behind bars serving a 100-year sentence.

Teddy Persico became the presumed heir apparent when his cousin Alphonse (Little Allie Boy) Persico, Junior's son, got a life sentence following his 2008 conviction for the 1999 murder of underboss William (Wild Bill) Cutolo. Wild Bill had been a key player in the Orena faction during the third Colombo war, and Little Allie was unable to forgive and forget.

A year after his release in 2020, Teddy Persico was arrested yet again, along with 10 other Colombo members and associates for extorting a Queens labor union. They were charged with money laundering, drug trafficking, and other offenses.

In July 2025, he began a three-year term of supervised release—and began meeting with other wiseguys, which landed him in his current predicament.

Teddy has spent about half his life in prison, which probably saved said life. He was inside in the early 1990s when the third Colombo war kicked into gear. By not being on the street, Teddy avoided death or a life sentence for murder, the fates of numerous Colombo wiseguys who weren’t lucky enough to be behind bars.

His first serious criminal case hit him in 1987, when New York State indicted him for being part of a large-scale cocaine trafficking operation. Persico was screwed royally: one of his drug customers was actually an undercover law enforcement officer to whom Persico had sold cocaine on four separate occasions—with one transaction involving 13 ounces of Bolivian marching powder.

When Persico was released from prison in 2004, after serving time for the narcotics trafficking charges, he returned to the Colombo family's bosom and instantly engaged in criminal conduct, according to court-authorized wiretaps.

On May 25, 2004, he was recorded discussing a weapon brought to him in advance of a potentially violent meeting with another Colombo family soldier. Persico said, “they come there the [expletive] thing is dirty. How do you keep a pistol with [expletive] dirty bullets in it in the first place? You got an automatic pistol, you clean the bullets, you put them in the [expletive] clip, and the clip is ready, whenever you’re ready.”

In another conversation intercepted on November 23, 2004, Persico spoke about collecting a debt and instructed his co-defendant to bring an individual to him so he could give him a “[expletive] beating.” Persico further threatened that he would “take it out on his kids, that’s all, until he [expletive] does the right thing.”

Persico was arrested again in 2005 on Federal racketeering charges, including extortion.

While he's going back to prison now, it's only for nine months, which he can do standing on his head. But how long before he's pinched again?

Crime families with bosses serving extensive time in prison have a mixed record, at best. While an imprisoned boss can absorb some of the heat from law enforcement, protecting the acting boss on the street, this only seems to work if the boss in question has the confidence to be more of a figurehead who has the ability or talent to put the right people in the right positions on the street. He may issue an occasional edict from his prison cell, but he largely steps away from running the borgata's day by day affairs. (Luck, good or bad, can also play a role, naturally, in these—and all—situations.)

Vic Amuso seemed to fall into this category. He wore the Luchese crown long into his current endless prison incarceration, and the Luchese family enjoyed relative prosperity, even after Brooklyn-based Luchese mobster Michael (Big Mike) DeSantis succeeded Bronx-based (former) powerhouse Matthew (Matty) Madonna as acting boss, a move that could've led to some bloodshed, but didn't. The succession happened precisely as Amuso had directed.

Amuso and Gaspipe chat with capo Frank Lastorino Sr.

The Lucheses apparently learned from past mistakes—and avoided repeating the murderous mayhem that happened back in the 1980s-1990s when over a dozen members were killed (by boss Amuso and his underboss/partner/eventual betrayer Anthony (Gaspipe) Casso, who decimated the once immensely wealthy crime family on every level).

On the other hand, you have Teddy's uncle, Carmine Persico, who remained boss after he began serving his endless prison sentence. He eventually provoked a long and bloody war when he made moves to elevate his son, Allie Boy, to succeed him as boss of the crime family. Carmine's efforts fueled underboss Vic Orena's decision to move against the Persicos for control.

The Colombo family, the only New York crime family that fought three intrafamily civil wars, still comprises the two factions—loyalists to Persico and those who sided with Orena. The crime family could—theoretically, at least—split apart again at that decades dormant fault line.

The Colombo family would seem to have more in common with the Bonanno family than the Luchese family, specifically the Bonannos of the 1970s-80s when Philip (Rusty) Rastelli was boss. (And we hope, for the Colombo family's sake, that this isn't the case.) Like Teddy Persico, Rastelli spent half his life in prison. During his 18-year reign as Bonanno boss (from 1973 to 1991) he was free for only about three years. He mostly ran the Bonanno family from behind bars.

Bonanno boss Philip (Rusty) Rastelli.

Bonanno members elected Rastelli to the top spot on February 23, 1974, at a meeting at the Americana Hotel in Manhattan. Their decision proved to be cataclysmic for everyone involved. Rastelli's reign was ruinous, fueling waves of murderous purges (Carmine Galante, the uprising of the three capos, etc.) and the losses of lucrative rackets. Additionally, the family's substantial interests in the junk business compelled members of the Commission to deny Rastelli a seat at the table with them, which further eroded the power of the once legendary Bonanno family.

As for the bosses who are free (currently, anyway), based on various published reports and our best estimates:

Genovese boss
Liborio (Barney) Bellomo

Gambino boss
Domenico (Italian Dom) Cefalu

Bonanno boss
Michael (Mikey Nose) Mancuso

Lucchese boss
Michael (Big Mike) DeSantis

Gambino Soldier Jimmy LaForte, Serving Time in Philadelphia, Pleads Guilty To Racketeering Conspiracy In Brooklyn

2026-02-11T21:40:00.016-05:00

James (Jimmy) LaForte—a strong arm for the Gambino crime family—plead guilty to racketeering conspiracy, Hobbs Act extortion/extortion conspiracy, witness retaliation, and being a felon in possession of a firearm. He made the plea in Brooklyn Federal court last Wednesday before US Magistrate Judge Joseph A. Marutollo.

James LaForte.

The US Attorney for the Eastern District accused LaForte, who holds the rank of soldier, and nine other Gambino wiseguys and associates of using violent extortion, fraud, theft and embezzlement to infiltrate New York's carting and demolition industries.

“These ten Gambino members and associates orchestrated a campaign of violent assaults and property destruction to collect debts and intimidate those employed by competing companies,” said FBI Assistant Director James C. Barnacle, Jr. “Their collective actions terrorized New York residents and businesses to generate an illegal revenue stream.”

LaForte, 49, who is currently serving time on another case in Philadelphia that also involved his older brother Joseph, is the last of the 10 defendants charged in a 2023 indictment to plead guilty or lose at trial.

LaForte is a grandson of Joseph (Joe the Cat) LaForte, a longtime Gambino soldier who ran the crime family's highly lucrative bookmaking operations. Joe the Cat, as low key as they come, made a fortune in real estate and owned the building that housed the Ravenite Social Club on Mulberry Street in Little Italy, where John Gotti held court in his heyday.

The other Gambino members and associates in the Brooklyn carting and demolition case pleaded guilty to racketeering conspiracy before US District Judge Frederic Block on October 17, 2025. Those defendants included Gambino capo Joseph (Joe Brooklyn) Lanni, a member of the Gambino family's ruling Sicilian faction who inherited some of underboss Frank Cali's rackets after Cali was senselessly murdered in 2019.

LaForte also plead guilty in the Philadelphia case involving his brother. In September 2024, Jimmy LaForte copped to racketeering conspiracy, securities fraud, and extortionate collection of debt, as well as obstruction of justice, for a violent assault he committed against a Philadelphia-based attorney. Jimmy LaForte was sentenced to 11.5 years in March 2025 for that case, which centered on crimes committed as part of a criminal enterprise that ran a fraudulent lending operation known as Par Funding. Jimmy's brother Joseph LaForte was founder/president of the entity.

In the Brooklyn case, according to court filings, in 2020 and 2021, LaForte extorted a person who owed money to an associate of LaForte (John Doe 5). After failing to pay LaForte’s associate on time, John Doe 5 was introduced to LaForte, who asked John Doe 5 to run an illegal poker game and a craps game for LaForte. When John Doe 5 asked LaForte after the craps game for John Doe 5’s share of the earnings from running the game, LaForte hit John Doe 5 in the face, knocking John Doe 5 backward and giving him a black eye. LaForte later contacted John Doe 5’s father to force John Doe 5 to pay what LaForte said was John Doe 5’s debt. In text messages exchanged in November 2020, shortly after John Doe 5’s loan, the person who had lent John Doe 5 the money wrote that “[t]his other punk [John Doe 5] is playing games,” and “Might ride up to his house Saturday with one of my guys from down here.” Another party to the conversation responded, “I took him up to c jimmy made it clear” and later added, “We’ll get it. He’s scared to death of jimmy.”

On February 17, 2021, LaForte and Vincent (Vinny Slick) Minsquero assaulted a person who they believed had previously provided information to law enforcement about members and associates of organized crime (John Doe 6). That evening LaForte and Minsquero approached John Doe 6 inside a restaurant. LaForte called John Doe 6 a “rat” and hit John Doe 6 in the face with a bottle. LaForte and Minsquero also flipped John Doe 6’s table, sending drinks and shattered glass everywhere.

All the defendants who plead guilty or went to trial in E.D.N.Y. Docket No. 23-CR-443 (FB):

JAMES LAFORTE (also known as “Jimmy”)

Age: 49

New York, New York

JOSEPH LANNI (also known as “Joe Brooklyn” and “Mommino”)

Age: 54

Staten Island, New York

DIEGO TANTILLO (also known as “Danny” and “Daniel”)

Age: 50

Freehold, New Jersey

ROBERT BROOKE

Age: 58

New York, New York

SALVATORE DILORENZO

Age: 69

Oceanside, New York

ANGELO GRADILONE (also known as “Fifi”)

Age: 59

Staten Island, New York

KYLE JOHNSON (also known as “Twin”)

Age: 48

Bronx, New York

VINCENT MINSQUERO (also known as “Vinny Slick” )

Age: 39

Staten Island, New York

VITO RAPPA (also known as “Vi”)

Age: 58

East Brunswick, New Jersey

FRANCESCO VICARI (also known as “Frank” and “Uncle Ciccio”)

Age: 65

Elmont, New York

As for other crimes charged in this case:

Extortions Related to the Carting and Demolition Industries

Tantillo, Rappa, Vicari and Johnson engaged in a violent extortion conspiracy relating to the demand and receipt of money from an individual (John Doe 1) who operated a carting business in the New York City area. The extortion scheme involved threatening John Doe 1 with a bat, setting fire to the steps to John Doe 1’s residence, attempting to damage John Doe 1’s carting trucks, and violently assaulting an associate of John Doe 1. After John Doe 1 ultimately made a payment of $4,000 to Vicari, Vicari and Rappa met and sent Tantillo a photo of Vicari raising a small champagne bottle, as in a toast.

As proven at Brooke’s trial, in the fall of 2019, Brooke engaged in a violent extortion scheme against the owners of a demolition company (John Does 2 through 4) over purported debts owed to Tantillo and a company that was co-operated by Tantillo and Brooke. On December 18, 2019, one of the victims was walking to work when he was ambushed and attacked by Brooke at 50th Street and Eighth Avenue in midtown Manhattan. The victim suffered a fractured cheek bone, black eye and contusions to his face. In the weeks after the beating, Tantillo reached out to the victims who are brothers and told them to pay Brooke and to drop the criminal charges against Brooke. Fearing for the safety of themselves and their employees, the owners of the demolition company paid $50,000 to Tantillo and $40,000 to the company co-operated by Tantillo and Brooke.

Frauds and Union-Related Crimes in the Carting and Demolition Industries

Various defendants also committed a series of crimes to steal and embezzle from unions and employee benefit plans and rigged bids in the demolition and carting industries. As part of one such scheme, DiLorenzo provided Rappa with a “no-show” job at DiLorenzo’s demolition company so that Rappa could receive paychecks and union health benefits, among other benefits. Similarly, Tantillo arranged for Gradilone to receive a “no-show” job at a construction company with which Tantillo was associated, which enabled Gradilone to receive paychecks and union health benefits to which he was not entitled. Tantillo and Johnson also conspired to secure a “no-show” job for Johnson, so that Johnson could similarly receive union health benefits.

Former Gemini Twin Joseph Testa RIP

2026-02-08T22:18:00.031-05:00

Joseph Testa—one of the "Gemini Twins," who was released from prison on April 30, 2024, and retired to Nevada—died on January 26. He was 71.

The Gemini Twins Anthony Senter, left, and Joey Testa.

Testa had been dealing with medical problems for years.

His longtime partner (the other Gemini Twin), Anthony Senter, 70, was released on June 21, 2024. (See video below for a peek at the Gemini Twins and other DeMeo crew members enjoying a barbecue at their boss's Long Island home.)

Both Testa and Senter had served about 35 years in prison, a fraction of the well-earned, life-plus-20-year sentences they were slammed with in 1989 after they were convicted of participating in nearly a dozen murders.

The once-fearsome Gemini Twins—they got the nickname from the Gemini Lounge, a bar once located on Flatlands Avenue in Canarsie, Brooklyn—were first associated with the Gambino family, where they were part of the Roy DeMeo crew, made famous by the book Murder Machine: A True Story of Murder, Madness, and the Mafia by Gene Mustain and Jerry Capeci. The two moved over to the Luchese family in the mid-1980s.

In 1989 prosecutors in Federal District Court in Manhattan won “a sweeping victory” against the Gemini Twins in the second of two trials stemming from a 1984 indictment that originally included charges against then-Gambino boss Paul Castellano. The cases included evidence of 25 murders; Senter and Testa got life sentences after being convicted for 10 of them.

The Murder Machine crew's MO was to first lure the intended victim inside the little apartment behind the Gemini Lounge, which was the crew’s main hangout. The victim would be shot in the head — and in quick succession, they were “turbanned” (a towel was wrapped around the head) and stabbed once through the heart. Both efforts were attempts to minimize blood flow. The crew would then chop the body up, package the pieces, and toss the pieces in city dumpsters. More often than not, those packages vanished forever in the ever-rising mounds of garbage comprising the Fountain Avenue dump.

Murder Machine's authors documented 75 victims, while the FBI suspects the crew committed between 100 and 125 slayings.

Another DeMeo crew heavy hitter, Henry Borelli, 77, is at Gilmer FCI in West Virginia. His release date is December 15, 2083.

DeMeo was last seen wearing a leather jacket over a shotgun when on January 10, 1983, he went to a meeting. That night, he failed to attend his daughter Dione's birthday party. Exactly 10 days later -- on January 20, DeMeo's Cadillac was found in the parking lot of the Veruna Boat Club in Brooklyn. Shot in the head—most likely by the Gemini Twins—DeMeo's partially frozen body was left in the trunk. In an odd twist, a chandelier had been placed on top of his body. Gambino boss Paul Castellano likely ordered DeMeo's death, according to Salvatore (Sammy the Bull) Gravano.

Aside from the Gemini Twins, other members of the DeMeo crew included Joseph (Dracula) Guglielmo (a DeMeo cousin); Freddie DiNome (DeMeo's driver); Borelli; and Chris Rosenberg.

In the video above, Roy is seen first, telling "Freddy" to shut the camera off, twice he says it, then quietly adds "I'm gonna shoot ya!"

Henry Borelli, in the black T-shirt, offers us a rendition of the "Ben Dover" speech. (THAT's a real Brooklyn accent).

Next, someone off-screen (maybe Dominic Montiglio) says: "I think I had the machine on the whole while.”

Someone else replies, with apparent disappointment: " Oh really? "

Then the sound abruptly (and eerily) stops... We cut to the Gemini Twins.

Testa eats a hot dog, mouths stuff into the camera.

Operating the camera is likely Freddy, whom Roy talks to in the beginning.

Chris Rosenberg, Roy's troubled "adopted" son isn't seen, which means this may have been filmed after his murder. Or that he hadn't shown up yet, of course....

The crew's downfall began with an anonymous tip to Brooklyn detectives.

"A lot of people are disappearing in Canarsie," an unidentified caller said.

Roy DeMeo.

A key source for the book Murder Machine was DeMeo crew member Dominick Montiglio, who died on June 27, 2021. We once interviewed Montiglio, who told us that the book Murder Machine had "missed a hell of a lot," though he didn't tell us exactly what had been left out.

After working for years as an understudy to his uncle, Gambino capo Nino Gaggi—who supervised DeMeo and his crew, which operated a massive, highly profitable stolen car ring—Montiglio became a government witness in 1983 following his arrest for extortion. Years later, Montiglio returned to Brooklyn to become an artist.

Montiglio gave fascinating insight into the history of the DeMeo crew as well as the Gambino family itself, including what happened after Carlo Gambino died when it seemed the family was poised for civil war between Paul Castellano, Gambino's cousin/brother-in-law and chosen successor, and longtime underboss Neil Dellacroce.

Gambino capo Nino Gaggi.

After Gambino died of natural causes in 1976, the ruling members of the Gambino family, including Castellano and Dellacroce, met at Nino and Dominick's Brooklyn home ("the bunker") to formally name the new boss. As per Murder Machine, before the meeting began, in case things didn't go Big Paul's way, Gaggi taped a gun under the kitchen table and sent Dom upstairs to watch the front of the house from an upper-story window armed with a machine gun.

If there was shooting, he told Dom, take out anyone who departs through the front door.

Dom was prepared to carry out his uncle's orders, even speculating how he'd be on the run for the rest of his life.

Despite the tense build up, there was only a brief, somber discussion. Castellano was named new Gambino boss. In turn, Dellacroce remained underboss (by rights, many believed, Dellacroce should have ascended to the top spot).

Gaggi was promoted to capo of Castellano's old crew and remained close to Castellano, hoping to become underboss eventually. However, the trouble that Roy caused Castellano (after ordering DeMeo's murder, Paul was later indicted because of Roy's massive car-theft ring) precluded Gaggi from ever assuming the position. Gaggi died in prison of natural causes in1988.

As for Roy, in our Q&A, Dom told us: "Roy was a man who after a murder, would be in a rush to bleed the body out & chop it up so he could go home & eat dinner with his family, make love to his wife & then sleep like a baby! I mean that's how detached he was from killing people. It didn't bother him in the slightest & I think murder ended up becoming an adrenaline rush for him, he needed it. But when it came to family & friends he was fiercely loyal.

Dominick Montiglio.

"After my uncle Nino ordered him to murder his protégé Chris Rosenberg, he locked himself in his office & cried for 2 days cause he loved him so much. So he truly had two sides absolute remorseless killer & then absolutely 100% caring family man who would do anything for his family. Although I know that he got his son Albert to do a few things that really messed him up, I mean the kid wasn't cut out for that life & I think he ended up in a mental asylum."

Roy’s son Albert wrote about his struggle coming to terms with the reality of having Roy DeMeo for a father in his riveting memoir For the Sins of My Father: A Mafia Killer, His Son, and the Legacy of a Mob Life.

Mob Hitman (Who Flipped) Accused In The Epstein Files

2026-02-03T14:02:00.049-05:00

A person claiming to be a victim of Jeffrey Epstein accused Johnny Martorano—a Patriarca family- and Winter Hill Gang-affiliated hitman who admitted to killing 20 people and who testified at the trial of James (Whitey) Bulger, among others—of rape.

Johnny (Sickle Cell) Martorano.

This is according to a report that highlighted the allegation, which was emailed to two federal judges and was discussed last August by Federal prosecutors in New York, the Justice Department’s Friday release of around 3.5 million Jeffrey Epstein files has revealed

“John Martorano was the man who raped me and took a picture of me naked and said ‘let's take a picture for Clarence Thomas,’” the individual wrote. Yes, Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas is caught up in this. The same victim accused Thomas of sexually assaulting her, when she was a child: "This is also in my CIA file because a few people have asked me if I remembered, but I couldn't remember much of my childhood because I was drugged so much." (Read the FBI file here (pdf); the accuser also alleges numerous other individuals, including Steve Bannon, committed additional heinous crimes against her. We haven't seen any mainstream media coverage of any of it.)

Martorano was considered the "chief executioner" for the Winter Hill Gang, according to testimony from the 2008 trial of former FBI agent John Connolly, Whitey Bulger and Stephen (The Rifleman) Flemmi’s long-time protector/handler.

The hitter cut a deal with law enforcement officials in 1999. He served 12 years and two months in prison after agreeing to testify against Bulger, his former boss.

Boston Herald columnist Howie Carr wrote a book with Martorano called Hitman: The Untold Story of Johnny Martorano.

Aside from his father Luigi, who brought him into organized crime, Martorano’s other mob mentor was Flemmi. (Martorano also testified against him.)

Martorano’s first hit was reportedly on an associate of the Patriarca crime family who was (allegedly) planning to testify in a murder case.

In 2007, he was granted early release and the government provided him with $20,000 in cash.

In 2008, he did a television interview with Steve Kroft on 60 Minutes in which he discussed his feelings about the term “hit man,” arguing that hit men are not the same as serial killers.

MARTORANO: The hitman (the name of the Howie Carr book about him). That sounds like to me somebody getting a paid contract. You couldn’t pay me to kill anybody.

KROFT: But a lot of people would say you’re a serial killer.

MARTORANO: I might be a vigilante but not a serial killer. Serial killers you have to stop them. They’ll never stop. And they enjoy it. I never enjoyed it.

In Tulsa, Oklahoma in May 1981, Martorano shot World Jai Alai owner Roger Wheeler in the head. Wheeler had discovered a skimming operation taking place under his own roof connected to Bulger.

Another hit was covered in a 2013 published report by Phillip Martin: “On a cold night in January, Flemmi got into a bar fight in the South End with an African American. Flemmi lost. He dispatched Martorano, who eventually tracked Herbert Smith to Dorchester. Martorano using a 38-caliber snub nose revolver put a bullet in Smith, but he also killed Smith’s passengers: 17 year old Douglas Barrett and 19 year old Elizabeth Dickson. After news of the murders leaked out, Martorano was a given a new nickname by fellow gangsters. Sickle Cell Anemia, a sometimes fatal disease that strikes African Americans.”

In 1979, Flemmi and Bulger got wind of an impending indictment related to a horse race-fixing scheme involving other Winter Hill Gang members. Alerted by associates, Martorano took off for Florida and escaped the roundup.

For the next 16 years, he lived as a fugitive, continually called upon to take out certain individuals on the hit list, including Roger Wheeler and John Callahan. Martorano finally paid the piper in 1995 when he was nabbed on a racketeering indictment. In 1999, he opted to obtain a get-out-of-jail-free card by agreeing to testify.

Martorano has expressed remorse for only one of his victims: Elizabeth Dickson, who was 19 when Martorano killed her while taking care of Herbert Smith in Dorchester for Flemmi.

Martorano reportedly has been leading a quiet life in Milford County, Massachusetts.

When Crime Pays: Mobsters Who Spent More Time At School Earned More Money

2026-01-20T10:23:00.011-05:00

By Giovanni Mastrobuoni, University of Essex; Nadia Campaniello, University of Essex, and Rowena Gray, University of California, Merced

When it comes to education, you may not think of a mobster or gang member as top of the class, but it turns out that even criminals benefit from more time spent at school.

Did college help don Michael Corleone become a better criminal? Facebook/TheGodfather

Our 2017 study, which used a unique sample from the Italian American mafia, shows that mobsters who began their working lives in the 1930s made significant financial gains from extra years of schooling. We found that a mobster who completed just one extra year of education could increase earnings by around 8% on average.

Of course, mobsters by their very definition are high level, well connected members of complex criminal organisations – that mimic the structure of a large corporation. And in the 1940s, the Italian American mafia were involved in a large number of criminal activities in the US and overseas.

This included running gambling enterprises, large scale drug distribution and selling and loan sharking. To excel at such activities, meant the top personnel needed to be able to evaluate probabilities and risks, as well as have an understanding of logistics – both in terms of national and international boundaries. So maybe then it’s not so surprising that even the mafia can benefit from more time in school.

The business of crime

As part of our research, we searched the 1940 US population census manuscripts for the 723 mobsters who were listed in the 1960 records of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN). This was a bureau within the United States Department of Justice, which laid the groundwork for the modern Drug Enforcement Administration.

The US population census records revealed educational attainment, occupation, wages, employment status, addresses and housing values or rent for 414 of the mobsters in 1940. Using the FBN records, we were able to cross reference these details to find out the extent of each individual’s mob involvement and criminal career – which had been collected for investigative purposes.

The governing body of the American Mafia, formed in 1931. Author provided

Initially, we found the mobsters in our research spent about eight years of their lives in education. This is about one year less than the average for men at the time who were of similar age and race. And this appears to be consistent with the idea that criminals face lower economic benefits from spending extra years in school and so invest less time in it.

But our research also revealed that for every additional year a mobster spent in education, the average increase in income was in fact quite high. So although most mafia members did not attend school for very long, they saw a large economic benefit from any extra time spent there.

The right type of crime

As part of our research, we split our sample mobsters into two groups, “business criminals” and “non-business criminals”. The business criminals’ crimes included embezzlement, forgery, fraud, counterfeiting, gambling, liquor offences, prostitution, tax evasion, and bookmaking. The non-business criminals, on the other hand, tended to commit more violent crimes.

Using our data, we found that the income gains from an extra year of education for the business criminals were shown to be around 13-18%. Whereas for the non-business crinimals, the returns were a lot lower – at around 4-6%.

But of course, as criminal incomes may well have been under-reported at the time, we also used housing values in our research to check if this relationship between income and years spent in education still existed. But even with this comparison, the picture didn’t change. Mobsters who spent more time in the classroom were shown to live in, or rent houses of higher value than those with less education.

Charles ‘Lucky’ Luciano was instrumental in the development of organised crime across the US.

To put these estimates into context, we used the 1940 US Census to look at a sample of the mobster’s neighbours. This allowed us to compare the mobsters with their neighbours on educational attainment and income. We found that male neighbours of similar age to the mobsters got the same “income bonus” from additional years spent in education in their legal jobs as the mobsters did in their illegal activities. And in this way, crime appears to have been a rational route to economic success for Italian immigrants in the US.

Crime as a step up

Louis Ferrante, a former member of the notorious New York Gambino crime family, once claimed that “accomplished mobsters are just like top business leaders” and our research supports this claim.

Our research also demonstrates how participation in the Italian American mafia allowed first and second generation immigrants of Italian origin to achieve fairly large economic benefits from education. But this was only true for those involved in “white collar” crimes – where cognitive abilities were likely to be more valuable.

Clearly then even for a criminal organisation, a level of intelligence is certainly important – especially for those mob members found at the top of these complex criminal networks.

And who knows, given the link between education levels and criminal earnings, maybe similar patterns can be seen in other organised crime groups – like the Russian mafia or Mexican drug cartels.

Giovanni Mastrobuoni, Professor of Economics, University of Essex; Nadia Campaniello, Lecturer in Economics, University of Essex, and Rowena Gray, Assistant Professor in Economics, University of California, Merced

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Modern Mafia: Italy’s Organized Crime Machine Has Changed Beyond Recognition In 30 Years

2026-01-17T13:45:00.008-05:00

By Gianmarco Daniele, Bocconi University

The arrest of Matteo Messina Denaro, one of Sicily’s most infamous mafia bosses, has reminded many Italians of the extreme violence he was associated with when operating as a leading figure of Cosa Nostra.

"Diabolik."

Denaro appears to belong to another time – when the mafia brutally killed at will. And it is indeed true that the period of extreme violence with which he is associated has been confined to the past. But that does not in any way mean Italy’s organised crime groups have disappeared in the 30 years Denaro has been in hiding – they’ve just had a rethink about how they operate.

The Italian mafia has drastically reduced the number of homicides it carries out. Violence is now used in a much more strategic and less visible way. Rather than bloody and conspicuous murders, the modern mafia intimidates with crimes that are less likely to be reported to the police – such as arson and physical assault or sending threats. Murder is now a last resort.

The violent conflict between the Sicilian mafia and the Italian state reached its climax in the early 1990s. This was a period characterised by massacre after massacre, including the notorious bombing on Via D'Amelio in 1992 that killed magistrate Paolo Borsellino and five members of his entourage. In 1991 alone, there were 1,916 homicides – 718 of which were of a mafia nature.

The media covered every twist and turn. Politicians spoke in parliament about the scourge of organised crime. Mafia activity occupied a significant place in Italy’s public discourse and cultural imagination.

The authorities reacted with force. New laws were enacted, such as the “41-bis” prison regime, which included the threat of solitary confinement for members of organised crime gangs. A local municipality could be stripped of its powers for up to two years if local officials were thought to be working with the mafia, and a nationally appointed technocratic administration installed to clean house. A national anti-mafia directorate was also created so that more resources could be dedicated to the fight against organised crime.

In the years that followed, data shows a radical decrease in the number of mafia-related homicides, from 718 in 1991 to just 28 in 2019. In 2020, there were 271 homicides in Italy, compared with almost 2,000 in 1991. With 0.5 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, Italy now has the fewest homicides in Europe after Iceland and Slovenia – fewer homicides per capita than Norway, Switzerland or Luxembourg.

At the same time, an interesting trend can be identified. In ongoing research, I’ve been analysing the archive of RAI (Italian National Television) over the past 40 years and studying the content of national and regional news bulletins. It’s clear that in years with more mafia homicides, media coverage related to the mafia increases, measured by the percentage of news on the mafia topic.

Conversely, when mafia homicides decrease, the topic is talked about less and there are fewer interventions in parliament. For example, between 1992 and 1994, organised crime was cited in 15% of speeches by parliamentarians. Within 20 years it was being mentioned in just 4.3% of speeches.

In other words, the more the mafia openly kills, the more attention it attracts from the media and politicians. It’s important to note that these are not necessarily years in which the mafia has been any less active in other ways. The smuggling, racketeering and corruption continues unabated. Only the most noticeable violence is in retreat.

Unreported and unnoticed

All of this suggests that the decrease in the number of homicides could, at least in part, be a strategic choice. Criminals have worked out what they need to do to fly under the radar and be left to their own devices.

This does not mean that violence is no longer used – it is simply more targeted. As reported every year by the anti-mafia charity Avviso Pubblico, local administrators are now the main targets of the mafia. They are sent threatening letters and are treated with aggression in person at a rate of about one incident per day. This phenomenon goes almost unnoticed by the media, which would surely pay attention were a member of the national parliament face intimidation or violence. At best, local officials might see their experiences reported in the local press; it’s rare for such incidents to be reported on at a national level.

The mafia thereby neatly achieves its goal of influencing local politics without attracting media and political attention. Election periods are particularly delicate: mayors are subject to the most threats at these times, particularly in the period immediately after taking office, as local criminals see an opportunity to take control of the newcomer.

This strategy has facilitated the mafia’s economic expansion. While the number of murders has declined, the number of properties and businesses seized from the mafia has ballooned – again suggesting that a drop in violent crime is not necessarily an indicator of a drop in other types of criminal activity. In 1991, the state seized two companies and four properties from the mafia. In 2019, 351 companies and 651 properties were seized.

These figures could be read as indicating that law enforcement is doing a better job of identifying economic crime, and that could indeed be the case. But other data lends weight to the more pessimistic interpretation of the facts.

In 2019, assets relating to organised criminals were seized in 11 Italian provinces (largely in the northern regions) that had never previously experienced mafia activity. And today, each police operation related to organised crime leads to seizures of about €1 million (£880,000). At the end of the 1990s, the average value was about €50,000.

This suggests that far from being in retreat, the mafia is expanding into new areas of the country, and finding more lucrative opportunities as it goes.

Gianmarco Daniele, Assistant Professor at University of Milan and Executive Director of the CLEAN Unit on the economics of crime at Bocconi University, Bocconi University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

About The Sitdown With Jeff Nadu Podcast (Which Sammy The Bull LOVES)

2026-01-15T17:17:00.062-05:00

Jeff Nadu recently contacted us about this story, and we're working on a follow-up.

The following is about podcasting feuds between former members of organized crime and how these feuds sometimes create unlikely alliances because the enemy of my enemy is my friend.

We received emails from a couple of sources alerting us to the existence of Jeff Nadu last year.

Who is Jeff Nadu?

Jeff Nadu, host of The Sitdown with Jeff Nadu. (Source: Vendetta Sports Media.)

He launched The Sitdown with Jeff Nadu podcast a couple of years ago. Another guy doing another mob podcast. There's a million of them, and many of them are done by former wiseguys and associates. Nadu is neither but seems to be holding his own. His podcasts are generating tens of thousands of hits, with some getting views in the hundreds of thousands.

We've listened to a handful and liked them, and we emailed Jeff and told him so.

His "about" section offers the following:

Jeff Nadu is an American Mafia and organized crime researcher, podcaster and content creator. He has worked at Barstool Sports and was hired personally by Dave Portnoy. His podcast "The Sitdown" with Jeff Nadu has put out hundreds of biographies on various mobsters, gangsters and criminals. He's also personally interviewed mobsters like Sammy "The Bull" Gravano, Junior Pagan, Anthony Ruggiano Jr, Gene Borrello and others as well as US Prosecutor John Gleeson and FBI Agents Joaquin "Jack" Garcia and Michael Campi. He has been personally endorsed by former Gambino mob captain Michael "Mikey Scars" DiLeonardo, esteemed author RJ Roger, and former Colombo Crime Family captain Michael Franzese.

Nadu recently did an all-guns-blazing frontal assault on Dom Cicale, former Bonanno capo. Called "The Downfall of Dom Cicale," Nadu attempts to paint a psychological portrait of Dom, calling out his alleged inability to maintain relationships ("he killed people close to him," Nadu says without even a hint of irony). He calls out Cicale's venture into the risky cryptocurrency domain and an encounter between Cicale and Michael (Mikie Scars) DeLeonardo, among other things.

"What exactly has happened to Dominic Cicale?" he asks.

At least initially, Nadu seemed to be responding to an injunction he said Dom had attempted to file in Seminole County Court over a beef Dom had gotten into with someone (not Nadu) over some kind of cryptocurrency deal. Nadu says this injunction was thrown out of court, then swiftly transitions to discussing his own background in mob punditry.

While Nadu regularly targets certain people, it was the viciousness of his attack on Cicale that piqued our interest --- and inspired us to take another look. While we didn't exactly do a deep dive into Nadu (not yet anyway), we did find some interesting low-hanging fruit regarding this gentleman, who popped up out of seemingly nowhere a couple of years ago.

A disclosure: Some of our longtime readers will remember that, around a decade ago, we wrote a small ebook with Dom Cicale called Inside the Last Great Mafia Empire (because we believed, and still believe, that former boss Joe Massino was indeed running the last great Mafia empire). We are proud of that book, which topped the Amazon best seller list (for true crime). It sold a lot of copies for a small, self-published effort. (Jerry Capeci at least twice zinged it in his column without naming it, highlighting the fact that it's only 50-something pages, as if length itself is a kind of virtue. Hey, Mr. Capeci, sir, with all due respect, the book had a price of about five bucks and was VOLUME ONE of an intended series. Short ebooks, and ebook series, were pretty new at the time.)

We haven't been in regular contact with Dom since working on that ebook, which we have not promoted, or profited from, in years, though we've occasionally written about Dom. He's always got numerous projects at various stages of completion in the works, one of which is his podcast, which Dom himself hasn't hesitated to use to go after others. He's started "feuds" with many people, including Sammy the Bull and Skinny Joey Merlino, among others. (Feuds among mob podcasters spring up every three seconds, but can last for an eternity. Gene Borrello and Skinny Joey have been tearing each other apart for years, though it feels more like decades.)

Not long after Nadu's podcast on Dom dropped, Sammy the Bull dropped a podcast titled From Made Man to Done Man (Jeff Nadu Was Right).

And we knew what Nadu was right about, in Sammy's head anyway. He was right about attacking Dom. (And we knew we had something we wanted to write about.)

In the podcast, Sammy is awestruck by Nadu's cunning journalistic abilities, though to us, it seemed more a case of Nadu simply utilizing Google search to find an article from 2008 about a Cicale family feud: "A Pelham Bay woman whose grandson and former-daughter in law allegedly took out a mortgage loan in her name by forging her signature says she is nearing bankruptcy and close to being kicked out of her home because of a faulty loan."

Nadu is attacking Cicale with a 20-year-old newspaper report, and Sammy loves Nadu now. Or hates Cicale more.

Sammy's newfound love, however, comes on the heels of a beef. Gravano and Nadu themselves had gotten into a feud not that long ago. But it was over something minor, Sammy says, dismissing it and confessing he can't even recall exactly what it was about (because it was so minor!).

We know what it was about. And it wasn't that minor, considering what Sammy said at the time.

Hear Sammy's fury here via a recording presented in May 2024:

"I would like you to come down and see me because I'm gonna bust your fcking mouth wide open," Sammy says, speaking to Nadu, who had attacked some of the people who worked on Gravano's podcast.

"I'm gonna put you on your fcking knees and I'm gonna make you suck my dick," Sammy continues.

"Shut your fcking mouth. Be a fcking man... Come and fck with me (not the kids who work for me)... Fcking bum...You wanna do something, come down... I'm sick of this fcking bum."

In another podcast, Scott Burnstein's TABLOID Fantasies on Joey Merlino, he focuses on the mob journalist, the Feast of San Gennaro, and Skinny Joey Merlino, who was allegedly at the street fair selling his cheesesteaks. And Nadu was there, he tells us. He talks about certain people and events as though he were an eyewitness who learned the information firsthand, which is most certainly not the case.

Nadu also questions Burnstein's reporting about the shelving of Merlino, apparently not knowing that it was Jerry Capeci, not Scott Burnstein, who broke that news in 2024, reporting:

(S)ources — both New York and Philadelphia-based — say that Skinny Joey has been officially put "on a shelf" by the (Philadelphia) crime family. He's lost all his rights and responsibilities as a wiseguy and now has essentially a persona non grata relationship with wiseguys in Philadelphia and everywhere else. It's the first time that's happened to an East Coast Mafia boss who did not break his vow of omerta.

Why was Skinny Joey shelved? Because he's doing a podcast, of course.

The sources say that both the Gambino and Genovese families "have expressed concerns" to (George) Borgesi (who took over the reigns of the Philadelphia crime family) about Merlino's current role on "The SKINNY with Joey Melino," which features Skinny Joey as prognosticator extraordinaire about sporting events, as well as a frequent critic of mob "rats," reporters and other podcasters he says have wronged him.

But what takes the cake is what Nadu said during the Cicale takedown podcast:

"To be really successful in the mob genre, to get to where a Michael Franzese is, you need someone like me."

Who does Nadu think he is? Dave Portnoy?

Dave Portnoy founded and owns the sports/pop culture digital media company Barstool Sports, which he expanded from a free, Boston-area sports paper that debuted in the early 2000s into a national, mega brand that is today extremely influential and successful primarily via its podcasts and social media footprint.

As for Nadu's history with Barstool, which he isn't shy about touting, Portnoy actually didn't have much that was good to say about Nadu; in fact, had called him an "ungrateful, selfish pig" whose podcast for Barstool didn't make the company money. "If I saw him get hit by a car, laying on the street, I would not stop to call an ambulance, or help him up," Portnoy continued. "Not because I hate him, because there's nobody who's just more for himself. And dumb."

Portnoy called him “the biggest narcissist in the world” and added that Nadu is dead to Barstool “forever.”

Nadu was employed at Barstool twice and seemed to be doing well. His annual salary was around $75,000 to $100,000, not chicken scratch by any stretch. But he up and left the company, for the second time, when they didn't pay him the $200,000 annual salary he was demanding.

As per a published report:

"Long story short, this is crazy. Nadu quit (Barstool) in 2021 due to a number of ugly reasons... However, he basically begged to come back in 2022, and his wish was granted. As Portnoy put it in the video, he was signed to a one-year deal with an option for a second. They were ready to trigger the second-year option and a raise of $10,000. However, Nadu was disappointed and reportedly wanted as much as $200,000 for the second year, which Portnoy described as a “100 percent raise.”

"That basically forced Portnoy’s hand to null the contract and release Nadu. They even discussed how he did not show up to the Barstool office and that his podcast was not making them any money. It’s not pretty to air out dirty laundry, but sometimes it’s the only way.

"While Dave claims he doesn’t have any ill will towards Nadu, he did use some pretty strong language on the video (see below this). He was already on pretty bad terms with other employees, but this was the straw that broke the camel’s back."

The New York Post even covered Nadu's departure from Barstool: “Another Barstool Sports personality is out, but founder Dave Portnoy doesn’t appear to be shedding any tears this time around. The issue arose due to what the podcaster/personality felt he deserved during the optional second year of his contract.

Portnoy said Barstool gave him a $10,000 raise and that Nadu responded by saying he was expecting a more significant increase in pay.

“I think he wanted $200,000 a year,” Portnoy said.

“I’m like, ‘You signed a contract. You fulfill your contract, and at the end of your contract, we’ll discuss what you want,’” the Barstool founder told a stunned Dan “Big Cat” Katz and Kevin “KFC” Clancy. “This is crazy. You’re going to do this like everyb-oy else. You know what Nadu, I’m so f–king sick of you if you want to take your s–t and leave we’ll let you out of your contact."

(Nadu has Reddit pages devoted to hating him. You probably have at least some issues if you can generate Reddit pages opposing your existence.)

Nadu apparently was supposed to launch his mob podcast with Vendetta Sports Media, which, unlike Barstool (according to Nadu), was going to "support him," though he ultimately went his own way.

As per the website:

"Nadu was going to come to Vendetta to start the Mafia show he does now. All of the things Nadu complained about with Barstool about not having enough support, we were going to provide him. The Sit Down show didn’t exist yet and we were going to help build it from scratch. Nadu didn’t need us given the following he has but we thought that we had built a friendly relationship that he could move forward with and trust. We interviewed him twice in the past and felt that this thing had the potential to be huge under our platform.

Thumbnails were made. Audio producers and video editors were set aside specifically for him. I thought the Mafia stuff would have been a perfect fit at Vendetta and we were going to give him all the help he ever could have wanted. Again, all the things that Nadu complained about Barstool not providing him enough help, we were taking care of that part. At the last moment, Nadu backed out and begged to go back to Barstool.

And that is about all we have to say on this topic, at least for now, though we'll add: We get great tips from folks who email us. Please continue to contact us with news leads, story ideas, and anything else on your mind by way of cosanostranews@gmail.com.

How Mobsters’ Own Words Brought Down Philly’s Mafia − A Veteran Crime Reporter Has The Story Behind The End Of The ‘Mob War’

2026-01-13T15:09:00.001-05:00

By George Anastasia, Adjunct Professor of Law and Justice Studies, Rowan University

The bloody mob war that is the focus of the 2025 Netflix series “Mob War: Philadelphia vs. The Mafia,” is full of the murder and mayhem, treachery and deceit that have been the hallmarks of the nation’s Cosa Nostra family conflicts.

Former mob boss John Stanfa, pictured here in 1980, waged a bloody war for control of the Philadelphia mafia in the late 1990s. Bettmann via Getty Images

What was different in Philadelphia was that the FBI had it all wired for sound.

Electronic surveillance has been a major tool in the government’s highly successful war against the Mafia nationwide, but nowhere has its impact been felt more dramatically than in Philadelphia.

As a reporter for The Philadelphia Inquirer, I covered this mob war in real time from 1994 through 2000. Now I teach a course at Rowan University on the history of organized crime, using the war as a case study, and I was a consultant on the Netflix series.

The war pitted one faction of the Philadelphia mob, headed by Sicilian-born John Stanfa, against a rival faction led by Joseph “Skinny Joey” Merlino. The issues were control of all illegal operations in the underworld – gambling, loan-sharking, drug-dealing and extortion. Money was the bottom line, but there also was a cultural and generational divide that had Stanfa and, for the most part, his group of older wiseguys facing off against Merlino and his crew of young South Philadelphia-born mobsters.

But only after indictments were handed down and evidence was introduced at trials did the extent of the electronic surveillance operation become known.

‘Goodfellas kill goodfellas’

Mobsters, speaking in unguarded moments and unaware that the feds were listening, buried themselves.

So here was mob boss Stanfa discussing with an associate plans to lure Merlino and two of his two lieutenants to a meeting where they would be killed:

“See, you no gotta give a chance,” the Sicilian-born Stanfa said in his halting English. “Bam, bam … Over here is best, behind the ear.”

Or here was Salvatore Profaci, a New York mobster brought in to quietly settle a dispute that had gone public after mob lawyer Salvatore Avena filed a multimillion-dollar lawsuit against his mobbed-up business partner in a trash-hauling business.

“Goodfellas don’t sue goodfellas,” Profaci said in a line that couldn’t have been written any better by “The Godfather” author Mario Puzo or delivered more effectively by the award-winning actor Robert De Niro. “Goodfellas kill goodfellas.”

The most staggering piece of the investigation, which was made known only after Stanfa and more than 20 of his associates had been indicted and arrested, was that the FBI had received court authorization to plant listening devices in the Camden, New Jersey, law offices of Salvatore Avena, Stanfa’s defense attorney.

A judge approved the highly unusual authorization after the feds argued that Stanfa was using the shield of attorney-client privilege to conduct mob meetings in Avena’s office while a mob war raged on the streets of South Philadelphia.

More than 2,000 conversations were recorded during the two-year electronic surveillance operation, with FBI agents and an assistant U.S. attorney manning a listening post in the basement of the federal courthouse a block away from Avena’s office. Whenever Stanfa and his associates got together, the feds were listening. Many of those conversations were then introduced as evidence at the racketeering trials that followed.

The conversations proved to be a treasure trove not only for investigators but also for journalists who covered the story as it unfolded and later got access to the tapes that were made public when the cases went to trial.

Blood in the streets

Two of the books I’ve written about the Philadelphia mob, “The Last Gangster” in 2004 and “The Goodfella Tapes” in 1998, are built around those tapes and the investigations they spawned.

Anyone who has written true crime knows that part of the problem with nonfiction storytelling is coming up with dialogue. In writing books about the Philadelphia mob wars that are the focus of the new Netflix series, that was never a problem.

Mobsters from Philadelphia, South Jersey, New York and the Scanton-Wilkes Barre area of Pennsylvania ended up on the recordings, which offered not only details about the war but also included philosophical ramblings and personal asides that provided a glimpse into the world of organized crime as good as or better than any fictionalized story line from “The Godfather” or “The Sopranos.”

Throughout the conflict, as bodies piled up and blood ran in the streets of the City of Brotherly Love, Stanfa and several of his associates were picked up plotting murder and mayhem, bemoaning the loss of honor and loyalty that had once been the hallmark of Cosa Nostra, and belittling their street-corner rivals, the “little Americans” who hadn’t a clue about what it meant to be a real mafioso.

“When you’re a dwarf they could put you on a high mountain, you’re still a dwarf,” Avena told Stanfa in one of several conversations mocking Merlino and his associates.

“I was born and raised in this thing (Cosa Nostra) and I’m gonna die in this thing,” said Stanfa at another point, bemoaning the state of the Philadelphia mob. “But with the right people. Over here is like kindergarten.”

Former Philadelphia mob boss ‘Skinny’ Joey Merlino, pictured here in 1997. AP Photo/H. Rumph Jr.

‘You can’t cross-examine a tape’

Electronic surveillance was used again and again in racketeering trials in which the feds not only dismantled but judicially eviscerated the Philadelphia crime family.

Stanfa is currently serving life in prison. Several of his top associates were jailed for more than 20 years. In a second prosecution, Merlino and most of his top associates were convicted of racketeering and jailed for sentences ranging from seven to 14 years.

Dozens of conversations were played for the juries that sat in judgment during the racketeering trials that followed. Again and again the mobster’s own words were turned against them.

Another highlight was an FBI surveillance video of a mob hit picked up on a hidden camera as it occurred. A surveillance camera located across the street from a deli run by then-Stanfa underboss Joseph Ciancaglini Jr. picked up the early morning shooting in which four shadowy figures burst into the deli and opened fire. An audio bug hidden inside the deli provided the sound effects – gunshots, shouting and the screams of a waitress. The shooting occurred shortly after 6 a.m. and just moments after Ciancaglini and his waitress had arrived and begun setting up for business.

Cooperating witnesses were also part of the trial, but defense attorneys frequently undermined their testimony by providing a litany of the crimes – often including murders – that the witnesses had admitted to as part of their plea deals.

You can attack the credibility of a cooperating witness by focusing on his own crimes and his need to say whatever the government wants in order to win a lenient sentence, a defense attorney once explained to me. What you can’t do, he said, “is cross-examine a tape.”

Jurors got to hear mobsters in their own words discussing the mob war. And there was nothing the defense could do to counterattack the impact of those words.

One classic discussion underscored the mobsters’ concern about electronic surveillance and demonstrated their inability to do much about it.

Stanfa consigliere Anthony Piccolo was talking with Avena about the problem with cooperators and phone taps. Both men agreed it was important to be cautious. Avena then told Piccolo that he’d had an electronic anti-bugging expert come into his office over the weekend and had swept the rooms. It had cost him $500, Avena said.

“It’s money well spent,” said Piccolo as the undetected FBI listening device beamed the conversation back to the listening post.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, or sign up for our Philadelphia newsletter on Substack.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Leveraging Trump’s Lingering Fury At The Mueller Investigation, Lawyer Seeks Pardons For Two Colombo Mobsters Serving Life Sentences

2026-01-09T14:08:00.009-05:00

David Schoen, one of the attorneys who helped President Donald Trump win an acquittal following his second impeachment trial—for inciting an insurrection at the Capitol on January 6—is representing, pro bono, former Colombo mobsters Michael Sessa and Victor (Little Vic) Orena, who have been sitting in prison cells for more than three decades thanks to crimes committed during the third Colombo war, which left 12 dead and dozens wounded in the early 1990s.

Vic Orena, former Colombo acting boss.

Schoen wrote a letter seeking pardons or commuted sentences for Orena and Sessa, which he sent to Trump on Christmas Eve. So far, the President hasn’t responded.

Orena, 91, the former Colombo acting boss who had visions of making his position official and who is today wheelchair-bound and suffering from dementia, among other ailments, was convicted in 1992 of nine counts, including the murder of Thomas Ocera and conspiracy to murder members of the “Persico faction” of the Colombo family. He received multiple life sentences.

Sessa, 67, an acting capo, also was convicted in 1992 of various crimes, including the murder of Anthony Coluccio and conspiracy to murder members of the “Orena faction.” (Sessa and Orena may be on the same side today, but they most definitely were not during the war years.) He also was sentenced to life in prison.

Trump has granted clemency to more than 1,600 people so far during his second term. He recently pardoned former Honduras president Juan Orlando Hernández, who was convicted last year of conspiring to smuggle over 400 tons of cocaine into the United States after Trump political adviser Roger Stone convinced him that Hernández had been unfairly targeted by President Joe Biden. (Schoen, who practices law in Montgomery, Alabama, represented Stone during an appeal of Stone’s convictions on charges brought during the Mueller investigation.)

Like Stone, Schoen’s argument for clemency also includes a well-known Trump nemesis, the lawyer Andrew Weissmann. Weissmann has been in Trump’s crosshairs ever since he served as lead prosecutor in Robert Mueller’s special counsel’s office investigating Russian interference in Trump’s 2016 election victory. Trump—who has repeatedly called Weissmann a “slimeball” —has signed executive orders stripping Weissmann of his security clearance and targeting Jenner & Block, Weissmann’s white-shoe law firm.

Michael Sessa, middle, alleged former acting Colombo capo.

Weissmann’s many public service roles included a 15-year stint as a Federal prosecutor in the Eastern District of New York, where he prosecuted multiple Mafia cases, including the cases against Sessa and Orena, which Schoen has called “the most outrageous government misconduct I ever have encountered in 40 years of practicing law.”

“Without a grant of clemency, Mr. President, these two men will remain in prison for the rest of their lives as a direct consequence of Andrew Weissmann’s outrageous misconduct,” Schoen noted in his letter to Trump.

The letter, which also has been published on Roger Stone’s website, argues that:

“Thirty-five years ago, federal prosecutors in Brooklyn alleged that a “war” broke out within an Italian organized crime enterprise known as the Colombo Family. We know today from evidence that has come to light, but that was withheld at the time, that in truth, a brutal mob killer and underboss of the Colombo Family named Gregory Scarpa, working with a corrupt FBI agent named Lindley De Vecchio, fomented the “war” to enable Scarpa and his friends to gain control of the Family. Much of what we now know comes from Scarpa’s son, who committed crimes with and for his father and from other Top Echelon Confidential Informants and indisputable documentary evidence.

“Andrew Weissmann knowingly and intentionally withheld all evidence of the corrupt relationship between Scarpa and Devecchio and essentially gave them license to kill, according to a Top Echelon Confidential Informant working for them, who admitted committing 12 murders while working under their watch. At one point, another AUSA questioned Weissmann on why he was not turning over exculpatory evidence to the defense and he falsely and unethically denied that what he knew about this corrupt relationship had to be disclosed.

“Michael Sessa and Vic Orena, accused of being a Captain and Acting Boss respectively, were convicted by a jury as a direct result of Weissmann’s corrupt decision to withhold all exculpatory evidence (described in further detail below). Once evidence of the corrupt relationship was exposed after their trials, every single other defendant in directly related trials, including 16 defendants in front of 48 different jurors, were acquitted. The Department of Justice had to completely overhaul its rules for dealing with confidential informants. FBI agent Devecchio was indicted for multiple murders, but Weissmann has to date remained completely unaccountable for what he did in securing convictions and life sentences for Michael Sessa and Vic Orena through perjured testimony and by withholding the most vitally important and directly relevant exculpatory evidence.”

The letter also cites articles by right-wing writer Joe Hoft, Gateway Pundit website founder, which allege that both men were unfairly targeted by Weissmann.

And Sessa’s cause has also been getting a boost thanks to Jennie Bruzzese Coluccio, the wife of the man who Sessa was convicted of murdering. She’s also been writing letters seeking Sessa’s release from prison.

- - - - - -

Anthony (Bird) Coluccio, a Colombo associate in Sessa’s crew, was murdered in May 1989. As per court documents, Coluccio primarily conducted loansharking activities, but had also “done some work with [Colombo consiglieri Carmine Sessa, Michael’s brother], meaning murders.”

During the several months prior to his murder, Coluccio “was dealing drugs, was taking drugs, was committing robberies, [and] was doing stupid things. In the winter of 1989, he was arrested with his brother for possession of drugs while on his way to Atlantic City, New Jersey. Fearing that, if arrested again, Coluccio would cooperate with authorities, Carmine Sessa instructed Michael and Joseph Ambrosino to “kill [Coluccio] in the car and dump him off on Third Avenue under the highway where the Puerto Ricans hang out, in a drug infested neighborhood; let everybody think that the drug dealers killed him.”

Prosecutors, based on Ambrosino’s testimony, alleged Michael Sessa shot Coluccio three times in the back of the head.

As for the murder of Ocera, as per testimony at trial, Orena had a number of motives—including he did it as a favor to John Gotti—but his primary reason, as per prosecutors, was to silence Ocera after he put Orena in jeopardy thanks to an October 5, 1989, search executed by Suffolk County police of the Ocera-operated Manor Restaurant in Merrick, on Long Island. The police seized Ocera's loansharking records, and the seized records implicated Orena.

- - - - - -

We don't know about the Andrew Weissmann allegations, etc., but we do know that these guys have been in prison since Bill Clinton’s first term as president. Orena is in his 90s and in failing health; Sessa may be younger and in better health, but even the wife of the man he supposedly killed is working to get him released. She has called Michael “a good man who made a bad mistake.”

Enough is enough, in our humble opinion. Let these guys out, for Christ’s sake.

Bonannos Linked To Blown Up Venezuelan Drug Boats?

2025-12-29T12:14:00.036-05:00

A senior organized crime prosecutor once said that the Bonanno family’s idea of a meeting was to “sit around in a circle and shoot at each other.” While he was thinking of Bonanno family history circa the 1960s and 1970s, we couldn’t help but recall that quote—and the sentiment around it—when word of recent family unrest reached us.

Mikey Nose, the recent prison years.

Believe it nor not, it involves Operation Southern Spear, the US military’s campaign in the Caribbean to annihilate drug-smuggling boats to stop a perceived flow of illegal drugs into this country from Venezuela. The military has so far conducted at least 29 strikes since September 2, killing at least 105 individuals.

The Trump Administration and the Pentagon have presented no public evidence to support their drug trafficking assertions. In fact, Operation Southern Spear is most likely a “false flag” operation—the real goal of which is regime change in Venezuela, not destroying drug trafficking. It’s also been reported that most of the targeted vessels were not even heading for the US—and that cocaine on any of those boats was likely destined for Europe. Consequently, Trump’s lethal campaign has been causing ripples in Washington, DC, and elsewhere—including, we were recently told, among some Bonanno wiseguys in the Bronx.

Specifically, word has reached Bonanno boss Michael (Mikey Nose) Mancuso that two shelved members of his Bonanno family—former acting boss Joseph (Joe C) Cammarano and Joseph Grimaldi, son of the late Vito Grimaldi—had links to two of the sunk boats.

And Mikey Nose is none too pleased.

Mikey Nose is “seething like a motherfcker,” said a source, who added that Mancuso had been told of the boat connection by “someone close” to Grimaldi and Cammarano.

“Two of their boats – from what I heard – got blown up,” said the source, adding that “a captain on one of the boats had been working for Vito (Grimaldi) and his son. And they’re (Joe C and Grimaldi) scared to death.”

The source noted that Joe C. and Grimaldi have been “doing business in Venezuela for years. They’re trying to deny (their links now), but somebody close to them gave them up.”

Vito Grimaldi, said the source, purchased an estate in Venezuela in the late 1970s-early 1980s and became friendly with the government there. (Many Sicilian Mafiosi who were involved in the Pizza Connection drug smuggling operation also settled in Venezuela; some of them then relocated to Canada. The powerful Cuntrera-Caruana clan, a major component of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra's drug trafficking operations focused on money laundering, also planted a flag in Venezuela.)

Since Vito’s death in 2022, Grimaldi’s son has allegedly taken the reins of his businesses.

What’s got Mikey Nose on edge, said the source, is that this story—about Bonanno-linked boats getting blown up by the US military—could make a huge splash in the media—and the Bonanno boss doesn't want to wake up one morning and see his face on page one of the Daily News or New York Post while eating his cornflakes.

“Now you’re not talking South American drug cartels. You’re talking about New York organized crime guys.

“I wouldn’t want to be in (Cammarano and Grimaldi’s) shoes. They don’t have enough money in the world to make this go away.”

Mancuso has considerable animosity towards Joe C. He shelved Cammarano and Grimaldi, among others, in 2019 after he finished serving a 15-year prison sentence. Mancuso learned, via testimony from Cammarano’s racketeering trial, that, two years prior, Cammarano had tried to get Bonanno family capos to anoint him as official boss while Mikey Nose was still behind bars. Then, in the summer of 2022, tensions between Mancuso and Joe C. ramped up even more when a brawl erupted between Mancuso’s Bonanno family members and Joe C’s biker allies at a Long Island funeral parlor during a wake for Cammarano's father-in-law, Vito Grimaldi.

Shelved with Joe C were then-reputed consigliere John (Porky) Zancocchio (with whom Joe C was on trial in 2019), Vito Grimaldi, and his son Joseph. (Mancuso still valued Vito Grimaldi, who was a major earner who owned and operated Grimaldi's Home Of Bread, the legendary Ridgewood, Queens bakery.)

Mancuso was released from prison one day prior to Cammarano’s dramatic acquittal (and one week prior to the unconnected execution of Gambino boss Frank Cali on Staten Island).

If attempting to take over the family wasn’t enough, Mikey Nose also hated the “musical consiglieres” trial strategy used by Cammarano and his codefendants, which actually helped them win stunning acquittals. Mancuso apparently didn't appreciate the notion that he frequently replaced consiglieres.

Kitchen Nightmares Wiseguy To Open New Restaurants In Manhattan, Ft. Lauderdale

2025-11-03T16:33:00.005-05:00

Bonanno wiseguy Peter (Peter Pasta) Pellegrino, who appeared in one of the first episodes of Gordon Ramsay's Kitchen Nightmares, and whom we last wrote about in May, is leaping back into the restaurant business.

Peter Pasta, who seems to have much to smile about these days.

That is according to a source who recently alerted us to a Reddit post that says, "New Peter's Restaurant plans are in the works NYC& South Florida...Stay Tuned."

Pellegrino is in the "early stages of the planning" for the restaurants, the source said, adding that the one in Florida will likely open on Los Olas Blvd. in Fort Lauderdale.

A high-profile celebrity partner is involved, and a formal announcement will be made after the new year.

In May, we reported that Peter Pasta was among the Bonannos who benefitted from Michael (Mikey Nose) Mancuso's reorganization of the Bonanno family last Christmas. Pellegrino was bumped from acting capo to official capo and is overseeing a Bonanno crew in Florida and one allied with Albanians in Ridgewood, Queens.

Peter Pasta splits his time between New York and Florida (just about every six weeks he's boarding an airplane) and has a house in Middle Village and a beachfront condo in the Sunshine State, we’ve been told.

Back in March, Pellegrino was pulled over in Ridgewood, Queens, while making collections.

He and other Bonannos had to show up in Manhattan and give the Feds voice prints earlier this year.

We've also got some information about how, following the recent death of Vincenzo LoScalzo, Peter Pasta's Florida crew is absorbing some remnants of the old Trafficante family. Those of you familiar with the story of Sonny Black (and our theory on how he may have scammed his own borgata) will know some of the background on the relationship between the two families. We're saving this material for a follow-up piece.

How Regulation Is Reshaping The Online Gambling Business Model

2025-07-14T17:05:00.004-04:00

Contemporary gambling is no longer problematic, in contrast to previous times. Better options worldwide are gaining unprecedented access to a diverse array of online choices as technology advances and legal frameworks are revised.

Source: Unsplash

International online casinos present both exhilarating prospects and unique challenges to users worldwide. Individuals must possess an understanding of the primary trends, regulatory intricacies, and technical innovations propelling this dynamic business to engage boldly and successfully in international virtual casinos.

Contemporary gambling is no longer problematic, in contrast to previous times. Better options worldwide are gaining unprecedented access to a diverse array of online choices as technology advances and legal frameworks are revised.

International online casinos present both exhilarating prospects and unique challenges to users worldwide. Individuals must possess an understanding of the primary trends, regulatory intricacies, and technical innovations propelling this dynamic business to engage boldly and successfully in international virtual casinos.

A Mosaic of Regulations

Europe exemplifies the efficacy of astute governance. The UK's strategy generated £5.3 billion online last year. Germany's new regulations, although initially seen with scepticism, have enhanced the safety of betting without diminishing profitability.

The state-by-state model of America is a captivating mosaic. New Jersey's online tables earn over $1.6 billion monthly, whereas Michigan's emerging sector expands at an annual pace of 25 percent. This illustrates that pixelated and real-world gaming environments can coexist successfully.

Asia remains the missing element in the equation. Despite financing the majority of casino wins worldwide, online gambling remains predominantly accessible to bettors. The Philippines and Singapore exhibit a slight opening; however, neighbouring countries oppose unlawful establishments. The disparity between legal alternatives and the aspirations of gambling aficionados appears ready to change.

Tracing the financial pathway

Physical casinos have generated a substantial $308 billion in revenue during the past year. However, their virtual counterparts are rapidly advancing, with a growth rate twice that of traditional gamers. Accountants anticipate that international casino websites will generate $20 billion in the next fiscal year, reflecting an annual growth rate of approximately 12%.

Screen action predominantly attracts individuals under the age of 40. In Sweden, New Jersey, and various other places, 60% of new enrolments occur via mobile phones. This is significant in regions with limited physical establishments, such as rural areas or locations with stringent casino regulations.

Technology Transforming the Landscape

Contemporary gaming websites provide significantly more than just hosting online versions of vintage games. The advanced technology now provides recommendations while monitoring for signs of discomfort. These electronic monitors identify danger signs more rapidly than a floor manager could.

Alongside these innovations, many platforms are expanding their free-play offerings to engage new users and promote responsible gambling. One notable example is the range of free to play slots curated by Bonusfinder Canada, which offer Canadian players a safe and entertaining way to explore popular slot titles without financial risk. These curated options cater especially well to beginners or those testing new platforms before committing real money.

The advancement of virtual reality technology in online casinos has achieved a significant level of sophistication, with premier platforms now providing immersive virtual card rooms that nearly replicate authentic casino tables. Industry reports indicate that participants utilising VR settings generally invest considerably more time in engagement compared to those on conventional flat screens, with certain operators observing session increases of up to 40%.

Cryptocurrency addresses both issues simultaneously. The technology provides transparent paper trails to circumvent regulators, while facilitating transactions that traditional banks do not permit. In Southeast Asia and a significant portion of Latin America, electronic currency has emerged as the preferred method for replenishing accounts.

Traversing the Regulatory Labyrinth

The regulation of betting varies significantly by location. European operators must evaluate continent-wide standards in relation to national standards. Recent British regulations about user account verification and betting limits in Germany exemplify the rapid changes occurring today.

The American conundrum is further complicated, as each state formulates its own distinct set of qualifications. Pennsylvania specifies individuals with precision, but West Virginia imposes unique game testing stipulations. It is unsurprising that only affluent corporations with extensive legal teams can navigate multiple states.

Emerging markets such as Brazil and India have the potential to transform circumstances overnight, yet remain fraught with uncertainties. Recently enacted legislation can unveil significant, previously unrecognised prospects. Consequently, individuals contemplating these gold mines must assist in establishing prudent boundaries while truly considering risk mitigation.

Regulating Bettors

Online gaming platforms have developed specialised systems to address compulsive gambling. Users may monitor every dollar in real-time, while background programs notify them when a break is necessary. The most exhilarating features accomplish this discreetly without diminishing the thrill.

Certain websites now implement small intervals between rounds of cash distribution to allow bettors an opportunity to decelerate. Others display session duration during natural interruptions in gameplay. Both are nuanced treatments that tackle issues promptly before stringent measures become essential.

Although gaming hazards receive significant media attention, companies that genuinely support players stand out the most. Swedish operators share information regarding problem gamblers, provoking controversy yet perhaps preserving lives. Individuals leading the charge in user protection have possibly the most auspicious future.

The betting landscape of the future

Games using live dealers continue to ascend in popularity by merging digital convenience with interpersonal engagement. In regions such as Latvia, studios transmit live dealers around the clock, captivating players globally who desire the vibrant interaction of casino environments.

Games that combine chance with intellect are increasingly popular. Younger gamblers particularly relish possessing a degree of influence over results. Preliminary statistics suggest that hybrid activities engage players for a longer duration than purely chance-based selections.

Two dormant powers possess the capacity to alter the circumstances: if India were to liberalize its digital landscape, and if Japan were to authorize casinos. Both nations possess extensive populations prepared to place wagers. AI holds the potential to create personalised playthroughs while accurately detecting cheaters and identifying problem gamblers.

The champions in this area will excel in three aspects: creative features, meticulous compliance with regulations, and genuine consideration for gamers. As online gambling intensifies, achieving this equilibrium will distinguish jackpot winners from mere prospects.

The Two Primary Qualitative Variables For Defining Ports Along International Drug Trafficking Routes

2025-06-27T15:05:00.001-04:00

By Andrew Machin

Large drug traffickers must make two payments in certain ports. One payment goes to corrupt dockworkers and law enforcement officials who enable drug shipments to pass with much less risk of being seized. The second payment is made to the criminal organization that controls the port. This second payment acts as a form of extortion, and its amount, whether in cash or in kind, is calculated based on the value or weight of each shipment. Typically, the two payments are combined into one total transaction, which is then distributed among the various parties involved.

To understand the nature of these expenses and the contexts in which they must be paid, it is necessary to research the dynamics that unfold in ports along international drug trafficking routes.

Any explanation must begin with some basic considerations.

First, international drug trafficking consists of three successive macro phases: production, transportation, and distribution (money flows fall under each).

The transportation macro phase, especially when it includes ocean shipping, yields the highest profits for a single criminal organization. In reality, distribution generates more overall, but the proceeds are divided among multiple traffickers before the drugs reach the end users in small quantities.

Over the past few decades, transportation has become increasingly strategic. Along the route from South America to North America, increased police surveillance has shifted the balance of power between Colombian and Mexican cartels in favour of the latter. Because of the significant risks involved, which determine the corresponding rewards, control of the drug business has partially shifted from those who produce drugs to those who transport them.

At the same time, estimating revenues from ocean transportation—indispensable, at least on the route from South and Central America to Europe—is relatively straightforward.

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The primary negotiation in a major drug deal revolves around the purchase price. A kilogram of pure cocaine purchased directly from South American producers or traffickers ranges in price from approximately $600 for huge shipments (equivalent to several tons) to about $6,000 for shipments of around half a ton.

Basically, as with any other product, the price is determined by the quantity and quality of the purchase, as well as the place of delivery. For instance, cocaine is less expensive in Colombia than in Brazil because the price in Brazil must also compensate for the risks associated with transportation from one country to another.

However, if sea freight is required, additional terms of sale may also be important. Two terms, in particular, are worth mentioning:

The agreed-upon price usually includes delivery on board the departing ship. Consequently, a cost per kilogram is added to the product's price, which is set at, or relatively close to, the production areas. This cost compensates the seller for the additional risks associated with transporting the drugs to the designated port, accessing the port, and loading the cargo onto the ship. For instance, Vincenzo Pasquino (cl. 1990), a ‘Ndrangheta cocaine broker who operated in Brazil until his arrest in the state capital of Paraiba in May 2021 and is now serving as a government witness, revealed to prosecutors the amount of this additional cost for departures from the Port of Santos. In 2018, Pasquino purchased cocaine from the PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital; further details on this Brazilian criminal organization's control of the Port of Santos below) “for 5,000–5,500 euros per kilogram, which became 7,000–7,500 euros per kilogram, adding the price of loading." Therefore, the loading stage costs about 35 to 40 percent of the selling price of cocaine and lasts until the ship leaves the port. From that moment on, the seller’s responsibility ends, and the buyer’s begins. (In the above case, the cocaine, destined for the Port of Gioia Tauro, on the Tyrrhenian coast of the Calabria region of Italy, was sold to wholesalers at a fixed price of between 23,000 and 25,000 euros per kilogram.)
The “50 percent system” is often used because it is mutually beneficial to major traffickers and Latin American cartels. It involves the buyer purchasing only 50 percent of the drugs shipped, while the cartel collects the remaining 50 percent from the buyer at the destination to supply its direct distribution network. Essentially, the seller takes advantage of the buyer's extended transportation arrangements (this system can be used even when maritime transportation is not contemplated).

As for resale prices, on the route from South America to Europe, wholesalers at the supply hub of Rotterdam pay between 22,000 and 27,000 euros per kilogram for batches of around 100–50–20 kg.

The following text, for instance, reports messages exchanged via the encrypted messaging service EncroChat, which was cracked by European law enforcement agencies in April 2020. These messages revealed the process of determining the selling price for a 1,200-kilogram shipment of cocaine to wholesalers. A criminal organization, led by the prominent Dutch cocaine trafficker Roger P., known as Piet Costa (cl. 1976), imported the drug in March 2020. Soon after, the exchange of messages between Piet Costa himself (PC), the two top local members of his organization, Hassan M. (HM) and Ibrahim A. (IA), other members of the organization (M1-M2-M3), and a potential buyer of a portion of the stored batch (PB) developed at different times as follows:

(M1) Do you already know something about the price?

(M1) I have someone for 100 kg who might come to check the product later.

(M1) Do you want to sell something? If so, at what price should I tell him for 100 kg?

(HM) I heard it’s good merchandise.

(HM) I will find out what the price is.

(HM) My friend, what are the prices in your area [Rotterdam]?
(M2) At 27k, it sells well. I can sell a lot of it.
(HM) I think I'll set the price at 27.5k
(HM) We're going to set it at 27.5k.
(HM) The price is 27.5k.
(HM) We'll start with 27.5.
(M2) Do you already know what price we're using then?
(HM) Yes, my friend..., 27.5k.
(M3) One last question, it's from Colombia, right, not Bolivia?
(HM) No, from Bolivia, my friend.
(PB) What's the price?
(HM) 27.5, man.
(PB) Don't you think the price is a bit high?
(IA) At 27.5k, it's not going to work, bro.
(IA) My friend, setting the price at 27.5 is going to be tough.
(PC) Why?
(IA) It's too expensive.
(IA) I think it's better to slightly lower the prices and sell everything.
(M2) My friend, at 27.5, we won't make it.
(HM) Let's go with 27.
(M2) We can easily sell them at good prices.
(PC) You're at 27k with the merchandise, right?
(PC) Has anything already been sold?
(HM) Yes, 27k, my friend. The first 50 pieces are gone.
(PC) We'll stay at 27k.
(PC) Just get rid of this merchandise.
(PC) We're going to focus on a new delivery.
(PC) Honestly, I don't ask for anything, and I don't bother with the sale, only the price metters to me, I let the other guys handle the rest.

(PC) The price is 27.

(PC) Hassan didn’t tell you?

(PC) 27k is the price, I'm not going to lower it.
(HM) Yes, I was talking with [Name withheld]. He's stuck as well.
(HM) He offered at 26.5k.
(HM) I think we should set that price as well.
(HM) Or we simply leave everything in storage for a while.
(PC) 26.5k, you won't find that anywhere.
(PC) Buddy, let's go with this price.
(HM) Alright. So, do we tell the [Name withheld] it's 26.5?
(PC) Yes, tell him.
(HM) 26.5 is fine.

(The Myx. 2023, December 9. The Hunt is On in The Netherlands | DUTCH (2) [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7usJ9eNGEO8&t=999s).

According to the above information, the selling price in Europe, particularly in the Rotterdam area, is, on average, five times higher than the purchase price in South America, representing a percentage margin of approximately 400 percent.

At the destination, cocaine shipments are unloaded at the port of entry and transported to nearby warehouses. Importers then inform wholesalers, who proceed to take steps to purchase portions of the shipments.

In any case, these transactions are not risk-free. Such criminal circles are highly dangerous and brutal. For instance, the above-mentioned Piet Costa had his followers set up a real torture chamber for his enemies and debtors. It was discovered in 2020 in a shipping container placed with others in a warehouse near Rotterdam. The presence of a dental chair (see photo below) left no doubt about the installation's horrific purpose (torture is common in such environments).

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A concrete case can enhance our understanding of the economic dimensions of large-scale drug trafficking by sea.

In September 2020, the Prosecutor's Office of Florence (Italy), under the international coordination of Europol (European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation) and Eurojust (European Union Agency for Criminal Justice Cooperation), concluded a project codenamed Los Lobos against the Albanian mafia.

During the investigation, intercepted communications revealed the purchase and resale prices of a cocaine shipment run by Albanian criminal Dritan Rexhepi, cl. 1980 (see cover photo above). He operated from the Guayaquil prison in Ecuador, where he had been incarcerated since August 2014, using encrypted cell phones. Thanks to the availability of these devices (BlackBerrys), Rexhepi appeared to be acting as a cocaine broker.

Cocaine brokers are key players in international cocaine trafficking. Traditionally employed by the 'Ndrangheta, they usually live permanently in South America, often because they are wanted in their home countries. Their duties include receiving and aggregating cocaine purchase orders, negotiating, overseeing logistics until the drugs are loaded onto ships, and ensuring payment to South American suppliers. But Rexhepi went even further. According to the Italian investigation, he convinced 14 Albanian mafia groups to form a permanent alliance to finance large-scale drug purchases. The result was the formation of a new powerful component of the Albanian mafia called Kompania Bello, a “transnational criminal federation” of Albanian groups, of which he was the top boss.

The Kompania Bello had gained such a reputation among its South American partners in crime that it had its logo stamped on bricks of cocaine, presumably from Colombia's Cartel del Norte del Valle, an ally of Mexico's Cartel de Sinaloa.

In this scenario, as reported by E. Qyno on Balkaninsight.com on Feb. 19, 2021 (https://balkaninsight.com/2021/02/19/undisputed-capo-the-albanian-behind-a-cocaine-pipeline-to-europe/), an intercepted communication disclosed all relevant numbers regarding a cocaine shipment ordered by Rexhepi. Despite a specific warning from the Italian police to Ecuadorian authorities, the shipment sailed from the Port of Guayaquil to the Port of Antwerp in January 2017. The cocaine was concealed in foam-insulated packages placed under the floors of several containers. The following excerpts from Qyno’s article help us understand the economic values involved:

“… Rexhepi had bought 371 kilos of cocaine at $4,400 per kilo for a total cost of $1.63 million, $1.2 million of which was prepaid.

The drugs could be sold to wholesalers in Europe at between 22,000 and 24,000 euros per kilo, netting Rexhepi roughly eight million euros in revenues.

(…)

The true numbers may be even higher given investigators found that the group sometimes sold up to 50 kilos per day at 27,000 euros per kilo.

Prosecutors believe the brothers’ group was active for at least three years, estimating its total turnover for that period at 210 million euros.

As for Rexhepi, prosecutors believe he trafficked at least 2,368 kilos of cocaine in 2016 and 3,654 kilos in 2017. With an average wholesale price of 23,500 euros per kilo, revenues for the two years are estimated at 141 million euros.”

Ecuadorian prison authorities released Dritan Rexhepi in January 2022, despite a 13-year prison sentence for cocaine trafficking in 2015.

As reported by A. Ford in an article published by Insightcrime.org on Nov. 18, 2022 (https://insightcrime.org/news/ecuador-prison-quietly-released-top-european-cocaine-kingpin/), the judge in Guayaquil who granted the benefits of the semi-open regime wrote, “It can clearly be appreciated that [the prisoner] has conducted himself very well. Furthermore, he made no attempts to escape.”

In any case, Rexhepi, who was wanted under an Interpol Red Notice at the request of the Italian and Albanian authorities, did not remain at large for long. Turkish police arrested him in Istanbul in November 2023, thanks to information shared with the Italian police. He had entered Turkey via Istanbul Airport using a Colombian passport and the alias Benjamin Omar Pérez García.

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The profitability of transporting drugs by sea should now be more apparent. Several operational challenges specific to maritime transport explain the exceptional economic returns of this stage.

First, regardless of the chosen ocean route, maritime transport always involves at least two mandatory transit points: a port of loading and a port of unloading (port of entry). These are invariably the most vulnerable locations for drug seizures, as law enforcement investigations and controls are much more concentrated there. Therefore, their evasion, which requires the cooperation of internal personnel, is crucial for large-scale drug trafficking.

On the other hand, major traffickers can offer large sums of money, thanks to their huge profits. As a result, the temptation for some port workers and officials is sometimes too great to resist—not to mention the potential for complicity arising from the physical threats, which are not limited to Latin American countries. In this sense, the presence of internal accomplices is the first qualitative variable to consider when assessing a port's role and position along international drug trafficking routes.

The second qualitative variable concerns whether the port is controlled by a criminal organization, i.e., whether a criminal syndicate regulates the transit of drug shipments through the port and imposes extortion or other forms of coercion on all shipments that are not in its direct interest.

For these two qualitative variables to be positive, ports must not be marginal in the global maritime economy, as ocean container shipping lines only call at major commercial ports.

The traffic volume of specific goods shipped, including both loading and unloading, is a key indicator. A simple review of port traffic statistics, especially for bananas exported from South and Central American countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, Guatemala, Colombia, and Costa Rica, is often sufficient to identify the main cocaine trafficking routes. The coca leaf is grown and processed in the same or neighbouring countries. As a result, cocaine is frequently hidden in refrigerated shipping containers and boxes of bananas, one of these countries' major exports to the West.

Moreover, the perishable nature of fruit (in this case, tropical fruits such as bananas, but also pineapples or avocados, for example) gives cocaine traffickers a significant advantage. The advantage is that port operations must be completed quickly to avoid compromising product quality. This necessity complicates drug searches by customs and police.

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In general, anyone who commits a crime faces two primary risks, regardless of its severity: being arrested and not completing the crime successfully. For a major international drug trafficker, the latter risk is having a large shipment of drugs seized by law enforcement. Having in-port accomplices reduces this risk and consequently lowers the likelihood of arrest.

Specifically, corrupt port workers and officials play an essential role in various fixed schemes designed to move drugs out of ports and to their destinations. The common feature of all these schemes is that the ocean carrier (the shipping company) is unaware that it is transporting drugs. The reference is not limited to narcotics concealed in bulk cargo or goods shipped in containers. It also includes narcotics hidden within the structure of the container, such as under the floor or in the engine compartment of refrigerated containers that transport tropical fruits.

Drug shipments can also be hidden inside or outside of ships, typically involving one or more crew members. For instance, drugs may be concealed in the rudder compartment or attached to underwater parts of the hull.

The only exception is when major traffickers themselves purchase ships to transport massive quantities. A case in point is the seizure of two and a quarter tons of cocaine aboard the Panamanian-registered M/V Matthew off the coast of Cork, southeast Ireland, on Sept. 26, 2023 (the ship had sailed from the Dutch Caribbean Islands of Aruba and Curaçao). Interestingly, the discovery of a suspicious fishing trawler nearby suggests that the traffickers intended to transfer the drugs offshore to avoid the risks associated with docking in port. Such an economically demanding method usually involves setting up a company in a Caribbean tax haven (in the above case, the Marshall Islands) that purchases a ship as its sole asset (a single-ship company).

Over the years, several high-level cocaine traffickers have developed plans, whether executed or not, to purchase ships to transport large quantities of cocaine along the South America-Europe route. Among the top names on the list is the notorious Italian cocaine broker Roberto Pannunzi (for a brief note and a photo of him, see https://www.cosanostranews.com/2023/11/mafia-excellence-inside-ndranghetas.html). In 2001, he paid cash for a Greek ship that sank off the coast of Peru before loading cocaine in Colombia and sailing to Sicily.

In 2020, Piet Costa himself intended to buy a ship in partnership with his supplier, the Colombian Clan del Golfo. The plan was to ship 25 tons of cocaine to Rotterdam using the “50 percent system" (12.5 tons purchased by the Dutch trafficker for 700 euros per kilogram and 12.5 tons transported on behalf of the Colombian cartel).

Finally, some clues suggest a connection between the infamous Irish Kinahan cartel, now based in Dubai, and the voyage of the M/V Matthew (see https://www.sundayworld.com/crime/irish-crime/cocaine-ship-mv-matthews-trail-leads-to-kinahan-cartels-uae-hideout/a688201795.html).

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In the most common cases of shipping goods by sea to conceal international drug trafficking, a key distinction is whether the formal recipient (consignee) is aware of the presence of drugs in the shipment. The ideal situation for traffickers is when the consignee is unaware. In this case, even if a random or targeted inspection uncovers a shipment of drugs, police investigators often lack the information necessary to identify the individuals responsible.

Alternatively, traffickers may use one or more front men to set up an import firm to conceal the drugs (the company must provide customs with an invoice showing the purchase from a Latin American supplier). However, in the event of a seizure, these front men can provide valuable investigative links between the drugs and the traffickers behind the shipment.

The above distinction determines the different roles required of accomplices working at the ports.

In the first scenario, the drug must be removed before the shipment reaches its destination. In the case of container-based drug trafficking, this operation typically takes place while the container of drugs is stored at the port terminal before a truck picks it up for delivery to the consignee's address.

A well-known method at this stage is the so-called "rip-on/rip-off.” It involves placing bags filled with bricks of cocaine just behind the double-door openings of shipping containers so that corrupt stevedores can easily and quickly remove them. (The photo below shows bags full of bricks of cocaine placed according to this system, discovered in a shipping container at the Port of Algeciras in July 2024.) These stevedores must then arrange for the drugs to be transported out of the port in a relatively low-risk way. They may act personally, or they may pass the bags to truck drivers or other port workers involved in the criminal scheme.

In 2017, there was a real price list for the various operations required to perform this method at the Port of Antwerp. It is no coincidence that Antwerp is the leading port in Europe for the supply of bananas (mostly from Latin America) and perishables in general.

The price list included the following items based on the different occupations of the corrupt workers (The Myx. 2022, November 24. Inside Antwerp's War on Cocaine [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_RL9FZFmhUg&t=444s):

The terminal planner who, with access credentials to the port container terminal's information system, verifies and communicates the exact location of the newly arrived drug container in the terminal area: 100,000 euros.
The terminal crane operator who moves the container to the most appropriate position (for the next critical operation): 75,000 euros.
The terminal stevedore who removes the bags of drugs from the container: 1,000 euros per kilogram.
The truck driver who receives the bags to take them out of the port: 150,000 euros.

However, there are other methods besides the "rip-on/rip-off.” Europol, for instance, also mentions the "switch method" (see the report cited below). A valuable testimony collected by C. Clapson for VRT.be, published in an article dated Nov. 16, 2023, described this method in use again at the port of Antwerp (see https://www.vrt.be/vrtnws/en/2023/11/16/antwerp-port-worker-on-drug-crime-i-could-earn-200-000 euros-i/). The source, alias Dylan, was a former crane operator who specifically operated straddle carriers. The article containing his testimony deserves to be reported in full:

For several years 'Dylan' was a crane driver in the port of Antwerp, more specifically working on straddle carriers. These cranes, also known as "elephants" in Belgium, are used to sort containers on the quayside after they have been taken off a ship by an even larger crane. "Without such drivers, drug criminals are basically nowhere," says Dylan.

He knows the modus operandi in detail. "You are given the position of a drug container via a disposable phone. You then have to go and get that container so that others can empty it," he says.

These are South American containers in which cocaine is hidden. They are put in a free space next to a European container. "Free shifting", it is called. Then the South American drugs are "thrown over" into a European container.

This is usually done by other port workers, who are also paid by drug criminals to do so. "But sometimes young guys are also smuggled into the port, in the back of a van, also for this purpose. We call them kamikazes," Dylan says. The European containers are checked much less frequently and can be driven out of the port more freely.

"This can all go very quickly but can also take a lot of time. If the drug container is at the bottom, you have to get it out. This does not go unnoticed, of course. Then there is usually someone at the planning office, who is in the business too," Dylan says.

Straddle carrier drivers are a crucial link in the drug trafficking chain. It means there is a lot of money to be made. "The first times they asked me, it was 20,000 or 25,000 euros, the last time it was already 200,000 euros and more. When they say you can make 200,000 euros in five or 10 minutes, I think practically everyone gives in to that."

When he was a crane driver, drug criminals contacted Dylan several times, often through social media. "Sometimes by colleagues, including women, from whom you really don't expect it," he says. "At one point I was in need of money and I thought: if I do it once, I'll be out of trouble. But once you've done it once, they don't let you go. Then suddenly they are there every week."

In any case, accomplices are not only found among port container terminal workers and truck drivers. Employees of shipping agencies, freight forwarders, and logistics companies are also often involved. This is especially true when the consignee is unaware that drugs have been concealed in the shipment he is expecting. In this context, another method, known as "PIN code fraud," has particularly attracted Europol's attention due to its widespread use in the Ports of Antwerp, Rotterdam, and Hamburg. In its specific report published on Mar. 30, 2023 (https://www.europol.europa.eu/cms/sites/default/files/documents/Europol_Joint-report_Criminal%20networks%20in%20EU%20ports_Public_version.pdf), such a method was described as follows:

“Misappropriation of container reference codes, also called PIN code fraud.

When a container is shipped overseas, the shipping company assigns a unique container reference code (PIN code, QR code, or other unique identifier) to each container after receiving payment for the transport. The code is used to confirm that the container can be released in the destination port and the client can pick up their container. Using mainly corruption, criminals infiltrate the companies involved in the logistics process and obtain the container reference code of the container where they know the ordered drugs are concealed. With the reference code allowing the release, the criminals retrieve the drugs container from the port terminal pretending to be the legitimate client. Once outside the port area, the drugs are extracted from the container.” (…)

“Afterwards, some criminal networks will try to deliver the container to the rightful owner. In other cases, containers are just left along the road or made to disappear.”

Criminal networks mostly receive the codes from corrupt individuals who unlawfully use the accounts of legitimate companies involved in transport and port logistics. In some cases however, they may deploy hacking or phishing. Once the criminals have the container number and the container reference code, they can gain access to detailed information about the status of the container as it is logged in the integrated and automated port data systems. They can also check if the container is present and ready for release, in order to schedule an illicit pick-up.”

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Alternatively, the drugs may be destined for recipients who are aware of the trafficking. Then, as in the previous scenario, traffickers must make every effort to reduce the likelihood of checks, inspections, and scans.

Indeed, it is true that only a few percent of shipping containers passing through ports are scanned. For instance, according to statistics from the July 2021 American Journal of Transportation, U.S. Customs and Border Protection scans only 3.7 percent of all containers entering the U.S. annually.

However, law enforcement and customs officials routinely use specific data analysis to guide their investigations. Traffickers know and fear them. Therefore, having one or more accomplices among these officials gives criminals a crucial advantage.

One such case involving customs officials occurred in February 2024 at the Port of Gioia Tauro. A police operation resulted in the arrest of two customs officials and one freight-forwarding firm employee. The three suspects were charged with aiding and abetting international drug trafficking.

According to prosecutors, the two officials and another official, who was already under investigation, "falsified the results of the X-ray scans of the containers of interest to the group, omitting to report the anomalies found during the inspections and thus allowing the containers containing cocaine to be 'released' and leave the Port of Gioia Tauro.” Specifically, one of the customs officials “acted as an intermediary between the group of cocaine 'exfiltrators' [men in charge of moving cocaine out of the port] and the group of corrupt customs officials." In this way, “he provided guidance to the criminal group on the best importation methods, which were also the most difficult for customs and law enforcement to detect.” In addition, through another suspect, “the same official advised the South American groups on the most effective methods of loading narcotics to conceal the substance from the scanner’s view.”

The arrest of these customs officials was part of a broader police project called “Tre Croci” (transl. "Three Crosses"), which was closed on Oct. 6, 2022. The project identified the first links in a supply chain of large-scale cocaine shipments from South America to Italy via the Port of Gioia Tauro. These links corresponded to two powerful criminal syndicates with specific strengths.

The first link in the chain was an organization run from Dubai by Raffaele Imperiale (cl. 1974). The Emirate authorities arrested him on Aug. 4, 2021 (see photo above), and he became a government witness shortly after his deportation to Italy. (The picture above is particularly striking because it shows some of the first actions taken by police officers immediately after Imperiale's arrest: confiscating his cell phones and demanding access codes for them.)

The Imperiale organization handled an impressive number of large cocaine shipments (four tons for this Italian project alone), which were also destined for northern European ports. For instance, between 2015 and 2016, Dutch police intercepted encrypted messages exchanged between Imperiale and one of his partners in crime. The latter was the Amsterdam-based top cocaine trafficker Ricardo Eduardo Riquelme Vega (cl. 1973), known as “El Rico” and "Rico the Chilean," who operated through the Port of Rotterdam. During this exchange of messages, which included code words, the wholesale price of cocaine would have been set at between 22,000 and 24,000 euros per kilogram.

However, to ensure the success of so many operations and to conquer new "markets"—especially that of Milan in Italy, according to the same Imperiale's testimony—the top trafficker did not hesitate to cede some of the well-remunerated functions typically performed by drug importers.

Not coincidentally, prosecutors referred to Raffaele Imperiale and his right-hand man, Bruno Carbone (cl. 1977), as "international brokers.” Their primary activities included purchasing large quantities of cocaine from South American cartels, arranging ocean freight (particularly from the Ports of Turbo, Colombia, and Cristóbal, Panama), and, in the present investigation, selling each shipment in its entirety to another criminal organization at the port of entry.

Thus, Imperiale and Carbone did not sell portions of their shipments that passed through the Port of Gioia Tauro to wholesalers. Instead, they sold each shipment at a reduced price to the same criminal group. The latter, the second link in the chain, was allegedly headed by Bartolo Bruzzaniti (cl. 1976). He belongs to the well-known group of ‘Ndrangheta blood families, Morabito-Palamara-Bruzzaniti. All of these families are linked by cross-blood ties. One member of this group is the notorious Rocco Morabito, cl. 1966 (see photo below). Morabito was last arrested in Brazil in 2021, along with the previously mentioned Vincenzo Pasquino, after more than 20 years on the run in South America.

These blood families come from the village of Africo, located in the 'Ndrangheta macro area that represents the Ionian side (see the macrostructure of the 'Ndrangheta in Reggio Calabria province in https://www.cosanostranews.com/2020/12/ndrangheta-in-greater-toronto-area.html). This second organization had the following strengths:

Strong connections at the Port of Gioia Tauro, which were essential for the transit of cocaine. (Without membership or connections to the 'Ndrangheta, it is simply unimaginable to import drug shipments through the Port of Gioia Tauro, just as, to give another example, it is equally inconceivable to think of smuggling drugs through any Albanian port without the direct involvement of the Albanian mafia.) The following statement, reported by Bruno Carbone to the prosecutors, is very revealing in this regard: "The Port of Gioia Tauro was under the command of the Bruzzanitis." (Even Carbone became a government witness after he was arrested in March 2022 in Syria, specifically in the Idlib governorate, which was then held by Islamic factions at war with the Assad regime, and deported to Italy via Turkey.) In this scenario, Bartolo Bruzzaniti would have assumed all the risks associated with the transit of cocaine shipments through the port and their subsequent transportation to external depots. ('Ndrangheta members often hide loads of cocaine underground while they wait to resell and deliver individual batches.) According to the agreed division of activities between the two parties, taking on these responsibilities would have entailed paying the Imperiale organization a correspondingly lower price. However, the balance of power between the two was not in question. Bartolo Bruzzaniti called Raffaele Imperiale "the strongest in the world."
Its historical specialization in international drug trafficking, particularly in supplying the Milan area (one of Italy’s most lucrative cocaine trafficking markets). “70 percent of the wholesalers in Milan have all been friends of mine for 30 years,” Bartolo Bruzzaniti wrote via the Canadian encrypted messenger service Sky ECC. He planned to sell 300 kilograms of cocaine "per month" at the price of "34,000 euros per kilogram." In this way, Bruzzaniti aimed to become the only supplier in the area, “because I have a right to it.” (This last statement sums up the essence of the 'Ndrangheta blood families' criminal power: it remains deeply rooted and unchallenged as they pass control of specific criminal activities from generation to generation.)

The first strength listed above was of paramount importance. Although both organizations were major players in international drug trafficking, the success of their alliance depended largely on this crucial resource. Bruzzaniti's connections to an organized group of 14 port terminal containers and customs personnel working for drug traffickers ensured the availability of such a resource. On the day the investigation concluded, the Guardia di Finanza—an Italian military police force—issued a press release summarizing the investigation and particularly highlighting the role of accomplices at the port, as follows:

“… the operation enabled the dismantling of a sophisticated criminal organization in the Port of Gioia Tauro. It would have ensured both the recovery of large shipments of narcotics arriving on cargo ships from South America and their subsequent storage in "safe" warehouses.

The organization, which would have provided the logistics for drug trafficking as if it were a real service company, was structured on three different levels of individuals involved:

-Members of the main 'Ndrangheta blood families, who were able to ensure the importation of cocaine shipments arriving from South America;

-Supervisors of teams of corrupt port workers, who would have paid the team with a part of the "commission” received from the clients, ranging from 7 to 20 percent of the value of the shipment (the reconstructed payments would amount to more than 7 million euros);

-Port terminal workers, who were responsible for physically removing the cocaine from the "contaminated" container and moving it to safe locations.

The operation revealed the detailed organization of the drug traffickers, who communicated with each other using encrypted cell phones.

The meticulous reconstruction would have revealed that once the South American suppliers communicated to the local representatives the name of the arriving ship and the container containing the narcotics [communicating its unique identification code], the importation passed under the supervision of the involved port terminal workers. They took steps to ensure that the "contaminated" container was unloaded at the right time and positioned in the agreed-upon location. Once available, the team of corrupt terminal container workers placed the container in a "safe" area. This area was specifically chosen so that the container could be opened and the narcotics transferred to a second container (usually referred to by the suspects as the "exit"). The latter was picked up in the following hours by a complicit carrier and delivered to the location suggested by the organization's supervisors.

Reconstructing the complex phase of container movement within the port would have disclosed the method of drug transshipment used by the port terminal workers. They called it the "bridge" system. Specifically, after selecting a suitable landing area for the scope, the "contaminated" container was positioned in front of the "exit" container, leaving only the distance between them necessary to open the doors for the movement of the illicit goods.

A third container—called the "bridge"—was then placed on top of the previous two to conceal the operations on the lower level, even from above.

Once the area was prepared, corrupt stevedores were transported to the site, hidden in a fourth container to avoid suspicion. This was placed in the same row where the structure had been erected.

Finally, to prevent outsiders from interfering with the illegal operations, two straddle carriers (specialized container handling vehicles) driven by the suspects were stopped on either side of the row of containers where the bridge had been built. The purpose was to deny access and monitor the possible arrival of law enforcement from above.

After all the operations were completed, counterfeit seals were applied to the containers. A "clone" seal was placed on the container arriving from South America. This was sent by the same supplier organization and concealed in one of the packages containing the narcotics. At the same time, a counterfeit seal prepared by the criminal group responsible for recovering the drugs was placed on the "exit" container.

The involvement of an official of the Gioia Tauro Customs Office—Anti-Fraud and Control Section (who has been placed under precautionary arrest) has also come to light.

In order to benefit the criminal organization under investigation, this official allegedly took advantage of his duties during scheduled inspections to alter the results of an X-ray scan of a container containing 300 kilograms of cocaine. The alteration consisted of obscuring the anomalies found and ensuring that the scan matched the declared cargo. The customs official would have been compensated for his actions with 3 percent of the value of the illegal cargo.

This investigation also led to the identification of the individuals responsible for planning and executing a large-scale drug trafficking operation from South America to Calabria. The plan involved regular and massive drug imports of approximately 2 tons at a time.

To evade controls, on one occasion, the Calabrian suspects would have devised and requested specific methods of concealing the narcotics from Colombian suppliers. To this end, the suspects sent actual diagrams suggesting the most appropriate load distribution using the drawn representation of the container. The concealment plan in question was to place four bricks of cocaine in each box of the "cover cargo" (bananas) except for the first and last rows of boxes. The latter were not "contaminated" because they could be more easily inspected. Nevertheless, the shipment, which contained approximately 1,920 bricks of cocaine and was designed to evade scanner detection, was intercepted and seized by the Guardia di Finanza.”

(https://www.gdf.gov.it/it/gdf-comunica/notizie-ed-eventi/comunicati-stampa/anno-2022/ottobre/2018ndrangheta-smantellata-la-201clogistica-del-narcotraffico201d-nel-porto-di-gioia-tauro).

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Once again, the importance—or rather the necessity—for international drug traffickers to have corrupt workers and port officials on their payroll is evident.

However, the overall criminal picture is not complete in this case. One final explanation is important because it relates to the concept of control over a port.

As mentioned above, the Bruzzanitis are a blood family from a village in the 'Ndrangheta macro area that covers the Ionian side. The Port of Gioia Tauro, on the other hand, is in the 'Ndrangheta macro area, which encompasses the Tyrrhenian side. This implies that other ‘Ndrangheta blood families, grouped in different locali (pl.), command the territory where the port is located (for the term locale, see https://www.cosanostranews.com/2023/11/mafia-excellence-inside-ndranghetas.html). In such a scenario, the latter evidently permitted the Bruzzanitis to operate in the port, given their notorious criminal reputation and connections with corrupt personnel.

However, this availability almost certainly came at a cost, as the principle of territoriality could not be challenged. According to this principle, the locali (pl.) are sovereign over their respective territories. Therefore, they are entitled to impose extortion for any legal and, even more so, illegal activity conducted by anyone within their territory. This fundamental rule also applies to all 'Ndrangheta components when operating outside their boundaries and within those of other clans. It is necessary to maintain order and prevent dangerous disputes. Likewise, a company connected to a Sicilian Cosa Nostra mafia family that wants to operate in Calabria must also pay extortion, like all the others (this rule also applies in reverse, of course).

It is now understandable why authorized drug importers at the Port of Gioia Tauro face a double payment obligation. In addition to paying corrupt port workers and officials, they must also bear the cost of extortion. Although these two payments—whether made in cash or in kind—are theoretically separate, they are collected by the same prominent figures. These individuals then manage the distribution of rewards based on the criminal status and roles of those involved.

This system was well explained to prosecutors by a high-ranking ‘Ndrangheta member, Antonino Belnome (cl. 1972), Capo Locale in the Milan area with the rank of Padrino, who became a government witness in 2010 after his arrest (Antonino Belnome is the killer of Carmelo Novella, see https://www.cosanostranews.com/2021/07/ndrangheta-dynamics-in-greater-toronto.html):

“I was at a high level of the 'Ndrangheta, and, at that level, it was known that the Port of Gioia Tauro was the prerogative of the Mancuso, Pesce, and Bellocco blood families [the most powerful blood families rooted on the Tyrrhenian side] and that to import cocaine, you had to go through them.” (…)

“A few days before my arrest [in July 2010], a shipment of 400 kilograms of cocaine arrived in Gioia Tauro. When a large quantity arrives, the most important families are contacted for possible distribution, and we [his mother-Locale in Calabria] were also contacted.” (…)

"The Pesce, Bellocco, and Mancuso blood families control the cocaine trafficking that arrives in Gioia Tauro, also because these families have direct sources of supply. When I spoke to Mimmo [a member of the Bellocco blood family] about purchasing a big load of cocaine, he told me that 30 percent had to remain with them anyway, either in drugs or cash. Thirty percent had to remain with the Belloccos because they would then take care of the “port issue,” which meant paying the corrupt Guardia di Finanza officials. Obviously, Mimmo was speaking as a representative of the Belloccos and not in any other capacity. It would have been the same if I had known any Pesces or Mancusos representatives. But I knew the Belloccos.”

(https://www.quotidianodelsud.it/archivio/2013/11/20/tutti-sotto-processo-gli-affiliati-a-clan-belloccopentito-svela-traffici-attorno-al-porto-di-gioia-tauro)

The key point is that controlling a given territory also means controlling the port within it. Consequently, single or repeated police operations against corrupt dockworkers and major traffickers do not undermine control of the port. This situation will continue as long as one or more criminal organizations dominate their territory of reference, which includes the port.

In any case, extortion of all drug shipments in transit is not the only form of coercion; there may be others, both additional and substitutive. Another remarkable testimony, that of the already mentioned 'Ndrangheta cocaine broker Vincenzo Pasquino, provides an example in this regard, again concerning the Port of Gioia Tauro:

“A Calabrian family that sends a shipment of cocaine to Gioia Tauro must inform the others. [In this testimony, as in the one above, the term "family" can be understood as clan (s.). This can be defined as a dominant criminal blood family extended to various individuals and other blood families based on both familial and non-familial ties. One or more clans (pl.) or blood families form a locale of ‘Ndrangheta (s.), which controls a specific territory.] Only if important families are not interested in buying a share of the cargo can it be offered to others. Those who do not respect this rule risk being killed or "stripped," in the sense of being excluded from any business dealings or being deprived of protection.”

(https://www.lacnews24.it/cronaca/ndrangheta-si-pente-il-super-narcos-vincenzo-pasquino-ecco-come-funzionano-i-traffici-nel-porto-di-gioia-tauro-acfl0jus)

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After reviewing a few cases, it can be concluded that drug traffickers' accomplices perform different tasks at the port. In any case, they operate in close coordination during their illegal activities.

The main occupations are:

Dockworkers and employers in port terminals.
Police, customs, public, and security officials.
Truck drivers.
Employees of shipping agencies, freight forwarders, and logistics companies.
Other occupations related in some way to the port economy.

However, networks of complicity, large or small, are unlikely to last long in ports, as they are periodically dismantled by law enforcement. Essentially, these networks follow a never-ending cycle of formation, destruction, and (often) reconstruction with other individuals.

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On the other hand, not having accomplices in the port is risky. In addition to random checks, police intelligence has improved significantly. Increased cooperation and information sharing among law enforcement agencies from different countries has made this possible. But even in this scenario, an explanation is needed.

Sometimes, police intelligence uncovers information about drug shipments in transit. This is principally achieved through communications intercepts. The problem is that in international container-based drug trafficking, knowledge of a specific piece of information—the unique identification code assigned to each container—is essential to making a seizure. If the communication containing this code is not intercepted, law enforcement efforts are unlikely to succeed because there is no specific container to target. Indeed, even if there is a strong suspicion that a drug shipment is in transit, it remains physically impossible for police to inspect every container arriving at a grand port in a given period without precise information. Such a control operation, regardless of its feasibility, would block part of the port’s activities for several days, causing unacceptable damage to the port's economy.

In any case, the specific context of reference remains risky for drug traffickers without internal accomplices. This is due to the complexities and peculiarities associated with importing and exporting goods through ports.

Overseas shipments involve parties from distant countries. In addition, each port has its own set of operational, documentation, and permitting procedures. These procedures often lead to major and minor complications that require quick resolution. But even simple working practices can cause problems. They also increase the likelihood that something will go wrong for drug traffickers, i.e., that drug shipments will be discovered by law enforcement or stolen by other criminals (the latter possibility is not uncommon).

Consider, for example, a 2007 story about an unexpected phone call from a female Melbourne-based freight forwarder. The woman needed to notify an unaware company that a container had arrived at the port for pickup. On this occasion, she did not call the fake number listed on the shipping documents, which in reality belonged to the traffickers (likely due to at least one accomplice at the port of departure). Instead, she searched for the company's phone number on Google, where she found the real one.

This unexpected behaviour led to the arrest of an entire criminal organization operating in Australia, headed by the Calabrian Pasquale Barbaro, cl. 1961 (see photo below). The group was identified as the final recipient of a massive drug shipment (4.4 tons of ecstasy pills) to the 'Ndrangheta from northern European suppliers, most likely Belgians. (The production of synthetic drugs for the European market, but also for more distant destinations, as in the present case, has traditionally been concentrated in the Netherlands and Belgium.)

The shipment of pills, concealed within cans of tomato sauce packed in a container formally destined for an unwitting company, had travelled from the Port of Naples to the Port of Melbourne, where it was seized (see the Special Report by K. Moor for the Herald Sun dated Feb. 13, 2015:

https://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/national/worlds-biggest-ecstasy-bust-how-a-google-search-foiled-aussie-tomato-tin-mafias-drug-plots/news story/0db0ce6a9d6d61706420b975484ba7ea).

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At the port of entry, major drug traffickers may pay corrupt port workers and officials in cash, often at predetermined rates. This method of payment is typically used when the latter are limited in number and organization.

However, traffickers may also pay in kind, leaving behind approximately 25 percent of the total weight of each drug shipment. This second method of payment is common when the port personnel themselves form an articulated criminal organization.

On the other hand, the possession and sale of large quantities of drugs is a serious issue. In such ruthless environments, with so much money at stake, any mistake can lead to a death sentence. As a result, the high criminal level of those involved—and the risk of arrest—are constant sources of concern.

Elaborate activities must be carried out. They require a strong organization with numerous members. In Western countries, after port operations, these activities usually include:

Storing large quantities of drugs and protecting them from other criminals;
Organizing and carrying out dangerous drug-for-money exchanges and transactions;
Money laundering;
Implementing measures to evade possible (and likely) police investigations;
Directly organizing and managing the importation of large shipments of drugs through direct connections with Latin American suppliers.

The following is an example of a sophisticated criminal organization operating in a port. It possessed the resources to function as a service provider for drug traffickers. However, it also evolved into an organization directly involved in international drug trafficking before being dismantled in July 2014, again in the Port of Gioia Tauro (Project Puerto Liberado). Below is an excerpt from the Direzione Distrettuale Antimafia's (DDA) press release at the time:

“… it was ascertained that the group headed by the BRANDIMARTE blood family could be compared to a real service company. Its specialty was the management and reception of cocaine shipments arriving from South America through the Calabrian port [Gioia Tauro].

Technical intercepts revealed that the organization received a portion of the imported cargo as compensation. This portion varied depending on the criminal-specific weight of the importing clan and ranged from 10 to 30 percent of the total cargo. It was also ascertained that, given the lucrative nature of drug trafficking, the organization had, in some cases, invested in the importation of cocaine. To this end, it sent its members to negotiate directly with South American narcos.

Following the numerous cocaine seizures made by Guardia di Finanza personnel operating in the port, investigations also revealed that drug traffickers constantly refine their techniques to evade customs controls. In one case, a complex alphanumeric code was intercepted during communications between associates, each having their own "cover" name. Using this code, corrupt port personnel received the essential information they needed [the ship name and the container code] to identify the ship and the container carrying the narcotics.”

(https://www.zmedia.it/operazione-puerto-liberado-tutti-i-dettagli-sugli-arresti-a-gioia-tauro/).

Finally, one last point. There are cases in which major traffickers extend the value chain of the drugs they smuggle. This further step consists of setting up a chemical laboratory relatively close to the port of entry to process and refine raw cocaine. Recent examples include the laboratories discovered by law enforcement:

In April 2023, in an isolated villa in Pontevedra province, in the Galicia region of Spain. The facility was the result of a joint venture between a Colombian and a Mexican cartel, both of which provided the chemists and experts in processing, along with a Spanish criminal organization. The Spanish police seized 151 kilograms of cocaine ready for distribution, 1,300 kilograms of base paste, 23,000 litres of precursors, and 4 tons of solid chemicals. 18 people were arrested. During the operation's press conference, an officer disclosed what appeared to be the price established for wholesalers, ranging from 27,000 to 32,000 euros ($30,000 to $35,000) per kilogram.
In April 2025, in a rural building (see photo below) located in the countryside of the village of Rizziconi, 7 km from Gioia Tauro, and still strategically close to important communication routes. A total of 100 kilograms of pure cocaine, divided into blocks, was discovered in an attic cavity. In addition, according to the press release issued by the Carabinieri (another Italian military police force), “precision instruments, chemical compounds, high-temperature ovens, protective suits, masks, and everything necessary to process and refine raw cocaine” were found in the same building. (https://www.carabinieri.it/in-vostro-aiuto/informazioni/comunicati-stampa/scoperta-raffineria-di-cocaina-a-rizziconi-(rc)-sequestrati-oltre-100-chili-di-droga-purissima.-il-casolare-era-un-laboratorio-chimico-attrezzato).

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References to various police operations against international drug trafficking involving personnel and officers at ports, in particular at the Port of Gioia Tauro, provide an opportunity to present information and explanations regarding the two qualitative variables mentioned above, which are of general value. They may be summarized as follows:

For drug shipments to transit continuously, the first qualitative variable—the possible presence of internal accomplices in a port—must be positive (i.e., the accomplices must be there). However, this variable does not remain stable over time because periodic law enforcement operations remove all or most of the international drug traffickers' accomplices (the variable drops to zero or significantly reduces its relevance).
On the contrary, the second qualitative variable, which refers to the possibility for a criminal organization to exert control over a port, remains stable over time. This stability follows the initial shift from zero when the criminal organization first takes control. From that point on, stability is maintained because dismantling the often deeply entrenched control of a port is very difficult for law enforcement. At most, a criminal organization may lose it, but only to a more powerful one that seizes this crucial asset by force. Thus, acquiring control of a port can be a key factor in explaining a criminal organization's significant increase in power. As an example of this, with regard to the Brazilian Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), we can cite G. Feltran, I. Vianna Pinho, and L. Bird Ruiz-Benitez de Lugo in “Atlantic connections – The PCC and the Brazil-West Africa cocaine trade” (Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2023), who wrote as follows:

“The year 2014 marked a critical turning point for the PCC as it pivoted away from domestic [cocaine] sales and set its sights on the more lucrative export market. Key to this strategic shift was cementing its influence over the all-important Port of Santos.” (…)

“There were two critical stages in the PCC’s expansion – taking control of the Port of Santos in 2014 and the border with Paraguay in 2016.”

As for the relationship between the two variables, the second affects the first. The reason is that a criminal organization controlling a port has extensive local resources in and around it. These resources enable criminals to more easily and quickly replace individuals and connections that are periodically disrupted by law enforcement. In the absence of control, reconstruction processes take longer, if they occur at all. As a result, the complete elimination of complicity with drug traffickers in a controlled port is rare and short-lived. Instead, the possible presence of accomplices in an uncontrolled port is often only temporary, although newly available individuals may reestablish it over time.
In terms of drug trafficking volumes, not controlled ports have a significant competitive advantage over controlled ports. This is because, in the latter:

The criminal organization that exerts control denies access to others or permits access only to a few. These restrictions serve two purposes: to exclude potentially dangerous competitors and to reduce the risk of further attracting the attention of law enforcement. Consider, for instance, the alleged long-established ban by the Rizzuto crime family (Montreal family) on ‘Ndrangheta members using the Port of Montreal.
Traffickers from other criminal organizations (if authorized) or, in certain contexts, subunits of the same organization, must pay an extortion fee based on the value of drug shipments in transit. They may also be subject to further forms of coercion. Thus, given the choice, any large drug trafficker will prefer to use a port where the only cost is the payment of internal accomplices and no other expenses. Nevertheless, a trafficker may still opt to transit his drug shipment through a controlled port. A lack of alternatives—caused by the absence of criminal connections at other ports of entry along the maritime routes of interest—may drive this decision. However, it may also be motivated by the trafficker’s willingness to pay more for a safer transit of his narcotics. Illegal services offered to evade controls and inspections are, on average, more reliable and efficient in ports under criminal control.

O-O-O-O-O-O-O-O-O

The last example concerns a "criminal network" dismantled in the Port of Algeciras in June 2021. This type of organization consists of multiple members with operational roles and bosses. The bosses are often in a position to negotiate on an equal, or almost equal, footing with the top international traffickers to whom they offer drug smuggling services. Here is how Europol presented the police operation in a press release:

“The Spanish Guardia Civil, with the support of Europol and its European Economic and Financial Crime Centre (EFECC), dismantled a criminal network that trafficked cocaine from South America to the Port of Algeciras in Spain. The network was capable of controlling the maritime traffic of containers arriving from South America.

The network consisted of different employees who worked in various areas at the Port of Algeciras. These employees included a worker from a port container terminal, two workers from the Border Inspection Post, four from Auxiliary Maritime Services (SAM), and several stevedores, freight forwarders, consignees, and carriers.

As a result of the operation:

29 people have been arrested;
More than 1 600 kg of cocaine has been seized;
More than € 16.5 million has been seized.

The Guardia Civil initiated the investigation in August 2020. On 29 April this year, intelligence was received suggesting the criminal network intended to introduce a large consignment of cocaine hidden among frozen mackerel and directed towards the Port of Algeciras.

(https://www.europol.europa.eu/media-press/newsroom/news/operation-jumita-16-tonnes-of-cocaine-and-%E2%82%AC-165-million-confiscated-in-largest-cash-seizure-criminal-organisation-in-spain).

Rumours circulate in the criminal underworld about an organization or individuals who facilitate the exit of drug shipments from a port. Major traffickers do not hesitate to hire these people, often at predetermined rates. They provide various illegal services that significantly reduce the risk of drug seizures. As such, these services are essential to the success of a highly profitable criminal enterprise.

Gamifying Gambling: How Lucky Green Casino Blends Arcade Energy with Classic Pokies

2025-06-27T14:00:00.000-04:00

You know how some casinos just throw a few flashy graphics at you and call it a day? Yeah—this isn’t that. Lucky Green Casino is doing something way cheekier. They’re tossing the whole “spin and pray” pokie model into a blender with ‘90s arcade nostalgia and pouring out the kind of gameplay that makes you want to come back even if your wallet’s crying.

If you're into fast-paced spins, vibrant visuals, and a nostalgic kick of arcade flair, you might want to check out these australian online pokies offered by Lucky Green Casino—a new kind of digital playground that’s flipping the script on how we play. Forget just lining up lemons. This one’s got levels, missions, and game mechanics that make it feel more like Space Invaders with jackpots.

So What’s This “Gamified Gambling” Biz All About?

Right, let’s break it down without sounding like a sales rep.

Gamification in casinos isn’t just a buzzword marketers toss around. It’s about making pokies feel like real games—think missions, daily goals, power-ups, and even storyline progression. Instead of spinning reels on autopilot while waiting for the dog to bark or your pasta to boil, you’re actually doing something. You’re progressing.

You're unlocking. You're (dare we say it?) gaming.

Lucky Green has jumped on this trend and, frankly, they’re riding it like a surfer catching the perfect wave. While some casinos slap a badge system on your account and call it gamified, Lucky Green builds gameplay mechanics that actually matter.

Here’s a little visual to make things easier:

Traditional Pokies vs Lucky Green’s Gamified Madness

Just to show how different it really is, here's a quick look:

Element	Classic Pokies	Lucky Green Pokies
Gameplay	Click. Spin. Hope.	Spin with goals, missions, & visual upgrades
Rewards	Random & flat	Tiered, progress-based, sometimes surprising
Engagement	Passive	Interactive & addictive (in a good way)
Replay Value	Low	Shockingly high—you’ll want to complete stuff
Vibe	Casino	Half-casino, half-retro arcade

Honestly, one’s like reheated takeaway. The other’s a full buffet with flashing lights and a bonus round.

Why Mixing Arcade Vibes with Pokies Actually Works

Now, you’d think arcade elements in pokies would be, well, a gimmick. But here’s the thing—our brains are hardwired to love doing stuff. Completing missions. Hitting milestones. Levelling up. That little tick in our brain that goes “oooh shiny” when we collect coins in a platformer? Same thing applies here.

Before we launch into this list, picture this: you’re sitting in your undies at 10pm on a Tuesday, spinning reels—but instead of zoning out, you’re chasing your next objective, unlocking the next colour theme, or trying to beat your personal best. It hits different.

Nostalgia plays a part. Those pixel visuals and old-school sounds? They slap. Hard.
Fast gratification. Arcade-style pokies don’t make you wait 50 spins for the action.
Missions make it feel purposeful. You’re chasing more than just symbols—you’re chasing goals.
Visual progression feels rewarding. Some pokies literally change the more you play.
It gives a reason to return. Not just for a win, but to finish what you started.

In short: it’s pokies, but with a pulse.

Why Players Keep Coming Back: Lucky Green’s Loyalty Hooks

You know when you say, “just one more round,” and suddenly it’s 3am and you’re arguing with yourself about bedtime? That’s Lucky Green’s doing.

They don’t just toss out a bonus and hope for the best. The site is set up to make each return visit feel like a continuation—not a reset.

Let me give you a quick rundown of how they pull that off:

Before this next bit, just imagine logging in and getting greeted with “Today’s Goal: Win 3x in 10 spins.” Tell me you wouldn’t take that challenge.

Daily Quests. Log in. Complete a task. Get a reward. Feels more like a mobile game than a casino.
Leaderboards. You versus the rest. Climb to the top and rake in the extras.
Spin Unlocks. Hit a milestone? Here’s a bonus round. Keeps things spicy.
Real-Money Missions. The more you wager, the further you get—and yes, there’s loot at the end.

The secret sauce here is that you’re not just playing to win. You’re playing to progress.

Design That Screams “Let’s Play”

There’s something lowkey magical about a site that actually feels fun from the get-go.

Lucky Green’s whole visual vibe is this quirky blend of arcade machines meets modern web design. You’ve got your neon highlights, your bleepy UI sounds, your cheeky animated icons—but the interface itself? Smooth. Snappy. Zero friction.

Let’s break it down properly.

Lucky Green's Visuals & Functionality – A Quick Look

We’ve all been on clunky casino sites that feel like they were coded in 2009. Lucky Green is not that.

Feature	Experience
Mobile Compatibility	Works like a charm, no app needed
Speed	Near-instant load times
Layout	Clean, no rabbit holes, no guesswork
Aesthetics	Neon-meets-modern, pixel fonts included
Accessibility	Easy on the eyes, even at 2am on low power

You want playful, but not childish. They nailed it.

More Than Just “Spin to Win”: It’s Actually a Journey

Let’s be honest—most pokies are “set and forget.” You spin, you lose, you move on. But Lucky Green adds just enough evolution to make you feel like you’re doing something.

We’re talking mission-driven slots. Storyline progression. New features unlocked the longer you play.

Here’s the vibe: You pick a game. First, it’s a basic forest scene. Then you unlock a bonus and suddenly there’s a cave. Then a castle. Then dragons. And you’re like—hold up, when did this turn into an RPG?

Whether it’s visual changes, collectible themes, or seasonal skins, Lucky Green’s pokies reward your time, not just your luck.

Bonuses That Don’t Feel Like Spam

Okay, we’ve all seen those pop-ups: “GET 1000% BONUS NOW!!!” You click, and it’s like trying to read the fine print on a prescription bottle. Lucky Green? No nonsense.

Here’s what their promo setup actually looks like:

Before we hit the list, just know this—bonuses feel like part of the game. Not just marketing fluff.

Welcome Bonus. 175% match up to AU$1,000 + 50 Free Spins. Solid and simple.
Mission Unlocks. Play enough, complete tasks, get rewarded. No begging required.
Progress-Based Rewards. The deeper you go, the better the perks.
Timed Challenges. Keeps you checking back (yep, it works).

And yes, wagering is a thing (as it always is), but it’s all clearly explained, which we love.

Aussie-Friendly, Through and Through

Some sites are clearly made for the US, with Aussie players just thrown in as an afterthought. Lucky Green? Built with Aussies in mind. Period.

You’ve got local payment methods—Visa, crypto, bank transfers, the usual suspects. Deposits start at $25, which, let’s be honest, is less than lunch in Sydney these days. Withdrawals go up to $500 daily, which is alright unless you hit it really big.

Also, mobile access is seamless. Just hop on your browser—no app, no extra steps, no sketchy downloads. It’s all web-based and surprisingly smooth.

FAQs – Answered, So You Don’t Have To Ask Support

What makes Lucky Green different?

It turns pokies into actual games—with goals, rewards, and evolving mechanics.

Are these really like arcade games?

Yep. Think missions, levels, neon visuals, and even storyline progression.

Do I need to download an app?

No app needed. Mobile browser does the job just fine.

Is it safe?

They’re licensed in Curacao and tick all the responsible gambling boxes.

Can I try before spending?

Most pokies have free-play mode. Go nuts.

What’s the bonus?

175% up to AU$1,000 plus 50 free spins when you sign up.

Any loyalty stuff?

Heaps. You’ll unlock perks, levels, and more the longer you play.

What should I play first?

Try Book of Dead or Bonanza for fast-paced, flashy spins.

Final Thoughts: Lucky Green Isn’t Just Playing—It’s Changing the Game

Here’s the deal. If you’re bored to death of stale pokies that haven’t changed since 2010, Lucky Green Casino might just be your new go-to. It brings energy, creativity, and actual fun back into spinning reels. No fluff. No gimmicks. Just gameplay that respects your time and rewards your curiosity.

So yeah, Lucky Green doesn’t just ask you to spin—it dares you to play. And if you’re game? You might just level up your luck while you’re at it.

Onetime Colombo Street Boss Likes His Revenge Served Ice Cold

2025-06-18T09:45:00.022-04:00

Ralph F. DeLeo, 82, who departed Federal prison last year on supervised release after serving nearly 20 years for crimes committed while he was street boss of the Colombo family, was arrested last month for plotting to murder those responsible for convicting him in 2012.

DeLeo's goose just might be cooked this time.

DeLeo, who was chosen to run one of the Five Families as street boss because he was perceived as having no ties to either the Persico or Orena factions, plotted to "murder no fewer than three people who played roles in his most recent criminal conviction," the U.S. Attorney's office in Boston said in a court filing.

DeLeo was "actively planning to kill two current and one former federal official, all of whom were involved in the federal criminal case resulting in DeLeo's 2012 conviction."

According to the court filing, DeLeo was seeking "personal identifying information, including home addresses and names of immediate family members, relating to the federal officials" which he referred to as his "retribution."

FBI agents recovered "hard copy packets" of personal information for the individuals along with "a burglary kit, marijuana, vials of steroids, and a handwritten note regarding silicone masks." The burglary kit contained a pry-bar, mini crowbar, bolt cutters, and lock-picking tools, prosecutors said.

DeLeo was allegedly "actively communicating with known felons," including co-defendants from the racketeering case that put him in prison.

Based on what his attorney says, it almost sounds like prosecutors are describing someone other than DeLeo.

DeLeo’s attorney Kevin Barron said he is “an ailing and infirm’’ man who is being treated with chemotherapy and is dealing with “a number of other medical problems that need immediate attention.’’

Still, prosecutors sought DeLeo's detention.

"DeLeo's criminal history, which includes a conviction for murder, proves that he is more than capable of acting on his threats," prosecutors said. "DeLeo has been fixated on seeking revenge for years."

At his 2012 trial, in addition to helming the Colombo family, prosecutors said that DeLeo also ran the DeLeo crew, which operated in Massachusetts, Florida, New York, and Arkansas and was engaged in drug trafficking, extortion, and loansharking.

DeLeo was sentenced to 19.5 years in prison, with credit for three years he had already spent in jail while the case was pending.

DeLeo had already flipped and testified before then-boss Alphonse (Little Allie Boy) Persico chose him to be street boss around 2008. At the time, Allie Boy had recently been sentenced to life in prison and was seeking to avoid a repeat of the third Colombo war.

Specifically, DeLeo cooperated in 1977 against a doctor who hired him to kill another doctor. DeLeo, who had been in state and Federal prisons since the late 1960s for bank robbery, made a daring escape from a prison hospital. During this brief sojourn of freedom, DeLeo murdered Dr. Walter Bond in Columbus, Ohio, after Dr. David Ucker paid him to do the dirty deed. Bond was Dr. Ucker's rival for the affections of a certain woman. Although Dr. Bond told him to kill the victim by castrating him and letting him bleed to death, DeLeo shot him in the head and chest instead, snuffing out the doc's life outside his own Livingston Avenue office on Halloween night.

Later, the law caught up to him, and as part of a deal, DeLeo pleaded guilty to the murder and was given 15 years to life. Even though DeLeo testified against Ucker, Ucker was found not guilty in Franklin County Common Pleas Court. But since DeLeo carried out his part of the agreement and testified, a Franklin County prosecutor advocated for his release. So in 1991, then-Governor Richard F. Celeste commuted DeLeo's sentence as one of his last formal acts in office.

DeLeo became a free man in 1997. He kept in touch with Allie and was inducted into the Colombo crime family in 2000, as per sources.

If the Feds have the goods to back up their allegations, it looks like this time old Ralph will wind up dying in a cage.

As For The Colombo War

In early 1991 Carmine (Junior) Persico told the family that his son Allie Boy would succeed him as boss in June 1993, when Allie Boy finished a prison sentence. Junior’s announcement didn’t sit well with acting boss Vic Orena and those loyal to him, which in turn put Persico and his loyalists on alert.

Orena sought to make a move without firing a shot, at least initially, by directing Colombo consigliere Carmine Sessa to disparage Persico to Colombo captains. (Orena was a weasel —this was a weasel move. We doubt it would’ve even worked as anything other than pretext.)

Specifically, Orena told Sessa to call Persico a rat who should be "knocked down."

Sessa instead fomented all-out war by telling Allie Boy's brother/capo Theodore (Skinny Teddy) Persico about Orena’s intentions.

After learning of the double cross, Orena plotted to kill Sessa at a making ceremony for new Mafia members.

In an attempt to lobby the Commission for its support, Orena launched a smear campaign against Junior by calling him a "rat" — his justification was that Persico had admitted the existence of omertá. He also blasted Persico (verbally) for providing information to a New York Daily News journalist and for talking to a reporter with CBS's 60 Minutes about appearing on the news show.

According to Salvatore (Sammy the Bull) Gravano, the accusations were the sort that would lead the Commission to label Persico "no better than an informer," a black mark that was also fatal.

Luchese turncoat Alphonse (Little Al) D'Arco and Gravano both testified that Orena also had approached them seeking help murdering Colombo capo Greg (The Grim Reaper) Scarpa, who was known to be fiercely loyal to Persico.

D'Arco was unwilling to provide any assistance without first getting approval from Luchese boss Vic Amuso and underboss Anthony (Gaspipe) Casso, both of whom were fugitives at the time.

Gambino boss John Gotti, however, was totally in the tank for Orena and was pushing for him to take over the Colombo family. Once Orena did, he’d have a seat on the Commission, and Gotti knew that a grateful Orena would back whatever moves Gotti sought to make.

So Gotti told Gravano to help Orena kill Scarpa. The Gambino effort to whack the Grim Reaper never got beyond the surveillance phase, though: Orena quickly retracted the request, realizing the poor optics that would result. (He would’ve looked like the weasel that he was.)

The third Colombo war began in earnest after Carmine Sessa and others made a move against Vic. They waited in a car outside Orena's home on the night of June 20, 1991. Orena spotted them and drove off unharmed.

Could A Time Traveler Crack The Slots At Pocket Pokies Casino?

2025-06-18T06:04:00.006-04:00

Pokies online have never looked so tempting, especially at Pocket Pokies Casino—a site where flashy bonuses meet sci-fi curiosity. Picture this. Some bloke from 2087 steps into the present with nothing but a smartwatch full of data, a dodgy grin, and an urge to spin the reels at Pocket Pokies Casino. What happens next? Do they clean out the site and ride off into the future with a suitcase full of crypto winnings? Or does the reality of online casinos—especially this cheeky Aussie one—hit harder than a kangaroo on Red Bull?

Welcome to Pocket Pokies, the kind of place where 800+ games hum with neon promise and the welcome bonus dangles five grand and 150 free spins like a juicy steak in front of a starving dog. But here’s the kicker: even with a time machine in tow, there are limits to what you can game.

Let’s unpack what our futuristic friend could actually pull off.

What a Time Traveler Would (and Wouldn’t) Know

Let’s kick things off by separating the fantasy from the functional.

First off: no, time travel doesn't make you psychic. It doesn't let you see how a slot machine's RNG spits out numbers. That stuff is locked tighter than your grandma's biscuit tin. Random means random. Even if you knew the exact time a jackpot hit last month, that won't help you trigger the next one. These games don’t run on schedules—they run on chaos, software and the cruel whims of digital chance.

That said, not all games are equal. Card games like poker and blackjack? They play a bit fairer if you've got a steel-trap memory and nerves of steel. But Pocket Pokies is mainly pokies, with some digital tables thrown in like a garnish.

So no, you can’t beat the system just by knowing tomorrow’s lotto numbers. Sorry, Marty McFly.

But What About Tournaments and Jackpots?

This is where things get spicy.

Now here's where it gets interesting. Progressive jackpots grow with every spin until someone nails the winning combo. In theory, a time traveler could sneak a peek at when a jackpot hits and aim their spin accordingly. In practice? Not so much.

For starters, you'd have to log in at the exact microsecond, beat other players to it, and hope the RNG throws you a bone. Slim odds. But tournament leaderboards? That's more fertile ground.

Say Pocket Pokies runs a Christmas tournament with a $30k prize pool. Knowing when the leaderboard resets or how many spins usually take the crown could give our visitor a leg up. It’s not foolproof, but it’s better than blindly hurling spins into the void.

The Real Edge—Knowing the Bonuses

Bonuses are where a savvy time hopper could do some real damage.

If there's one thing a time traveler could actually milk, it's the bonus structure. Pocket Pokies doesn’t muck about:

Before you dive into the bonus breakdown, here's a quick overview of what you might get if you time your spins right.

First deposit? 150% up to A$1,500 + 50 spins.
Second? 100% up to A$1,000 + 100 spins.
Third? 100% up to A$1,000.
Fourth? Another 150% up to A$1,500.

Looks decent, right? But remember—these aren't freebies. Wagering requirements are a whopping 45x on the bonus. If you’re not prepared, that "free" money is about as useful as an ashtray on a motorbike.

Knowing when the promo ends, or when there's a hidden cashback deal lurking in the site's fine print? Gold. Absolute gold. A time traveler could time their deposits around seasonal boosts or tourneys. The rest of us have to scroll, squint and hope.

Also worth noting—fail to wager your deposit once before withdrawing, and the casino slaps you with a 30% fee. Knowing that up front? That alone could save a fortune.

Could a Time Traveler Beat Withdrawal Rules?

No amount of time travel gets around red tape.

Withdrawal caps are the time bandit’s worst nightmare:

Before you get excited about walking away with a bag of cash, take a look at these hard limits:

A$1,000 per day;
A$5,000 per week;
A$15,000 per month.

Even if you blitzed the pokies and won big, you'd be stuck cashing out in slow-motion dribbles. No matter what century you’re from, that's a buzzkill.

If anything, our savvy traveler might take one look at those limits and decide to invest in vintage wine instead. Or throw it all on Bitcoin circa 2012.

When Being From the Future Doesn’t Help

Not everything is up for manipulation.

Here’s a list of things your interdimensional advantage won’t fix:

Just so we’re clear, these things stay annoying regardless of what timeline you’re in:

There’s no mobile app. You’re stuck using the web version.
KYC still means digging up your driver’s license and waiting.
Live games? Meh. There are a few from Lucky Streak and Winfinity, but it’s slim pickings.
If the casino gets listed on ACMA’s naughty list, no amount of tech wizardry will fix the geo-block.
No VIP program. Time traveler or not, loyalty earns you zip.

Even if you could see every possible outcome, you’d still run into the same clunky rules, slow support replies, and unpredictable vibes that come with offshore casinos.

The Time Traveler’s Guide to Playing Smart

Alright, back to the present. Here’s how to stay sharp.

So let’s say the bloke from 2087 sticks around. What would he whisper in your ear?

Before you make your first deposit, here are a few smart-as-hell reminders:

"Always wager your deposit at least once."
"Never spin on tilt."
"Don’t fall for the illusion of "free" bonuses."
"Read the bloody terms."

Pocket Pokies isn’t out to rob you blind, but it’s also not throwing you a lifeline. You get a half-decent welcome offer, some big-name slots, and a mobile-friendly site. But you’ll have to manage your expectations and keep an eye on the fine print.

Set limits. Use what tools they offer (even if it’s just emailing support for a time-out). And know when to walk away.

Final Verdict—Is Knowledge Power at Pocket Pokies Casino?

Wrap it up and bring it home.

It helps. A little. But unless you’ve got a machine that spits out future RNG seeds, you’re not breaking the house.

The best any of us can do—future-tripping or not—is know the rules, play the odds, and use the bonuses strategically. That’s where the real edge lies.

And hey, if it all goes south, at least you'll have a good yarn for your mates.

Quick Look: Pocket Pokies Casino Facts

Before you go full Marty McFly, here’s a bite-sized table to see what you’re really dealing with.

Feature	Details
License	Curacao (offshore)
Game Count	800+ games, mainly pokies
Welcome Bonus	Up to A$5,000 + 150 spins (4 deposits)
Wagering Requirement	45x bonus amount
Withdrawal Cap	A$1,000/day, A$5,000/week, A$15,000/month
Minimum Deposit	A$20–25
Mobile Access	No app, mobile browser only
VIP Program	None
Support	Live chat & email

This table won’t give you a time advantage, but it might save you some late-night Googling. Use it to check your expectations—and maybe your bank balance—before hitting those reels.

FAQs

Can a strategy beat the slots at Pocket Pokies Casino?

Not really. Slots are powered by random number generators (RNGs), meaning every spin is a fresh start. There's no memory, no pattern, and no secret combo. That said, managing your bankroll, knowing which games have better RTP, and cashing out when you're ahead can make a difference.

What bonuses does Pocket Pokies offer new players?

You get a four-tier welcome bonus worth up to A$5,000 and 150 free spins. The match percentages and spin counts vary with each deposit. But remember, there's a 45x wagering requirement, so it's not exactly "free money."

Are jackpots random or can they be predicted?

Jackpots, especially progressive ones, are random. You can't predict when they'll hit, though some players track patterns and spin counts. Still, it's more guesswork than science. A time traveler might get lucky once, but it’s no guarantee.

Is Pocket Pokies Casino legal to play in Australia?

It's not illegal for Aussies to play, but Pocket Pokies is an offshore casino licensed in Curacao. That means it's not regulated by Australian authorities, so you're on your own if anything goes pear-shaped.

What withdrawal rules should I know before playing?

You can only take out A$1,000 a day, A$5,000 a week, and A$15,000 a month. Also, if you try to withdraw without wagering your deposit once, you'll cop a 30% fee. So yeah, read the fine print before you start spinning.

Does Pocket Pokies Casino have responsible gambling tools?

There are some, but they're basic. You can ask support to lock your account or set manual limits. No fancy dashboards or time-out buttons. They do link to GambleAware (UK-based), but nothing local for Aussies. You’ll have to go old-school and self-manage.

Judge Denies Compassionate Release For Ex-Colombo Associate John Pappa, Who Murdered Four

2025-06-09T17:23:00.015-04:00

It looks like ex-Colombo associate John Pappa still might break the record for serving one of the longest prison sentences in US criminal history.

Pappa was part of the hit team that rubbed out John Gotti ally Joseph Scopo.

Pappa, who committed four murders at the age of 19 and was convicted and sentenced to multiple life sentences, filed a motion for compassionate release on December 19, 2022.

Pappa asked the Court to grant him a sentence reduction under Section 3582(c)(1)(A) based on what he argued were "extraordinary and compelling circumstances":

-- his upbringing and youth at the time he committed the crimes of conviction;
-- the fact that a life sentence in his case will be unusually long given his young age at the time of his convictions, which, in turn, "creates a sentencing disparity" when compared to "nationwide sentencing practices for those convicted of murder in federal court";
-- the sentencing court's inability to consider the mitigating circumstances of Pappa's youth and upbringing because of the mandatory Sentencing Guidelines that applied at the time of his sentencing;
-- and his extraordinary rehabilitation while incarcerated

Brooklyn Federal Court Judge Pamela Chen denied the would-be wiseguy's request, noting in her May 30 ruling that his crimes were “brutal and senseless” and signaling that she didn't buy the remorse he sought to show at one of his hearings.

“The court cannot shake the impression, after observing and listening to defendant over the course of the two-hour April proceeding, that he feels no remorse about committing the four murders nor empathy for the victims or their families,” Chen wrote. “Defendant’s statements … felt hollow and performative.”

Pappa, 50, will continue to serve the four life sentences (plus 65 years) he was slammed with for committing four hits back in the mid-1990s.

Pappa was nabbed at a wedding rehearsal on Staten Island (by Tommy Dades) in 1997. (One of his four victims was the brother of the man getting married.)

As noted in the ruling:

Between June 1992 and December 1997, Pappa was involved in drug trafficking and racketeering and was personally involved in four murders related to his association with the Colombo crime family, as per Judge Chen's ruling, which is available online in its entirety here.

In October 1993, as part of a three-man "hit-team" assembled by Eric Curcio, the head of a crew of "rising associates" of the Colombo Family, Defendant killed high-ranking Colombo Family member Joseph Scopo on October 20, 1993, when Curcio, Pappa, and John Sparacino ambushed him as he was returning to his home.

Although Sparacino sprayed the vehicle that Scopo was in with gunfire, Scopo managed to exit the vehicle and flee on foot. Defendant pursued Scopo and shot at him, hitting him three times and killing him. After the Scopo murder, Sparacino began taking credit for the murder even though it was Defendant (Pappa) who had actually killed Scopo. This prompted Defendant and Curcio to agree that Sparacino had to be killed so that Defendant and Curcio could claim credit for the Scopo killing. Although there was at least one failed attempt to kill Sparacino thereafter, the plan to kill Sparacino did not come to fruition until August 1994. In the meantime, in June 1994, Defendant and Curcio worked together to murder one of Sparacino's close friends, Rolando Rivera because Rivera had revealed to his girlfriend a warning that Curcio had given Rivera about staying away from Sparacino, which suggested that Sparacino might soon be killed. When Curcio advised Defendant about Rivera's act of indiscretion, the two men agreed that Rivera had to be killed. Defendant and Curcio arranged a meeting with Rivera, and on June 7, 1994, the three men drove together in a stolen van to Staten Island. Just after the van crossed into Staten Island, Rivera was shot four times. Defendant and Curcio then pushed Rivera, who was still alive, out of the moving van. Though Rivera was found alive that night by an off-duty police officer, he died a short time later.

In July 1994, the plan to kill Sparacino was revived after it was reported to Curcio that Sparacino had openly disparaged Defendant and Curcio at a night club about the two men taking credit for the Scopo murder. After learning of this incident from Curcio, Defendant solicited his friend, Calvin Hennigar, who had assisted Sparacino in distributing drugs on Staten Island, to help kill Sparacino.

Defendant and Hennigar were partners in a retail drug business that distributed large quantities of marijuana, cocaine, and ecstasy between June 1992 and December 1997.

On August 13, 1994, Hennigar lured Sparacino to Hennigar's Staten Island home where Hennigar shot Sparacino in the back of the head, killing him. Two days later, Defendant and Hennigar transported Sparacino's corpse in a stolen car to another location in Staten Island and set the car on fire. An autopsy later revealed that Sparacino had been hog-tied and his body mutilated; a flap of skin had been cut from Sparacino's face and his penis had been severed and placed in his mouth. In October 1994, after suspecting that Curcio had not properly credited Defendant for the Scopo killing and that Curcio might have killed one of Defendant's close friends who had been a member of Curcio's crew, Defendant killed Curcio. Defendant initially but unsuccessfully tried to recruit several organized crime associates to assist with Curcio's murder, leaving Defendant to murder Curcio alone. On October 4, 1994, Defendant ambushed Curcio at his place of business, shooting him more than ten times in the face, chest, and hand, killing him.

On December 30, 1997, Defendant was indicted in a superseding indictment on eleven felony counts. The murders of Scopo, Rivera, Sparacino, and Curcio were charged as predicate acts for the racketeering offense.

In May 1999, Pappa was convicted at trial.

In November 1999, he was sentenced to six concurrent life sentences, one on each of the two racketeering counts and the two murder counts, one on the drug trafficking count, and one on the drug trafficking conspiracy count. He also received concurrent sentences of ten years on the two murder conspiracy counts and consecutive sentences of five and 20 years on the two firearm counts.

In denying the compassionate release request, Judge Chen noted:

"The four murders committed by Defendant were brutal and senseless. Defendant killed Sparacino and Curcio for taking credit, or possibly taking credit, for a murder that Defendant had committed and wanted credit for, and Defendant killed Rivera for a single act of indiscretion. Defendant's conduct in ordering and/or carrying out the four murders was unusually cold-blooded, calculating, and ruthless. The murders of Rivera and Sparacino, in particular, demonstrate unusual depravity and cruelty, and in the case of Sparacino, sadism. Rivera was shot multiple times and then thrown from a moving vehicle while still alive. Sparacino was not only shot in the back of the head, but he was hog-tied, a flap of skin was cut off his face, and his penis was severed and placed in his mouth.

"The depravity of Defendant's conduct with respect to Sparacino's murder is heightened by Defendant's close relationship with the Sparacino family at the time of the murder and Defendant's continued relationship with the family after the killing, as the family mourned their loss and the search for Sparacino's killer ensued. At the April proceeding, Sparacino's mother tearfully berated Defendant's "cruel and barbaric actions," explaining that Defendant "sat at my table on many occasions and was treated as a family member. He actually looked me straight in the eye and expressed concern and confusion about my son's disappearance knowing full well the atrocities he committed; the location of his mutilated body."

Sparacino's cousin described Pappa and his conduct this way:

The man who murdered my cousin was charming and personable. He was also devious and cunning. He used these traits to keep himself close to my Aunt Rose [Sparacino's mother] and my cousin, Sal [Sparacino's brother], knowing full well the atrocity he had committed.

While our family searched for my cousin, John [Sparacino], his killer was in my aunt's house pretending to aid the search. When [Sparacino's] body was found in a horrific state, his killer remained close to my cousin, Sal, never showing a moment of guilt or remorse over what he had done, only caring if any suspicion was on him. He sat at my aunt's table knowing the vicious and brutal way that he had killed [her] son.

What Bonanno Social Club Robbery? Our Sources Call The Claim BS

2025-06-06T19:07:00.008-04:00

Bonanno big shots John (Johnny Joe) Spirito and Ernie Aiello, among others, were relieved of their cash in a robbery of a Bonanno family social club in the Bronx on the Sunday of Memorial Day weekend, as per blog and podcast reports.

Mikey Nose and his pearly whites.

We contacted our own Bonanno family-linked sources about the robbery to see what we could find out — only to hear that the robbery never happened.

“It’s a complete bullshit story,” one of the sources said, laughing. (These guys seemed to be well aware of the social club robbery story, which tells us they must keep up with online mob news, at least as much as we do.)

According to The Gangster Report, tens of thousands of dollars in tribute was stolen in the robbery, cash that had been destined for the pockets of Bonanno boss Michael (Mikey Nose) Mancuso. GR also noted that, as per three different sources, Johnny Joe’s son, John (Johnny Boy) Spirito, Jr. also was a victim of the stick-up.

Balderdash, said our sources, one of which claimed this whole story is a rumor started on the Internet by Bonanno turncoat Gene Borrello, about whom we've written many stories and who we've interviewed as well.

Another source told us, almost completely aligned with our first source, that "it's a bullshit story, we never got robbed," adding that the rumor "is not good for business. Some of the guys who play cards (in that club in the Bronx) are legitimate guys and they want to feel safe, so I personally stopped in to make them know not to worry about playing in our game."

Johnny Joe Spirito, far right.

Sources also say that the allegation that tens of thousands of dollars in tribute was snatched by the daring thieves was so patently ridiculous, it was the tell that the tale was complete bullshit.

"Nobody but nobody in this life would ever leave money like that around in a club. A club could get pinched at anytime. I guess this kid wants people to think that he knows what goes on in the life."

One final but very important point: this is not ME, Ed, saying this -- I rarely, if ever, say anything; this is according to our usually very reliable sources. So don't cry to me, Argentina.

Former Colombo Street Boss Ralph DeLeo Back In The Can

2025-05-16T11:28:00.019-04:00

Ralph F. DeLeo, 82, who was released on parole last year after spending more than a decade in prison for crimes committed while serving as the street boss of the Colombo crime family, was arrested yesterday, according to court documents filed in Massachusetts.

Ralph DeLeo

Why he was arrested is not something we know, though we may learn about it later today. DeLeo appeared yesterday afternoon for a revocation hearing before Massachusetts Magistrate Judge Paul Levenson and has a detention hearing at 2:30 p.m. today.

The FBI ended DeLeo’s yearlong reign as Colombo street boss when they pinched him on a drug rap in Little Rock, Arkansas, in December 2009. In 2012, he was sentenced to nearly 17 years in prison, followed by three years of supervised release (and a $50,000 fine—which alone would be enough to make us want to gargle Drano). DeLeo earlier that year had pleaded guilty to racketeering conspiracy and being a felon in possession of firearms and ammunition.

DeLeo—a veteran bank robber who made a daring escape from a prison hospital in the 1970s—may be only a footnote in the annals of New York organized crime history, but his story includes some fascinating facets, including why he was anointed to run the Colombo family in the first place.

He was picked from the choir around 2008 by Alphonse (Little Allie Boy) Persico, the son of longtime Colombo boss Carmine (The Snake) Persico. Allie Boy had recently been sentenced to life in prison for ordering the 1999 rubout of Colombo underboss William (Wild Bill) Cutolo. Seeking to avoid a repeat of the third Colombo war that shot up the streets of New York City in 1991-1993, leaving 12 dead and dozens wounded, Persico decided to go with an Arkansas-born Boston-based outsider who wasn’t even slightly connected to either faction of the Colombo family. The factions were (are?) alive and well, and Allie Boy had concerns about putting the crime family in the wrong hands. This is deadly serious business for these guys. Persico is today serving a life sentence for killing Wild Bill because Allie Boy, in his heart, believed Cutolo—a major player in the Vic Orena faction, which opposed the Persicos in the war—might possibly one day rise up and try to wrest control of the crime family. (Cutolo’s family and friends tell us that Cutolo had no interest in mounting another challenge to the Persicos.)

It was slim pickings for Allie Boy. 2008 was not a good year to be a big shot in the Colombo family, as we’ve previously noted. In addition to Allie Boy being given a life sentence, the Feds that year pinched underboss Sonny Franzese, acting boss Thomas (Tommy Shots) Gioeli, and another Persico (and heir apparent) Theodore (Skinny Teddy) Persico at different times and on different charges.

Persico chose DeLeo, whom he met in the Federal prison in Baxtrop, Texas in December 1986. Persico, then 31, had been convicted of racketeering and had been sentenced to 12 years in prison, his first prison sentence. DeLeo, a bank robber who was serving time on a murder charge, had at least one decent credential, a longtime friendship with Gennaro Anguilo, underboss of the New England Patriarca family who oversaw the Boston faction.

What Allie Boy and apparently most other people didn’t know at the time was that DeLeo had done something that should have made him ineligible to belong to, let alone run, a borgata—something that would have been a death penalty offense among wiseguys: he had already flipped and testified. To be cold-heartedly objective about this, though, the murder in question was not Mafia-related. It involved a Halloween 1977 contract hit in Ohio: One doctor wanted another doctor killed in the most gruesome manner imaginable (castrate him and let him bleed to death). DeLeo—who had just successfully escaped from a prison hospital and needed quick cash—accepted the contract (shooting the man in the head and chest, not castrating him).

Allie Boy unknowingly took a major gamble, though it seems to have paid off in the sense that, as far as we know, DeLeo never flipped and testified against Allie Boy or any other members of organized crime.

The Feds dubbed DeLeo the “telecommuting street boss” who traveled between Boston and New York two or three times a month by car or plane. He lived in Massachusetts in a basement apartment and was employed as a maintenance worker. DeLeo was “actually a hard worker,” an FBI special agent said of him at the time of his arrest in 2009. He also ran a crew based in Somerville, Mass., that focused on drug dealing and loan sharking.

DeLeo was not window dressing for the Persicos: he was a legitimate power. He presided over at least one making ceremony—in 2009 on Long Island.

His frequent telephone calls to his sister Michelle—which the FBI dutifully recorded—provide us with some interesting insight into the social behaviors, rights, and rituals around Mafia life in New York in the early 21st century.

"I'm laying down,” he told her in one chat. “I'm tired. I didn't sleep for two days. I was doing a lot of running around in New York, and it was kind of stressful, you know. That was my ahh, one of my first days on the job. I had a lot of, well, that weekend was, you know, it was like ahh, busy, busy weekend, I had to meet people and ahh, ahh, we had a couple of things going on that I had to reside over and I was ahh, I was tired. It was like overwhelming a little bit…"

Michelle: "Did you have a chance to go out?"

Ralph: “Oh yeah, that was the problem. One time I was out you know til 1 o'clock in the morning. I was eating constantly. I had to meet these people, everybody wanted to go out to eat. When I got back to my hotel room my stomach looked like it was a big basketball in there. I was eating all day. I started with meeting people for breakfast. And right after breakfast I had to go meet someplace somebody else at a restaurant at another end of town…. Then we had to meet some people and then we went out to dinner at 8 o’clock to meet some more guys, alright, and that 8 o’clock dinner lasted til 1 o'clock in the morning and ahh my stomach I just had too much food I couldn’t sleep. Then, the next morning we had a thing going on. I’ll tell you about it when I see you, but that ahh was like ahh a ceremony. And, yeah so anyhow we had that going on that morning, actually all day cause we had to go in different groups and different cars and make sure we weren't followed and all this type of stuff. You know, so it was a big deal people picking us up here, driving us there. Other people picking us up taking us somewhere else, and all that type of stuff. I wasn't ready for all that.”

“Here,” continued DeLeo, “I’m nothing like that. There, everybody is holding the door for you, helping you on with your coat, giving you hugs, hugging you, kissing you and all this kind of stuff. Oh, you gotta sit in the front; you gotta do this; are you comfortable? Can I get you coffee?”

Michelle: “Oh that is so cute.”

She asked him if restaurant patrons stared at him because he has “the look.”

“Well,” said Ralph, “they’re coming up and giving me hugs and kisses. That’s why people are looking. People wonder why they kissing this guy.”

DeLeo wondered how he ever got himself into this, told his sister that he kept his girlfriend in the dark about his “business” trip, and didn’t want to be doing “this for a long time” because “it’s risky.” But some opportunities “to make money” in some “legitimate things” had come up.

“You know,” said DeLeo, “there’s some place in New Jersey, Bayonne, that we got, and there’s a construction company here in Boston that wants the job. It’s a 10-year-job… Anyhow, I should make money there. That’s what I’m hoping for. I gotta make money for my old age.”

The Psychology Behind Online Gambling: Insights for Pokiesurf Players

2025-05-14T06:22:00.002-04:00

If you’re into online pokies australia, it helps to know what’s happening behind the scenes — not just in the game code, but in your own head. Online gambling is built to keep you spinning, swiping, and chasing wins, even when the odds are stacked against you. That’s not by accident. It’s psychology, baked into every flashing light and near-miss.

In this article, we’re digging into how your brain reacts to pokies, why they’re designed the way they are, and what you can do to stay in control while still having a good time. If you understand how the tricks work, you’re less likely to fall for them.

Why Your Brain Loves Pokies

Pokies trigger your brain’s reward system. Every spin, every sound, every little win — even when it’s smaller than your bet — lights up the same areas of the brain that respond to food, sex, or praise. It’s like your brain gets a shot of feel-good juice every time those reels line up just right (or almost right).

The randomness of pokies is part of what makes them addictive. You don’t know when the next win will come — and that’s exactly what keeps people coming back. Your brain sees that uncertainty as exciting, not frustrating.

There’s also the sunk-cost effect. The more you put in, the harder it becomes to walk away. You feel like you’re “due” for a win, even though each spin is random and doesn’t care how much you’ve already spent.

Common Psychological Hooks Used in Online Gambling

Online pokies are designed to hold your attention. The developers use psychological tricks — often subtle — that mess with your perception of value, time, and chance. Once you know what to look for, it’s easier to spot when a game is pulling your strings.

How pokies keep you playing:

Near-misses: The reels stop one symbol away from a jackpot — feels like you almost won, but you didn’t.
Losses disguised as wins: You bet $2 and win $1.50 — the game still flashes and celebrates.
Fast spins: Quick results keep you in the zone without breaks.
Sound design: Every spin, win, or loss is paired with audio cues that boost tension or excitement.
Progress bars and levels: Makes gambling feel like a game to be “beaten.”

These aren’t bugs or accidents. They’re deliberate and crafted to keep you playing longer than you planned.

Emotional Triggers That Affect Your Play

Your emotional state plays a massive role in how you gamble. Stress, boredom, loneliness — these are the top triggers that push people into gambling more than they intended. When pokies are used to escape reality, they stop being fun and start being a coping mechanism.

On the flip side, even excitement or confidence after a win can mess with your judgment. You start betting more, feeling invincible, until a bad run snaps you back. Recognising when your mood is steering your choices is a big step toward playing smarter.

Table: How Psychology Shapes Pokies Design

To see just how tightly linked psychology is to pokies, here’s a breakdown of what’s happening behind the scenes.

Design Feature	Psychological Effect
Random rewards	Builds addiction through variable reinforcement
Bright colours and sounds	Triggers dopamine response
Auto-spin or turbo mode	Shortens time between bets, increases risk-taking
“Big Win” animations	Amplifies small wins to feel more exciting
Near-miss outcomes	Makes losses feel like close calls
Free spins & bonuses	Encourages longer sessions with perceived value

Knowing this helps you separate what feels exciting from what’s actually smart. It’s not about killing the fun — it’s about seeing through the distractions.

Smart Habits for Pokiesurf Players

Once you understand how online pokies work on your mind, you can build habits to stay sharp. These aren’t strict rules — just solid practices to keep you from sliding into patterns you’ll regret later.

Habits that keep you in control:

Set time and money limits before playing
Walk away after a win — don’t chase more
Avoid gambling when tired, angry, or bored
Keep track of how much you’re spending
Use features like time-outs or reality checks

These habits help you treat pokies like entertainment, not a financial strategy or emotional escape hatch.

List: Red Flags You’re Getting Hooked

It’s easy to lose track of how often or how much you’re playing, especially on mobile. These signs are worth paying attention to.

Watch for these signs:

You lie about how much you’ve played or spent
You gamble to “feel better” or escape a bad day
You’re chasing losses regularly
You feel anxious or down after a session
You think about pokies even when you’re not playing

One or two of these popping up now and then isn’t cause for panic. But if they’re showing up often, it’s worth stepping back and reassessing your play.

How Pokiesurf Supports Responsible Gambling

Pokiesurf doesn’t just offer pokies — it also gives players tools to stay in control. You’ve got access to things like deposit limits, time-out options, and clear payout details. The interface is easy to use and works well on mobile, so it’s simple to find and activate these tools.

What makes Pokiesurf stand out is how upfront they are about gambling responsibly. They don’t bury the help features in hidden menus — they’re right there when you need them. That matters, especially when the line between fun and addiction can blur quickly.

Why the Brain Keeps Wanting “Just One More Spin”

There’s a reason the phrase “just one more” is so common among gamblers. It’s called the variable reward system — the same thing that keeps people scrolling social media or refreshing notifications. You don’t know when the next win’s coming, so your brain treats every spin like it might be the one.

That’s also why it’s hard to stop after a loss. Your brain doesn’t want to end on a bad note. It wants closure — even though that closure rarely comes. Understanding this helps you make cleaner decisions, instead of emotional ones.

What to Do if Gambling Starts Getting Out of Hand

You don’t need to hit rock bottom to decide you’ve had enough. Sometimes a short break, a talk with a mate, or using a self-exclusion tool is enough to reset. There’s no shame in stepping back — it’s actually a smart move.

Plenty of services in Australia offer help, no judgment attached. And you can stay anonymous if you want. The sooner you act, the easier it is to bounce back without things getting messy.

Final Thoughts: Don’t Let the Game Play You

Pokies aren’t evil. They’re designed to be fun — but also to keep you spinning longer. Once you understand the psychology behind them, you take some of that power back. You stop falling for the same hooks and start playing on your own terms.

At the end of the day, it’s your money, your time, and your brain. Play like it.

Bobby Manna, The Genovese Power Who Once Sought To Behead The Gambinos, Released From Prison

2025-05-07T14:52:00.030-04:00

''Gene Gotti's dead." --Bobby Manna (as per FBI transcripts)

''We're gonna be paying for this, you know, for the rest of our lives." -- James (Jimmy Nap) Napoli

Louis (Bobby) Manna— the Genovese family's former number three man who in the 1980s was poised to shoot it out with the Gotti regime of the Gambino family to protect Genovese family interests in the Garden State—was released from prison last month and is now under the care of court-approved custodians, as per reports.

Manna and his crew were rounded up in June 1988.

Manna was recorded plotting to kill both John Gotti and his older brother Gene, among others.

Manna, 95, served more than 36 years of an 80-year Federal racketeering sentence. U.S. District Court Judge Robert Kirsch granted the petition for “compassionate release” –which detailed Manna’s deteriorating health – on April 16.

Manna reportedly is bed-ridden and suffers from chronic kidney disease, lung cancer, bacterial infection, and other maladies.

Prosecutors opposed the “early” release (how shocking!) arguing that Manna was undeserving. Granting his freedom “would not reflect the seriousness of his (criminal) conduct, promote respect for the law or provide just punishment.”

Judge Kirsch pushed back, saying that while he “finds Manna’s conduct decades ago to be nothing short of depraved” … “it is reasonable to conclude (that his) multi-decades-long incarceration period …undoubtedly promotes respect for the law and the severe consequences for convictions under the RICO Act.”

Kirsch also detailed in court papers that Manna will be “under 24-hour house arrest (by federal probation officers) with GPS monitoring, the cost of which will be borne by Manna’s custodians” and can only be in contact with people approved by federal probation officers.

In addition to plotting the Gotti murders, Manna was charged with the January 1977 murder of Frank Bok Chung Chin, an electronics expert who had agreed to testify for the government (this blogger found little detail on this killing) and the 1987 execution of Irwin (The Fat Man) Schiff, a 350-pound mobbed-up businessman who was slain while dining with a lady friend at the Upper East Side restaurant Bravo Sergio....

Bravo Sergio one night in August 1987... the small, intimate Italian restaurant on Second Avenue near 75th Street is more of a neighborhood place than, say, the more upscale Sparks Steak House... Schiff—a regular customer who "loved to eat," as the chef would later say—and his date (the New York papers will later dub her the "mysterious blonde") have finished dining (Schiff's last meal was a Caesar salad, double shrimp cocktail, veal rollatini, and rigatoni with bacon, onions, and tomato, followed by bananas and strawberries flambe), and he is paying the $90 bill, plus $30 tip, in cash—and a tall masked man wearing a dark suit and gripping a .38-caliber pistol quietly slips into the restaurant via a side door. He walks up behind Schiff and blasts him twice in the head ....the blonde companion, along with all the other startled patrons and the staff hurried out of the restaurant in the moments after the shooting.... Somewhere on the scene was Manna confidant Bocci DeSciscio, prosecutors later alleged, in case the shooter needed assistance....

Not long after Philadelphia boss Nicodemo (Little Nicky) Scarfo's January 8, 1987, arrest, Gambino boss John Gotti started maneuvering to absorb the North New Jersey rackets that had been part of Scarfo's Garden State empire, putting the Gambino crime family head to head with the Genovese family. This is according to law enforcement sources, including the State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation (SCI), which highlights the Gambino family's efforts in its 1989 report.

As per the SCI report, the Genovese family had been far more influential in New Jersey, with more high-ranking members based there. The Genovese family in fact "was the first of the five New York-based families to expand its rackets to New Jersey decades ago." The Genovese family controlled gambling, labor racketeering, loansharking and narcotics distribution throughout New Jersey. The family also had longtime control of several labor unions, particularly various trucking and garbage hauling locals on the New Jersey waterfront.

Additionally, Manna, the reputed Genovese consiglieri, was based in New Jersey. Manna, who used Casella's Restaurant in Hoboken as his base of operations, had built a strong alliance with Nicky Scarfo and had the most to lose in the rivalry with the Gambinos. (Manna met Scarfo back in 1971 when Scarfo was serving his highly consequential year-long bid for an SCI contempt citation at the Yardville Correctional Center. Also there at the time: Philadelphia don Angelo Bruno, Genovese underboss Gerardo (Jerry) Catena, Bonanno capo Joseph (Joe Bayonne) Zicarelli, and Genovese family powerhouse Anthony (Little Pussy) Russo, who was a member of Ruggiero (Richie the Boot) Boiardo's crew.)

Manna was the Genovese family leader who sought to stop the Gambino boss and was recorded plotting to kill both John Gotti and his older brother Gene, among others.

Casella's, Genovese hangout in Hoboken, is now a derelict property.

The new Gambino boss made no bones about wanting every piece of Scarfo's gambling, loan sharking, and labor racketeering enterprises in Hudson, Essex and Passaic Counties. And whatever the Gambinos could grab along with it from Bobby Manna.

Gotti was actually successful very early in the game.

The SCI report noted, "The Gambino family's new-found strength in New Jersey has begun to surface, with its associates taking positions of authority on the waterfront once held by Genovese associates."

''We saw John Gotti try to move in very quickly,'' said Superintendent of the New Jersey State Police, Col. Clinton L. Pagano. ''The Genovese family has been long established in northern New Jersey, and they felt the (Scarfo) business should have gone to them.''

Gotti, a murderous usurper who shot his way to power in December 1985, was an aggressive expansionist on every front imaginable. He even fomented civil war in the Colombo family as part of a larger effort to take control of the Commission and install himself as "boss of bosses," an early, but defunct, role that had once been the most powerful position in the hierarchy of the American Mafia. (See Salvatore Maranzano.)

While Manna—who had four capos under him, even though he was consigliere for the entire family—was the primary player in the plotting against Gotti, investigators had little doubt that reclusive Genovese family boss Vincent (Chin) Gigante, who had existing animosity toward Gotti because of how he came to power (by killing Chin's partner, Paul Castellano, Gotti's predecessor), was directly behind Manna and had authorized the hit on Gotti.

''(Chin) would have to know,'' Superintendent Pagano has said. ''It could not go without his approval.''

That means Chin didn't put all his eggs in one basket when it came to the the Gambino boss. Gigante also allegedly allied with Luchese family leaders to behead the Gambino family. The pact with Anthony (Gaspipe) Casso and Vic Amuso led to the violent murder of Gotti underboss Frank DeCicco in April 1986, when his car was bombed outside the Veterans and Friends Club, a Gambino storefront social club on 86th Street near 14th Avenue in Bensonhurst. DeCicco had been visiting Castellano loyalist James Failla. The bombing was meant for Gotti, who had also planned to visit Failla that day, but canceled. The bomb was only detonated after Luchese soldier Frank (Frankie Heart) Bellino, a DeCicco pal, was mistaken for Gotti. (The Machiavellian Gaspipe had chosen to use a bomb as part of a ruse to confuse potential Gambino investigators into believing that Sicilian Mafiosi, who generally used explosives to kill their enemies, were responsible.)

Seizing Scarfo's rackets was only part of Gotti's focus on expanding into New Jersey. Gotti had close relationships with numerous other wiseguys in the Garden State's only homegrown Mafia family, the DeCavalcante family, including with boss Giovanni (John The Eagle) Riggi, even when many New York Mafiosi had pure contempt for the "sixth family."

TRANSCRIPTS
Transcripts of Manna and others, which were distributed at Manna's 1988 trial, were based on 12 conversations at Casella's Restaurant that occurred between Aug. 5, 1987, and January. 14, 1988. The talks were intercepted by eavesdropping devices hidden in the restaurant.

In an Aug. 5 conversation, Martin (Motts) Casella, who owned the restaurant and was identified as one of the voices on the tape, discussed the impending slaying of Schiff, who Federal officials said had links to both the Genovese and Gambino crime families and was thought to have been skimming money owed the Genovese family.

''You wanna hit him?'' one of the unidentified men said, according to the transcript.

''We'll do him good at night,'' the other man replied. ''Bobby Manna didn't like CC.''

Prosecutors said ''CC'' was a code name for Schiff, based on Construction Coordinators, a New York business in which he held an interest.

''I'll bring it up at a meeting and we'll discuss it,'' Casella responded.

Aug. 8, Schiff was shot in the head twice.

Two days later, Casella talked about the murder with two men identified by Federal authorities as Genovese family associates: Daniello, a retired Hoboken police lieutenant, and James Napoli. (Napoli is actually Brooklyn-based Genovese capo James (Jimmy Nap) Napoli.)

''The place was jammed, all the people ran out,'' Daniello said in an apparent reference to the aftermath of the shooting. ''Bobby picked this kid out,'' he added - a reference, authorities said, to Manna's selecting the gunman in the Schiff slaying.

Daniello said, ''It takes guts though to do it like that, this kid was a. . . .''

''Stone killer," Casella responded.

The plot against John Gotti first came up on Sept. 21 in a conversation among Manna, Casella and Daniello.

Prosecutors said the plan was to hit Gotti near a club he frequented on Woodhaven Boulevard and 101st Avenue in Ozone Park, Queens.

''Wear a disguise,'' Manna said. ''It's an open place.''

An unidentified man asked: ''Do you know where you'se are going to do this guy?''

''Yeah, on that corner,'' Casella responded.

''You know, this should be good and fast if it's John Gotti up on the Boulevard and, ah, hundred and one,'' the man said.

The F.B.I. subsequently notified Gotti of the reported plot, and, according to an Oct. 9 transcript, the Genovese associates learned of the warning.

''Hey, John Gotti knows,'' Casella said on Oct. 9.

An unidentified man responded, ''John Gotti knows we. . . .''

''That we ordered it?'' another man said.

But the plotting continued, the authorities said.

On Jan. 10, Manna was overheard saying, ''a big hit, John Gotti,'' and then apparently discussing with DeSciscio and others the selection of a gunman.

Two days later, in a conversation between Manna and James Napoli, Manna said: ''Gene Gotti's dead.''

''When are you gonna hit him?'' Napoli asked.

''Gene Gotti's dead," Manna repeated.

''We're gonna be paying for this, you know, for the rest of our lives,'' Napoli said.

The Genovese family at the time was beset with internal turmoil. Vincent (Fish) Cafaro had flipped and key Genovese powers had been sent to prison.

"All of these problems drove Manna to plot the murders of John and Gene Gotti in an attempt to restore lost areas of control and to prevent more losses," the Commission Report noted.

Despite his long-simmering hatred of Gotti for killing Big Paul, Gigante supposedly was slow to take on the Gambinos as they moved in on Genovese family turf in the Garden State. As per the NJ Commission report, Gigante almost seemed to allow the Gambinos to become firmly entrenched in bars, construction projects, restaurants, gambling and other Genovese enterprises in New Jersey. Chin's indifference deeply angered Manna.

Manna was among the members and associates of the Genovese family who were nabbed in a June 1988 roundup by the FBI and New Jersey State Police. Manna and his co-defendants were slammed with a 42-count indictment that also charged them with extortion, loan sharking, labor racketeering, and gambling.

He was later convicted and sentenced to 80 years in prison. At Manna’s sentencing, US District Judge Maryanne Trump Barry (the sister of the President) noted that the jury foreman at Manna's trial—the first anonymous jury in New Jersey history—was so nervous "after hearing evidence of cold-blooded murder and conspiracies to murder" that two of his fellow jurors held his hands to support him as he delivered the verdict.

Chart of Genovese family's New Jersey faction.

Whatever power and spoils John Gotti accrued from his New Jersey moves, by December 1990, when the FBI nailed him and his administration at his Little Italy Ravenite headquarters, it—along with much of everything else—was mooted. Gotti most definitely would have had much different priorities.

Gotti and his consiglieri Frank Locascio were tried and convicted in 1992 and given life sentences (the Ravenite tapes and the former underboss's testimony did the duo in). In 2002, Gotti died of head and neck cancer at the Federal prison hospital in Springfield, Missouri, at age 61.

As for Genovese family operations in the Garden State post-Manna, we can consider longtime Genovese associate-turned-turncoat Peter (Petey Cap) Caporino, who had been in Manna’s crew. After Manna went away, Petey Cap paid tribute to Manna's wife for the next 10 years, then started kicking up to Joseph (Big Joe) Scarbrough, an up-and-coming Genovese associate who oversaw a Hoboken crew. Big Joe reported directly to Lawrence (Little Larry) Dentico, aka Larry Fab, who had been one of Manna's top aides. Dentico and Frank (Punchy) Illiano together were overseeing the Genovese family. Gigante was behind bars.

The wily-as-a-fox Chin died in December 2005 at 77 from heart problems at a Federal prison medical center in Springfield, Mo.

Kitchen Nightmares Gangster Back In Business (Mob Business, That Is)

2025-05-05T14:19:00.011-04:00

“Nobody is gonna go against them. They’d go head to head with anybody.”
Source on Michael (Mikey Nose) Mancuso and his Administration in the Bonanno crime family.

Bonanno mobster Peter (Peter Pasta) Pellegrino, a name you are familiar with if you have been watching Gordon Ramsay's Kitchen Nightmares and reading Cosa Nostra News, is back in business—the gambling and shylocking business, though, not the restaurant business.

Peter Pasta Pellegrino. (From Facebook.)

In fact, Peter Pasta was among the Bonannos who benefitted from Michael (Mikey Nose) Mancuso's reorganization of the crime family last Christmas, we've learned. Pellegrino was bumped from acting capo to official capo. He’s now overseeing a Bonanno crew in Florida and one allied with Albanians in Ridgewood, Queens.

Also part of the Nose's Christmastime shakeup, Anthony (Bruno) Indelicato, the longtime Bonanno wiseguy who was a direct participant—he was one of the shooters—in the 1979 Carmine Galante murders, was named consiglieri earlier this year. Indelicato, who was released from prison in June 2022, is said to be carrying considerable clout on the street these days. Nose allowed him to keep his crew; capos typically give up their crews when bumped to join a borgata's administration.

Peter Pasta has come a long way since his capo, Nicholas (Nicky Cigars) Santora, shelved him back in 2005-06.

“Peter had words about something with Nicky at a wedding” and the shelving was the result, a source told us.

The source went on that Pete was recognized again not long before 2017, but was kept on a tight leash. Then he started producing and making money and caught the attention of certain people. "It’s like any other kind of job: when you are doing good things for the company, the company notices,” said the source.

Pellegrino was handed the crew in Florida, where he was planning to move, around the end of 2024. He’s also overseeing a crew in Ridgewood, Queens, that recently formed an alliance with area Albanians.

We’ve also learned that the zips are still around—and that Peter has a few of the Sicilians with him.

“They are few and far between, but they are still around,” another source told us of the zips. The old rule still applies, he said: if you’re made in Italy, you can’t be made here.

Peter Pasta has been attracting considerable attention. He has been seen hanging his hat in Manhattan at places including Carbone on Thompson Street. He’s been seen driving a Jaguar and Mercedes and being driven around in a Jeep Cherokee. He splits his time between New York and Florida (just about every six weeks he's boarding an airplane) and has a house in Middle Village and a beachfront condo in the Sunshine State, we’ve been told.

Bruno, left, and Frank Lino.

Peter Pasta and the Bonanno family have been catching some heat recently.

“Peter and some other guys were caught on wiretap” about two years ago, said a source.

Then, back in March, Pellegrino was pulled over in Ridgewood while making collections with a member of his crew.

“They were stopped after rolling through a stop sign,” said one of the sources. “It was the Feds. They told Pete they had an early birthday present for him (his birthday is in April). They handed him a subpoena.”

Pellegrino and other Bonannos recently had to show up in Manhattan and give the Feds voice prints.

The Strange Fate Of Santo Giordano

2025-05-02T12:55:00.023-04:00

One night in early May 1981, FBI agents were watching the Middle Village, Queens, home of Bonanno soldier Santo Giordano, a skilled mechanic who operated a gas station and was a licensed pilot.

Santo Giordano, aka Tony.

Giordano belonged to the Bonanno family’s Zip faction, which at the time had been aggressively focusing on the sale of heroin. The Zip faction also included Gerlando (George from Canada) Sciascia, Sal Catalano, Cesare Bonventre, Baldo Amato, and Giovanni Ligammari (who would all variously feature in the Pizza Connection Case). Also fully with the Zips was the “Sixth Family,” members of the Bonanno-linked outpost that Carmine Galante had established in Montreal decades prior. When Galante was slain by members of his own crime family in 1979, Giordano was among the Bonannos stationed outside the restaurant. The wheelman, he stood guard by the car used to ferry the shooters to and from the scene. Giordano’s fingerprint was later discovered on a door handle, though events would preclude federal prosecutors from nailing Santo for any involvement in the murders.

As the agents watched the mobster’s house that May night in 1981, Giordano’s car, which had been sleeping quietly in the driveway, abruptly fired into life and took off at top speed—too fast for the agents to keep pursuit.

The FBI caught up with him days later, when they learned that Giordano was residing in the ICU of a Queens hospital.

FBI agents Carmine Russo and Charlie Rooney visited Giordano, who was wearing bandages around his chest.

“I heard you had some trouble,” Russo said.

“Me?” Giordano said. “Oh, this? Nah, this is nothing.”

“The doctors say you were shot.”

“An accident,” Giordano said.

“How’d it happen, Santo?” Russo asked.

“Argument over a parking spot.”

“Where?”

“I don’t remember,” Giordano said.

The agents later learned that Giordano had caught some friendly fire during the fatal strike against a trio of capos helming a dissident faction of the Bonanno family.

Alphonse (Sonny Red) Indelicato, Philip Giaccone, and Dominick (Big Trin) Trinchera were not men to be trifled with. The three had together grown increasingly disillusioned with Philip (Rusty) Rastelli's prison house leadership and had begun to make their feelings known, were in fact coming on like a freight train. Giaccone had been targeted first, but the hit was called off, possibly because the decision had been reached that the better move would be to simply wipe out the heads of the dissidents in one fell swoop.

The night of the murders, on May 5, Giordano had been in the social club in Brooklyn on 13th Avenue when, as per the prearranged plan, several loyalists to Rastelli leapt out of a closet and opened fire on the three capos. Giordano was mistakenly hit in the back. Once the massacre had ended, Montreal-based Bonanno wiseguy Vito Rizzuto and his Zip confidants grabbed Giordano and rushed him out of the club via a back exit that Bonanno powers Joe Massino and Salvatore Vitale didn't even know existed. (It was a Gambino club.)

As minutely detailed in the excellent Last Days of the Sicilians, a wounded Giordano, in severe agony, was driven to the Brooklyn basement apartment of his uncle, Gaspare Bonventre, at around 11:00 p.m.

Bonventre, who had been sleeping, went to the door and asked who was there.

“Nino, it’s Tony,” came the reply.

(Santo Giordano was often called Tony, and he referred to his uncle as Nino.)

The uncle opened the door to see his nephew, who was alone and in pain, collapsing, almost on his knees, while attempting to lean against a nearby wall.

His uncle put his arm around Giordano’s shoulders and helped him inside and down the stairs. Giordano collapsed once they reached the bottom of the staircase, and refused to move.

As Giordano lay on the floor suffering, Vito Rizzuto and his confederates, who of course had just murdered three people and couldn’t very well call an ambulance, were racing to another part of Brooklyn in an attempt to find Giordano discreet medical attention.

Dr. Edward Salerno—a Brooklyn-based doctor who had been caring for patients, including Giordano, for nearly 25 years—was relaxing in his pajamas and watching the 11 o’clock news when “(t)he bell rang and I opened the door,” Salerno would later recall, “and I saw this man that I knew by sight. He asked me if I could go with him because there was an emergency.”

Salerno did not know the name of the man but had seen him frequenting the Café del Viale on Knickerbocker Avenue, which was located near the doctor’s office. In fact, the doctor went there almost every morning for coffee before his office hours began.

He asked about the nature of the emergency.

“I’ll tell you later,” he was told.

The doctor was reluctant about the turn his evening was taking, but the visitor was insistent—and gave Salerno a wad of cash, which the doctor pocketed, not wanting to count it then and there. (He later learned it was $500.)

Salerno threw on some street clothes, grabbed his medical bag, and slipped into the back seat of a waiting car, where he found himself sitting next to Cesare Bonventre.

“(The driver) told me we’re going to Bensonhurst. That’s the only conversation I had with him,” Salerno said of the car ride.

After the doctor was finally ushered down the stairs of the basement apartment, he recognized Giordano, who was lying on the floor and screaming out in pain. Salerno checked his pulse (it was weak) and his blood pressure (it was extremely low).

Giordano was deathly pale, and the blood seemed to be freely flowing from an apparent wound in his back.

Salerno injected him with morphine.

“He had been shot. I saw there was a bullet lodged in his chest under the skin. So I turned him around to see where the entry bullet [wound] was and I noticed the entry bullet was some place around his back,” Salerno said.

“It was very fresh. I don’t know how fresh it was. There was too much blood on the floor.”

He realized Giordano’s condition was grave and that just stitching him up wouldn’t solve the problem. The doctor knew that Giordano needed major surgery—in a hospital.

Salerno told the men around him that Giordano would die if he wasn’t brought to a hospital immediately.

“I will call the ambulance,” Salerno said.

Still, Giordano protested, begging Salerno to handle the problem himself.

Giordano needed an ambulance to take him to the nearest hospital, Coney Island Hospital, for immediate surgery, the doctor said.

“I called the private ambulance myself … I also called the hospital and the surgery room, to have the operating room ready, and I went with Mr. Giordano in the ambulance,” Salerno said. “He was taken to the operating room immediately. The result of the operation was that the bleeding was stopped. The man was paralyzed and the paralysis was permanent,” he said.

While neither Salerno nor Giordano’s associates had called the police over the gunshot injury, as is required by law, an officer in the emergency room at the time noticed what was happening and approached medical staff. A report on the incident eventually reached the FBI.

In late July 1983, Giordano was taking his twin-engine Aero Commander on its maiden flight to the nearby Long Island-MacArthur Airport, where it was to have some minor repair and radio work, when it crashed in flames at Bayport-Edwards Airport in Suffolk County on Long Island.

Giordano, 40, and Ralph Wheeler, 62, of Woodbury, N.Y., died in the crash.

Giordano’s friends said he had purchased the plane eight years prior at Kennedy Airport after it was damaged in an on-ground collision with a cement truck. Giordano worked on the plane since purchasing it, getting it ready for flight and also modifying it to resemble a 1950 model plane.

John Rae of Bayport, an experienced pilot, had witnessed the plane go into a stall, apparently from a power loss, almost immediately after it was airborne. He said the plane “rolled over and came down hard.”

The wreckage was moved to Long Island-MacArthur for inspection by officials from the National Transportation Safety Board.

The previous year, testifying in court from a wheelchair, Giordano acknowledged that he had been wounded on May 5, 1981. But he maintained that he had been shot by an unknown man who started a fistfight with him on a Brooklyn street when he complained that the man's car was double-parked.

He was aggressively questioned about his testimony by the prosecution, which was seeking to bolster earlier testimony from Joseph D. Pistone, aka Donnie Brasco, the undercover FBI agent who said he had learned that an associate had been shot by mistake at the time of the murders of the three capos.

Yes, Former Gambino Associate John Alite Is A Councilman (In New Jersey) And A Former Gotti Family Spokesperson Confronted Him At A Town Hall

2025-04-28T19:24:00.015-04:00

Englishtown, New Jersey, entered the pages of history in the 18th century when General George Washington briefly made it his headquarters following the Battle of Monmouth in 1778. The town got another dramatic, albeit much more recent, kick last month when the mayor appointed former Gambino associate John Alite to serve on the town council.

By now, many of you have already heard about—or read the big New York Post story on—John Alite’s latest gig serving as a councilman for Englishtown, a small town of around 2,300 residents in New Jersey's Monmouth County. (Fun fact: Vito Genovese purchased property there in 1935 and had the grounds redesigned to resemble Naples, Italy. The gardens of the estate—which include a fake volcano—can still be perused today.)

Alite’s move into politics doesn’t really surprise us—pretty much nothing does these days. This nation last November elected a twice-impeached convicted felon to the office of President of the United States. In fact, that's seemingly not unrelated to this story, or so we thought. John knowingly or not stepped into the political realm in 2022 when he (and Skinny Joey Merlino and god knows who else) began visiting Mar-a-Lago. But while Alite told us he campaigned for Trump, he said meeting the President has no connection to his move into politics. Rather, Englishtown Mayor Daniel Francisco appointed him to fill a vacancy (he will serve through 2025, then run for another term). John also has the support of other local leaders who said they were impressed by his civic work helping youths. He was sworn into office last month at an Englishtown Council meeting.

Helping youth stay off drugs and out of trouble has been John’s longtime crusade since departing prison in 2012 after serving 14 years. His criminal record didn’t prevent him from leaping into politics because in New Jersey, disqualification from public office is limited to crimes committed while the person in question is actually holding public office or public employment.

Reaction (mainly from people who don’t live in Englishtown) has been all over the board.

Mayor Francisco, however, has said he’s only interested in the reaction from Englishtown residents. And he has said, on record, that the town’s residents already know Alite and don't mind. "There's nothing to hide, everyone knows each other," Francisco said.

As for his relationship with Alite, Francisco said in a media interview that they have "known each other for a couple of years, but our understanding of each other is hanging out at local businesses, hanging out with our business owners and talking about the issues that our town faces, mostly around the prospect of trying to get development going."

Alite told us that Francisco doesn't care about his past criminal record. He said Francisco only wanted to know about his current work on the anti-drug front.

Alite said that while he initially faced some skeptics, including on the council, he eventually was able to win them over.

“I don’t run from my past,” he said.

Alite is one of two appointments made by the mayor, who had to fill vacancies created when two members of the Englishtown council resigned. Francisco said he asked for the resignations owing to a "local incident,” which he hasn’t gone into any detail about because it involves, he said, a "legal issue."

Alite’s longtime anti-drug crusade forms the basis of his political platform. (Since we first met him in 2014, John has been working to steer kids away from drugs and trouble—and we say this based on empirical evidence: he picked us up on a few blistering cold winter mornings so we—meaning me—could accompany him to some of his youth talks.) But there’s also a very personal reason—as personal as it gets—for John’s entry into local politics (as well as his move to Englishtown), one that readers of this blog are familiar with: his 30-year-old daughter Chelsea died in 2022 of a fentanyl overdose. Alite moved into a house in Englishtown that his family owned but had been renting out in search of a fresh start.

Entering politics—or even trying to—is an invitation to intense public and media scrutiny (such scrutiny that even John F. Kennedy, had he been born in our day, probably wouldn’t have entered politics, his son once said). So, yes, it hasn’t been all smooth sailing for John Alite—or the Englishtown mayor, who has been described as “despotic” in local news accounts.

During a recent town hall meeting, John faced down a longtime nemesis: former Gotti family spokesman Chris "Kasparoza," who showed up at the meeting.

He asked Mayor Francisco: "Are you aware that he's committed welfare fraud?"

As per the Asbury Park Press, which didn’t identify Chris by name—but did say that the critic “admitted to working for Alite's former boss John Gotti Jr.,”—it got a bit heated, with residents shouting: "(Alite) started a new life!" and “We don't want to hear any of this!" and "Go! Go! Go!"

“The support for Alite was palpable.”

The New York Post (MFers beat us to the punch on this story) presented a similar version of the story, identifying Chris by a different surname:

"John Alite, a former Gambino crime family enforcer-turned-mob turncoat now serving as a councilman in the sleepy New Jersey borough of Englishtown, was heckled during his first town hall meeting by a former underling of John Gotti Jr.

However, Alite didn’t have to lay a finger on his critic — 39-year-old Christopher George of Huntington, LI — as dozens of townspeople shouted him down. ...

“Stop harassing this guy! He did what he had to do. He did his time. That’s it! Go! You don’t belong here!” one resident shouted.

“Do me a favor! Step the f–k out of here!” raged another man gesturing toward the door. “Who the f–k is this dude?”

Another told George if residents are unhappy with Alite’s March appointment they’ll have a chance to vote him out of office later this year, adding “I don’t need to listen to you badger somebody at this meeting.”

Others shouted in unison, “Go! Go! Go!” and demanded cops escort George out before he exited Borough Hall on his own.

We weren’t there to witness the event, and when reached for comment, Chris wasn't exactly forthright with us, stalling us and claiming that what you read above from the Asbury Park Press and the New York Post (both stories!) was not accurate.

Yeah, right.

How The 'Ndrangheta Allegedly Infiltrated Canadian Banks

2025-04-08T08:49:00.004-04:00

Italy's most powerful mafia group The 'Ndrangheta allegedly entered Canada's financial system. They allegedly laundered millions through relationships with bankers. This is the tale of how organized crime met corporate banking, and how it all played out.

The 'Ndrangheta, the shadowy Italian mafia, has long been a major player in international organized crime. But its purported infiltration of Canadian banks shows new sophistication. Accused of using relationships with employees at major Canadian banks to launder money and fund crime, one Toronto-based faction is led by Angelo Figliomeni. It was never tried despite a massive police investigation. So how do we combat organized crime in Canada? So how did a panini-selling man become a key figure in this international web of connections?

Lessons from Online Casinos on Trust

Any financial system, whether it is a bank, business, or online casino, relies on trust. As an example, players are attracted to casinos that let you play without making a deposit because they offer safe, risk-free gaming. These are secure platforms that attract players by protecting their data and their money. Banking works on the same basic idea of trust between people and banks. But what happens if that trust gets taken advantage of?

Police say in the case of The 'Ndrangheta, the group manipulated this trust to enter Canadian banks. The group allegedly broke into systems designed to protect legitimate transactions by forming relationships with bank employees. This breach of trust let them move the illicit funds undetected, at least temporarily. Similar parallels exist: just as online casinos must improve their security to protect their players, banks must prevent exploitation by organized crime.

A Relationship Built on Trust and Cash

This all begins with Angelo Figliomeni allegedly cheating on him by dating Nicola "Nick" Martino, a former Royal Bank of Canada employee. Police wiretaps caught Figliomeni asking for answers about missing funds and Martino allegedly facilitating deposits. The investigators believe those deposits were part of a larger money-laundering ring that had Martino moving the shady funds into seemingly legitimate accounts.

The role of Martino went beyond banking. He once ran Figliomeni's sandwich shop, Via Panini, and sold him a house. Police allege Martino was involved in the group's activities, using his role at RBC to rig financial systems. Martino was never charged despite such allegations. Police had painted routine banking as criminal, his lawyers argued. This raises questions about How much trust should a banker have with a client before it becomes illegal?
TD Banking on Unorthodox Practices

Not only did Figliomeni allegedly operate a network at RBC, but Police also investigated two employees of TD Bank - financial planner Gabriel D'Andrea. Wiretaps revealed that D'Andrea was friends with senior Figliomeni associate Vito Sili. In one call, D'Andrea told Sili: "You're never too busy for your banker." the seemingly innocent phrase took on a darker connotation when police charged D'Andrea with helping the group bank illegally.

And D'Andrea allegedly interfered with the bank. But he was caught on wiretaps and stayed at TD for years after the probe ended. The bank put him on administrative leave and launched an internal probe. Yet the case illustrates an unfortunate reality: even the most reputable institutions are open to organized crime infiltration.
Targetting Financial Systems

The case of John Gotti's grandson, Carmine G. Agnello is another example of alleged abuse of financial systems. They both show how organized crime targets legitimate programs, whether COVID relief loans or banking networks, to launder money or commit fraud. These cases highlight a continuing struggle to protect financial systems from criminal penetration.

The alleged operations in Canada are part of an overall international strategy. Italian authorities call it a "global criminal enterprise" with cells in over 30 countries. Figliomeni remains close to his native Siderno, Calabria. He is a top figure in the Siderno faction, which has turned its power base to Canada because the country has more money and weaker anti-mafia laws, Italian police allege.

This transnational website complicates law enforcement efforts. Even though Italian authorities have prosecuted Ndrangheta leaders at home, the Canadian legal system does not have a specific mafia association charge provision. This has given figures like Figliomeni relative impunity. The case asks: Can Canada fight organized crime without tougher anti-mafia laws?
The Never-Ending Trial

Although the case was as huge as Project Sindacato, an investigation into Figliomeni's alleged network, it collapsed before the trial began. Prosecutors suspended all charges after it emerged that police had intercepted privileged conversations between defendants and their lawyers. That legal error forced authorities to return more than $35 million in seized assets, including luxury cars and properties.

That's left some law enforcement frustrated. York Regional Police Chief Jim MacSween said it was a lost chance to really hold a major crime group responsible. For the banks impacted, the case has been a reputational headache. RBC and TD both acknowledged cooperating with authorities but questions remain about internal controls. How can financial institutions spot organized crime before it infiltrates?

Wrapping up with a tale about power, money, and missed chances, this serves as a wake-up call about how organized crime can still have a grip on Canadian banks. The case against Figliomeni and his associates fell apart despite a multi-million-dollar investigation. For mafia buffs, this is a story about a global criminal enterprise and how it can be brought to justice.